The Garden in Kampnagel

THE GARDEN Understanding the Social Structure and Dynamics of the Garden in Kampnagel by analyzing the Space through the Frictions, Practices, and physical Manifestations.

Reyhaneh Mohsenian Gözde Öner Gesche Valentin

HAFENCITY UNIVERSITÄT HAMBURG Summer Term 2023 Urban Design Project 2 „Transforming the Minimum - speculating Kampnagel“ IMPRESSUM: Copy Keller, Kleiner Schäferkamp 56, 20357 Hamburg Urban Design 2023 © 2023 HAFENCITY UNIVERSITÄT HAMBURG

We thank for the supervision within the course: Britta Arends, Project Manager IBA Clemens Doerr, Architekturlotsen Bernd Kniess, Prof. Urban Design Michelle Kubitzki, Tutor Urban Design Antonia Lembcke, Research Assistant Urban Design Sarah Müller, Tutor Urban Design Nicola Simon, Tutor Urban Design Jonas Zipf, Managing Director Kampnagel Special Thanks to Baltic Raw, Franz, Jens and Donna, Hassan, Mohammed from Migrantpolitan.

Also to Giuli for her Chai Lattes, Zoe for her vegan Cabonara and Mrs. Mohsenian for her Barberries.

4 

TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter One: Introduction Chapter Two: Historical Background

Chapter Three: Methodology

7 17 23

Chapter Four: Historical Background

31

Chapter Five: Who cares?

39

Chapter Six: Perceptions of the Garden The Garden as Kampnagel’s Backyard The Garden as Community Space (Paradise)

47 49 51

5

The Garden as Greenspace (Island) The Garden as Performance Space (Avant-Garten) Chapter Seven: The Interplay of the Perceptions Act 1: The Fanti Parade as a Catalyst for Cultivating Conflict Act 2: The International Summer Festival as a Motor of Transformation Act 3: Between Closure and Openness Chapter Eight: Conclusion and Radical Outcomes

54 55 59 59 66 78 87

References 97

Introduction to the Garden

CHAPTER ONE

Introduction to the Garden 7

Chapter One: Introduction 1.1.

Introduction to the Garden

Tucked away behind Hamburg’s lively Kampnagel theater lies a hidden green space that holds more than what meets the eye. While it’s just a short detour from the bustling main building, this garden is a patchwork of social dynamics that are not immediately evident. This study tries to reveal the complex layers of this garden’s hidden social dynamics, a space pulsating with vitality and yet draped in an aura of exclusivity.

The act of entering the garden evokes a distinct sentiment in stark contrast to the vibrant ambiance that envelops the neighboring plaza and main entrance. Contrary to the openness typically associated with areas in public domains, there is a strong sense that one is entering private property. The garden’s close proximity to the theater complex highlights the paradox of its safeguarded atmosphere. The question arises: What causes this garden, positioned immediately next to a public theater, to evoke a sense of inaccessibility?

What provoked our interest was a group of diasporic artists, the Migrantpolitan, who call this garden home. Not only do they take care of the plants and care for the garden, but they also use it for their art and events. Although to outsiders it may appear to be a lively and creative environment, its true essence proves to be more nuanced. Diverse interpretations coexist, portraying the garden as the community’s private

8

Introduction to the Garden

backyard and a platform for their artistic expression, or as a public green space accessible to all, and many others that we will in later chapters delve deep into.

The interplay of these different viewpoints may occasionally cause tensions. As outsiders step into this dynamic, they inevitably become part of the intricate tapestry. Each individual’s perceptions, shaped by personal experiences, contribute to their conceptualization of the garden – a shared, public space for everyone or an isolated haven reserved for the select few who’ve made it their own.

Our research digs into this, focusing on how space is created collectively – how different people contribute to shaping it. Beyond being a physical entity, the garden encapsulates the fusion of intentions, perceptions, and influences of those who inhabit it. As it transforms under the hands of its inhabitants, the garden’s purpose shape-shifts, adopting roles that reflect the evolving identities of those who give it life.

Our research is intertwined with urban gardening, as exemplified by the Migrantpolitans’ production of fruits and vegetables in this garden. This horticultural effort not only transforms the garden into a living canvas but also bridges the gap between the artistic and practical dimensions of the space. It reflects the notion of cultivating life in multiple senses— of nurturing growth, creativity, and community within the boundaries of this seemingly secluded oasis.

One of the fundamental goals of this research is to identify the visible

Introduction to the Garden 9

and invisible borders that define this space. These boundaries, both real and conceptual, depict the interactions between the garden’s occupants and the wider societal context. By interpreting the interrelation of these borders, our goal is to reveal the complex power dynamics that underlie the garden’s existence, and how they impact the conflicting perceptions of its function.

In the following pages, we’ll explore this concealed world, peeling back the layers of its social structure and the interesting dynamics that make it work. Our exploration invites a deeper understanding of the nuanced interplay between public and private, individual and collective, shared and exclusive. In a sense, the garden functions as a microcosm that embodies the complex interactions between people and the changeable character of space when defined by those who occupy it.

Research question: How do the practices, plants, and people structure the social dynamics of the garden in Kampnagel?

10 Introduction to the Garden

1.2.

Physical Characteristics of the Garden

The garden on the Kampnagel site is located next to office buildings and parking lots at the “back” of the halls. Upon entering the area, the green spaces are not immediately apparent as they are screened by trees, trash cans, and cars. There are two green areas separated by a paved road. These green spaces obviously differ in the way they function and are used. On one green area is an outdoor stage with tiered seating made of stone. It is partly covered with a sun sail and surrounded by a wooden fence. On the other green area is the Migrantpolitan, which, as a space for action and exchange for diasporic and local artists, is the central reference point of this area. On the two outer walls, various edible plants are cultivated in boxes built vertically one above the other in a wooden construction. There are also various seating options and other plants and trees in the green area. Some associate the word “garden” with the whole green area behind Kampnagel, and others only the green area surrounding the Migrantpolitan. All in all, the outdoor area on the back of the Kampnagel halls seems rather unusual in terms of the way it is used and the arrangement of the areas to be found. The presented green areas are centrally located in the outdoor area and are accordingly surrounded on all sides by asphalted paths and parked cars. In addition, they are structured by powerful steel cranes, which give the green areas an additional frame. The cranes refer to the past of the halls as a crane factory. In the midst of these various active and inactive functions and uses, the green area at Migrantpolitan appears with the garden as a green oasis and a counterweight to the remains of the former heavy industry.

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12 Introduction to the Garden

Our research interest in the garden at Kampnagel arose from these first observations of the outdoor area behind Kampnagel. In urban contexts, plants are directly related to individuals or communities who take care of them, i.e. take on the care work. The plants on the Kampnagel site, which refer to its social structures, form the starting point of our research interest. The first questions that arose in this context related directly to these structures: Who takes responsibility for the regular care of the plants? What is the relationship between the plants, the gardeners, and users of the garden, and the Migrantpolitan community? Which plants grow there and who decides what is cultivated? What is the function of gardening?

Since the garden area is shielded from the surrounding parking lot, questions also arose about who may enter this garden and about ownership: Is it a private or public space? Is it desirable as a resident to help with the watering? Who can harvest the vegetables and fruit? What are the official and unofficial rules of use?

The aim of this work is to make the hidden social structure visible through observation, interviews, and mapping of the Kampnagel garden and to work out the individual meanings of the practice of gardening for the users indicidually or collectively.

In the following chapters, we will begin by depicting the history of the garden as we know it, then continue to explain our research method, and onwards with the actors involved with the garden, the different interpretations and perceptions of it, and then we start analyzing the practices and interactions of the actors in three different scenarios,

Introduction to the Garden 13

where the tensions come into perspective, and we end the research by stating our conclusions and offering a radical outlook on the topic.

1.3. Relevancy of the Research Our research interest can be located at the intersection of various subject areas. The main focus is on the topics of flight and migration in the context of theater work, gardens and gardening in an urban context, as well as the production and appropriation of space. We inquire about the use and practices in the garden and, through the garden’s localization at Kampnagel, also touch upon the question of where it can be situated between the public and the private. It is also about the significance of plants and how they, along with other material artifacts and through interactions with actors, shape a social space.

The attempt to understand the social structures of Kampnagel’s garden reveals the interaction of the various actors, their motives, and the potentials that arise from their constellation. What happens through the cooperation of an established cultural institution like Kampnagel with the Migrantpolitan community and other actors when they jump into the “blank spots” (Interview, Donna & Hassan, 2023) and establish today’s garden? Through which practices do the different actors establish themselves and differentiate from one another? What conflicts arise and how? What do the relationship networks in the garden look like, what values do they rely on, and what are the potentials of these collaborations? What do they mean for the urban space? To what extent can they be exemplary in societal interaction?

All of these topics are set against the background of progressive climate

14 Introduction to the Garden

change, which has gained significance in the public discourse about green spaces and gardens in the urban context in recent years. At the same time, extreme weather conditions driven by climate change act as another catalyst for migration movements. Accordingly, it is crucial to explore what coexistence can look like, where people of different nationalities can live together in the urban space under the premise of sustainability. The garden at Kampnagel with the Migrantpolitan community brings these topics together and seeks to experiment with ways of living together: “The gardens are experimental laboratories for society.” (Gustedt, 2017, p. 69).

As previously described, urban gardening is a central approach to addressing these challenges, and particularly in large cities, there is an increasing experimentation with various forms of coexistence between plants, animals, and humans on a planning level. Ribeiro et al. associate the growing number of urban gardening projects with society’s increasing sustainability motives (Gustedt, 2017, p. 69). While collective gardening within the city emerged as a resistant emancipatory practice of community-oriented urban appropriation, the planning of collective gardens has become an instrument of neoliberal urban development (Rosol, 2017, p. 12).

Within the research landscape surrounding urban gardening, the focus ranges from social and ecological values for urban space to questions of world food security (Gustedt, 2017, p. 64). In her article, Evelyn Gustedt cites the website title “Urban Gardening - Changing our cities with gardens” as an example in order to convey the visions with which collective gardening is linked with regard to society as a whole and responsible coexistence (Gustedt, 2017, p. 64). In addition to the

Introduction to the Garden 15

integration of sustainability into urban life, urban gardening makes a contribution to social issues of urban development in the form that it can also provide answers to the planning processes of cities (Gustedt, 2017, p. 64). This diversity of urban gardening motifs also becomes clear in the case of Kampnagel’s garden and the different expectations of design and use in research.

The importance of space production and social cohesion in the city is just as significant for urban gardening as the ecological reasons. What makes our research site particular, is the connection of the garden with the renowned theater, which brings brings along considerable reach.

Thus, the societal transformative power of the lived utopia is multiplied locally by Kampnagel (Deuflhard, 2023, p. 305).

It is also about the potential of mobilizing public platforms that fight against gentrification and social exclusion, in this case, especially refugees. Caroline Strottman’s work examines the Grandhotel Cosmopolis project, a residential and cultural project with refugees. She focuses on the subjective perspective of the participants and the problems that arise.

Artists from Ausburg developed a concept for the former retirement home in the old town, which the city was considering as asylum accommodation. The Grandhotel Cosmopolis is a “place where travelers meet, where culture, hotel and gastronomy operations, as well as an emergency accommodation for refugees, are combined and where a free space for cosmopolitan coexistence and self-organized cultural work is created”1 (Strottmann, 2018, p. 238). This work reveals insti1 “Ort, an dem Reisende aufeinandertreffen, an dem Kultur-, Hotel und Gastronomiebetrieb sowie eine Notunterkunft für Geflüchtete vereint werden und an dem ein Freiraum für kosmopolitisches Zusammenleben und selbstorganisiertes Kulturschaffen entsteht”

16 Introduction to the Garden

tutional obstacles. Many similarities to Kampnagel can also be drawn, such as that “the private, at least to a certain extent, is institutionalized and exhibited publicly. Meanwhile, those involved often wish for everyday life, privacy, and normality. A paradoxical situation develops, which seems to be created on a conceptual level and harbors a problem: Everyday life and the (desired) normality of mundane life are irritated daily by external attributions and self-portrayals as something special (Strottmann, 2018, p. 243)”2.

The communication strategy at Migrantpolitan also seems to create a strong need for limits of accessibility. Besides this blurring of the public into the private, a similar dynamic occurs between leisure and work, through the “reflection of collaborative work processes and communication” (Strottmann, 2018, p. 244). On the other hand, the process-oriented approach in particular holds potential. Another area of tension lies between “organization and organism” (Strottmann, 2018, p. 250).

Organization means bureaucratic and administrative work, and organism means interpersonal, process-based, creative work, including democratic negotiation processes (Strottmann, 2018, p. 250). These tasks are carried out in parallel, permanently, and require a great deal of effort, but this is an opportunity “to really get to know one another, to learn from one another, and to find forms of life together. “The 2 “das Private, zumindest ein Stück weit, institutionalisiert und öffentlich ausstellt. Die Wirkenden wünschen sich unterdessen oft Alltag, Privatsphäre und Normalität. Es entwickelt sich eine paradoxe Situation, die auf konzeptionellen Ebene angelegt zu sein scheint und ein Problem, birgt: Der Alltag und die (erwünschte) Normalität des gemeinsamen Lebens werden täglich durch Außenzuschreibungen und Selbstdarstellungen als etwas Besonderes irritiert”.

Introduction to the Garden 17

joint, self-determined work enables the experience of direct and binding self-efficacy and a strong identification with the collective creation (Strottmann, 2018, p. 250).”

Similar to our work, conflicts, and areas of tension are outlined. The Grandhotel Cosmopolis also appears to soften intra- and interpersonal boundaries, while institutional boundaries remain rigid. The wing for emergency accommodations, contrary to agreements, cannot be freely designed, and deportation is part of everyday life (Strottmann, 2018, p.

247). Thanks to civil servants close to the citizens and the work permit provided by Kampnagel, institutional struggles are reduced in Migrantpolitan, while at the same time, it is located in a multi-coded space where different actors project different expectations. It is therefore not surprising that in the present work, several actors and the refugees are seen in this network of effects, i.e. according to the assemblage theory, and that the focus is not only on the power relationship between the institution and the participants. The point of view of refugees remains part of this work, but the focus of the present work, the potentials, the space production, and mechanisms of the urban garden of Kampnagel, remains at a cultural institution with a number of actors, whereby Migrantpolitan offers a driving actor and essential perspectives as presented by Strottman.

Theoretical Framework

CHAPTER TWO

Theoretical Framework 19

Chapter Three: Theoretical Framework 3.1. Theoretical Framework As is evident from the research question and our research interest, we want to grasp the garden as a social space and understand it in its relationships and interactions. For this, a theoretical examination of the production of space is essential. Here we refer to a relational understanding of space based on the work of Henri Lefebvre and Martina Löw. With regard to the structure of our work, we have followed the theoretical approach of Sofya Aptekar. She works with ideal types based on the work of Max Weber. In the following, we will present these two theoretical frameworks, which form the basis of our work. Both have an open approach and offer us the possibility to remain close to the actual material in the sense of grounded theory, according to which our methodological process is organized.

3.1.1. Production of Space Following Lefebvre, we understand space as socially produced: “(Social) space is a (social) product” (1991, p. 30). Space is not absolute, existing and experienced as closed in itself, but it is a product of complex interaction (Stoetzer, 2013, p. 47). Society structures space, which in turn has a structuring effect on society and simultaneously includes social transformation processes (Löw & Sturm, 2005, p. 1). The basis of this understanding of space and its production is Lefebvre’s triad of spatial production with the following three elements: spatial practice, representations of space and space of representation. These three dimensions represent the “fundamental moments of spatial production”1 1

“grundlegenden Momente der Raumproduktion”

20 Theoretical Framework

(Stoetzer, 2013, p. 50). The term “moment” underlines the fluidity and changeability of spaces and thus makes the temporal dimension a central element of the constitution of spaces. Starting from the concrete action, the spatial practice, space is produced and reproduced. This refers to actual practices that are perceptible. Each individual action simultaneously influences the action that follows it; they are generative and represent sequences of actions (Stoetzer, 2013, p. 52). They connect the past with the present.

The representations of space refer to how space is cognitively created, that is, how it has been conceptualized, for example, by architects and urban planners (Löw & Sturm, 2005, p. 7). These concepts are ideologically loaded and “spatial wisdom of authority”2 (Stoetzer, 2013, p. 53) manifests itself in them. The representations of space pre-structure the spatial practice, i.e. the real actions.

With the third aspect, the space of representation, a symbol level is added that also determines space. These are images and symbols that complement practices and are often experienced more through bodily sensations and sensory perceptions (Löw & Sturm, 2005, p. 7). This area contains the unconscious, e.g. unreflected ideas, desires and experiences (Stoetzer, 2013, p. 54). The space of representation provides the possibility to imagine “other” spaces of social interaction and to undermine existing orders. According to Lefebvre, space is created through the interplay of all these elements, “practice and perception, cognitive construction and symbolic representation” (Löw & Sturm, 2005, p. 7).

3.1.2. The formation of ideal types In structuring our work, we followed the approach of Sofya Aptekar (2015). In her ethnographic study of a community garden in New York City, she deals with the cultural struggles caused by the diversity of the gardeners, the conflicts in their visions of the garden and the ef2

“räumliches (Herrschafts-) Wissen“

Theoretical Framework 21

fects of the gentrification processes in the neighborhood on the garden (Aptekar, 2015, p. 210). In doing so, she tries to unravel power dynamics based, among other things, on the structural characteristics of race and class. The Community Garden is located in an old working-class neighborhood that is in the process of structural change and is affected by gentrification processes. Based on her empirical observations and interviews, she categorizes the observed functions that the garden fulfills for the users into ideal types. In this she refers to the methodology of the formation of ideal types according to Max Weber (1973). The aim is to find characteristic attributes to transform the given “reality” into a “thought structure” that contributes to the gain of knowledge (Weber, 1973, p. 275).

Ideal types are models that are constructed on the basis of empirical data and help to classify and systematize reality. The resulting ideal types should be seen as a vehicle of hypothesizing and clarifying correlations, but not reflecting reality (Abels, 2019, p. 21). Accordingly, Aptekar’s differentiation is also an analytical tool. The artificial subdivision helps her to gain new perspectives and makes the lines of conflict of the gardeners particularly clear (Abtekar, 2015, p. 216).

Research Design and Methodological Approach

CHAPTER THREE

Research Design and Methodological Approach 23

Chapter Three: Methodology 3.1. Research Design and Methodological Approach Based on the initial interest in capturing the social structure and practices in the Kampnagel Garden, we use methods from the fields of qualitative social research and ethnography.

Since the research field is a social space that does not have its own website and is not presented individually on the Kampnagel website, we approached it through stays and observations. To get in touch with the research field, we work with the method of participant observation, which is a key technique of ethnography (Swanson, 2014, p. 66). It should be noted that “ethnographic writing is profoundly shaped by the ethnographer’s positionality, or by their individual social locations and life experiences” (Swanson, 2014, p. 55). Observations are thus always colored by the perspective, thoughts and experiences of the person who perceives and writes them down. It is therefore important to reflect on one’s own role, previous knowledge, and behavior and to do this again and again throughout the entire research process. Participatory observation necessarily includes reflection on one’s own role as a researcher in the field (Pryzborski & Wohlrab-Sahr, 2014, p. 46).

As it quickly turned out, the Migrantpolitan community primarily uses the garden and assumes responsibility for regular maintenance. This community thus represents a central point of reference for our research work. The Migrantpolitan Community is an association of diasporic and local artists who use the building of the same name as a space for action (Kampnagel, 2023a). This is also temporarily inhabited by artists from the community, some of whom were refugees. Accordingly, despite its location on the Kampnagel site, the building serves as residen-

24 Research Design and Methodological Approach

tial and living space, as a place of retreat, and as a safe space. Access to the field was largely determined by this knowledge of the sensitivity of the place and the awareness of our own role in the research field.

A careful approach to making contact was important to us, and it was sometimes difficult for us to decide which behaviors and which degree of nonchalance were appropriate when moving around in the garden.

Overall, establishing contact with the Migrantpolitan community proved to be quite challenging. This is partly due to our cautious approach, but also because the timing of our contact wasn’t ideal. Many of the artists were on vacation and the International Summer Festival was approaching, at which the Migrantpolitan organized a popular program item with the annual Solicasino (Kampnagel, 2023b). Before we initiated contact with people from the community ourselves, we already had an interview from fellow students at our disposal. They had spoken to a central person from the Migrantpolitan who works as a dramaturg at Kampnagel. Since the garden plays a major role in the interview and is very informative for our work, we initially decided not to conduct any further interviews with people from the Migrantpolitan, also in order not to cause any further inconvenience. When it then became clear through further fleeting encounters and observations how diverse the perspectives within the community on the garden are, we decided at a relatively late point in the research process to make another attempt to establish contact.

During a stay in the garden, we spoke to a person from the community, informed him about the research interest, and asked for an interview.

This person seemed skeptical about us and unsure whether he wanted to cooperate with us or should cooperate on behalf of the community.

Research Design and Methodological Approach 25

So he greeted us sternly and explained that we should officially contact Migrantpolitan via email. Although many encounters that took place before were positive, this interaction unsettled us.

When we finally got in touch via Instagram because the e-mail we had written could not be delivered, we received a quick reply, but the message asking for a specific interview date remained unanswered. It was only when one person from our group took part in a summer school3, during which the Kampnagel garden was being redesigned for the International Summer Festival, that an interview appointment was possible thanks to the continuous presence on site and multiple questions.

Even though the appointment was not particularly convenient due to the approaching summer festival, two people still took their time and conducted a guided tour through the garden. We were then invited to the Solicasino that was taking place and when we visited we were warmly welcomed by our names. Even though access to the field was a rather lengthy process, in the end, we had the feeling that we had built up a relationship of trust and that we had gotten to know many different people from Migrantpolitan.

By speaking to people we met in the garden, we were able to identify other actors in addition to the Migrantpolitan community who are currently involved in the care of the garden or who have helped shape the design of the garden in the past. In this context, it was particularly important to meet an artist who is part of a regular format at Kampnagel 3 The Summer School titled “Cosmis Garden” took place from 31/07/23 to 10/08/23 at Kampnagel and was offered by the HCU under the supervision of Marieke Behnke, Daniel Springer, Flavio Mancuso and Tim-Simon Meyer.

26 Research Design and Methodological Approach

but is not permanently employed there. During a stay in the garden, we met him by chance doing gardening, which he has been doing there on a voluntary basis for years without further consultation. Although he himself is not willing to give us an interview, he can still give us a helpful overview of the actors involved in the garden, which we subsequently contacted. His tip resulted in two interviews with participating artist collectives who have been involved in the design of the garden in the past.

With regard to conducting the interviews, we adhered to the methodological considerations on qualitative interviews by Gabriele Rosenthal (2005). In order to enable the interviewees to play an active role in the course of the conversation, we have chosen an open, narrative interview format that is based on the statements made by the interviewees (Rosenthal, 2005, p. 126). The first part of the interview consisted of an openly formulated narrative-generating question, which enabled the interviewees to bring up the topics in their narrative that they found most important with regard to the garden. In addition, we worked with a guide, which, however, was only used after the open introduction and the related questions. In order to additionally activate the location-related knowledge of the interviewees, we conducted the interviews on the Kampnagel site and supplemented them with a form of walking interviews (Kühl, 2016, p. 38). So after the interviews, we went together with the interviewees into the garden and were shown concrete places, plants or structures to which they had previously referred. In addition, the joint inspection made it clear how the garden is experienced and which areas and plants are given special importance (Kühl, 2016, p.

38). Some interviews were conducted in German and others in English.

Research Design and Methodological Approach 27

To maintain consistency we decided to translate the quotations from the German interviews into English.

We documented the entire research process and observations through memory logs, field notes, photos, and a research diary. This was accompanied by variations of mapping. It was important for us to map not only the permanent structures and plants in the garden but also fleeting events, non-permanent elements, as well as interactions and practices. Genz and Lucas-Drogan suggest this approach to make the invisible or the obvious visible (2017, p. 2). In addition, we were guided by the work of Larissa Fassler, who also integrates sensory perceptions into her maps (e.g. Kottbusser Tor, 2014).

The research process and the evaluation are based on the methodology of Grounded Theory. This research style is characterized by a close integration of empirical data and theoretical insights, with the aim of generating theory in a reflective, process-oriented approach that is directly grounded in the empirical material (Strübing, 2014, pp. 9-10).

Grounded Theory is characterized by the “parallelization of the work steps” (Strübing, 2010, p. 12). Thus, the first evaluation begins as soon as the data has been collected, and, based on the material, decisions are continually made about the next steps and what should be collected next, until theoretical saturation is achieved. This is the case when no new insights can be gained by consulting further empirical material (Strübing, 2010, p. 17). The evaluation follows the coding paradigm, in which empirical data are converted into concepts and categories (Przyborski & Wohlrab-Sahr, 2014, pp. 209-210).

28 Research Design and Methodological Approach

3.2. Design choices The ambiguity of the garden was highlighted throughout the process.

However, it wasn’t just the garden’s interpretation and readability that was ambiguous; which meanings the actors’ attached to the garden and their partly informal relationships with one another were as well.

The tension fields through which the garden shifts also appear to move gradually and with more complexity rather than clarity. Visually, this theme has been translated into the language of “auras,” gradual diffused transitions of multiple colors that overlap, or blur together, instead of direct lines from A to B, black on white, etc.

On each page, the gradient is toward the bookbinding, emphasizing the visual theme of the connections. The pink as the signature color represents the radiance and vibrancy of the garden. For the diagrams, we decided on the overarching color distribution of pink for Kampnagel, which is the overarching frame of the garden, the color green for Migrantpolitan, the main community located in the garden, the color blue for Performance Space, and yellow for Greenspace.

In the diagram for the Actors Network, the yellow is distributed as more conectrated dots to represent the individual users of the green space as unbound to any community or institution regarding the garden, unlike the other diffused colors representing the connection of the individuals to such groups.

29

Historical Background

CHAPTER FOUR

Historical Background 31 “The garden is like the location of our community center, Migrantpolitan, it’s very essential, the garden. Because it was, as I remember, six, seven years ago, most of the grass was not here, also, the shape of the garden was completely different. It was not even a garden, only some trees. That’s it. And since we got the grass, it was during one of, preparation for the summer festival. So we got this grass, since that time we started to enlarge the variety of plants.”

- Interview, Donna & Hassan, 2023

Chapter Four: Historical Background 4.1. Illustrating the Past The history of the area that we now know as the garden is quite new, as is evident from the quote from the interview with Hassan from Migrantpolitan. In addition, its transformation is closely intertwined with the annual international summer festival. As he says, people around the Migrantpolitan started to increase the diversity of cultivated plants as there was now more grass in the area, which had gotten there through the international summer festival. In order to be able to better understand the garden in its current structure, a brief digression into the history of the theater and the green area is presented at this point. The insight into the origins of Kampnagel should help to comprehend the working methods and organization at the theater establishment.

32 Historical Background

4.2. The Beginnings of the Theatrical Establishment at Kampnagel The history of the use of the former Nagel & Keamp factory halls as a theater begins with the planned conversion work in the Deutsches Schauspielhaus building on Kirchenallee. Alternative rooms were sought out for the period of the renovation from 1981 to 1984 so that the theater productions wouldn’t need to be restricted during this time.

(Reichel, 2002, p. 13). Contrary to the original plans to demolish the halls, the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg, which had just purchased the vacant factory site of the former Nagel & Kaemp crane factory, now made it accessible to the Deutsches Schauspielhaus for shortterm use. The halls of Kampnagel were additionally made available to independent theater groups, galleries, and art and design colleges in order to allow the expansive grounds to be utilized on a daily basis.

(Reichel, 2002, pp. 15-16). Plans called for demolishing every structure on the Kampnagel site in order to establish residential and commercial space there once the conversion work in the Deutsches Schauspielhaus building was finished and it could be used once more (Reichel, 2002, p. 17). The city encountered significant opposition because Kampnagel had already established itself as a well-liked and progressive theater venue. However, the demolition was prevented by casting rehearsals in 1982 and 1983 and a two-and-a-half-month summer festival in 1984 by the independent theater groups (Reichel, 2002, p. 19). Due to the enormous number of visitors and the positive nationwide response, the in-office politicians and the cultural authorities agreed that Kampnagel can remain as a theater for as long as the audience accepts it (Reichel, 2002, pp. 19-20). Decades of uncertainty followed, the compromise

Historical Background 33

with the city of Hamburg to demolish part of the halls and keep the other part, and finally the institutionalization of Kampnagel as the fourth state theater in 2020 (Kampnagel, 2022). The summer festival, which was renamed the International Summer Festival a few years after it first took place, is central to the preservation of the theatrical institution at Kampnagel.

The establishment of the theater through occupation and resistance can still be felt in some areas of the institution today. Since the place has prospered through volunteer work and the commitment of many, there are unofficial rules that date back to that time. The mere existence of the construction trailer settlement on the site, which has been inhabited

by Kampnagel employees for decades, shows how the boundaries between work, leisure, and living are blurred.

4.3.

The Emergence of Today’s Garden

In order to be able to understand the development of the area into a garden, the use of the entire green area over the last decade is considered. It should be noted that Kampnagel does not have its own chronicle of this outdoor area, but is only mentioned in passing as the place where the summer festival takes place or where the Migrantpolitan is located today. We have therefore tried to reconstruct the rough origins of the garden through the interviews conducted, the summer festival archive, and other literature.

We begin in 2013 when the artist collective Baltic Raw, which deals particularly with art in public space, was commissioned to redesign the

34 Historical Background

area of today’s ​​ Migrantpolitan and the garden during the summer festival for the first time. At this point in time, the Migrantpolitan does not yet exist and the area did not have a special specific use. Baltic Raw describes the garden at the time as follows: “Well, it was mainly only used during the summer festival, the garden. At first it was always just the campers that they brought in there”. According to the perception of the artist collective, the area behind the halls was mainly used during the summer festival. In addition, the design seemed to have been kept rather simple in the years before. With their installation “Kanalphilharmonie & Speculative D.O.R.F.”, they attempted to shake up that trajectory by constructing several walk-in wooden structures for the three-week duration of the festival, which were used in addition to the halls (Baltic Raw, 2013).

In 2014, Baltic Raw was commissioned again to design the area for the International Summer Festival. This time they planned to build a replica of the Rote Flora, which was mentioned heavily in public discourse that year and called it the “Kanalspielhaus Flora” (Baltic Raw, 2014). During the planning process at the time, the Lampedusa group in Hamburg approached Kampnagel with the question of whether the refugees who could soon lose their church sanctuary, could be housed in the halls (Deuflhard, 2016, p. 309). After some consideration, the idea arose that a small group of refugees should temporarily live in the replica of the Rote Flora that was being built for the summer festival. For this reason, the building was constructed to be weatherproof and was based on a passive house design to be as independent from the Kampnagel institution as possible (Interview, Baltic Raw, 2023). After the summer festival, the Rote Flora replica was converted into the EcoFavela Lampe-

Historical Background 35

dusa-Nord by Baltic Raw in collaboration with the Urban Design class of Bernd Knies from the HafenCity University and the Experimental Design class of Jesko Fezer of the Hochschule für bildende Künste in cooperation with the Public Design Advisory (Baltic Raw, 2015a). In addition, there was close collaboration with the refugees, who were then able to move into the EcoFavela in December 2014.

The stay there was approved by the District Office Hamburg-Nord as an art, action, and discourse space for refugees in a 24-hour performance until May 2015. Since some money was needed to realize the EcoFavela as a temporary accommodation for the refugees, Baltic Raw started a crowdfunding campaign, which also generated publicity for the project (Interview, Baltic Raw, 2023). Amelie Deuflhard, the director at Kampnagel, who is responsible for the institution, received two notices from the AfD. After the members of the Lampedusa group left in 2015, the artist collective Baltic Raw was again commissioned with the transformation for the International Summer Festival the following year. Once again, they devoted themselves to contested buildings, and through this work, they democratized “capitalist monuments from all over the world” (Kampnagel, 2015). They recreated various wooden buildings and called the installation “Wowtecture” (Baltic Raw, 2015b). The EcoFavela was integrated into the concept and left standing with a new exterior cladding.

In the spring of 2016, the EcoFavela was reopened as an art and community center managed by the refugees themselves under the name Migrantpolitan, which is known today. The artist Móka Farkas from the collective Baltic Raw says today about the area around the Migrantpol-

36 Historical Background

itan and today’s garden area: “So when we were somehow allowed to play on it for these three years when we arrived, it was incredibly wild and overgrown, it was actually completely surrounded [...] but it wasn’t visible from Kampnagel, for example, there were bushes that had been growing for years and then they’re like this, no one had bothered about it before, at least not visibly, uh, but what I think, that was also very, very interesting because there was sometimes a wild growth from which we then also tried to make a few sculptures [...] and after us, so after the three years, a garden architect came as a designer and he just had everything trimmed away” As can be read from the quote, little attention seems to have been paid to the plants in the green space at the time. Berndt Jasper, another member of the current Baltic Raw Collective, also explains that in general, they didn’t focus much on the technical aspects with their installations. Instead, in the third year, they built a kind of village that occupied almost the entire area of today’s garden. This resulted in the individual buildings being connected to each other through narrow paths. (Interview, Baltic Raw, 2023). Only afterwards did a garden architect take on the area, presumably because the Migrantpolitan’s establishment as a permanent structure brought about a new type of use. The hilly landscape with the integrated seating is also laid out on top of this.

In 2017, the Experimental Design class from the Hochschule für bildende Künste under Jesko Feser took over the design for the International Summer Festival. One interviewee pointed this out and reported that the design had not been dismantled at the time and that his vegetable garden, which he had planted in the area of today’s Waldbühne,

Historical Background 37

was affected (Memory Protocol, 10/07/23). It was decided to transfer the plants permanently after discussion between the aforementioned speaker and the artist group Jascha&Franz, who were hired to design the outdoor area for the international summer festival in 2020. After a temporary stage had been erected in the same location year after year prior, the Waldbühne finally became a permanent structure in 2021 (Interview, Franz, 2023). In the same year, Baltic Raw was commissioned to repair and renovate the Migrantpolitan. A new roof was put on and the plant-box system was created on one side of the facade of the Migrantpolitan. Originally, Baltic Raw wanted to undertake greening the roof as part of the work on the house, but when it proved too costly, they came up with the idea of vertical greening. In the course of the repair, the Migrantpolitan decided to use the area around it more as a garden. A person in the community describes this situation as follows: “Two years ago we made the renovation of the, of our location., and, uh, among of the plan when we did the planning for renovation and so on, we considered also to have like this garden from each side as well”.

The garden in its current form has only existed since 2021.

Who cares (about the Garden)?

CHAPTER FIVE

Who cares (about the Garden)? 39

Chapter Five: Who cares?

5.1. Who cares?

Within the complex relationships of the garden’s actor-network, a diverse ensemble of actors collaborate to shape its identity and dynamics.

At its core, the Migrantpolitan community assumes the role of dedicated caretakers, nurturing the garden’s flora and tending to the plants almost every day. In attempts to diffuse the identification of the actors, and to remain anonymous, we gave them pseudonyms. We decided to keep the names of the artist collectives since they are public figures.

Hassan, a pivotal figure, actively tends to the garden and is thinking of planting a Bitter Orange Tree from his home town Damascus in the heart of the garden. He calls the passive house his working space and spends quite some time in the garden, organizing community events such as jam sessions and community cooking, appreciative of being surrounded by such a green atmosphere. According to him, he is one of the main three people from Migrantpolitan who regularly care for the plants.

Mohammed or Momo is the other attentive member, who enjoys gardening and has a special relationship with nature, driving from his roots in Nigeria. He contributes to maintaining the garden’s appearance and decorating it for special events. Guarding the garden against intruders at night is also part of his commitment. His favorite plant is the Kiwi fruit that he has planted in a pot in front of the passive house.

40 Who cares (about the Garden)?

Donna, the dramaturgette, steps into a maternal role, safeguarding the garden and acting as a vocal advocate for Migrantpolitan’s private community space. She takes her role seriously, fighting with dog owners who relentlessly disrupt the peace of the garden and of Rama the cat, who lives in the passive house. Rama’s job is to keep the mice away from the house and she is very respected by the community. Hassan and Donna have made an agreement to take responsibility for Rama in case the Migrantpolitan dissolves, and Kampnagel provides for her food.

Other actors also enter the scene, adding layers to the network. Baltic Raw, a group of artists with two main members, who designed and collaborated with the Migrantpolitan on their passive house, occasionally return to the garden to keep track of and repair their watering system, and also to tend to their green roof on top of the passive house.

The Migrantpolitan’s Passive house stands as a testament to the collaboration between Baltic Raw and Migrantpolitan, with its structure seamlessly merging with nature through its vertical facades adorned with plants. Through its ecological design, it is meant to represent a Co-living between animals, plants, and humans. With the cats that roam around the garden and their threat to the birds, the main focus of the artists is to attract insects instead. The artists incorporate a variety of plants into the rooftop garden, including catnip, thyme, and cornflower. There is an aura of dissatisfaction around this group, insinuating a there should be someone who could care more.

Who cares (about the Garden)? 41

The relationship between Baltic Raw and Migrantpolitan is enshrouded in a haze of unclarity. Language barriers between these two artist groups inhibit proper knowledge transfer regarding the local plants cultivated by Baltic Raw, leading to misunderstandings about plant care.

Donna and Hassan bridge communication with Baltic Raw, fostering a more direct link with them.

In the complex network of the shapers of the garden, an unexpected focal point emerges in the form of Jens, a dancer with an unspecified role, whose contributions receive overt praise that may sometimes eclipse the diligent efforts of the Migrantpolitan community. As various actors have mentioned that he has an “important” and “decisive” role and that his planting choices are what’s keeping the garden alive, while simultaneously failing to name even a single member of the community who regularly helps upkeep the garden.

Although Jens is not so often seen on the premises of the garden, he is at irregular intervals there on a voluntary basis to work in the beds and to cut overgrown leaves or weeds back; He has the plan to cut down two trees and to plant a fruit tree there instead, if funds are available (Memory protocol, 10/07/2023). It is apparent that his expertise grants him a higher respectability amongst the others. He, however, does not feel the need to announce his plans for the garden since there is no channel through which this could be easily communicated. He would rather hand over the easier tasks to the community and take over the decisions that require his expertise. Jens introduced Mohammed and some others to the realms of planting and artistry, cultivating a special

42 Who cares (about the Garden)?

relationship with them.

The International Summer Festival’s crew, including the artist group Jascha&Franz, introduces an outsider’s perspective, advocating for recognizing contributions across the spectrum.

In this network, it’s evident that the relationships are multifaceted and influenced by power dynamics, communication challenges, and differing levels of recognition. Donna’s role as a caretaker and advocate helps mitigate some of these challenges, but there’s room for improved communication and collaboration to create a more inclusive and harmonious garden environment. There seems to be an imbalance in the distribution of tasks and the opportunity to make decisions for the garden, hinting at a broader structural imbalance. The diffusion of responsibility and the absence of an organized care-taking system leads to complications in understanding the role of each person in this intricate web of actors.

5.1.2. Summary of the Actor Network 1. The Passive House for Migrantpolitan: Origins: Designed and built by Baltic Raw Group in collaboration with Migrantpolitan community members.

Adaptation: Two years ago, Migrantpolitan added vertical facades with plants to the original design, integrating architecture and nature.

2. Migrantpolitan Community:

ACTORS OF THE GARDEN Fonds Darstellende Künste

lacaton & vassal

the International the comiteee summerfestival

Amelie Deuflhard

summer school Jascha & Franz

hous technician

HFBK

HCU international artist

Baltic Raw

employee civil servant

Jens, the dancer

THE GARDEN

insects birds

KAMPNAGEL

plants

cats Donna, the dramaturgy

Hassan, the musician Rama

passbys

Mohammed, the guardian

MIGRANTPOLITAN

mice Lampedusa in Hamburg

neighbors dogs lefty people families

adolscents

police

44 Who cares (about the Garden)?

Care and Utilization: Responsible for tending to the garden, including watering, nurturing, and harvesting. Produce is used for communal cooking and activities.

Perceived Underappreciation: Members feel overlooked in comparison to external contributors like Jens, leading to frustration when their efforts aren’t acknowledged.

3. Jens the dancer: Unspecified Role: Associated with the garden but not directly linked to Migrantpolitan or Kampnagel.

Contribution: Introduces special plants, receives praise for their design, while appearing distant from the actual garden dynamics.

4. Kampnagel: Institutional Presence: A backdrop to the garden, possibly influencing the garden’s atmosphere, but no direct involvement in its maintenance.

Administrative Support: Contributes to the garden’s dynamics by providing a “bürgernaher Beamter” or civil servant for Migrantpolitan, facilitating administrative support.

Multiplied Publicity: Strategically leverages the garden’s space and Migrantpolitan’s events for multiplied publicity, establishing a mutually beneficial relationship.

5. Donna the Dramaturge: Caretaker Role: Takes on a motherly role for Migrantpolitan and the garden.

Responsibility: Protects the garden from negative externalities, such as

Who cares (about the Garden)? 45

dogs, and acts as a strong advocate for Migrantpolitan.

6. Hassan from Migrantpolitan: Active Involvement: A central figure in the garden’s care, Hassan takes a hands-on role in tending to its well-being.

Bridge to Baltic Raw: He, along with Donna, maintains a direct connection with Baltic Raw, facilitating communication and collaboration.

7. Mohammed from Migrantpolitan: Guardian Role: Mohammed stands as a guardian, protecting the garden from disturbances, particularly unruly teenagers, by dedicating extended periods of time to its vigilance.

Unique Contribution: With the bantaba as a symbolic performance, Mohammed embodies a sense of protection and preservation.

8. Crew of the International Summer Festival: Artist Group Jascha&Franz: Members of this crew, including the artist duo Jascha&Franz, bring an outsider’s perspective. They reflect on Jens’ role, acknowledging the importance of recognizing those who contribute to smaller elements like gardening.

In this network, it’s evident that the relationships are multifaceted and influenced by power dynamics, communication challenges, and differing levels of recognition. Donna’s role as a caretaker and advocate helps mitigate some of these challenges, but there’s room for improved communication and collaboration to create a more inclusive and harmonious garden environment.

Perceptions of the Garden

CHAPTER SIX

Perceptions of the Garden 47

“... it turned into a more open space for and with migrants who are freshly arrived to Hamburg, so since that time we can consider it as open space, community space” - Hassan from Migrantpolitan

Chapter Six: Perceptions of the Garden 6.1. Perceptions and Interpretations of the Garden In order to accurately represent the garden as a social space, we used the established practices to work out which function does the garden fulfill for the users in the respective situations. We categorized these functions and condensed them into four perceptions or perspectives of the garden. The way the garden is perceived as a space has a normative quality and corresponds with expectations about how it should be used, which in turn influences potential future uses. The categorization resulted in the following perceptions: the garden as Kampnagel’s Backyard, the garden as a community space, the garden as a green space, and the garden as a performance space.

We followed the work of Sofya Aptekar, who worked out the central motifs of the gardeners in a garden project.

Even if it is always the same place, the practices determine how the garden is perceived and how one can relate to it. The pure structure of the garden initially does not specify any precise behavior and it allows for different usage ideas and understandings. Apart from the overarching perception of Kampnagel’s Backyard, there is usually only one prevailing perception at a given observation time of the garden. This becomes

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Perceptions of the Garden 49

particularly evident, for example, during the international summer festival, causing other ways of use to recede into the background. The utilization of the space is intended to be decoded through the differentiation between these perceptions, making potential contradictions and lines of conflict visible.

6.1.1. The Garden as Kampnagel’s Backyard The most immediate perspective on the garden is to see it as the backyard of Kampnagel. By that, it is meant that the garden is primarily regarded as an outdoor area of Kampnagel, thus connected to the institution. This perception aligns with the other perceptions and takes precedence over these perspectives. As soon as you enter the site from the adjacent park, the area is clearly marked as belonging to Kampnagel. A neon yellow sign reads: “Welcome to Kampnagel. We ask that you do not make any noise because of the residents. Please dispose of rubbish in the waste bin. Please do not grill or light fires on the premises. Thank you - Your Kampnagel”. The signage not only makes it clear that this is where the Kampnagel site begins, but also that although this is not a public space, it is still available to the public if certain rules are observed.

In this perception, practices are gathered that are primarily associated with the operations of Kampnagel. This includes, for example, the use of the garden as a break area for staff. With this practice, the focus is less on the garden itself, but its usage is tied to the activities at Kampnagel. The garden is primarily chosen due to its proximity and the quality of the environment. Similarly, Kampnagel employees might use it for

50

Perceptions of the Garden 51

meetings, artists for rehearsals, or theatergoers for post-performance gatherings. Furthermore, the garden is utilized as an informal information point regarding the theater’s activities by passers-by. An interviewee from Migrantpolitan mentioned that occasionally, pedestrians enter the garden and inquire about ongoing events at Kampnagel (Interview, Donna & Mohammed, 2023).

For the theatre, the garden fulfills the practical function that plants or turf that are no longer needed after production can be planted there and used again.

In summary, in this category, we gather practices that are directly related to the institution, where the garden is not the focus of attention, but rather fulfills practical additional functions that other spaces could also fulfill.

6.1.2. The Garden as Community Space, “Paradise” Another close perspective on the garden is to perceive it as a space for interaction and activities within the Migrantpolitan community. This interpretation is already evident due to its close proximity to the building.

As described in the chapter about the historical excursion, the garden only became a garden after the permanent reopening of Migrantpolitan, through transformation processes within the design of the International Summer Festival, and through the involvement of the community (see chapter “Historical Background” ). The connection between the Migrantpolitan building and the garden is also evident in the physical design of the garden. The stone benches are oriented toward the building, so those sitting in a semicircle automatically look towards the entrance

52 Perceptions of the Garden

area. With the seating arrangements and the hilly structure, a space is formed in front of the building that seems to naturally belong to the house and serves the community as an extension of the indoor space.

Artistic activities that cannot be carried out indoors, such as using spray cans, are relocated to the garden. (Interview, Donna & Mohammed, 2023). Even when the interior space doesn’t suffice in terms of room, for example, for practicing performances, the garden is used as an alternative, especially in good weather. Since the house was built as a passive house and only the doors, not the windows, can be opened, the entrance door facing the garden is often opened for ventilation. This further highlights the connection between the community house and the garden. Bicycles belonging to individuals from Migrantpolitan are often parked directly in front of the house in the garden.

This view of the garden as Migrantpolitan’s domain showcases that it has characteristics of a private space. It serves as a meeting point, a testing ground for new ideas, and a backdrop for Instagram stories and filming art projects. The garden can be an ideal spot to wait until someone with a key shows up as not all members have a key to the building. Along with these communal uses, the garden also hosts open-air activities organized by the Migrantpolitan, such as community cooking, barbeques, and other outdoor formats. In an interview, a member of the community says about Migrantpolitan: “In 2016 it [Migrantpolitan] turned into a more open space for and with migrants who are freshly arrived to Hamburg, so since that time we can consider it as open space, community space” (Interview, Hassan, 2023).

Perceptions of the Garden 53

Beyond the community-related uses, the Migrantpolitan has a creative influence on the garden and it serves as a cultural expression for the users. An interviewee shows us a seat arranged around a fruit tree and says that he calls it Bantaba (Interview, Donna & Mohammed, 2023).

This refers to a central gathering place in his home country Nigeria, where village communities come together to discuss important matters, exchange ideas, or simply spend the day in the shade of a tree. This designation of place is not conveyed through an explanatory sign but is community-specific knowledge that doesn’t seem to be known to people outside of Migrantpolitan. Another interviewee says that he plans to plant a bitter orange tree in the garden as an expression of his Syrian origin (Interview, Hassan, 2023). These plants, their internal names, and their uses represent the traces of the community that are inscribed into the garden. This co-creation of the garden also leads to further identification and appropriation of this space.

For the community, the garden also holds an aesthetic aspect as a green oasis that contributes to well-being (Interview, Hassan, 2023). However, it needs constant maintenance to be experienced as such. Therefore, members of Migrantpolitan take on regular gardening tasks such as mowing the lawn or watering the plants. Additionally, they are responsible for keeping the garden clean, removing trash as needed, and cleaning up dog waste. As the Migrantpolitan community feels responsible for caring for the garden in order to use it autonomously, there is sometimes a more assertive attitude towards careless users from the neighborhood or dog owners who bring their dogs unleashed into the garden (Interview, Donna & Hassan, 2023).

54 Perceptions of the Garden

Overall, the garden is a place of shared experimentation, work, appropriation, design, and well-being, or as a conversation partner from Migrantpolitan put it in the interview, it’s a “paradise” (Interview, Mohammed, 2023).

6.1.3. The Garden as a Greenspace, “Island” In the context of the garden’s perception as a green space, we comprehend the garden as an aesthetically appealing local recreation zone that is relatively detached from the institution. This perspective also includes using the garden for growing vegetables and other gardening activities.

In response to the question posed to an artist who tends to the garden about the actors involved, he conveys that he explicitly doesn’t believe it to be a communal garden project. According to his assessment, the individual actors engaged in garden work, including himself, operate too independently from one another to be labeled as communal community-based garden work. For this reason, we have chosen to position the practice of gardening under the perception of the garden as a Greenspace. This is also due in part to the fact that while the harvest is occasionally used for cooking during community cooking sessions, for most actors engaged in garden work, the focus is more on the act of gardening itself, and the harvest serves as a secondary motivation. As stated by an individual from Migrantpolitan, the produce is intended for the public at large, not solely for the community (Interview, Donna & Mohammed, 2023). Because the garden is an aesthetically pleasing oasis, it is also experienced as a place to take a break or retreat at

Perceptions of the Garden 55

times when no event is taking place or when it is not being used by the community. An artist from the Franz & Jascha collective describes the garden as “Island-like” (Interview, Franz, 2023).

It is a habitat for insects, small animals, the community cat Rama, and various plants. In the discussions with some of the actors involved in gardening, the goal of doing something to counteract insect decline turned out to be central. Baltic Raw explains the composition of the plants in the vertical greening on one side of the Migrantpolitan passive house as follows: “to plant some attractiveness among native species and some plants for insects” (Interview, Baltic Raw, 2023). As the interview shows, they are pursuing larger goals, on the one hand dealing with their own fear of climate change through action, and on the other hand making a contribution to the global community.

6.1.4. The Garden as a Performance Space, “Avant-Garten” The perspective of the garden as a performance space becomes particularly prominent during the international summer festival when it transforms into an “Avant-Garden.” The garden amidst the greenspace becomes a staged venue where artists perform and installations are set up. Since the garden events during the International Summer Festival are free compared to the indoor program in the halls of Kampnagel, it becomes especially accessible during this time. While the garden is mostly known outside the festival and other events by people residing in the area, these events draw a wider audience to the back of the halls. In addition to events primarily initiated by the Kampnagel institution, there are quite a few events throughout the year developed by the Migrant-

56 Perceptions of the Garden

politan community that take place in the garden.

In 2021, when the renovation of the Migrantpolitan passive house was due, Kampnagel decided to commission Baltic Raw once again for the task (Interview, Baltic Raw, 2023). Baltic Raw themselves mention that Kampnagel could have commissioned craftsmen for this work, but they consciously opted for an artistic solution. This can be read as the artistic approach that is associated with this place.

The Migrantpolitan itself can be thought of as a 24-hour performance due to its setting on the theater grounds. Additionally, it was on the basis of this viewpoint that the EcoFavela’s initial permit to house refugees was granted (see chapter “Historical Background”).

attending parades and demonstrations

decorating the garden art production

community cooking

celebrating

getting together

playing music

dancing

THE GARDEN watering

gardening

meeting

strolling harvesting

neglecting

resting reflecting

The Interplay of the Perceptions

CHAPTER SEVEN

The Interplay of the Perceptions 59

Chapter Seven: The Interplay of the Perceptions 7.1 Bringing the Tensions into Play; Showtime!

In this chapter we bring the individual actors and storylines into dialogue with each other in three different acts, dissecting the interactions and their motives through the definitions of the perceptions. The aim is to intersect the many scenarios and events in order to bring the tensions into perspective. Through this process, we can essentially understand the social structure of the garden. We oriented ourselves on the special occurrences and the typical everyday life that may challenge some perceptions and bring the irritations into surface.

7.1.1. Act 1: The Fanti Parade as a Catalyst for Cultivating Conflict Many disputes occur frequently when a public event is held on the premises of the garden, and it could be helpful to analyze the tensions in these scenarios in order to comprehend the various perceptions of the garden and the underlying social structure. We start with an example illustrating how a vivid event in the garden could give cause for a wide range of interpretations.

The stage is being set for the Fanti, Fanti Parade, a once-a-year vibrant diasporic event curated by the Migrantpolitan and the God’s Entertainment collective that unfolds on the Kampnagel site within the Life Art Festival (Kampnagel, 2023). In the garden, adjacent to the Migrantpolitan’s passive house, the community is buzzing with excitement and anticipation of the parade that will take place next week. Colorful dec-

60 The Interplay of the Perceptions

orations are being hung on the trees, their trunks stapled with vibrant felt circles. The wooden benches have gotten a fresh coat of color, and coffee tables are being set up to hold the drinks and cigarette ends of the very social and open people who would be visiting soon.

Around the bigger table, a group is huddled and handing things around to each other, the sound of laughter and talking loudly ripples through the warm summer air. Two members are wearing massive feathery wings made of tissue paper and glitter, strutting towards each other and practicing their moves for the parade, where they will be met with an audience of at least a couple of hundred people. Sparkles, flames, a dancing dinosaur, everybody is having fun. It seems like a cozy workshop, DIYing all the necessities for the parade. This is the spirit of the Migrantpolitan that lives in the garden, they bring life to the green space.

Upon entering the garden, this sense of a private workshop in which all the participants already know each other becomes more apparent.

There, a sense of curiosity takes over passersby, asking about what is going on., “Oh we’re just preparing for the Fanti, Fanti, on the 10th of June!” No invite was extended to help set up the workshop, but we asked nonetheless if we were allowed to sit in the garden. “Of course!

Make yourselves at home!” While they carry on with their own thing.

“Oh, Mohammed get up and work!” They scold each other playfully, with hip-hop music pumping the air. One can’t help but feel left out and awkward. Would it have been any different if one checked the Facebook page beforehand and saw that the preparation starts today?

61

62 The Interplay of the Perceptions

At that moment, the sense of the garden belonging to the Migrantpolitan becomes apparent, excluding anyone that isn’t considered as part of the community or has communicated the participation beforehand.

One is allowed to be physically there but would feel as if intruding on a very private gathering.

As the garden is located in a residential area with many sensitive neighbors, organizing public events comes with its own struggles, to keep the peace and to maintain a positive relationship with all. Many times the police have been called by the neighbors because of the loud and disruptive noises. The parade’s vibrations reach their ears, prompting some to take action. Is it because of the noise, or is it the prejudice these people have against open, public parades in the garden, against the display of diversity, and artistic expression?

In this dance of conflicting perceptions, the community of Migrantpolitan hosting the event tactfully claims the garden as a public space, as the extension of Kampnagel’s public character, invoking the right to orchestrate parades. The police, often bemused by the narrative, grant their consent, and Migrantpolitan are let off the hook. In this instance, the garden technically is a free public space where people can join the parade freely and enjoy themselves. Although the community is granted the freedom to carry on, a feeling of residual tension still lingers in the air. It is crucial for the Migrantpolitan community to maintain a positive relationship with the police at these times.

The friends of the community are invited for a gathering at the garden

The Interplay of the Perceptions 63

by the Migrantpolitan to stay for a post-parade barbeque and a chat.

It is almost like the after-party where only the closest people are invited to stay. Even we, as special guests, were invited beforehand to spend the evening with the community after the parade, in the garden that transformed back to its status as a backyard for the Migrantpolitan, a private space for the community.

This shows the versatility of the same garden and the authority that the resident artists of the community have in labeling the space. To quote a member, “This is why we became artists, to make it willkürlich (arbitrary).”

(Interview, Donna & Mohammed, 2023).

Following the colorful parade, after the garden is reverted to its usual state, a few claim the garden’s sanctuary with little regard for its clean, taken care-of appearance, leaving a trail of trash and cigarettes in their wake. Careless teenagers lay their claim to open spaces, eager for a safe haven taken care of. In response to these irresponsible users of the garden, the community has to show a serious face, to stop them from returning and trying to destroy the green space, almost as if they should have known better than to take up space in the inviting sanctity of the garden.

Open seating beckons forward, offering respite to those who dare approach, or to those who are clueless to the subtle signals that claim this garden a private zone. There is an unspoken rule dominating the space; Ask, and you shall be granted access. However, this rule is only communicated between the community and not to the outsiders who

64 The Interplay of the Perceptions

may find themselves interested in occupying the space. One member has explicitly voiced, ”When people ask, Can I hang out here? Of course,

but behave. That means remove your trash and don’t interact in a not-so-nice way with people.“ (Interview, Donna & Hassan, 2023). The lack of clear

boundaries indicating the garden as a private territory has its downsides, leading to ambiguity about who is allowed to use the space.

“It’s nice that we have this outside area,” one member of the community states, recounting how they can use it as an extension of the Migrantpolitan passive house, while stating, “I fight every day with at least 5 to 10 dog owners who try to tell me that their dog shit is part of nature,” recounting their daily battles with dog owners who dismiss their responsibilities.

She observes, “I see that everything is very restricted, the public space...

It’s an illusion that it’s a free space.” These voices echo the juxtaposition of freedom and responsibility that defines the garden’s existence.

And then, a member’s insight adds depth to the scene. “It looks more magic, more nice,” they say, noting the contrast between the garden’s inviting ambiance and the unpredictable nature of public spaces. The existence of structure, infrastructure, and an invisible caretaking hand makes this garden a realm of enchantment, an oasis that thrives amidst chaos. “At the end of the day, we are a cultural place and a theater, so we work with creating images, creating narratives, creating storylines.“ (Interview, Donna & Hassan, 2023).

Members of the Migrantpolitan community stand as beacons of warmth and inclusivity, exuding an inviting aura. Yet, even among these open arms, some bear the weight of personal struggles, their vulnerability turning them into islands within the bustling sea.

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7.1.2. Act 2: The International Summer Festival as a Motor of Transformation In addition to events organized by the Migrantpolitan community, such as the described Fanti-Fanti-Parade, there are also events in the garden and the entire outdoor area behind the halls that are organized by the Kampnagel institution. The annual International Summer Festival is the most prominent example of this. It is as old as the theater itself on Kampnagel and has made a significant contribution to the fact that it was accepted by the city on the site of the former crane factory (see chapter “Historical Background”). For the period of the international summer festival, Kampnagel’s backyard is transformed into a vibrant festival site that is visited by thousands of guests. The paved paths and parking lots that surround the garden are transformed into a part of the garden area using bark mulch. The pink carpet is rolled out on the paths to match the Kampnagel colors. Various seating areas and stands for food and drinks invite you to spend the evening there. Neon tubes and other light sources hang from the trees and cranes, giving the otherwise functional backyard a new glow. Not a trace of the cars, garbage cans, and work tools that are otherwise so present. Berndt Jasper from Baltic Raw describes the transformation of the backyard during the international summer festival as follows: “The basic idea is probably that you change this garden into an artificial space, so to speak, or in something, that differs from it, what that is, doesn’t come across as usually parking lot-like, you kind of put it there, you stage it that way” (Interview, Baltic Raw, 2023). With this redesign and the program on the Waldbühne and in the garden in front of the Migrantpolitan, the per-

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ception of the backyard as a performance space takes center stage. For the duration of the three-week festival, the rules of use of this outdoor area change, and some practices that are common in everyday theater operations suddenly seem out of place. Since the outdoor program with daily readings and concerts is free for visitors, this area is opened up to an even wider audience.

7.1.2.1. Jens And Mohammed Immortalize Themselves In The Garden We met Jens in the garden removing dead leaves from the raspberry bush. He has been working with Kampnagel for many years and is also part of a recurring program. Even though he is not permanently employed at Kampnagel, a few years ago he started to create a small garden at the back of the Kampnagel halls and to take care of it.

His interest in gardening dates back to his childhood when his parents gave him a small section of the garden to tend to on his own. As an adult, he then shared a garden with friends in a Kleingartenverein4, which proved unsustainable due to his artistic career, which sometimes took him to other cities for extended periods. For many years, Jens was able to pursue his hobby as a gardener on the large balcony in his apartment, until he moved to an apartment without a balcony and 4

Small garden allotment association

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thus lacked a suitable place to pursue his passion. A small garden on Kampnagel grew out of his love of gardening and from the need to be able to plant his balcony plants somewhere. This first garden was on the section where the Waldbühne is located today. Since he brought the plants that have accompanied him as balcony plants for years there, he feels connected to the place. Later he also brought plants from his parents’ garden to the garden in Kampnagel.

Mohammed has been part of the Migrantpolitan Community since 2019 and he also takes care of the plants in the garden (Interview, Donna & Mohammed, 2023). Three years ago he brought a kiwi plant in a pot on one of the outside walls of the Migrantpolitan. It is now several meters high and climbs up to the roof of the building on sticks.

Mohammed often spends time in the Migrantpolitan and in the garden and waters the plants every day in the summer. As part of an art installation, he has already immortalized himself with his Bantaba in the garden. This is a central meeting point in the village community, with a fruit tree in the center. The name comes from its country of origin, Nigeria, and the Bantaba at Kampnagel has already established itself as a permanent place in the garden for the community.

Both experience the garden as a place that can be designed freely, for which no big plans are made in everyday life. Berndt Jasper from Baltic Raw, who has known and helped design the backyard for over 10 years, describes the discussion of the garden from Kampnagel’s side as follows: “The topic of gardening, it’s always been like that, so it was never demanded or desired or anything like that, it was never

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like in the call for proposals, ‘take care of or develop for the garden,’ but it always emerged from individual projects or people themselves.”

(Interview, Baltic Raw, 2023). They themselves came up with the plantbox systems. This reflects their personal interest in gardening, but also the fear of climate change, which leads them to cultivate particularly extinct and insect-friendly plants. Mohammed uses the garden for cultural expression and connects with the place through regular care work.

For Jens, the garden is an opportunity to pursue his hobby, which he otherwise would not be able to do in terms of space and sometimes also due to time constraints.

7.1.2.2. Interruptions in Daily Routine When we asked Franz how public or private the garden feels to him, he explained that it’s not that easy and that you have to make a distinction between “summer festival and non-summer festival” when looking at it (Interview, Franz, 2023). These are two different states of the garden that can lead to irritation. In the past, Jens sometimes experienced the redesign of the garden for the international summer festival as an interference with his place of work.

In 2017, when a class from the Hochschule für bildende Künste (HfbK) took over the design of the backyard for the festival, they decided to remove the fence that surrounds the area of today’s Waldbühne and on which his garden was then located. Although the temporary stage was set up there annually, the opening up of the space by removing the fence had the effect of drawing many visitors into the garden. After

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the summer festival, no one felt responsible for rebuilding the fence, so the green space became a pedestrian shortcut. The garden was badly affected and he felt his work on the garden was not appreciated or respected (Memory Protocol, 10/07/23).

From a later year, when he was already growing vegetables in the area around Migrantpolitan, he told another story related to the International Summer Festival. At that time he had planted a large pumpkin plant near the crane, which used the old crane as a lattice and was already bearing some fruit. During the rust removal from the cranes in preparation for the summer festival, the workers were not deterred by the pumpkin plant, so it was carelessly removed. When he came into the garden in the afternoon there was no trace of the pumpkin plant.

This was another turning point in the relationship, which regularly involves the garden and the people who take care of the plants. Jens perceives the change in the backyard for the summer festival as an interference with his volunteer work. The garden, which he tends the rest of the year, seems to be handled carelessly.

7.1.2.3. Progress of Recognition From the interview with Franz we learn that in 2020, when they took over the design, there were already some agreements with the Migrantpolitan and the rowing club, which they were informed of (Interview, Franz, 2023). A meeting with Donna and Jens also took place during the planning phase. It was decided that a permanent stage should be created in the future and that some plants would have to be relocated,

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which was then realized the following year with the Waldbühne. This decision was also related to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, which led to the intention of making as much outdoor space usable as possible. Furthermore, discussions were held with Jens about how the pathways within the Migrantpolitan garden can be designed as one-way to avoid damaging the flowerbeds and disrupting the vegetation. Franz still remembers which part of the garden Jens takes care of.

Although it has been years since the events surrounding the international summer festival, when asked who is responsible for tending to the garden, Jens recalls the stories precisely. It seems to be part of his personal relationship with the garden, although today he says he no longer leaves the International Summer Festival frustrated with the garden. He is now a well-known actor in taking care of the garden and he has been named by every interviewee as a central figure in the garden work.

The communication and involvement of the people who take care of the garden in everyday operations seem to have changed for the better.

This also corresponds to the experience gained during participation in the Summer School (see chapter “Methodology” ). During a tour of the site, a person from the summer festival’s artistic operations office5 presented the garden around the Migrantpolitan as a sensitive place that has its own program and we do not interfere with its design (Memory Protocol, 31/07/23). During the Summer School, we observed how a technician discussed with a person from the Migrantpolitan where lights should be placed in the trees.

The summer festival inevitably represents a break in everyday opera5

künstlerischen Betriebsbüro des Sommerfestivals

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tions. Unofficial rules of use are overridden and replaced by other rules.

For example, the Solicasino takes place in the Migrantpolitan during the international summer festival and is therefore open to the public at this time. In day-to-day operation, however, this is a community room and should not be easily entered by people outside the community. Donna describes that outside of the summer festival, sometimes “middle-aged white women” enter the Migrantpolitan and then very harshly point out that this is not a public place (Interview, Donna & Hassan, 2023). The summer festival brings a wider circle of visitors to the back of the halls, some of whom are entering it for the first time. This can cause confusion about the use of the room when you visit again. Existing perspectives of the garden are challenged and partially renegotiated. Ultimately, the EcoFavela and the resulting Migrantpolitan as well as the garden ultimately grew out of the International Summer Festival (see chapter “Historical Background” ). Some actors also see potential in the annual intervention in the garden. There is always a budget for these redesigns, which, as has been shown, sometimes leads to permanent changes, such as the purchase of turf or the design of the hilly landscape.

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7.1.3. Act 3: Between Closure and Openness On our first couple of visits to the garden, we only met a few people there and so our focus at first was particularly on the plants, which we read as the traces of those who take care of them. We discovered fruits on the fruit trees and on the bushes, tomato plants, herbs, cabbage, and lettuce in pots and boxes promising harvest from spring to autumn. During one of our first stays at Kampnagel, we walked from Barmbeker Straße through a paved path along the canal to get to the garden. To the right of the path is the camper colony, somewhat hidden behind trees and bushes. A sign is attached to the entrance gate to this, which prohibits entry. Next to the entrance is a self-made greenhouse and a raised bed on wooden legs. Both are full of vegetables, some very small, others ready to harvest, like the radishes. At this point, we already knew that the trailer park was inhabited by people who work at Kampnagel. We could immediately associate the vegetables in the greenhouse and raised bed with the people living there, and together with the sign prohibiting entry into the colony, we had no doubt that the vegetables were not intended for the general public.

When we arrived in the garden, we wondered who was taking care of the plants there. In the case of the plants around the Migrantpolitan, they were pretty easy to classify. Above all, behind the annual tomato plants, there must’ve been people who take care of them regularly.

This was less clear with the fruit trees and the large raspberry bush.

Although the garden is also on the Kampnagel site, the rules as to who is allowed to harvest the fruit appear to be less clear there. During the later informal conversation with Jens, he picked some raspberries and

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offered them to us, but could we have picked them ourselves?

Entering the garden through the narrow footpaths and the tall bushes and trees that surround it already conveys the impression of a hidden place. Nevertheless, the garden is not fenced like the Waldbühne or marked with prohibition signs like the camper colony. Since these forms of conveying behavioral rules are used in other areas on the premises, we could assume that they do not apply in the garden. Nevertheless, we perceived a certain sense of seclusion that we could not grasp at first. During another stop, we noticed that cyclists who drove through the backyard of Kampnagel stopped for a short break. However, for the duration of our observations, everyone sat down on the wooden platform or the mobile seating by the canal, but not in the garden in front of the Migrantpolitan (Observations, 05/25/23).

On another day we got to meet Hassan in the garden, we asked him who could eat the fruit in the garden. He replied that there are no strict rules as to who is allowed (Interview, Hassan, 2023). He also mentions that there are no specific plans about who waters the garden; it happens without detailed discussion. His response indicates that the garden is influenced little by organizational agreements, and as long as the maintenance works, there’s no need to structure it with strict rules and official task assignments.

In a later interview, we inquired our interviewee Mohammed about the fruits again. When asked who is allowed to eat the fruit, Mohammed replies without thinking: “Everyone is allowed to eat, it’s free for every-

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one” (Interview, Donna & Mohammed, 2023). He also said how nice he thinks it is when people from the neighborhood come by with their children and enjoy the garden. He especially likes the events where games are played together. This open attitude regarding the use of the garden doesn’t necessarily seem to be received by users. Baltic Raw, who were involved in the construction of Migrantpolitan and participated in its renovation in 2021 (see Chapter “Historical Background”), report that they are not sure if their involvement in garden work is desired. They really like the garden and the Migrantpolitan community and have known Hassan and Donna for years, but they also sense a form of distancing (Interview, Baltic Raw, 2023).

Our own encounter with a person from the Migrantpolitan also signals a certain skepticism towards unknown garden users. When we asked him for an interview, he responded hesitantly and told us to officially contact them by e-mail and book an interview in advance (Memory Protocol, 18/07/23). He seemed unsure about speaking to us on behalf of the community. When we asked him out of politeness whether we could map the garden, he was suspicious and recommended that we also write an e-mail. When we said that we had already been in contact with Hassan and Donna, he agreed. This and the described stay during the workshop in preparation for the Fanti Fanti Parade, where we felt out of place, increased the uncertainty in regard to the openness of the garden.

When we were back in the garden in early August, we saw that the cherries on the tree had become rotten and dried on the branches. Even

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though Mohammed mentioned that everyone can help themselves to the fruits of the garden, the users seem to be either unaware of this or do not consider it appropriate behavior. There seems to be no consensus within Migrantpolitan on this stance. At another point in the interview, Donna mentions that the raspberry bush is particularly popular among visitors during the summer, indicating a similar sentiment on her part in this moment (Interview, Donna & Mohammed, 2023). Her statement a few weeks earlier, that she believed it would be theft if visitors moved a bench without permission, makes us doubt the universality of the permission (Interview, Donna & Hassan, 2023). Hassan’s assessment that there are no strict rules about eating the fruit shows the ambiguity of the space. The openness to using the garden and eating the fruit depends on the person you are dealing with, as there are no general agreements. There is a certain degree of flexibility and interpretive authority remains situational and resides with the Migrantpolitan community. This offers the potential for irritation when having independent interactions with multiple actors.

6.1.3.1. Deciphering the Mechanisms of Closure In order to elaborate on the fields of tension between the desired openness and the perceived distancing of Migrantpolitan, various aspects have to be considered.

In addition to the function of the Migrantpolitan as a space for the activities of the diasporic and local artists, it also functions temporarily as living quarters and a central workplace. Some of the temporary resi-

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dents are refugees, and sensitive handling of privacy is important. Even for Donna, who occupies a central position between Kampnagel and Migrantpolitan, there are spaces within the passive house that remain inaccessible to her (Mapping Donna private/public). It’s an inevitable balancing act between the needs of the people living there, the community, and Kampnagel as a theater business.

A certain harshness can also result from the role of the Migrantpolitan as caretakers of the garden. The constant picking up of litter in the yard, discouraging dog owners from letting their dogs relieve themselves in the garden, and maintaining the garden in general, all contribute to a certain assertiveness in regard to breaking the rules. Donna explicitly refers to these tasks as “work” (Interview, Donna & Hassan, 2023). The exchange with Jens shows that, in contrast to the Migrantpolitan, he is more likely to take on the varied tasks associated with garden maintenance since he has the relevant expertise (Memory Protocol, 07/10/23).

He doesn’t come into the garden to mow or water the lawn, these are tasks that people from the Migrantpolitan community can take on, for which less knowledge about gardening is required. It’s inherent to caregiving work that it often goes unnoticed. Trash is not seen once it has been cleared away. When the trash is still present, it looks disorganized and makes it evident that the task has not been completed. This task is correspondingly unappreciated and frustration can be significant when confronted with inconsiderate behavior. As already described, Kampnagel’s backyard is not a public space (see chapter “Perceptions of the Garden”, section “the Garden as Kampnagel’s Backyard”). Mohammed explains to us that Kampnagel would be liable if someone is bitten

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by a dog on the site, for example (Interview, Donna & Mohammed, 2023). Accordingly, he tries to ensure that this does not happen by advising people to put their dogs on a leash.

Another obstacle can be the language barrier. Many people in Migrantpolitan mainly speak English, which can pose a communication problem for some visitors. For example, Moká Farkas from Baltic Raw reports that her English is not strong enough and she lacks the vocabulary to properly explain how the plants in the plant-box system on the facade of the Migrantpolitan need to be cared for.

It should also be noted that the Migrantpolitan community is not a homogeneous group that agrees in every respect. Hassan mentions that around 15 people are on site every day and that there are a total of around 100 people in the community (Interview, Hassan, 2023). It is a group with various subgroups. There are artistic groups that shoot videos together or design clothes, like Hools of Fashion. Some are also employed at Kampnagel and are somewhere between the institutions.

The group is very diverse, everyone brings different experiences and has different needs as to how open or closed the group should present itself to the outside world. Although there are also regular meetings, the association as a whole is rather loose and flexible. Nevertheless, the Migrantpolitan has a strong external impact as a closed group. Thus, we catch ourselves observing how a rejection in our attempt to connect with the Migrantpolitan affects the perception of the entire group.

Conclusion and Radical Outcomes

CHAPTER EIGHT

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Chapter Eight: Conclusion and Radical Outcomes 8.1. Conclusion At the beginning of our work, the garden stands as a space that we aim to understand within its social context. The central question is: How do the practices, plants, and people structure the social dynamics of the garden in Kampnagel?

Through participatory observation, interviews, and informal conversations, we engaged with the garden over a period of four months.

We have summarized the insights gained, the practices observed, and the underlying functions for users into four perceptions of the garden: the garden as the backyard of Kampnagel, the garden as Community Space, the garden as Greenspace, and the garden as Performance Space. This artificial separation into ideal types enables us to take an analytical perspective on the use of the garden. It became evident that the identity of the actor doing the practice matters, giving us indications of hidden power dynamics.

Although the garden as a social space has become more tangible to us through our research work, we have also simultaneously observed its fluidity and the impossibility of concretely defining it.

The reconstruction of the origin of the garden shows how closely it is interwoven with the permanent establishment of Migrantpolitan on Kampnagel. The cornerstone for the garden as we know it today was laid during the 2021 renovation of the Migrantpolitan building. Baltic Raw has the impression that the decision for the garden was not initiated by the Kampnagel institution, but grew out of the interest of the individual actors. It is a space of self-organization, accompanied by a certain degree of autonomy in decision-making, with the responsibility

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that comes along with it. The Migrantpolitan community primarily takes on the care work and thus also unappreciated tasks that remain invisible, such as removing trash. However, this also puts them in a position to regulate the use, for example, to deny access to people with dogs to stop them from doing their business there. In day-to-day operations, they have the authority to interpret the garden (Interview, Donna & Hassan, 2023). Donna explains that some visitors interpret Kampnagel’s left-wing image as an invitation to behave poorly, leave trash behind, and view the garden as an unregulated space, which is not the case.

She emphasizes that it is a daily task to correct people and clean up after visitors. She links the struggle against the undesirable behavior of some users in the garden to Kampnagel’s image and political stance.

Here the localization of the garden and the Migrantpolitan on Kampnagel and the connection with the institution becomes evident: The garden is located on the premises of a theater that is constantly in motion and aims to engage an audience. The Migrantpolitan community and the garden as its domain are simultaneously an expression of the mediated value system, which in turn supports the left-wing political positioning and Kampnagel’s reputation as an international theater. At the same time, the garden and the Migrantpolitan building give the artists the opportunity for self-realization and empowerment, to emancipate themselves from the heavily regulated and controlling system of the German bureaucracy.

The location on the Kampnagel site and thus in the public realm offers a reach for the platform and a certain protection for the people from Migrantpolitan. At the same time, they have to come to terms with the public and possible invasions of privacy.

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During the International Summer Festival in particular, the rules of conduct shift, and the Migrantpolitan building, which is reserved mainly for the community and artists in everyday operations, becomes an accessible event space that can be entered. Once a year, for several weeks, the informal rules that have established themselves there over the course of the year are questioned and can be renegotiated. At the same time, however, this can also lead to an institutionalization of structures. In the longer term, the interventions in the garden for the redesign of the summer festival have meant that Jens is now taking care of a designated spot in the garden, for which he seems to hold unofficial responsibility.

Institutionalization has also taken place with regard to the rest of the garden. The design for the International Summer Festival has been left to the Migrantpolitan community for the past four years. There seems to be a process of consolidation towards an independent, permanent structure, which is also supported by the ongoing Solicasino, taking place during the summer festival since 2017.

In addition to the consolidation, the International Summer Festival can also lead to new contacts and connections between the Migrantpolitan and visitors, thus bringing in new input.

With regard to the diversity of the people who come together in and around the Migrantpolitan, this can be seen as a lived utopia. The garden is essential for this, as it enables low-threshold encounters and exchanges. The connection of diasporic artists to the theater stands in opposition to the neoliberal practice of forcing refugees out of the cityscape and isolating them.

On a higher level of meaning, the garden is associated with other over-

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arching goals that are aimed at a global society. It is important for Jens and Moká to cultivate insect-friendly plants that are almost extinct in Hamburg. Moká, in particular, is doing this out of concern about climate change and can find personal solace by taking action. By being situated on the Kampnagel grounds, their initiative gains broader legitimacy and generates visibility for their cause. The Migrantpolitan building itself, which was designed in the style of a passive house, also manifests the ideal of sustainability and taking responsibility.

Regarding the existing rules of garden use, we found that within the community, there are sometimes differing views on how users are allowed to behave in the garden. This is primarily due to the fact that there do not seem to be any fixed rules within the community, but rather decisions are made on a situational basis. Given the size of the community, there is a correspondingly large number of interpretations. This can lead to irritation and explains that our external perception of who is allowed to eat the fruits in the garden differs from the self-perception of our conversation partner.

Although the group consists of a large number of people, the individual actors quickly seem to get lost in the swarm of the Migrantpolitan community. We ourselves observed how interacting with one individual actor could quickly influence the perception of the entire community.

On the other hand, individual actors who see themselves as friends of the group but not directly as part of the community, such as Jens, appear more prominently as individuals. While he was mentioned by name in every interview as a central actor of the garden, only Donna and Hassan were known from the Migrantpolitan by our conversation

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partners. Both are permanently employed at Kampnagel. Donna is a founding member of Migrantpolitan and plays a mediating role in the Kampnagel institution. Unlike the people involved in the gardening, she is white and not a refugee. Jens, who is also white, has been widely praised for designing the garden, while there is no mention of Mohammed watering the plants daily, let alone him appearing as an individual. Here the question arises to what extent is the acknowledgment of the work based on internalized racism, or whether it stems from the individual personalities. So we experienced Jens as a very keen and talkative conversation partner, while Mohammed needed some time to warm up and shared many pieces of information primarily through the interview with us. In addition, the language could also be a barrier as Mohammed speaks English and not German.

The garden is a living place that is in a constant process of evolution.

The care depends on individual actors and their dedication, there are few overarching structures through which the gardening is organized.

However, this also allows for imperfection and provides an opportunity for experimentation. Through the various actors who come together here and their colliding perceptions, we can learn that tolerance between actors is heightened, and therefore the garden is a diverse learning zone.

8.2. Tension Fields of the Garden In order to understand the areas of tension in which the existence of the garden moves, we construct radical scenarios. This is intended to provide information about where the boundaries of today’s garden lie.

TENSIONFIELDS OF THE GARDEN Isolation of Migrantpolitan, turning into an Eco Chamber

/ encounters information or opinions that reflect and reinforce their own. / decay of tolerance and platform function

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It plays with the four perceptions and reveals what is tolerable and what consequences can be expected when one perception of the garden dominates and crowds out the others. Correspondingly, there are four escalating scenarios, corresponding to the categories of perception of the garden.

In the scenario of the dominant perception of the garden as a community space, it is protected and closed as such in order to give marginalized individuals a space for appropriation. The consistent unity of the community would thereby lose its platform and its permeability. This is in contrast with the original idea of establishing a communal co-existence on the grounds of the cultural institution. Gradually it would signify the decay of tolerance and exchange. An “echo chamber” would develop in which existing ideas and attitudes are amplified and consolidated.

Here we are at one pole, between protection and security for vulnerable marginalized individuals and their opening to an exchange platform.

As a closed community space, the underlying values of tolerance and exchange could no longer be realized.

In the scenario of the dominant perception of the garden as a performance space, this is seen as a place of exchange, connection, and the multiplication of values. If consistently manifested, this would lead to total public exposure, resulting in the exploitation or displacement of both human and non-human actors. Plants and animals would not be able to regenerate without a respite, just as it would mean overstimulation for the public itself, without opportunities for reflection and recreation.

The consistent life in the garden as an art form would also become

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exploitative as there would be no humane life without retreat. In this case, it would be the exploitation of marginalized people and their dire circumstances for Kampnagel’s image as a cosmopolitan cultural institution. Here we are at the pole between communication and substance.

In this scenario, the values of inclusion and living together would be permanently communicated through the art and performance of refugees, yet without truly living them. In the permanent representation of values, they disintegrate.

In the scenario of the dominant perception of the garden as a green space, the function of aesthetics and the quality of stay would be the focus. In this scenario, the exaggerated value of aesthetics could lead to processes of gentrification and function according to the logic of market-driven exploitation. This fear has been real since the renovation project (Interview, Donna & Hassan, 2023). The aesthetics would be pedantic, regulated, and overdesigned (Interview, Franz, 2023), at the expense of areas for experimentation, suddenly subjected to the pressure of utilitarian logic and profit generation. As soon as this form of perception dominates, the process is self-perpetuating and difficult to stop. Here we are between the poles of regulatory aesthetics and imperfection, of spontaneous, emancipatory appropriation, and of experimentation.

In the scenario of the dominant perception of the garden as Kampnagel’s backyard, the garden would serve as infrastructure for the cultural operation, similar to its previous role as a “Parking lot.”. The pure attribution of infrastructural function would undermine the character of the garden as a place for leisure and relaxation. Neglect and consumption

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by the public without care would turn it into a non-place. Once the space is no longer functionally used, it transforms back into a vacant blank spot. Unlike the gentrification process, this scenario takes the garden back to its initial state and could lead to a fresh start, and new processes of appropriation. Here, we find ourselves between the poles of the blank spot, the unmarked white paper, and the appropriated, marked, and coded space.

In the center of the diagram, where the poles meet and the colors intersect, is the Learning Zone. This is where the garden is located with its actors and the various perceptions, without any of the perceptions dissolving. They exist parallel to each other. There is no overlap, but a showcase of diversity, with each perception playing off one another and pulling toward the poles. This is where all the poles converge, allowing for heterogeneous perceptions, fostering mutual tolerance, engaging in exchange, and challenging their own constitution. Unexpected and unplanned activities and collaborations arise here. For instance, Mohammed acquired artistic and gardening skills from Jens (Interview, Donna & Mohammed, 2023).

The act of experimenting and allowing each other to make mistakes creates the opportunity to involve diverse individuals on the stage of participation and tap into unforeseen potentials.

References

96 References

References 97

References

Abels, Heinz (2019): Einführung in die Soziologie. Band 1: Der Blick auf die Gesellschaft. Wiesbaden.

Aptekar, Sofya (2015): Visions of Public Space: Reproducing and Resisting Social Hierarchies in a Community Garden. Sociological Forum, Vol. 30, No. 1.

Baltic Raw (2013): Kanal Phil Harmonie, Spekulatives D.O.R.F. Online Link: http://www.balticraw.org/kanalspielhaus-i-spekulatives-d-o-r-f/, last access: 15/08/23.

Baltic Raw (2014): Kanalspielhaus Flora / Sitzburgh. Online Link: http://www. balticraw.org/kanalspielhaus-flora/, last access: 15/08/23.

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8.2 Empirical References: Interview Donna & Hassan from Migrantpolitan, 05/07/23 Interview Donna & Mohammed from Migrantpolitan, 08/08/23 Interview Franz Thöricht of the art-collective Franz&Jascha, 10/08/23 Interview Moká Farkas & Berndt Jasper of the art-collective Baltic Raw, 26/07/23 Interview Hassan from Migrantpolitan, 24/05/23 Memory Protocol, 10/07/2023, informal Talk with Jens

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Memory Protocol, 18/07/23 Memory Protocol, 31/07/23, Gesche during Summer School Observations, 05/25/23 © All credits for photos and drawings belong to the authors of this book.

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