Hair & The City: Understanding Hair Care in South African Cities by richardward94

Hair & The City: Understanding Hair Care in South African Cities

Richard Ward

Hair & The City: Understanding Hair Care in South African Cities

Richard Ward

Supervisor: Dr. Felipe Hernรกndez Design Supervisors: Ingrid Schrรถder and Aram Mooradian Gonville and Caius College, University of Cambridge Essay 2: Pilot Thesis, submitted 3rd April 2018 An essay submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the MPhil Examination in Architecture & Urban Design (2017-2019)

Word Count: 5050

Introduction Since apartheid ended, the contemporary city in South Africa has served to provide public, mixed and inhabitable spaces for informal industries. The specific market that this essay interrogates is the informal hair care industry, which caters for the non-white majority of the nation. The social, spatial and cultural impact upon the city of these hair care businesses illustrate the benefits that can be achieved because they create heterogeneous public spaces. This essay addresses three key points. First, South African citiesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; segregationist policies and design have created a polarization between the formal and informal, which demands investigation into why spaces such as the informal salon or barber must be maintained and allowed to thrive and, thereby, to help develop a more heterogeneous city. Second, the essay discusses why hair is so political: what events and notions of identity in history have helped to form the choices and decisions someone will make when they change or maintain their hair. Third, the analyses what social and physical elements the barbershop, salon and braider-sites need to possess in order to create a space that can become a public arena for cultural discussion and development.

Fig. 1. Modernist boulevard in Cape Town CBD

Fig. 2. Salon in Cape Town train station

Fig. 3. Hair Extensions

The South African City New Spaces South African cities today are filled with a multitude of new urban spaces that counteract the older formal layouts and, as such, must be constructed alongside traditional western design. Major cities in South Africa - such as, Cape Town, Johannesburg and Durban - have all begun to develop new spatial characteristics since apartheid ended and the African National Congress (ANC) was elected in 1994.

Fig. 4. Trading area in Cape Town train station

Fig. 5. Trading area in Warwick Junction, Durban

Fig. 6. Trading area in Bree Street Taxi Rank, Johannesburg

Segregation in The City During the colonial period through to apartheid rule in South Africa, urban planning and the strict placement of people prioritised segregationist techniques. Under the Group Areas Act of 1950 huge numbers of nonwhite people were forcefully removed and relocated into non-white areas. These sites were often located on the peripheries of the city and, therefore, deemed ‘out of sight’. Moreover, these non-white areas were often cut off from adjacent neighbourhoods through the use of industrial space, highways and train lines.

Fig. 7. Diagram used during Apartheid planning

Government policies segregated the majority of the population (non-white) from the rest of the city (white), resulting in the separation and polarizing of social, economic and spatial practices. Popke and Ballard, however, point out that, “the impulses behind such policies were not unique to South Africa, or even to colonial contexts more generally. Rather, they stand as particularly salient examples of modernist planning principles, expressing a vigilant concern with order and control” (Ballard 2004). 6

Modernism’s Attempt to Eliminate ‘The Other’ This attempt to eliminate what was perceived as ‘the other’ from the modernist ordered and formalised city centre resulted in what may be argued was a failure in terms of making the city a desirable place to be. This failure results from the inability of certain forms of modernist planning to include the ‘informal’ and its valuable attributes. James C Scott compares the problems of the radically simplified urban condition with that of the natural environment and argues that, “The failures and vulnerability of monocrop commercial forests and genetically engineered, mechanized mono-cropping mimic the failures of collective farms and planned cities” (Scott 1999). The argument Scott is putting forward is that the formalised and ‘mono-cropped’ city does not have the robustness and adaptability that is brought with “practical knowledge, informal processes, and improvisation” (Scott 1999).

Fig. 8. The mono-cropped forest from Seeing Like a State

However, the South African city is now recovering from this “mono-cropped” condition, as the end of apartheid law and segregationist policies saw cities beginning to develop new social, economic and spatial systems, which are more integrated and less ordered. These systems have manifested themselves in a variety of different ways, one of which is ‘informal’ work. 7

Fig. 9. The informal market with the formal CBD in the background

The Rise of Informal Work in The City Informal work can consist of a multitude of different things, from car repairs to trading food on the street. Taking Cape Town as an example, the informal sector is now the “fifth largest employment sector” in the city and employs more than 170,000 individuals, thus helping to alleviate unemployment rates and poverty in the city (Town 2016). Indeed, informal work in South African cities today occupies a wide variety of public and private spaces and operates via a different set of spatial practices than those of the formal city. Abdoumaliq Simone comments on why this might be saying that “informal work requires some kind of space in which to operate, and where access to such space is sometime foreclosed by inadequate available capital, licenses, and connections, so-called public space may be appropriated as the site from which informal work is launched or managed” (Simone 2001). This so-called ‘public space’, which is occupied by informal workers and traders, is often situated wherever there is a high level of footfall in the city. Thus, footfall in cities often results in informal work such as street vending having a “strong presence at taxi ranks, sport stadiums and railway stations. They opportunistically occupy available space surrounding shopping malls, in residential areas and at busy intersections” (Fadia Gamieldien 2017).

Fig. 10. An area with heavy footfall is Greenmarket square in Cape Town

This flexibility and space to operate results from the policy that, “Informal trading is permitted in any area within the jurisdiction of the City” (City of Cape Town: Informal Trading Amendment By-law 2013), which leads to an incredibly fluid and adaptable group of businesses that are able to navigate a series of spaces throughout the city.

Fig. 11. A view over Cape Town

The Cities’ Perception of The Informal Although the informal work taking place in the city is beneficial and has arguably added value to the city rather than subtracting from it, it is often viewed negatively by the public and police, as well as the municipalities which create the by laws and regulations surrounding informal work. Matsipa argues in her essay ‘Woza Sweetheart! On braiding epistemologies on Bree Street’ that many of the by-laws put in place around informal trading laws “force traders to navigate a patchwork of zones of relative insecurity and profit that are patterned by shifting territories of private property entitlements” (Matsipa 2017). This was clearly seen in October 2013 when ‘Operation Clean Sweep’ took place in the City of Johannesburg in which the police “brutally evicted all traders from the streets of the inner city” (Benit-Gbaffou 2016).

Fig. 12. A view over informal vending

Addressing Spatial Problems One of these informal trading activities is the hair care and braiding industry, which is often seen more negatively than other activities. Even in salons and barbers, which spatially have premises from which to conduct business, the majority of workers are informally employed, as they do not have any form of documentation or registration as a hairdresser. The business is often unregistered as “the process of registering a business is deemed to be too complicated and difficult to understand” (SETA 2017). The informal hair care industry is often perceived “as an especially noxious activity” which “pollutes the public environment” (Matsipa 2017). This negative attitude towards hair care, often seeing it as a polluting activity is usually based on the spatial conditions in which many of the hairdressers operate in. With no access to running water or adequate disposal of unsanitary goods, business owners often have to find an alternative for refuse and throw polluting hair chemicals into the street drains. The negative elements such as polluting are, therefore, due to spatial qualities which occur because the businesses are forced to inhabit spaces which are not catering for their needs. This is illustrative of the lack of understanding on the city’s part to develop spaces for activities like informal hair care to thrive.

The Hair Intimate Hair Practices Black hair care in South Africa as a profession and a topic is especially relevant to the urban context today, with cities such as Cape Town growing 2-3% annually (Review 2018). The city’s formal employment sector is not able to keep up with the population growth, in particular the migrant workers from both South Africa and other African countries. These migrants find employment in hair braiding, salons and barbers in order to sustain themselves. The result being that “in addition to providing employment for fellow women, migrant women brought with them a wide range of skills which enabled them to engage in various entrepreneurial activities, which in turn expanded the skill set of South African women” (Matsipa 2017). This migration of workers from across Africa has brought with it an expansion of styles and techniques and so begins to help African women and men position their own identity not only in South Africa but also in a larger African context.

Fig. 13. Photographs on the wall of a salon and barbers illustartes the variety of different hairstyles available

This growth in the forms of informal hair care business, such as braiding and the spaces the workers inhabit, highlight how porous the once formal modernist and segregated city centre has become. The intimate and political nature of the hair care industry has in some ways helped to invert the city’s notion of identity and space creating an urban context which challenges and confronts the way that “identity and alterity were historically managed in South Africa” leaving them “dislocated” (Ballard 2004). Hair has always been political; like clothing, it is a piece of our outward appearance that we can alter in order to respond to our environment in a certain way. However, unlike clothing hair is something, which is genetically unique to a person and deeply personal. Thus, it is important to point out that the reasons for trying to look a certain way and hair practices utilized cannot be put down to one single reason and that “hair can be a badge of cultural pride, as well as simply an indicator of style” (Banks 2000), in other words, hair does not have to be a political statement because for a lot of people it is just hair. However, it is clear that the closely entangled relationship between the intimacies of hair care, the space it occupies and identity means that the barbers, salons and braiders have become political points in South Africa’s cities today.

Fig. 14. Advert taken from L’Oreal in Africa, L’Oreal are trying to increase their presence in the African cosmetics market.

A Window into Identity Societal, political and cultural gravities not particular to South Africa have pulled and pushed notions about black hair care, heavily influencing the styles and techniques used throughout history. It is important to begin to understand the tensions which arise around standards about image, beauty and what is deemed desirable in non-white hair care practices. Ingrid Banks argues in her introduction to Hair Matters that “for black women in this society, what is considered desirable and undesirable hair is based on one’s hair texture. What is deemed desirable is measured against white standards of beauty, which include long and straight hair (usually blonde)” (Banks 2000). As Banks argues, the notions of what is desirable is something rooted in hair texture and this is possibly why certain frequently used products, such as hair-relaxer, are now commonplace in the salon or barbers and have prompted questions about what is ‘beautiful’ and why people change the way they look.

Fig. 15. Poster for Chris Rock’s documentary, Good Hair

In Chris Rock’s 2009 documentary Good Hair, one of the customers in the salon reveals how painful it can be to leave relaxer on for too long and claims that it feels like “your skull is on fire” (Rock 2009). This illustrates the length to which people might go to be perceived and look a certain way. Kathleen Cleaver, a member of the Black Panther Party, a party known for it’s revolutionary ideas about gender and image, discusses in a short piece of footage her reasons for wearing her hair in the Afro style. 13

Fig. 16. A still taken from Kathleen Cleaver’s interview when she discusses hair

She explains that, “for so many many years, we were told that only white people were beautiful. Only straight hair, light eyes, light skin was beautiful and so black women would try everything they could, straighten their hair, lighten their skin to look as much like white women.” (Cleaver 1968). Cleavers, Rocks and Banks’ arguments and assessments on hair all help to illustrate how much hair care is influenced by what people often perceive as acceptable. It is possible that perhaps in certain spaces throughout the city such as the salon, barbershop or braiders, cultural conversations such as Rocks have a space to come to the forefront.

Hair Pride It’s significant that when Kathleen Cleaver discusses why she wears her hair in an Afro it was a different time. Ingrid Banks points out that the use of the Afro in the 1960s and 1970s helped to usher in more choices: “black women were afforded…more choices in how they wear their hair. The climate during the 1990’s supported individuality and a myriad of choices nurtured diversity of hair styling practices among black women” (Banks 2000). This development in identity in hairstyles and techniques helped develop an industry that is now more adept at challenging what is seen as acceptable. Thus the South African hair care industry is able to challenge the colonial cities’ codes and ‘norms’ regarding the presence of black bodily care in the urban spaces. 14

This challenging of the societal and spatial codes of what is ‘acceptable’ in terms of hair style may be seen in instances such as when students in August 2016 from the Pretoria High School for Girls led a protest against the school’s code of conduct as to what was deemed acceptable, as they were told by staff that they were not allowed to wear their hair in an Afro style and it needed to be straight and tied back (Africa 2016).

Fig. 17.

Fig. 18.

Developing the Mixed City It is clear that to develop a truly heterogeneous society in the South African city and overcome the formal and white-dominated spatial codes it is important for people to confront and address not only their own identity but also others. Ash Amin argues, in reference to the 2001 race riots in the UK that “the achievement of a genuinely intercultural society requires a new language from which the strong overtones of whiteness are removed from understandings of British citizenship and national belonging, so that citizens of different color and culture can coexist with the same right of claim to the nation” (Amin 2002). The removal of the strong overtones of “whiteness” from spatial orders can be facilitated by addressing of the identity of hair practices and the spaces they occupy as braiders, barbers and salons infiltrate the city centre.

Fig. 19. Looking down on Bree Street, Johannesburg

The Living Room on the Street Skills and Setting The barbershop and the salon are incredibly important spaces socially, culturally and economically. They are spaces that fit into both the rhythm of the city and the everyday movements and timings of the customer. They have become a “socially constructed place that offers lessons about spirituality, community, ritual and the meaningful examination of everyday life” (Carpenter 2003). Although the customer is still just another head of hair to cut, which translates as money and income, it is possible to argue that the role that these spaces provide in an urban setting is also about culture and identity. Bryant discusses this double role: “Although the word salon refers to a site of hair care and comfort, it can also be defined as a constructed community for social and intellectual talk on agreed issues” (Alexander 2003). The salon and barber as ‘constructed communities’ help to frame an occasion that helps develop and nurture ones culture, through the ability to maintain a semi-public space which caters to a particular group of people.

Fig. 20.

Fig. 21.

Fig. 22.

This culturally specific, semi-public space could be called what Ash Amin refers to as a ‘microculture’ as he argues that “everyday lived experiences and local negotiations of difference, on microcultures of place through which abstract rights and obligations, together with local structures and resources, meaningfully interact with distinctive individual and interpersonal experiences.” His argument focuses on the nature of having culturally heterogeneous neighborhoods and a sense of shared urban spaces which are able to address and confront ideas about race, gender and class; he questions what the “nature of these sites” will be and “what kind of engagement or outcome can be expected?” (Amin 2002). The hair salon and barber are arguably one response to this question of what could the microcultural space become. 18

Metis In a South African context both of these spaces exist in the formal and informal economies, however in the informal economy the number of hairdressers is “roughly five times the number of hairdressers that are estimated to work in the formal hairdressing industry in South Africa” (SETA 2017). There are reasons why the informal is the larger employer out of the two sectors and it is important to understand the reasons why skills and training are integral as this offers an insight into the reason these spaces thrive and provide economic opportunity for so many. Formal qualifications are not required in the informal hair care industry, however, there is a certain skillset that is needed to be able to work. This skillset is often obtained, not through a course or formal qualification but rather, “practising on friends and family or through an informal apprenticeship” and now “(80%) of on-street service hairdressers reported being self-taught” (SETA 2017). This method of learning and building up the skills needed is incredibly accessible and is possible to do even while working in another industry, making this one of the reasons that the sector is so accessible for workers who want to enter the economy quickly and cheaply. The accessible economy is, therefore, very attractive to migrant workers from other nations in Africa which have their own skillsets influenced by where they have come from, helping them to “engage in various entrepreneurial activities, which in turn expands the skill set of South African women” (Matsipa 2017). This broadening of the skillset is integral to employment and also to the economic success of the barber and salon and, as such,what is valuable to most owners of salons and barbers is not a formal qualification but rather a set of skills built through experience. This experience based skillset, which evolves separately from a formalized training or monitoring could be called what James C Scott’s refers to as ‘Metis’, a classical Greek word that “denotes the knowledge that can only come from practical experience” (Scott 1999). It is important to note that the skillset is not confined to just hair care practices such as braiding, deadlocking or relaxing. Skills can branch out into accounting, business management and finance. As the industry is not qualification based but rather experience based it has evolved a system in which it is possible to “trade skills”, allowing for skills to be “shared and disseminated in the industry” (SETA 2017). This form of ‘metis,’ which is built among the workers in the hair care industry, helps to develop an industry which is incredibly accessible and robust, where a variety of skills can be transferred freely and easily among the participants in the industry. There are spaces throughout South African cities which cater to this ability to thrive through the trading of skills. These spaces are moments in the city in which a larger space, such as an old office block or a transport hub, can be repurposed and utilized by a variety of businesses. 19

Matsipa analyses the once abandoned office spaces occupied on Bree Street in Johannesburg and shows how they have been “rescaled in order to accommodate a new density and diversity of retail activities of varying sizes” (Matsipa 2017).

Fig. 23. Images showing interior of re-used office space as a space for trading

It is these spaces, which accommodate a variety of different practices and goods, that allow for skills to be transferred and a beneficial coexistence to be built. Susanne Hall refers to as this in her study of Peckham’s Rye Lane as “Mutualisms” (Hall 2015). These mutualisms need a space in which to develop and thrive and using a series of robust spatial frameworks such as Bree Street’s offices it is perhaps possible to design spaces, which can fulfill this role. 20

The Domestic Space The barbershop, salon and braiders are all acoustically and fragrantly sensual spaces, which not only provide a setting for the hairdresser to cut someone’s hair but also create an environment which is caring and reminiscent of a domestic space. This notion of the salon/ barber being a domestic space, almost a living room on the street, is perhaps the culmination of the need for a ‘micropublic’ space, for the customer to feel as if they are cared for and a continuation of the stylists’ training on family and friends.

Fig. 24. Photograph shows Alexander’s Barbershop with its screen door

One of the physical elements discussed by Alexander, from his own personal experiences, is the screen door that would typically belong to a house in the South of the United States, a functional element to keep a home cool and, therefore, the barbershop signaled “a kind of domesticity—suggesting that the shop was more home or social arena than business.” He goes on to explain that even televisions are hung upon the walls of the salon serving as pieces of equipment that provide a balance between domesticity and hair business, as “the televisions are equipped with small video cameras that can be stretched out and pointed so that the customers can see an image of the back of their head” (Alexander 2003). The salons and barbers in South Africa are no different and often provide services such as food and drink to help build this domestic social space for customers. The living room off the street is what helps to develop the space as ‘micropublic’, a space in which a group of people can enter and feel at home, and an environment conducive to developing culture. It is this domesticity and intimate social backdrop coupled with the industry’s easily accessible economic nature that creates such a beneficial set of spaces throughout the city. 21

Fig. 25. Hair brading and training in a salon located in Cape Town train station

Conclusion The protest in August 2016 at Pretoria Girls High against the school’s racially backwards policies regarding hair management illustrates the need to examine and question the attributes of South African hair care and its deeply political nature. This essay has served as an introduction to a series of questions that try to deal with this topic at different levels. Hair’s deeply political nature and its ability to act as a visual window into identity and the notions of what is deemed acceptable provides a backdrop for why it is important to create a space that acts as a ‘living room off the street’, a space that serves as a microculture for citizens in the South African city. Understanding the scale of the city, its spatially and socially segregationist past, the hair cares role within this context and how moments of micro-cultural spaces may challenge societal and spatial norms, are all essential to building and maintaining spaces that provide freedom for learning, employment and cultural development. Moreover, it is important to understand what the cultural, physical and political aspects are which form the barbers, braiders and salons and the space in which they exist. The hairdresser’s space has managed to sculpt a balance between the domestic and the business thereby creating a public arena, which can remain intimate and caring.

Bibliography Africa, BBC News. ‘Racist school hair rules’ suspended at SA’s Pretoria Girls High. August 30, 2016. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-37219471 (accessed March 27, 2018). Alexander, Bryant Keith. “Fading, Twisting, and Weaving: An Interpretive Ethnography of the Black Barbershop as Cultural Space.” Qualitative Inquiry, (Sage Publications) 9, no. 1 (Feb 2003): 105-128. Amin, Ash. “Ethnicity and the multicultural city: living with diversity.” Environment and Planning A, 2002: 959-980. Ballard, E. Jeffrey Popke & Richard. “Dislocating modernity: Identity, space and representations of street trade in Durban, South Africa.” Geoforum (Elsevier) 35 (2004): 99-110. Banks, Ingrid. Hair Matters: beauty, power, and Black women’s consciousness . New York: New York University Press, 2000. Benit-Gbaffou, Claire. “Do street traders have the ‘right to the city’? The politics of street trader organisations in inner city Johannesburg, post-operation Clean Sweep.” Third World Quaterly 37, no. 6 (2016). Carpenter, B Stephen, II. “Never a Dull Moment: Pat’s Barbershop as Educational Environment, Hypertext, and Place .” Journal of Cultural Research in Art Education 21 (2003): 5. City of Cape Town: Informal Trading Amendment By-law, 2013. City of Cape Town: Informal Trading By-Law. December 2013. https://openbylaws.org.za/za-cpt/act/by-law/2009/informal-trading/ (accessed March 2018). Why we wear our hair like this. Performed by Kathleen Cleaver. 1968. Fadia Gamieldien, Lana van Niekerk. “Street vending in South Africa: An entrepreneurial occupation.” South African Journal of Occupational Therapy, April 2017: 25-29. Hall, S.M. “Super-diverse street: a ‘trans-ethnography’ across migrant localities.” Ethnic and Racial Studies (Routledge), 2015: 22-37.

Matsipa, Mpho. “Woza! Sweetheart! On braiding epistemologies on Bree Street.” Thesis 11 (Sage Publications) 14 (2017): 31-48. Review, World Population. Cape Town Population 2018. 02 09, 2018. http://worldpopulationreview.com/world-cities/cape-town-population/ (accessed 03 27, 2018). Good Hair. Directed by Jeff Stilson. Performed by Chris Rock. 2009. Scott, James C. Seeing Like a State. New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1999. SETA, Services. Skills Supply and Demand in the Hairdressing Industry in South Africa. Department of Higher Education Republic of South Africa, higher training and education, Cape Town: SETA, 2017. Simone, AbdouMaliq. “On the Worlding of African Cities.” African Studies Review (Cambridge Univeristy Press) 44, no. 2 (Sep 2001): 15-41. Simone, AbdouMaliq. “The Urban Poor and Their Ambivalent Exceptionalities Some Notes from Jakarta.” Current Anthropology (The University of Chicago Press) 56, no. 11 (October 2015): 15-23. Town, City of Cape. Informal Economy Summit Highlights the Value of Informal Trading. June 13, 2016. http://www.capetown.gov.za/Mediaand-news/Informal%20Economy%20Summit%20highlights%20the%20 value%20of%20informal%20trading (accessed March 21, 2018). Kihato, Caroline Wanjiku. “‘A picture speaks a thousand words’ Understanding women’s migration in Johannesburg through visual diaries.” Scrutiny2, Issues in English Studies in Southern Africa 15, no. 1 (2010): 33-54. Rob Davies, James Thurlow. Formal-Informal Economy Linkages and Unemplyment in South Africa. Research paper, Centre for poverty employment and growth, Human Sciences Research Council, HSRC , 2009. Robinson, Susan Parnell & Jennifer. “(Re)theorizing Cities from the Global South: Looking Beyond Neoliberalism.” Urban Geography (Routledge) 33, no. 4 (2012): 593-617.

List of figures

Fig. 1. Hans R Van Der Woude (1964) Cape Town Train Station [photograph] At: http://mapio.net/s/61412374/ Accessed April 2018 Fig. 2. Juliette Garms [2015] A day in the life of a hairdresser, Image of hairdresser [photograph] At: https://www.groundup.org.za/article/ day-life-hairdresser_3388/ Accessed April 2018 Fig. 3. Juliette Garms [2015] A day in the life of a hairdresser, Image of braids [photograph] At: https://www.groundup.org.za/article/day-life-hairdresser_3388/ Accessed April 2018 Fig. 4. Bernard Chiguvare [2016] Station deck traders complain about drug dealers, Image of Deck [photograph] At: https://www.groundup.org.za/article/station-deck-traders-complain-about-drug-dealers/ Accessed April 2018 Fig. 5. Smithsonian [2011] ITRUMP: WARWICK JUNCTION, image of fresh produce [photograph] At: https://www.designother90.org/solution/ itrump-warwick-junction/ Accessed April 2018 Fig. 6. Trip Advisor [2018] Bree Street Taxi Rank [photograph] At: https:// www.tripadvisor.com/LocationPhotoDirectLink-g312578-d6163716-i23 7310120-Dlala_Nje-Johannesburg_Greater_Johannesburg_Gauteng.html Accessed April 2018 Fig .7. David Kay [n/a] Example of Zoning under Apartheid [diagram] At: https://www.archdaily.com/455599/what-will-be-mandela-s-spatial-legacy/52a24819e8e44e00d8000069-what-will-be-mandela-s-spatial-legacyphoto Accessed April 2018 Fig. 8. Angelo Lomeo [n/a] Figure 2 from James C Scottâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Seeing Like a State [photograph] At: https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/james-c-scottseeing-like-a-state Accessed April 2018 Fig. 9. Nadia Krige [2017] Best bet for Cape Towns urban food security, image of trading in city centre [photograph] At: https://www.capetownpartnership.co.za/2017/04/best-bet-for-cape-towns-urban-food-security-informal-trade/ Accessed April 2018

Fig. 10. Sharyn Sassen [2015] Future Cape Town [photograph] At: http://futurecapetown.com/2015/02/future-cape-town-will-ideas-competition-improve-informal-trading-conditions/#.WsEJxdXwY1I Accessed April 2018 Fig. 11. Sandeep Goyal [2011] Daily Life Cape Town [photograph] At: https://www.trekearth.com/gallery/Africa/South_Africa/West/Western_ Cape/Cape_Town/photo1439084.htm Acessed April 2018 Fig. 12. Bafana Nzimande [2013] Informal Traders attorney arrested in Johannesburg [photograph] https://www.enca.com/south-africa/informal-traders-attorney-arrested-johannesburg Accessed April 2018 Fig. 13. Simon Weller [2011] No Concept, But Good Sense: Township Barbershops Signs Of South Africa [photograph] At: http://www. anotherafrica.net/interviews/township-barbershops-signs-of-south-africa Accessed April 2018 Fig. 14. L’Oreal [2018] L’Oreal Brands and Consumers, African Beauty Brands [photograph] At: http://www.loreal.com/brand/consumer-products-division/african-beauty-brands Accessed April 2018 Fig. 15. Chris Rock [2009] Good Hair Poster [poster] At: http://boiler-blog.blogspot.co.uk/2009/12/good-hair.html Accessed April 2018 Fig. 16. Youtube [2011] Kathleen Cleaver on Natural African Hair 1968 [still from interview] At: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JUna84ztulU Accessed April 2018 Fig. 17. Lasha [2016] Black Girls Shouldn’t Have to Protest to Wear Their Natural Hair [photograph] http://www.ebony.com/news-views/pretoria-girls-high-protest Accessed April 2018 Fig. 18. Bandile Ngobese [2016] Watch: Black Hair Matters! [photograph] At: https://www.dailysun.co.za/News/National/watch-black-hairmatters-20160830 Accessed April 2018 Fig. 19. Mpho Matsipa [2014] Bree Street Above [photograph] At: https://www.architectural-review.com/rethink/viewpoints/street-values-reading-johannesburg/8673881.article Accessed April 2018

Fig. 20. Simon Weller [2011] South African Township Barbershops & Salons, Class Cut and Relaxe [photograph] At: http://www.africanlens. com/stories/photo_story/south_african_township_barbershops_salons Accessed April 2018 Fig. 21. Simon Weller [2011] South African Township Barbershops & Salons, Mafas Hair Salon [photograph] At: http://www.africanlens.com/ stories/photo_story/south_african_township_barbershops_salons Accessed April 2018 Fig. 22. Simon Weller [2011] South African Township Barbershops & Salons, Geoge’s Hair Salon [photograph] At: http://www.africanlens. com/stories/photo_story/south_african_township_barbershops_salons Accessed April 2018 Fig. 23. Aucor Property [2016] Image of office space [photograph] At: http://www.aucorproperty.co.za/properties/commercial/johannesburg-shopping-centre-jhb-cbd/ Accessed April 2018 Fig. 24. Bryant Alexander [2003] Image taken from Alexanders text ‘Fading Twisting and Weaving: An Interpretative Ethnogrpahy of the Black Barbershop’ [photograph] At: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/249735718_Fading_Twisting_and_Weaving_An_Interpretive_Ethnography_of_the_Black_Barbershop_as_Cultural_Space Accessed April 2018 Fig. 25. Maxiole Feni [2015] Hairy Tales from the Township [photograph] At: https://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Hairy-tales-fromthe-township-20150821 Acessed April 2018