Here are translated remarks by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s, made in Hebrew, as he opened a press conference in Jerusalem on Monday.
Yesterday, the Assad regime in Syria, the main link in Iran’s axis of evil, crumbled after 54 years. Iran had invested billions in Syria, and it is all gone.
This was a brutal dictatorship that trampled its citizens and slaughtered hundreds of thousands of them.
And regarding us, it fostered hostility and hatred, attacked us in the Yom Kippur War, served as a forward position for Iranian terrorism and constituted a pipeline for the transfer of weapons from Iran to Hezbollah.
I would like to say to the generations of our fighters who laid down their lives to liberate and defend the Golan Heights, and I say to the generations of residents who put down roots on the Golan Heights: Today, we all understand the great importance our presence there — on the Golan Heights, and not at the base of the Golan Heights. Our control on the Golan Heights ensures our security, it ensures our sovereignty.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank my friend, President-elect Donald Trump, for acceding to my request to recognize Israel’s sovereignty over the Golan Heights, in 2019. The importance of this historic recognition has been underscored today. The Golan Heights will be an inseparable part of the State of Israel forever.
The collapse of the Syrian regime is a direct result of the severe blows with which we have struck Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran. I would like to make it clear: Additional challenges yet await us in the campaign and we are still active. Since the horrifying terrorist assault of Oct. 7, we have been working methodically, prudently and in an orderly manner to dismantle the axis of evil. This did not happen on its own, nor was it happenstance.
On Oct. 9, two days after the outbreak of the war, I told the local council heads in the south: “We will change the face of the Middle East.”
My first decision, and that of the Security
‘
Cabinet, was to focus, first of all, on the south, and afterwards on the north: To eliminate Hamas’s military and governing capabilities in Gaza, and block the danger of a Hezbollah invasion in the north.
In the Gaza Strip — we cut off Iran’s arm, destroyed Hamas’s brigades, eliminated the organization’s leadership and smashed its terrorism infrastructure both above and below ground. We have returned 155 hostages, including 117 who are alive.
Now we are working to demolish Hamas’s remaining military capabilities and all of its governing capabilities, and bring back the
hostages, and I emphasize, down to the last of them.
In Lebanon, we used a daring stratagem that struck a severe blow to Hezbollah: We eliminated the organization’s leadership, destroyed its terrorist strongholds close to the border — and I say terrorist strongholds which were built over decades — and destroyed a considerable part of its arsenal of Hezbollah’s missiles and rockets.
And yet, before the elimination of [Hezbollah leader Hassan] Nasrallah, pursuant to updated intelligence material that reached me, we reached a clear conclusion: Nasrallah
himself was the axis of the axis. Strike him, and the axis will have been struck a mortal blow. Nasrallah not only fanned the flames of aggression against us, he was the connecting link between Hezbollah, Syria and Iran. Therefore, the elimination of Nasrallah was a turning point in the crumbling of the axis.
Nasrallah is no longer with us, nor is the axis what it used to be. We are dismantling it stage by stage.
Iran cleared a path of terrorism from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean Sea: From Iran to Iraq, from Iraq to Syria and from Syria to Lebanon. In the south, it armed Hamas and in the more distant south — the Houthis, whom we have also struck hard.
The axis has not yet disappeared, but as I promised, we are changing the face of the Middle East. The State of Israel is establishing itself as a focus of strength in our region, the likes of which have not been seen for decades. Whoever cooperates with us, gains greatly. Whoever attacks us, loses greatly.
We want to see a different Syria, which will benefit both us and the residents of Syria. We proved this when we built field hospitals to care for thousands of wounded Syrians. I have said that there are hundreds of Syrian children who were born in Israel. Even today our hand is extended to those who want to live in peace with us, and we will cut off the hand of those who try to harm us.
With Defense Minister Israel Katz, and with the backing of all the members of the Security Cabinet, I ordered the [Israel Defense Forces] to seize the buffer zone between us and Syria, as well as the controlling positions close to it.
This includes the summit of Mt. Hermon, what is called the Syrian Mt. Hermon, which I remember very well from the time of my service in the General Staff Reconnaissance Unit. I was active on Mt. Hermon with my Shaldag soldiers, in bone-chilling cold. Both of my brothers, Ido and Yoni of blessed memory, were active there.
Yesterday I visited the Golan Heights. I evaluated the characteristics of the sector. I
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu holds a press conference at his office in Jerusalem on Monday. Yonatan Sindel, Flash90
Chabad rabbi’s murder puts peace at risk
The targeted killing of a peaceful religious leader is an exceptional and horrifying event whose adverse effects can ripple outward. That is all the truer when dealing with a situation as sensitive as that of the young Jewish presence in the United Arab Emirates.
This community blossomed and grew in the context of the Abraham Accords, the groundbreaking peace agreement in 2020 between Israel and four Arab and Muslim-majority countries, including the UAE, that led to a flowering in trade, travel and diplomacy between these nations. The recent murder of Chabad Rabbi Zvi Kogan there shows that none of this can be taken for granted. Peace, like a garden, is not a natural state but the result of careful tending and the aggressive weeding out of threats.
Kogan was one of just a handful of rabbis living and working in the UAE, tending to a flock of an estimated 4,000 Jewish residents, about half of whom are Israeli. Even in such select company, he stood out.
Kogan managed and operated Rimon Market — a kosher supermarket in Dubai that opened in December 2022. He also served as an aide to Rabbi Levi Duchman, director of Chabad of the UAE.
Community members had incredible stories to tell of his exceptional deeds and values: his hosting of open Shabbat dinners every Friday night, his lack of “office hours” and his constant availability to help community members in distress of every kind. Kogan leaves behind a grieving widow — New York native Rivky Spielman — whose aunt and uncle were Chabad emissaries to India and murdered by terrorists in 2008 along with four of their guests at Chabad of Mumbai. [Rabbi Avi Billet recalls the murder of the Holtzbergs of Mumbai, on page 17.]
Kogan’s assassination was no random act of violence. Information in Israel’s possession indicates that he may have been under Iranian surveillance. Iran has been known to com-
mit terrorist attacks against Jewish communities around the world, as when their operatives murdered 85 people, Jewish and non-Jewish, in the bombing at the AMIA (Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina) Jewish community center in Buenos Aires in 1994. Just last year, Greek police narrowly thwarted an Iranian terrorist attack on a Chabad center in Athens.
Three people, all citizens of Uzbekistan, have been arrested for Kogan’s kidnapping and murder after apparently fleeing to Turkey before being turned over to the Emirati justice system by Turkish authorities.
Damage has undoubtedly already been done.
Israel warned against all nonessential travel to the UAE, saying that “[t]here is concern that there is still a threat against Israelis and Jews in the area.” Sadly, the UAE’s state-run news agency, in announcing his killing, referred to Kogan merely as a “Moldovan citizen,” his other nationality, and deliberately avoided mentioning his Israeli citizenship or his role as a rabbi.
The ripples of the killing are reflected well beyond the Middle East. Ambassador Deborah Lipstadt, the US. special envoy for monitoring and combating antisemitism, wrote that she was “horrified” by “this heinous act” and that “the ongoing targeting of Jewish communities worldwide is abhorrent and must stop.”
Sean Savett, the spokesperson for the White House National Security Council, stated: “This was a horrific crime against all those who stand for peace, tolerance and coexistence.” Rabbi Ephraim Mirvis, chief rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of the Commonwealth in the United Kingdom, called the assault a “devastating blow” to peace. Jared Kushner, who helped negotiate the Abraham Accords, his brother Josh and their families have pledged $2 million to Chabad of the UAE in Kogan’s memory so that they can rebuild and further expand on his legacy.
Kogan left an incredible history of goodness, spiritual growth and community leadership that helped form and guide one of the most vibrant Jewish communities in the Islamic world in modern times. Through his life and actions, he showed that Jews and Muslims can live together in harmony, each free to worship God in their own way with constant respect and admiration for the other.
The twisted souls who ended his life, like their commanders in Tehran, are too sunk in darkness to see the beauty of his compelling message.
But the world sees it, and a brighter day will dawn — a day that looks with respect and admiration at the trailblazing leadership of Kogan and with repugnance on the cruel jihadi regime in Iran, whose violence and cruelty will bring about its own demise. May that day come soon!
Melinda Strauss is a New York-based Jewish content creator. To reach her, write: Columnist@ TheJewishStar.com
Rabbi Zvi Kogan.
Chabad.org
THIS SUNDAY!
LADIES BRUNCH Marilyn Wolowitz
SUNDAY, DECEMBER 15 9:45 am
MARIAM BODNER CHAIA FRISHMAN LAUREN ZUCKERMAN
GUEST SPEAKER: RABBI JOEY HABER
A year in Israel for your special needs child?
ELANA GOLDSCHEIDER
Iremember the first time a student with special needs told me she wanted to study in Israel after high school. It was 24 years ago, and I was running a program for teens with special needs at Camp Morasha in Lake Como, Pa. Her 16-year-old excitement was infectious, but it also posed a challenge: At the time, there were no dedicated programs in Israel that specialized in the structure, support and community she needed to thrive.
Since then, we’ve come a long way.
As the number of teens and young adults with special needs choosing to spend a year in Israel gradually increases, more families are exploring what this experience could mean for their child’s growth, independence and place in the community.
As the founding director of the Elaine and Norm Brodsky Darkaynu Program, which began as a way to let that camper from Morasha spend a year in Israel and now supports students with a range of cognitive and physical challenges, I’ve had the privilege of witnessing the growth that a supportive year there can inspire.
For each family, sending a daughter or son to a year-long program far from home is a deeply personal decision, one that asks parents to reflect on what they hope to give their children — and themselves — from the experience. This choice deserves thoughtful consideration as families weigh both the opportunities and responsibilities that come with it.
Is independent living possible, and is it right for your child?
A year-long Israel program isn’t just a trip;
it’s an immersion in a new lifestyle, and with the right support, it can be an incredible stepping stone toward independent living.
For many students, it’s the first time that they’ll be responsible for many aspects of their own care, such as budgeting, cooking or managing a schedule. For those young adults on track toward any level of independence, a year in Israel can be a positive, liberating and affirming experience, preparing them for life as an adult. But knowing whether your child is ready and able is crucial.
As you evaluate whether a year in Israel is the right fit, it is important to make sure a program will be able to understand and meet your child’s needs while also encouraging them to be as independent as possible. How ready your child feels is also a key factor. Determining these things requires clear and open communication with the program as well as with your child.
Direct communication between your child and the program is also often helpful in gaining the right information and for your child to feel confident and comfortable participating in the decision about whether to spend the year away.
Does the Israel experience resonate with your family and with your child?
Israel carries deep meaning for many Jewish families and teens. For some, sending a child abroad, especially to a program rooted in Jewish learning and life, feels like a natural continuation of family values. But it’s worth taking a moment to ask yourself what this experience really means to you, to your child and to your commu-
While the common wisdom is not to do something simply because it feels like everyone else is doing it, a year abroad in many communities is a rite of passage, and the fact that “everyone else is doing it” is indeed significant.
When every other young adult in the community is heading to Israel, your child will no doubt feel left out. In these cases, parents can start by advocating for inclusivity by encouraging schools and communities to highlight special-needs programs at Israel nights and openhouse events. If a suitable program is available or can be tailored to the student’s needs, families should seriously consider the option.
In communities where it is less common to spend a year in the Jewish state, skipping this experience will likely have fewer consequences in terms of social cohesion and finding one’s place in the community. But even in communities where spending a year in Israel is less common, parents of special needs children who show a strong interest in Israel travel or cultural experiences should consider the option.
Especially for a teen or young adult with special needs — when they can find a suitable program — a year in Israel offers an opportunity for personal growth and establishing their own independent identity.
That is why it’s important for parents to ask and explore, along with their kids, what value a year in Israel will bring, now and in the future, and if it is worth the challenges that will inevitably come along with it.
What will a year apart mean for your family?
Sending a teen or young adult child to Israel is a big adjustment — not just for them but for
parents and siblings alike. It means finding new rhythms at home, adjusting routines and sometimes coping with the bittersweet feelings that come from the distance. However, it’s also a time for parents to recharge, reflect and appreciate the changes that come with respite.
First and foremost, parents should not be embarrassed, ashamed or feel guilty about acknowledging that a year without their child with special needs at home can be a time for respite. Parents of children with special needs are often accustomed to putting their own needs on the back burner. A break from intense caregiving, while often difficult to imagine, can be very healthy. It gives parents time to explore parts of their lives that they may have set aside, and to return to caregiving renewed and re-energized.
Parents should also recognize that a year in Israel for their son or daughter with special needs could offer a break to other children in the family and offer an opportunity to spend more time with those children, perhaps doing activities that are more difficult or not possible when everyone is home.
In any case, think about what this time will look like for you. Will you reconnect with parts of yourself or perhaps with friends and family? Knowing that you’ll miss your child, but also being OK with that, is part of the journey
The decision to send your teen or young adult with special needs to Israel is, at its heart, a decision about growth: theirs and yours.
As you weigh the possibilities, remember that your questions, doubts and hopes are all part of preparing for this experience. Whether you decide that a year in Israel is right for your family or that a different choice is best, know that there’s no single path to growth and fulfillment.
Sending our children off to learn, explore and grow is something all parents dream of, and it’s possible for children with special needs, too. It’s a journey that starts long before they board a plane, and it continues long after they return. May it be a meaningful one for you and your family.
Elana Goldscheider is the founding director of the Ohr Torah Stone network’s Elaine and Norm Brodsky Darkaynu Program, a fully immersive Orthodox year-in-Israel experience for young men and women with special needs. To reach her, write: Columnist@TheJewishStar.com
When every other young adult in the community is heading to Israel, your child will feel left out.
Students at Darkaynu, a study-abroad program in Israel for young adults with special needs. Courtesy
‘I’m mortal, but Am Israel Chai is eternal’
By Hanan Greenwood Israel Hayom
Since Oct. 7, 2023, the Jewish people have faced unprecedented challenges. The Hamas onslaught, which Doron Almog, chairman of the Jewish Agency, calls the “Simchat Torah War,” became a watershed moment that shook Israel and the Jewish world.
In an interview with Israel Hayom, Almog reflects on the attack’s devastating impact and offers hope for recovery.
Almog is a prominent figure in Israeli society. He’s a former IDF major general — with a distinguished military career that includes leading complex operations such as the 1976 Entebbe raid, where he was the first soldier to set foot on the airport tarmac in Uganda — and a social activist who established the Aleh NegevNahalat Eran rehabilitation village near Ofakim for people with disabilities.
His appointment as chairman of the Jewish Agency in August 2022 placed him at the helm of Israel-Diaspora relations during a challenging period.
“This represents Israel’s gravest crisis since the War of Independence and the Jewish people’s most significant challenge since World War II,” Almog said with visible pain.
He described the haunting scene in Kibbutz Kfar Aza on the Gaza border, where he found sukkahs with tables still set and white tablecloths in place — silent witnesses to the Jewish holiday celebrations that ended in tragedy. “We were preparing for celebration,” he said quietly.
The Oct. 7 attacks, Almog acknowledged, represent “a catastrophic failure at every level,” but he emphasized that alongside the tragedy emerged “an unprecedented mobilization of the Jewish people.” Thousands flew to Israel for solidarity missions, volunteering and military service. The first days saw more than $1 billion in donations — a record-breaking response.
“My family is no stranger to grief,” he said.
During the Hamas attack on Oct. 7, two of his family members were murdered and four were taken hostage. His brother Eran was killed in the Yom Kippur War and left in the field for a week before recovery, and five family members were lost in the 2003 Maxim Restaurant suicidebombing in Haifa.
Hamas terrorists broke into the Goldstein-Almog family home in Kfar Aza, where Nadav and Chen had hidden with their four children. They killed Nadav and their eldest daughter Yam, 20. Mother Chen, Agam, 17, Gal, 11, and Tal, 9 — were later freed in a hostage exchange after 51 days in captivity.
“The pain runs deep,” Almog said, “but we must press forward. “This embodies ‘in your blood, you shall live’ [Ezekiel 16:6].
Almog shared a poignant conversation with John Polin, father of Hersh Goldberg-Polin, who was taken hostage and killed. “At the shivah, when Rachel, Hersh’s mother, needed solitude and retreated to the house, I stayed with John. Holding his hand, I told him about my brother Eran, who was killed in the Yom Kippur War — the reason behind my extended military service.
“I explained how our shared grief, our struggle with loss, becomes a wellspring of strength,” he recounted. “We emerge stronger, more dedicated to our values and our homeland.”
Since the war began, the Jewish Agency and its partners, particularly the Jewish Federations of North America and Keren Hayesod United Israel Appeal, have launched unprecedented support efforts for Israel’s recovery.
“This goes beyond financial support — we’re building deep human connections that strength en the entire Jewish people, creating lasting part nerships between Jewish communities abroad and communities near Gaza,” Almog explained.”
Almog views aliyah as a key driver of growth and central to national recovery. “Since the war began, we’ve welcomed tens of thousands of olim from dozens of countries, working alongside the Ministry of Aliyah and Integration,” he reported. “We’ve seen a marked increase in tions from Western countries.”
The situation for Jewish communities abroad also presents complex challenges. While Almog acknowledges rising antisemitism, he views it through a historical lens.
“Antisemitism has always existed in cycles. It either simmers low or boils high. Right now, it’s boiling, but this too shall pass,” he offered.
Almog points to the Jewish people’s improved position compared to previous eras. “During World War II, we had no state. Six million Jews perished in the heart of Europe,” he said. “Today, despite our challenges, we have a strong nation capable of self-defense.”
The solidarity between Diaspora Jewry and Israel carries special significance given that be fore the war, relations had reached a low point. “We had become complacent, telling ourselves that Israel’s strength meant we could go it alone. Whether others chose to make seemed irrelevant. We even discouraged talking about immigration.”
He called this a misguided approach, born of what he calls “excessive pride” and “hubris.” Almog believes the war has fundamentally shifted this dynamic, highlighting the essential nature of Diaspora relationships. “Our task now is to build bridges, not walls,” he said.
Almog points to the Western Wall compromise plan as a critical example of bridging divides between Jewish denominations. He recalls an incident early in his tenure when a Reform bar mitzvah celebrant from the US faced harassment during his ceremony at the Kotel.
“I reached out to the family via Zoom and emphasized that the Wall belongs to everyone,” Almog said, stressing the need for “fostering a new culture of mutual respect, where we learn to embrace our differences while living together.”
He sees the Jewish Agency as vital to connecting diverse streams of global Judaism.
“These days, nearly every conversation with Jews abroad ends with “Am Israel Chai, The People of Israel Live,” he said. “What does this mean? I’m mortal, but Am Israel Chai — that’s eternal.”
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Doron Almog, chairman of the Jewish Agency, at a 2023 memorial ceremony for IDF soldiers who died in the Battle of Tel Saki during the Yom Kippur War.
US silent on Islamist seizure of Christian girls
By Charles Jacobs and Uzay Bulut, JNS
In Egypt, Islamists continue to kidnap Coptic Christian girls and women who are sexually abused, forced into marriages and conversion to Islam, yet America and its human-rights community ignore these crimes.
Julia Atef, a 21-year-old Coptic Christian woman, was kidnapped by Islamists in broad daylight on her way to a church event near Cairo on Oct. 26. As the Coptic Solidarity reported on Nov. 2:
“The girl’s family went and filed a report with the Shubra ElKheima Second Police Department, No. 29760 for the year 2024, Shubra El-Kheima Administrative Department, and her fate has not yet been revealed.”
Julia’s is not an isolated case. Within the past decade, hundreds of Coptic girls have been kidnapped, raped and forcibly converted to Islam.
As Raymond Ibrahim, an expert on the history of Egypt and the Middle East, reported:
“On Jan. 22, 2024, Irene Ibrahim Shehata, 21, disappeared in between mid-term exams at the Faculty of Medicine at Assyut National University, where she was a second-year student. Her frantic family immediately went to the police. Although charges were eventually brought against a man whose identity is concealed, from the start police were uncooperative and even hostile to the family.”
About four months later on May 10, another Coptic Christian woman, 22-year-old Martina Mamdouh, was taken by a Muslim man from Cairo University. The culprit sent Mamdouh’s father a certificate to demonstrate her “conversion: to Islam. While in tears, Mamdouh’s mother appeared in a video circulated on social media, where she asked the Egyptian authorities and President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to intervene in her return. She was then rescued.
Tragically, the American administration — and nearly all the cultural institutions in the West –– are silent about these horrors while it could act powerfully on behalf of the women captives.
The problem is that America and its human-rights groups are generally silent when it comes to the treatment of non-Muslims in Muslim-majority countries. This is so even when the minori
structed. Many Copts have been killed for faith-related reasons or arrested on “blasphemy” charges. Egyptians are forbidden to change their religious faith from Islam to Christianity.
The current constitution of Egypt specifies Islam as the state religion and the principles of Sharia as the main source of legislation. Nowhere in American educational institutions will students learn of such matters, and they remain invisible in American foreign policy and are of little interest to our human-rights behemoths: Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch.
Yet they are the sort of underdogs that Americans typically warm to: Copts are the indigenous people of Egypt. According to the Coptic Solidarity, “Copts are Egypt’s ethno-religious population that identifies as the descendants of ancient Egyptians, demonstrated by their DNA, their undeniable link to the land of Egypt, unique language, calendar and traditions that root back to the ancient Egyptian civilization. There’s been a historical conti-
nuity of discrimination against Copts since the first Arab invasion of Egypt in 693 CE and how their situation has evolved until current times.”
Islamic conquests of vast areas of the Middle East and Africa, and Islam’s treatment of those conquered are mostly unknown to Americans because they are forbidden topics to American educators and government spokesmen. Yet the basic historical facts about these conquered peoples have shaped the modern world. Egypt was once a Christian country with a sizable Jewish community. It was part of the Roman and Byzantine (Eastern Roman) Empires from 30 CE to 642 BCE.
The Islamization and Arabization of Egypt mirrors that of many conquered African nations, where the same American and Western silence prevails. In Egypt, these processes started the moment Arab Muslims invaded in the seventh century. Demographic changes then began through the (mostly forced) conversions of the Christian Egyptian populace to Islam. Arabic became the lingua franca following the Arab invasion.
From 1517 to 1914, Egypt was under Ottoman Turkish occupation. The Minority Rights Group notes:
“The Copts were persecuted by their Muslim rulers, in turn Arab, Circassian and Ottoman. Churches were destroyed, books burnt, and elders imprisoned. By the time the British had taken Egypt in 1882, Copts had been reduced to one-tenth of the population, mainly as a result of centuries of conversion to Islam.
“Arab Muslims governed Christians and Jews according to the rules of Islamic Sharia. According to Islamic law, they were viewed as dhimmi, i.e. non-Muslims granted a special status in return for paying a heavy poll tax. They had to wear different colors and clothes from Muslims, could not build new places of worship or repair old ones without permission, or construct them in such a way as to overshadow those of Muslims.”
Christians and Jews lived throughout the Muslim world as dhimmis — subjugated second-class people “protected” from violence by the majority as long as they paid a poll tax, the jizya, which is still demanded by radical Islamists today. Christians comprised around 20% of the Middle East and North Africa population a century ago. Today, because of the decades-long persecution, they are less than 4%.
The life and suffering of the Coptic minority in Egypt is due to the Islamic invasion, dominance and ongoing persecution that occurs under Islamic rule. But it continues unchallenged because the entire matter remains a taboo subject in the West.
A Coptic Christian woman mourns victims killed in an attack a day earlier, at the Prince Tadros church in Egypt’s southern Minya province on Nov. 3, 2018. Mohamed El-Shahed, AFP via Getty Images
Changing the face…
Continued from page 1
was briefed on the deployment of the IDF on the Syrian border. I instructed the army to take the actions necessary to prevent harm to our security.
Our great achievements in the war have been made possible thanks to three main
— thanks to the heroism of our amazing fighters, their sacrifice and their great confidence in the justice of our cause. Thanks to the fighters; thanks to the fallen. Second — thanks to the national resilience and your great steadfastness, citizens of Israel, in the south, in the north and throughout the country.
— thanks to the determined and sagacious conduct of the war, and thanks to repelling the tremendous pressure, at home and abroad, to stop the war before we have achieved all of its goals.
sure, not giving in to diktat, and clinging to the goals of the war until absolute victory has been achieved. The absolute victory that we were mocked over is, today, becoming reality.
Citizens of Israel, after the fall of the regime in Damascus, Hamas is more isolated than ever. It had hoped for the “unity of the sectors” and instead it has received the crumbling of the sectors. It expected help from Hezbollah and we took this from it. It expected help from Iran, and we also took this from it. It expected help from the Assad regime; this will not happen.
ask you, just think: If we had acceded to those who told us time and again: “The war must be stopped” — we would not have entered Rafah, we would not have seized the Philadelphi Corridor, we would not have eliminated Sinwar, we would not have surprised our enemies in Lebanon and the entire world in a daring operation-stratagem, we would not have eliminated Nasrallah, we would not have destroyed Hezbollah’s underground network and we would not have exposed Iran’s weakness.
The operations that we have carried out since the beginning of the war are dismantling the axis brick by brick.
All of this was done because we insisted, because I insisted, on withstanding the pres-
The isolation of Hamas opens an additional doorway to advancing a deal that will return our hostages. I said this yesterday to the hostages’ families that I met with. … I know what suffering they and their loved ones, the hostages, are enduring every day and every hour. … We will not relent for a moment from the sacred mission of bringing back all of our hostages — the living and the deceased.
Citizens of Israel, our history is a story of struggle, heroism and victory. We were here before our enemies and we will be here after our enemies. The world has predicted countless times that our people — the people of Israel — would not survive, but we have repeatedly proven otherwise. The people of Israel will not break; the people of Israel will not surrender. Strength and hope grow from the pain and tears.
Great challenges are yet before us, but as I view the path we have taken together up until now, I am full of hope and faith in our marvelous people, our heroic soldiers and in the knowledge that this time as well, with G-d’s help, the Eternal One of Israel will not lie.”
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A progressive agenda splits Jewish partners
DAVID FISH Attorney
Ifounded one of the largest worker’s rights law firms in Chicago. As a law firm that fights discrimination and stands up for worker rights, we are considered “progressive.” Before Oct. 7, 2023, I was proud that our legal team supported the progressive labor movement.
I am an American Jew with a close bond to Israel. My deceased parents and grandparents supported Israel; it is the only Jewish state and seems to be one of the few places left today that is not filled with antisemitism while also welcoming LGBTQ+ and other multicultural groups. My family celebrated our kids’ bar and bat mitzvahs there; we support charities in our homeland; and it is our favorite place to vacation.
Before Oct. 7, it was rare for anyone to tell us they were experiencing discrimination because they were Jewish. Just how rare was remarkable: At most, one person out of the thousands of people who called our office each year did so because of anti-Jewish discrimination (and this is in Chicago, where there is a sizable Jewish population).
Antisemitism was not a significant issue in the American workplace — or so I thought.
But after Oct. 7, I began seeing a disturbing trend among the employees who called my law office seeking help, as a repressed antisemitic undercurrent bubbled to the surface in the American workforce. Antisemitic reports became much more frequent. I received more inquiries regarding workplace hatred of Jews in the year after Oct. 7 than in my prior 25 years of practicing law combined.
The calls largely came from work environments with commonalities: They were at so-called “progressive” workplaces that were taxpayer-funded and had experienced active pushes for diversity, equity and inclusion.
I felt powerless, emotionally drained and hurt as my adopted homeland was under attack on multiple fronts, and anti-Israeli marches surrounded my community. As a result, I decided to use my legal training to make a difference. I began taking on the cases of Jewish people who reported workplace problems related to Oct. 7.
These cases did not fit our usual business model because there was not an easily quantifiable loss. Since we often work on a contingency basis and get paid only when there is a recovery, we like litigating high-dollar cases — for example, when an executive is fired before getting her expected multimillion-dollar bonus.
But how do you quantify the loss (and therefore our fee) associated with working for a boss who falsely accuses your homeland of genocide? How do you quantify the loss associated with a Jewish Zionist being forced to work with someone who chants “death to Zionists” or writes vile and false social-media posts?
A few months after Oct. 7, I filed a First Amendment, free-speech lawsuit on behalf of a 27-year veteran lawyer at the Cook County Public Defenders Office. She was ordered to take down a photo that had hung in her office for more than two decades. It showed her standing in front of an Israeli flag holding a gun
Division came amid cases defending the rights of pro-Israel workers.
during her service as a volunteer lone soldier in the Israel Defense Forces many years earlier.
Other Cook County Public Defender em ployees displayed guns without being ordered to take them down, and the photo at issue had not caused a single problem in the 20 years that it had been displayed. So, we filed a lawsuit to let her keep the photograph displayed in her of fice. The flag case went “viral” in the media and was reported throughout the world.
This brings me back to my law partnership and cracks in our so-called “progressive” alli ance.
of my partners (who happens to be Jewish) called an “emergency” partnership meeting. It was the first emergency meeting we had ever had.
Tcluding the public defender, were being done “in furtherance of [my] own political agenda, an agenda which we oppose.” They wanted me not to “participate in or permit any further me dia events.” They even claimed that my actions caused them “emotional distress” and “repu tational damages,” and said that I should pay each of them $100,000.
S H O P L O C A L
They also wanted me to remove our law firm’s name from these cases.
My law partners’ opinions and demands were troubling. In my opinion, the progressive agenda that I have generally supported has be come entirely irrational with respect to Israel. As countless commentators have recognized, Israel has done more to protect innocent lives in its defensive war than any other country in history.
Over the last year, I have pondered a num ber of questions about the progressive labor movement:
•Why aren’t they speaking up against the horrible gender violence Hamas inflicted against Israeli women and girls?
•Why have schools stood by and allowed ha rassment against Jewish faculty and students?
•Why are organized labor unions getting involved in international politics — at the ex pense of some members who disagree?
•And why would a progressive worker’s rights law firm not want to support a pro-Israel person who feels threatened in the workplace?
Istill do not think most progressives, includ ing my former partners, are antisemitic.
Instead, I think many progressives have stopped thinking for themselves and jumped on the anti-Israel bandwagon — like Chicago’s own mayor, Brandon Johnson, who cast the ty ing vote to have my city support a ceasefire that would have allowed Hamas to stay in power.
My law firm and I supported his election. I sat with him at a fundraiser and like him. I think he’s a good principled person who be lieves in helping people, but taking sides in a manner that would help Hamas showed he was grossly ill-informed and more concerned with keeping his progressive friends happy.
As for my own law firm, fortunately, I was the majority owner, so the demands on me not to file or publicize these cases were as effective as Chicago’s ceasefire directives to Israel. Short ly after my law partners called the emergency meeting, I decided that our values were no lon ger aligned. I told them I no longer wanted to be partners and eventually bought them out so I could continue my important work in peace. wished them well and genuinely meant it; they are fine attorneys.
My hope for the progressive movement is that it will think independently and get back to its roots. As for my law firm, the day I divorced my law partners felt amazing, as I was able to continue to help deserving clients.
David Fish is the principal at Workplace Law Partners, PC, in Chicago. To reach him, write: Columnist@TheJewishStar.com
Hadassah: Antisemitism touches everyday life
Survey finds that Jew-hate takes a toll on two-thirds of Jewish women in the US
In the wake of rising antisemitism in the United States and around the world, twothirds of Jewish women surveyed by Hadassah The Women’s Zionist Organization of America reported being impacted by antisemitism in their everyday lives, relationships and work. Hadassah’s new report, “From Fear to Resilience: Women Facing Antisemitism,” released on Tuesday, documents stories of Jewish women who report feeling isolated, afraid and threatened in their communities and workplaces.
Over 1,000 people responded to Hadassah’s survey. Replies from over 800 Jewish women from across the US show that:
•64% of Jewish women surveyed said an-
tisemitism has impacted their work, lives or relationships.
•62% of Jewish women surveyed reported feeling physically or psychologically unsafe.
•52% of Jewish women surveyed reported hiding being Jewish.
•33% of Jewish women surveyed experienced hate speech because of their Jewish or Zionist identity.
•22% of Jewish women surveyed were excluded from groups or events because of their Jewish or Zionist identity.
“Antisemitism rose by 140% last year, so Hadassah asked, ‘What does that really mean?’ Now we know the heartbreaking truth,” said Hadassah National President
Carol Ann Schwartz.
“It means that here, in America, in 2024, nearly two-thirds of Jewish women we surveyed feel unsafe because being Jewish makes them a target and nearly half have taken steps to hide who they are. Every day, Jewish women are suffering in silence, isolation, and fear as they live in the shadows of hate.”
“This is a call to action for us all,” Schwartz continued. “We must urgently strengthen policies against rising antisemitism and empower our communities to rise up, together, and confront hatred in every form.”
Stories shared by Jewish women throughout the report tell of their being isolated and excluded by friends, family and colleagues.
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‘I’ve certainly lost people in my social circle for being openly Jewish.’
Some women reported being targeted and singled out at work, losing jobs and losing customers at their businesses. Others reported being abandoned by one-time friends and being excluded from social groups and activities.
“I’ve certainly lost people in my social circle for being openly Jewish,” wrote one woman.
“I have been wanting to drop out of college due to the antisemitism I have faced. Fellow students are glorifying suicide,” reported a survey respondent.
“Our community had anti-Zionist protests and at least one business banned Zionists from entering,” reported another woman.
“I have seen the DEI department at my job refuse to highlight Jewish American Heritage Month in May while they give full support to every other minority group,” said another Jewish woman.
The Jewish women responding to the survey also reported feeling afraid, anxious, worried and sad. They related being fearful of attending religious services and apprehensive that they or their families could be attacked.
“I live in fear of verbal and physical abuse due to being Jewish,” wrote one woman.
“When I go to shul I don’t sit by the door. I sit away from it and have a plan of escape,” wrote another respondent.
“I don’t feel safe. My friends think I’m imagining not feeling safe and think there is something wrong with me,” wrote another woman.
Survey respondents reported feeling threatened, targeted and harassed. One-third of respondents reported having experienced hate speech because of their Jewish and/ or Zionist identities. Women reported being physically attacked, verbally assaulted and threatened with violence, including rape. These threats are happening every day in ordinary places like schools, hospital waiting rooms, elevators, airplanes, stores and online spaces, with very little accountability.
“I was physically attacked at a rally and my Israeli flag was stolen and burnt in front of me,” said one respondent.
“Earlier this year, our house was egged on both the front and the side because we had a small flag in the front that said, ‘We Support Israel’,” said another respondent.
“Both of my kids faced antisemitism at school. One had pennies thrown at him and was told to go back to the ovens,” said another respondent.
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More than half of the Jewish women responding to Hadassah’s survey reported hiding their Jewish identity out of fear. Some reported concealing their Jewish background at work, hiding symbols of their faith and refraining from decorating their houses for Jewish holidays.
“I no longer feel safe wearing a Jewish star necklace, especially in downtown Chicago. I feel like a target,” replied one respondent.
“No one I work with on campus knows I’m Jewish,” said another respondent.
At the same time, some respondents reported that they are determined and resolved to stand up to hate and fight back.
“My initial reaction was to be afraid and hide, but I thought about my relatives who were killed in the Holocaust and it empowered me to become a fighter instead,” reported one woman, who continued, “I’m still afraid, but I proudly wear my [Jewish] star, have Israeli and American flags in front of my house and have a blue porch light on at night to show my support of Israel.” —Hadassah
WINE AND DINE
If it’s Chanukah, there’s olive oil in the house
The olive tree is one of the oldest cultivated trees, existing before there was written language with which to describe it. It originated and flourished in Asia Minor and in Israel. King Solomon and King David were particularly partial to the oil that came from the small fruits that grew on the smallish trees and cultivated groves of the useful fruit. They developed ways to store the olives and extract the oil for food and fuel and many other uses both in ritual and everyday life. It is believed that King David even had guards stand watch over the storehouses and the groves to ensure their safety.
Olive oil became one of the most prized commodities throughout the region and made some kingdoms, such as the Minoan, very wealthy.
As the olive’s integral part of the region’s life expanded, the oils the olive produced became part of the religious rituals of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. The olive trees on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem are said to be over 2,000 years old, attesting to their importance so long ago and the care with which they have been treated since then.
Olive oil was used to anoint kings in Israel and Greece, to baptize children and to anoint athletes. It was used to fuel menorahs and provide light; it was, in all probability, olive oil that lit the menorah for eight days.
The ancient explorers brought olive trees wherever they went, from New Zealand to Asia and then to the Americas. Olives are relatively new to this continent, arriving on our shores about 600 years ago. They did not grow well in most of the country, but with westward expansion, 200 to 300 years ago, the olive tree found a sympathetic climate and began to flourish. In southern California, the need for housing and the abundance of development pushed most growers out of business. Today, most of the olive oil we use comes from the 800 million trees spread throughout Spain, Italy, Greece, Israel and Tunisia, although some of the best oil comes from California.
Olive trees grow best in sandy, rocky mountain climates and the Italians even say that the only things needed for perfect olive crops are sun, stone, silence and solitude. To process the oil, the olives are harvested and immediately taken to an oil processing plant. The lag time may be as short as a few hours.
The olives are processed using one of several cold pressing methods. Olive oil is produced exclusively by mechanical means, so the term “cold-pressed” adds less information than when that term is used for, say, canola oil which can be produced via chemical extraction.
Finally, the term “extra virgin” has nothing to do with the olive’s private life; it refers to the oil’s acidity. Extra virgin olive oil must have an acidity level no higher than 1%. Virgin olive oil is a bit higher, and regular olive oil has up to 1.5% acidity level. Olive oil should never have a higher acidity level than 1.5%.
Olive oil is high in mono-unsaturated fats and should be one of the oils of choice when eating foods with uncooked oil, such as salad dressings, dipping oils, etc. The other heart-healthy oil is avocado oil, which is another low inflammatory oil. Remember, though, that olive oil burns at high temperatures (converting the healthy fats into unhealthy fats and making it a poor choice for high-heat deep-frying). Quick pan-frying is fine.
Note: “Light” olive oils are more highly processed and filtered and have a higher smoke point and milder, neutral flavor.They can be used in savory baking products, but high heat frying with them is still not advised. “Light” olive oil has the same caloric and fat content as all other kinds of olive oils.
Choose olive oil for most of your cooking needs, but choose wisely. Check the stamp that includes the country of origin, date harvested and more, including the production codes and variety of olives. Beware of olive oils that do not have these long labels. They may not be pure olive oil.
For an interesting story about the fraudulent olive oils that were sold around the world, I suggest the book, “Extra Virginity: The Sublime and Scandalous World of Olive Oil,” by Tom Mueller. It’s a fascinating read.
Tourlou (Pareve)
The original version of this recipe came from Michael Dukakis, the former Massachusetts governor, who submitted it for a cookbook I edited. I have made some changes over the years, but it is basically his old family recipe from Greece. It incorporates the great Greek olive oil which is rich in olive flavor. A delicious vegetarian dish when served with rice or other grain makes a delicious meal.
• 1 large eggplant, cut into cubes
• 2 green peppers, cut into chunks
• 2 red peppers, cut into chunks
• 2 zucchini, cut into slices about 3/4 to inch thick, and then in half if needed
• 3 large onions, cut into thin slices, I like a mix of red and white
• 1 cup fresh parsley, chopped, (lightly filled, not packed)
• 3 to 4 cloves garlic, minced
• 1 large can chopped tomatoes, with liquid
• 1 (6-ounce) can tomato paste
• 1/2 to 3/4 cup extra virgin Greek olive oil, or your favorite
• salt and pepper to taste
OPTIONAL: Chopped chili peppers, your choice of type and amount OR red pepper flakes to taste
Place the eggplant, peppers and zucchini in a large bowl and toss to mix. Add the parsley and garlic and toss.
Grease a large, shallow glass casserole dish (4-quart is best). Drizzle with a few tablespoons of the olive oil and layer the onions on the bottom of the dish. Add the rest of the vegetables. Mix the tomatoes and the tomato paste together in small bowl and mix thoroughly. Pour evenly over the vegetables. Drizzle the remaining olive oil over all and cover with a piece of foil that has been greased so that the veggies won’t stick. Bake at 350 degrees, stirring every 20 minutes or so. When dish bubbles, reduce heat to 300, remove the foil, and bake until all vegetables are completely cooked and mixture has dried out a bit and is not too watery. If it dries out too much, add a little bit of water and mix. Mix often to avoid burning spots and sticking.
Olives.
Tourlou.
Portobello Mush room Sandwich with Roasted Eggplant and Red Pepper. cleananddelicious.com
If it’s Chanukah, there’s olive oil in the house…
Continued from page 12
Portobello Mushroom
Sandwich with Roasted Eggplant and Red Pepper (Pareve)
You can serve this with some garlic Aioli for extra flavor.
• 1 Portobello mushroom per sandwich
• 1/2 roasted red pepper per sandwich
• 2 slices roasted baby eggplant per sandwich (about 1 eggplant per 2 sandwiches)
• 1 slice grilled red onion per sandwich
OPTIONAL: Grated cheese of your choice
GARNISH: Lettuce, arugula, baby spinach leaves, and sliced tomato
Marinade for Mushrooms:
• 1/4 cup olive oil
• 3 cloves garlic minced
• Juice of one lemon
• Tiny pinch salt
• Tiny pinch pepper
Mix the marinade ingredients and place in a shallow dish. Place the mushrooms in the marinade and cover. Refrigerate for 1/2 hour. Turn the mushrooms over and refrigerate for another half hour.
Prepare the baby eggplants for roasting by cutting off the edges and pricking the skin. (You can use a 1/2-inch thick slice from a regular eggplant if you can’t find the baby eggplants. Roast until golden and softened.)
Prepare the peppers for roasting by washing, cutting them in half and removing the seeds. Brush the vegetables with olive oil and roast in a very hot (425 degrees) oven. When browned, remove. The peppers should be charred. Place the peppers in a paper bag and close the bag tightly. In about 15 minutes, remove them from the bag. The skins will peel off easily. Discard the charred skins of the eggplant and the pepper. Slice the eggplants in half if using the baby eggplants. Remove the mushrooms from the marinade and grill them in an unoiled skillet for about 3 to 4 minutes per side. Place one mushroom, 1/2 pepper and 1 sliced baby eggplant on each roll. Sprinkle with some grated cheese if desired and top with lettuce and tomato.
Spread the top half with garlic Aioli and top the sandwich. Or serve over baby greens with a vinaigrette dressing for fewer calories. A great meal!
Simplest Garlic Aioli (Pareve)
3/4 cup mayonnaise
• 1 to 2 Tbsp. fresh parsley minced
• 1 tsp. freshly squeezed lemon juice
• 1 tbsp extra virgin olive oil
• 2 to 4 gloves garlic, pressed through a garlic press or grated on a micro plane grater
• Salt and freshly ground pepper to taste
Blend all ingredients in a small bowl. Let sit for 10 minutes to blend flavors. Stir again. Makes 3/4 to 1 cup.
SALAD DRESSINGS
I no longer use manufactured salad dressings. I decided I did not like that soybean oil used in most of them and that the list of chemicals often exceeded the list of discernable food ingredients.
So, for my kids’ sakes I decided to make my own dressings. The kids liked them more because I could cut the vinegar in them. The result was that they ate more salad! I now have about 40 different dressings that I have made over the years and now I make them for the grandchildren.
Most often, I make a dressing right in the bottom of the salad bowl and then add the greens, toss and add the rest of the salad ingredients. Easy, and no extra cups or bowls.
• 3 to 4 Tbsp. extra virgin olive oil
• 1 tsp. Herbes de Provence or any other herb mix you like
• 1 tsp. lemon juice
• Pinch sugar
• Pinch salt
• Pinch freshly cracked black pepper
• 1 to 2 Tbsp. red wine vinegar, sherry vinegar or white vinegar
Place the oil and the Herbes de Provence in the salad bowl. Mix well and let sit for about 3 minutes so the oil can help release the flavors of the herbs. Add the lemon juice, sugar, salt and pepper and whisk to blend. While whisking, slowly add the vinegar. Whisk for about one minute and then taste, adjust seasonings and add the greens, other veggies, toss and serve.
Garlic Salad Dressing (Pareve)
• 1 head roasted garlic, cooled, cloves squeezed from the shell
• 2 small finely minced shallots
• 2 Tbsp. fresh lemon juice
• 1/2 to 1 tsp. sugar
• 1 tsp. dried herb mix (Mrs. Dash garlic herb mix is good, herbes de Provence, etc.)
• 1/2 tsp. Salt
• 1/3 cup garlic wine or red wine vinegar, sherry wine vinegar, or white vinegar
• 1 cup extra virgin olive oil
• 1/8 cup water, if needed
In a food processor, mix the garlic, the shallots and the spices. While processing, add the lemon juice, sugar, and wine vinegar. Add the oil slowly and stop processing as soon as the oil is fully incorporated. The emulsion will thicken a bit and be very smooth. Add the water if the dressing is too strong and the acidity needs to be cut.
Lemon Herb Vinaigrette
Dressing (Pareve)
This is delicious on cauliflower before or after roasting. It is also delicious on any hot veggies, or cold salads.
• 1 tsp. Dijon-style mustard, to taste (I use a scant 1 tsp.)
• 1/8 cup Avocado oil
• 1/4 cup extra virgin olive oil
• Tiny pinch salt
• Pinch to 1/2 tsp. sugar
• Freshly ground black pepper to taste
In a small bowl, mix or whisk the mustard, minced shallots, leeks, lemon juice, salt, sugar and pepper.
Slowly drizzle the oil into the bowl, whisking constantly, to form an emulsion. The dressing will thicken. Whisk until all the oil has been used. Taste and adjust seasonings. Makes about 1/3 cup or enough for one very large salad.
Chocolate Olive Oil Snacking Cake (Pareve)
This is adapted from King Arthur Baking, admittedly one of my favorite places to shop and favorite recipe sources. This is delicious and not a huge cake, so it is perfect for a shabbat family dinner or after school snack. This cake takes 10 minutes to prep and about 40 to bake and top. Add some time to cool and this is ready in about an hour!
• 1/3 cup plus1 tbsp bittersweet pareve chocolate chips
• 2 Tbsp. sugar
• 2 tsp. coarse sparkling sugar, if desired
Preheat the oven to 350 degrees. Lightly grease a 9-inch square baking pan. Set aside. In a large bowl, whisk together the flour, sugar cocoa powders, salt and baking soda. Set aside. In a medium bowl, whisk the vanilla, vinegar, olive oil, water and eggs. Pour the wet ingredients into the dry and whisk to blend thoroughly. Pour into the prepared pan and bake in the center of the oven for 24 to 28 minutes or until a tester comes out clean.
While the cake is baking, make the topping. Place the chips in the bowl of a food processor and pulse until finely chopped. Add the sugar and pulse once or twice.
Immediately upon taking the cake from the oven. Sprinkle the chopped chocolate and sugar evenly over the cake. Return the cake to the oven for 1 to 2 minutes, until the topping begins to melt into the cake. Remove from the oven, let it sit until the cake is cool to the touch and then refrigerate for 10 minutes to set the chocolate topping.
NOTE: You can add anything to the topping, such as finely chopped nuts, toffee candy, chopped mint candy, or just other chocolates such as white. A mix of the pareve white and the dark, makes a pretty topping.
NOTE: You can also frost this if you like or sprinkle with powdered sugar.
Lemon Herb Vinaigrette Dressing. loveandlemons.com
Chocolate Olive Oil Snacking Cake.
iambaker.net
Simplest Garlic Aioli. houseofnasheats.com
Olive Oil Vinaigrette. cookieandkate.com
Olive Oil Vinaigrette (Parve)
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Jewish Star Torah columnists:
•Rabbi Avi Billet of Anshei Chesed, Boynton Beach, FL, mohel and Five Towns native •Rabbi David Etengoff of Magen David Yeshivah, Brooklyn
•Rabbi Binny Freedman, rosh yeshiva of Orayta, Jerusalem
Contributing writers:
•Rabbi Sir Jonathan Sacks zt”l,
former chief rabbi of United Hebrew Congregations of the British Commonwealth •Rabbi Dr. Tzvi Hersh
Weinreb, OU executive VP emeritus •Rabbi Raymond Apple, emeritus rabbi, Great Synagogue of Sydney •Rabbi Yossy Goldman, life rabbi emeritus, Sydenham Shul, Johannesburg and president of the South African Rabbinical Association.
Five Towns Candlelighting: From the White Shul, Far Rockaway, NY
תבש לש בכוכ
Fri Dec 13 / Kislev 12
Vayishlach
Candles: 4:10 • Havdalah: 5:19
Fri Dec 20 / Kislev 19
Vayeshev
Candles: 4:13 • Havdalah: 5:22
Wed Dec 25 / Kislev 24
Erev Chanukah • First Candle Wed Night
Fri Dec 27 / Kislev 26
Chanukah • Shabbos Mevarchim • Miketz
Candles: 4:17 • Havdalah: 5:26
Fri Jan 3 / Teves 3
Vayigash
Candles: 4:22 • Havdalah: 5:32
Fri Jan10 / Teves 10
Friday: Fast of Teves • Vayechi
Candles: 4:29 • Havdalah: 5:39
In Judaism, faith can be viewed as a journey
rabbi Sir JonaThan SaCkS zt”l
Why is Jacob the father of our people, the hero of our faith? We are “the congregation of Jacob,” “the children of Israel.” Yet it was Abraham who began the Jewish journey, Isaac who was willing to be sacrificed, Joseph who saved his family in the years of famine, Moses who led the people out of Egypt and gave it its laws. It was Joshua who took the people into the Promised land, David who became its greatest king, Solomon who built the Temple, and the prophets through the ages who became the voice of G-d.
The account of Jacob in the Torah seems to fall short of these other lives, at least if we read the text literally. He has tense relationships with his brother Esau, his wives Rachel and Leah, his father-in-law Laban, and with his three eldest children, Reuben, Simon and Levi. There are times when he seems full of fear, others when he acts — or at least seems to act — with less than total honesty. In reply to Pharaoh, he says of himself, “The days of my life have been few and hard” (Gen. 47:9). This is less than we might expect from a hero of faith.
That is why so much of the image we have of Jacob is filtered through the lens of Midrash — the Oral Tradition preserved by the Sages. In this tradition, Jacob is all good, Esau all bad. It had to be this way — so argued Rabbi Zvi Hirsch Chajes in his essay on the nature of Midrashic interpretation — because otherwise we would find it hard to draw from the biblical text a clear sense of right and wrong, good and bad. The Torah is an exceptionally subtle book, and subtle books tend to be misunderstood. So the Oral Tradition made it simpler: black and white instead of shades of grey.
Yet perhaps, even without Midrash, we can find an answer — and the best way of so doing is to think of the idea of a journey.
Judaism is about faith as a journey. It begins with the journey of Abraham and Sarah, leaving behind their “land, birthplace, and father’s house” and travelling to an unknown destination, “the land I will show you.”
The Jewish people is defined by another journey in a different age — the journey of Moses and the Israelites from Egypt across the desert to the Promised Land. That journey becomes a litany in Parshat Masei: They left
X and they camped in Y. They left Y and they camped in Z.
To be a Jew is to move, to travel, and only rarely, if ever, to settle down. Moses warns the people of the danger of settling down and taking the status quo for granted, even in Israel itself:
When you have children and grandchildren, and have been established in the land for a long time, you might become decadent. Deut. 4:25
Hence the rules that Israel must always remember its past, never forget its years of slavery in Egypt, never forget on Succot that our ancestors once lived in temporary dwellings, never forget that it does not own the land — it belongs to G-d — and we are merely there as G-d’s gerim ve-toshavim, “strangers and sojourners” (Lev. 25:23).
Why so? Because to be a Jew means not to be fully at home in the world. To be a Jew means to live within the tension between heaven and earth, creation and revelation, the world that is and the world we are called on to make; between exile and home, and between the universality of the human condition and the particularity of Jewish identity. Jews don’t stand still except when standing before G-d. The universe, from galaxies to subatomic particles, is in constant motion, and so is the Jewish soul.
We are, we believe, an unstable combination of dust of the earth and breath of G-d, and
To be a Jew is to move and travel — and only rarely, if ever, to settle down.
this calls on us constantly to make decisions, choices, that will make us grow to be as big as our ideals, or, if we choose wrongly, make us shrivel into small, petulant creatures obsessed by trivia. Life as a journey means striving each day to be greater than we were the day before, individually and collectively.
If the concept of a journey is a central metaphor of Jewish life, what in this regard is the difference between Abraham, Isaac and Jacob?
Abraham’s life is framed by two journeys both of which use the phrase Lech lecha, “undertake a journey”, once in Genesis 12 when he was told to leave his land and father’s house, the other in Genesis 22:2 at the Binding of Isaac, when he was told, “Take your son, the only one you love — Isaac — and go [lech lecha] to the region of Moriah.”
What is so moving about Abraham is that he goes, immediately and without question, despite the fact that both journeys are heartwrenching in human terms. In the first he must leave his father. In the second he must let go of his son. He has to say goodbye to the past and risk saying farewell to the future. Abraham is pure faith. He loves G-d and trusts Him absolutely. Not everyone can achieve that kind of faith. It is almost superhuman.
Isaac is the opposite. It is as if Abraham, knowing the emotional sacrifices he has had to make, knowing too the trauma Isaac must have felt at the Binding, seeks to protect his son as far as lies within his power. He makes sure that Isaac does not leave the Holy Land (see Genesis 24:6 — that is why Abraham does not let him travel to find a wife). Isaac’s one journey (to the land of the Philistines, in
Genesis 26) is limited and local. Isaac’s life is a brief respite from the nomadic existence Abraham and Jacob both experience.
Jacob is different again. What makes him unique is that he has his most intense encounters with G-d — they are the most dramatic in the whole book of Genesis — in the midst of the journey, alone, at night, far from home, fleeing from one danger to the next, from Esau to Laban on the outward journey, from Laban to Esau on his homecoming.
In the midst of the first he has the blazing epiphany of the ladder stretching from earth to heaven, with angels ascending and descending, moving him to say on waking, “G-d is truly in this place, but I did not know it. This must be G-d’s house and this the gate to heaven” (Gen. 28:16-17). None of the other patriarchs, not even Moses, has a vision quite like this.
On the second, in our Parsha, he has the haunting, enigmatic wrestling match with the man/angel/G-d, which leaves him limping but permanently transformed — the only person in the Torah to receive from G-d an entirely new name, Israel, which may mean, “one who has wrestled with G-d and man” or “one who has become a prince [sar] before G-d”. What is fascinating is that Jacob’s meetings with angels are described by the same verb — ‘p-g-’a, (Gen. 28:11, and Gen. 32:2) which means “a chance encounter”, as if they took Jacob by surprise, which they clearly they did. Jacob’s most spiritual moments are ones he did not plan. He was thinking of other things, about what he was leaving behind and what lay ahead of him. He was, as it were, “surprised by G-d.”
See Sacks on page 22
Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump speaks at a rally at Arizona State University on Oct. 24, 2024. Ash Ponders for Washington Post via Getty Images
Benei Yisrael’s story: It’s been a wonderful life
As Yaacov Avinu leaves his deceitful father-in-law Lavan and returns to the Holy Land, knowing that he is to encounter his brother Eisav, who has vowed to kill him, Yaacov is understandably filled with fear and trepidation (Bereishit 32:8). But as Chazal point out, he takes a three-pronged approach — Doron, Tefilla and Milchama — gifts as diplomacy, prayer and battle (Rashi 32:9).
Baruch Hashem, it all turns out well. Both he and Eisav part peacefully.
Yet challenges seem to beset Yaacov at every turn. Just as he has established himself, built a home, and purchased a field, his daughter Dena is raped and taken hostage (33:17-20, 34:1-5). His mother Rivka dies at the same time as her devoted nursemaid Devorah (although only Devorah’s death is mentioned explicitly in the parsha). Then his beloved Rachel dies in childbirth, and he buries her on the side of the road rather than in the Mearat HaMachpela in Hevron.
Shortly thereafter his firstborn, Reuven, defies him, and then his father Yitzchak dies. Next week, we will read of the intense inter-
‘He
necine conflict with the sale of Yosef by his brother, which almost causes the destruction of the family and the Jewish nation to be stillborn.
In fact, the litany seems so awful, that Yaacov complains years later to Pharaoh “me’at v’raim hayu yemei shnei chayaii (few and bad have been the days of the years of my life) (Bereishit 47:9). The Midrash tells us that Yaacov was rebuked for this statement and as a result lost 33 years of his life. Why?
The answer can be seen in what I’ve intentionally left out. He left his parents alone, under threat of death, to flee to Haran, ultimately penniless. Then what happens? He is visited by G-d, promised the gift of the Holy Land previously promised to both his father and grandfather, and given life-long protection by Hashem Himself! He also just “so happens” to meet up with his cousin Rachel, who is gorgeous; he falls in love with and marries.
With no apparent skills, he gets a job with his uncle, now his father-in-law (times two in fact, since he marries Rachel’s sister Leah as well) and is incredibly successful. He has 11 sons and one daughter, two wives and two concubines!
At this point he realizes, it’s time to go, it’s time to take the money (and the cattle, flocks, servants, and maidservants, camels, donkeys, wives and concubines and kids) and run.
Once again G-d guarantees his safe passage.
As noted above, his deathly fear of Eisav is unfounded and he escapes intact. In fact he is so successful he “wrestles with G-d and prevails” and is renamed Yisrael.
His daughter Dena is raped and taken hostage but his sons stand together as one (“vayaanu Benei Yaacov, Jacob’s sons answered”); responding with cunning and guile, Shimon and Levi attack and rescue Dena, returning her home safely.
Yaacov is able to establish himself as a man of means and position, surrounded by his wives, sons, daughter and grandchildren. Despite the enormous pain of the conflict between Yosef and his brothers that brought about Yosef being separated from his family for 22 years, ultimately they are all reunited.
The difference between the two narratives above is one of perspective, that imparts to us two valuable lessons.
One is that Yaacov‘s life is the story of Life, the story of our lives — we are Benei Yaacov, Benei Yisrael. Nothing is happenstance; things don’t “just happen” and don’t “right themselves“; all is from Hashem and His actions depend upon our actions as partners with Him in creation, thought and deed. Yaacov, despite repeated guarantees of G-d‘s protection, still had to prepare himself for his confrontation with Eisav, had to deal with his deceitful uncle/father-in-law, had to deal with the trauma of the abduction and violation of his daughter
After much pain and heartache, they came together, 12 brothers united.
Dena and his sons’ daring plan to rescue her and, like many of us, had to deal with the loss of loved ones.
The second important lesson is that when Yaacov’s sons acted and were successful, they acted with UNITY. When they attacked one another, the brothers against Yosef, they nearly destroyed the future of the Jewish people.
After much pain and heartache, as we shall read in the coming weeks, when they came together, 12 brothers united, they gathered around Yaacov’s deathbed and, as one, recited Shema Yisrael Hashem Elokenu Hashem Echad (Rashi, quoting Midrash, 49:1,2), bringing about the promise of our future geula shelaima
Let’s heed that lesson and bring it about, speedily, in our day.
Shabbat Shalom.
Dr. Alan Mazurek is a retired neurologist, living in Great Neck, Jerusalem and Florida. He is a former chairman of the ZOA. To reach him, write: Columnist@TheJewishStar.com
remembers the kindnesses of the fathers’
This phrase occurs in the first blessing of the Amidah, the centerpiece of the synagogue prayer. The blessing praises the Patriarchs and calls upon the Almighty to take account of their benevolent deeds and to bring us the redemption that we seek as descendants of the men whose lives were models of exemplary loving-kindness.
The blessing is based upon the concept of zechut avot, “the merit of the fathers.” Children benefit from the good deeds of their parents, and it is legitimate to beseech the Almighty to note, as it were, of the mitzvot and maasim tovim of one’s parents.
Calling upon zechut avot is especially warranted when one is in an et tzarah, extremely dire straits. It is then that one feels utterly helpless and dares not seek divine interven-
tion based on his or her own good deeds. Praying for the merit of the good deeds of our ancestors is then justified and helps assure rescue and salvation.
We find an example of a prayer relying upon zechut avot in this week’s Torah portion, Vayishlach. The person in the parsha who offers this prayer is Yaakov himself, who depends upon the merits of his father and grandfather, Yitzchak and Avraham. It is a powerful prayer, motivated by Yaakov’s confrontation with his brother Esav who, years earlier, threatened to murder him, and who now has his opportunity to execute his dastardly plan. Here are Yaakov’s words, and note how the
Does Esav not enjoy the same ancestral rewards of which Yaakov is so certain?
prayer conveys Yaakov’s desperation: G-d of my father Avraham and G-d of my father Yitzchak, L-RD, You who said to me, “Go back to the land where you were born and I will deal well with you.” I am unworthy of all the kindnesses and the faithfulness that You have bestowed upon Your servant. … Rescue me, I pray, from my brother’s hand, from the hand of Esav. I am afraid that he will come and kill us all, mothers and children alike. (Genesis 32:911)
It is here that I have the privilege of sharing with you a question posed by a Chassidic master of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, Rabbi Avraham Bornstein, rav of a town called Sochachov in Poland. He authored several works, including Avnei Nezer, a collection of his halachic responsa that reflects much of his ideology and personal anecdotes.
He is troubled by Yaakov’s prayer, the one referenced above. After all, Yaakov seems sure that he has Avraham and Yitzchak on his side, whereas Esav is denied that access to his ancestors even through his prayers. But, as the
Sochachover Rebbe insists, is Esav not also a son of Avraham and Yitzchak? Is he not entitled to call upon the zechut avot of his father and grandfather? Does he not enjoy the exact same ancestral rewards of which Yaakov is so certain?
As is often the custom of rabbinic commentators, the Rebbe prefaces his answer with another question. “Why,” he asks, “was Yaakov so frightened by his encounter with Esav? Did Yaakov not have the Almighty’s own promise that He would keep Yaakov safe?”
To that, the Rebbe responds by suggesting that Yaakov feared Esav because of Esav’s two great merits. For one thing, Esav dwelled in Eretz Yisrael (and simply residing in the Holy Land is in and of itself a mitzvah), whereas Yaakov had been absent from Eretz Yisrael for quite a few years and had just returned there at that point.
Secondly, Esav had cared for his father Yitzchak in a manner far more impressive than did Yaakov. Esav thus had the additional merit of kibud av, of honoring one’s father,
See Weinreb on page 22
Third day: Remembering Holtzbergs of Mumbai
This is adapted from a column published in 2008.
Ican’t get the Holtzbergs out of my head. Not just because their images are all over the news and on every Jewish web site or because their deaths are an unshakable tragedy. And not just because I can’t stop thinking about their orphaned sons, especially twoyear-old Moshe.
It is partly because the Holtzbergs were the same age as my wife and I, and as the Chabad messengers in Mumbai they were having the kind of impact on a community I dream of in my non-Chabad-trained world. But it is also because a very rare display of collec-
tive national unity has been evident since the first word of the attack on the Chabad center. There were no political undertones — they were singled out because they were Jewish.
In Parshat Vayishlach, an unspeakable crime is committed against the young nation of Israel: the abduction and assault of Dina (Chapter 34). When her brothers learn of the attack, they “were saddened and very angry for an abomination had been carried out against Israel, which cannot be tolerated” (34:7).
In their immediate anger, they answer their enemies with “trickery” (34:13), agreeing to consider marrying the daughters of Shechem and vice versa if the males of Shechem circumcise themselves.
There are many midrashic and Talmudic discussions over whether all the Shechemites were culpable for what their prince had done. One thing, however, is clear: when the plan for peace and intermarriage was announced
to the people of Shechem, the conditions were changed. Whereas the brothers had made clear that they would be calling the shots, King Hamor said “Their cattle, property and animals will all be ours” (34:23).
After the Shechemites circumcise themselves, the Torah tells us that Shimon and Levi took their swords “on the third day, when they were hurting, be-h’yotam ko-avim,” and attacked the city.
Most interpret the “they” as the people of Shechem who were hurting from their circumcision. Rabbeinu Bachya mentions how the third day of anything is the most painful,
When we found the truth, on the third day, we felt genuine hurt.
and includes the third day post-op. We can postulate that adults have a different experience than babies, but as a mohel, I affirm that day three is certainly not most painful — day one is.
Chizkuni suggests the third day was emotionally painful because they could not believe they had agreed to go through with the circumcision deal. He also suggests that in practical numbers it took three days to circumcise all the men, so three days after the deal “all of them were hurting.”
Raabitz, however, has an interpretation which might just as well come from the Kotzker rebbe, known for his insightful “literal” observations. He says that “on the third day, when they (Dina’s brothers) were hurting, they took their swords and attacked all the men of Shechem.” The pasuk is vague, after all, with a dangling modifier not clearly referring to the Shechemites or Dina’s brothers.
Don’t forget who we are and who we could be
One of the most challenging experiences I had in the Israeli army had nothing to do with combat or being in the field; it transpired during a moment of relative calm, when things were looking pretty good.
We were at the tail-end of a harrowing month of reserve duty in the Gaza strip in the midst of the Intifada.
It was my first stint as an officer in the reserves. I had started the month extremely nervous about how I would perform under the pressure of commanding men. The fact that I happened to be one of the few religious men in the unit (whatever that means) was not an issue, especially after a good few years spent in the regular army under what I had assumed to be similar conditions.
But reserve duty is an entirely different experience, and it took some of the men a while to get used to an officer who would not necessarily eat everything they did, and who had certain limitations, for example, on Shabbat.
None of us had much time to discuss these issues, as the month, spent mostly in Jabalya, a refugee camp in the Gaza strip, proved to be one of the most intense experiences I ever had in the army.
At the end of the month, on the last night of our reserve duty, the men got together for a party to celebrate the successful completion of our mission, and that all of the men were going home safe and sound. By the third week of the reserve duty, I had fallen into the custom of making Kiddush on Friday nights for the battalion, even offering a small thought of Torah on the weekly portion.
But I was surprised when one of the guys in charge of the party told me the men had decided for the first time in the unit’s history to make sure the meat for the barbeque on the last night would be kosher, so that I could eat with them. It was an especially moving request.
In the middle of the party, the music stopped, and the battalion master sergeant handed me a cup of wine, and asked me to make a Le’Chaim, and offer one last Torah thought before we all went home. It is difficult to describe how moving it was to be sitting amidst an entire
battalion of combat soldiers who were fast becoming my close friends, sharing Torah as a commander after my first successful reserve duty. Images of the Maccabees filled my mind.
Only against the backdrop of this moving feeling can I explain the deep disappointment I experienced a few moments later.
As the evening wound down, a van pulled up and a couple of the men set up a movie screen and hooked a projector up to a generator inside. They had hired this fellow to come show a portable movie. (This was long before laptops, DVDs and streaming.) Everyone turned their chairs around to face the movie screen, and they began to show what turned out to be a blue movie.
My mouth fell open, but I doubt anyone noticed; they were all watching the screen. I walked away, not wanting to watch, but neither willing to say anything, having always felt the need to respect everyone’s right to live their life according to their own choosing.
I still remember the feeling of sitting alone in my tent, my naiveté shattered, confronting the realization of how far away we still were from the dream of what a Jewish army could be.
I have never and still do not believe in judging other people; everyone has a right to their perceptions and beliefs, and the idea of imposing religious beliefs and practices on anyone is not only anathema to me personally, I believe it is one of the single most destructive forces in Israel today.
But the next morning, one of the guys would not let it alone, wanting to know why I hadn’t stayed at the party, resulting in a fascinating discussion on the topic. His conviction that the blue movie was actually a fulfillment of the dream of the Jewish people stays with me to this day.
“After all,” he said, “we sing it in the Ha’Tikvah (the Israeli National Anthem) — “Le’hiyot Am Chofshi Be’Artzeinu, To be a free people in our own land”).
“And the fact that we are free to see and do as we like, after 2,000 years of everyone else’s rules, is what it’s all about!”
Is this really the Jewish dream? Is this what we have waited for, for so long?
In this week’s portion, Vayishlach, after 22 years in exile in Babylon, Yaakov is finally on his way home to Israel. But he has one obstacle to overcome: he must confront his brother Eisav, who is headed his way with 400 fighting men.
Eisav, in Jewish tradition, represents in many ways the antithesis of what the Jewish people should be. Where Yaakov is about monotheism
Our challenge is to move beyond rote and empty ritual, into the illuminating excitement of Jewish learning and living.
Her
and the objective, unimpeachable morality that is the direct result of a belief in one higher authority, Eisav is about “might makes right” and immersion in the physical world with all its appetites and lures.
Indeed, in this existential struggle, Yaakov is a constant reminder to Eisav of a higher morality, and the idea that might does not necessarily make right.
It is not accidental that Hitler, in Mein Kampf, articulates quite clearly the fact that his determination to destroy every last vestige of the Jewish people stems in no small part from his refusal to forgive us for introducing this idea of one G-d and one objective morality to the world.
Yaakov engages in a powerful struggle with some vestige of his evil brother, and when it appears Yaakov has won, the “other” (angel?) grabs Yaakov along his inner thigh, attacking his sciatic nerve, buckling Yaakov’s leg. In the end, despite the victory, Yaakov limps away from the battle, wounded.
Torah concludes with a puzzling comment: “Therefore, the children of Israel will not eat of the sciatic nerve on the thigh until this day.”
(Bereishit 32:32)
What exactly are we meant to learn from this added detail?
At the end of his life, in the final song he sings to the Jewish people (Shirat Ha’azinu), containing the essence of who and what we are meant to be as a people, Moshe exhorts:
Tzur Yladcha Teshi, Va’Tishkach E-l Me’cholelecha (You ignored the Rock (G-d) who bore you, and ultimately forgot the G-d who brought you forth (Devarim 32:18).
What Moshe was referring to in his dire warning was the danger inherent in the Jewish people forgetting who they really are.
How many Jews today in America have never seriously explored the beauty of our Jewish tradition?
And what is the antidote to this insidious forgetting? “Hishamer Lechah,” guard it (the Torah
and its values) well.
Shmirah can mean to guard, implying that we must value this Torah. But it can also mean to cherish (like when you ask someone to watch over your child, in Israel, you say “Shmor Alav,” which means “take good care of him, because this boy is very valuable to you”).
We are living in a generation that has seen us as a people lose touch with what we are all about. We have allowed ourselves to forget who we really are, and who we could be. This, on a mystical level, was what the “angel” of Eisav injected into the equation when he attacked the gid ha’nasheh of Yaakov.
Hence, we do not eat the gid (nerve) infused as it is with this shik’chah, this forgetfulness. Because although Yaakov does ultimately triumph, he limps with the aftermath of this shik’chah, just as we were victorious in the great battle against evil in World War II, yet emerged from the battle limping from the struggle of relating to G-d in a post-Holocaust world…
So many Jews have “forgotten” the beauty of all that the Jewish tradition and the Torah have to offer because the Judaism and Torah they see is lost in the dark. Indeed, the Judaism most Jews do not believe in, I don’t believe in either, because that perception of Judaism is lacking the light and the beauty that is what Judaism is all about.
The real challenge we face today, as Chanukah approaches, is how to illuminate the darkness of Jewish ignorance and indifference with the light of Jewish pride and education. And how to transform the gloomy experience of rote and empty ritual into the illuminating excitement of Jewish learning and living infused with Jewish meaning.
Now that would make for a very bright Chanukah indeed.
Adapted from a column published in 2013. Rabbi Freedman is rosh yeshiva at Yeshivat Orayta in Jerusalem. To reach him, write: Columnist@ TheJewishStar.com
spark was ignited and a Jewish soul
We live in interesting times that witness murder as state policy and also brazen and often violent religious intolerance. These are also times, by contrast, of religious tolerance in many quarters between Judaism and Christianity, a spiritual give and take that would have been unheard of just a century ago. Several years ago, I met in Jerusalem with two authors, both converts to Judaism, Michaela Lawson and Ashirah Yosefah. Their joint work, “Spark Ignited” (Menorah Books), hits a raw spiritual nerve sensed by any reader sensitive enough to appreciate the sacrifice these women went through in their spiritual journey to our faith.
In her essay in this book, Ashirah shares with us the following that I found timely to the calendar at this time of year. This is just a hint as to her thinking on so sensitive a matter as change of faith. Consider this:
There is a saying in Hebrew, “Ein mikreh, ha’col mi Hashem,” which translates as, “There are no coincidences, everything is from Hashem.” And so it was that, in 1995, I happened to meet the Orthodox rabbi of my hometown, where I was working. … This rabbi was frequently ‘out and about,’ active in interfaith dialogue, yet for some reason we had never met once during the previous 40 years of my life. Forty. What an amazing number in Torah: Transformation, mat-
uration, change.
For the next few years, our paths were constantly crossing. As marketing director [for the Downtown development agency], I developed all the seasonal promotions for the downtown business community.
In 1995, Christmas and Chanukah were very close to each other, so I decided to use my thrice-weekly column in the local newspaper to do a two-part feature on Chanukah. I went off to the library to do research, wrote my articles, then called up Rabbi Spiro to share with him what I wanted to do and ask if he would read the articles I had written, and tell me whether they were accurate and appropriate for publica-
found
tion. He agreed. And suddenly we seemed to be bumping into each other everywhere, and nearly every week.
The author goes into some detail as to how this experience with this rabbi’s help hastened her continuing spiritual journey from Christianity to Judaism.
She adds, “My quest to know the true nature of Christianity was expedited by my rapidly growing hunger to learn about Torah.”
In the decade to come, Ashirah was to eventually convert to Orthodox Judaism in Israel under the authority of the Rabbinical Council of America (Jerusalem branch) and a Beit Din of the Rabbanut Yerushalayim. Fifty years exactly from the Hebrew date upon which she was born, Ashirah entered the waters of a mikvah and emerged a Jew, her own personal yovel. She made aliyah four months later.
Adapted from a column published in 2015. To reach Alan Gerber, write: Columnist@TheJewishStar.com
Chanukah
EACH ONE A LITTLE BIT BRIGHTER
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Trump’s instincts beat the Syria ‘experts’
It didn’t take long after the swift fall of the Assad regime in Syria for the members of America’s foreign-policy establishment to speak up in favor of their default position on just about every distant conflict: support for various sorts of American intervention and a generous supply of aid to right the wrongs of the world. Along with that reflexive desire to mess around in distant, complex and confusing disputes, the supposedly smart people were equally quick to express disdain for President-elect Donald Trump’s equally predictable response to developments in Syria.
Trump’s immediate reaction was to write on his Truth Social platform that, among other things, America’s response should be (in all caps for emphasis) to: “HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH IT. THIS IS NOT OUR FIGHT. LET IT PLAY OUT. DO NOT GET INVOLVED!”
So, who are you going to trust? The credentialed elites who have spent their lives studying and spouting opinions on the Middle East and guiding America to disaster after disaster or a real estate mogul/reality-TV star turned populist politician?
Despite the supposed great learning of the “expert” class and all of Trump’s shortcomings, the incoming president is the one who is in the right here. Though it would be impossible for the United States to be entirely disconnected from events in Syria, his instincts here are both wise and based on a better understanding of the events of the last quarter century of history than most of those who have been advising American leaders in the past.
How Assad fell
The surprising collapse of Syria’s brutal authoritarian government is the direct result of Israel’s defeat of the Assad clan’s main ally, Iran. Tehran thought the seven-front war launched against the Jewish state by its terrorist proxies on Oct. 7, 2023, would fundamentally alter the balance of power in the region. But the setbacks dealt by Israel to Hamas in Gaza — and then against Hezbollah in Lebanon in the last few months — achieved that result but not in the way the Islamist regime intended.
Bashar Assad and his minority Alawite regime survived 13 years of civil war because his Iranian and Russian allies were able to use their considerable military power to defeat his Sunni Arab opponents and massacre large numbers of civilians. The war they waged cost the lives of more than 500,000 people and displaced half of the
nation’s population with an estimated 6.7 million refugees forced to flee their homes.
But with Russia distracted by its war in Ukraine and Hezbollah weakened by Israel to the point where it lost its ability to defend Iranian interests, the Syrian rebels were able to turn the tide of a war that most of the world thought had ended years ago. With what may well have been considerable help from the Islamist government of Turkey, which has been meddling in Syria for years, the jihadist forces opposing Assad launched an offensive that the former dictator’s army couldn’t stop. Iran cut its losses and withdrew from Syria, and the result is that a coalition of rebels is now in charge in Damascus.
This is a clear defeat for both Iran and Russia — and that is something for Americans to cheer. But what follows this is unclear. The main rebel group, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS, is largely made up of former terrorists once associated with ISIS and Al-Qaeda. In a bid for foreign help, for the last several years, they have been trying to convince Western nations that they have turned over a new leaf and are no longer Islamist extremists. That’s highly doubtful, and their intentions toward Kurdish forces in Northern Syria remain unclear. The Kurds were allied with the West during the fight against ISIS and a small force of US troops is still based there.
Israel occupied Syrian territory around the Golan Heights (including the summit of Mount Hermon) to forestall any effort by Syrian jihadis to attack the Jewish state. And when one considers that the competing interests of Turkey, Iran and any remaining Russian forces still in the country are still in the mix, the current stalemate makes for a volatile and potentially dangerous situation. In particular, how Iran reacts to a new reality where it has clearly lost its bid for regional hegemony ought to worry the entire world. It might decide to accelerate its nuclear program and seek to declare itself a nuclear power so as to save face after the debacles in Lebanon and Syria, as well as to deter any effort to topple the Islamist tyranny that has ruled Iran since 1979.
Establishment wants intervention
In theory, this could be an opportunity for Syria to rid itself not just of a minority dictatorship but become a less repressive country where people no longer fear for their lives. Indeed, the understandable happiness about Assad’s fall has led some, like Washington Post pundit Josh Rogin to proclaim that “Syria is free. Now it’s time to help.” The editorial board of the Pos doubled down on that position with a piece explaining, “Why the US needs to help build a new Syria.”
Both of those positions were a clear rebuke to Trump and his “America First” mindset. So, too, was the response of New York Times columnist and longtime self-proclaimed Middle
East “expert” Thomas Friedman. The inveterate Israel-basher poured scorn on Trump’s position that America ought to stay out of the Middle East. According to Friedman, Trump is obligated to prevent a nuclear Iran by attempting a rapprochement with Tehran and appease it in much the same manner as former President Barack Obama’s dangerous 2015 nuclear deal.
Nor was it only liberal outlets who were criticizing Trump. At his The Editors site, Ira Stoll wrote, “Trump Botches First Foreign Crisis as President-Elect.” He quoted Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC), arguing that the United States was obligated to remain in Syria to fight ISIS, to ensure that Assad’s chemical weapons don’t fall into the wrong hands and to back up the Kurds against any possible attack on them by a HTS regime in Damascus.
Assuming that Trump intended to follow the Biden administration’s policy of letting Iran’s Houthi terrorist allies interdict international shipping in the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, as well as to stop Israel from defending its interests in the region, Stoll seems to believe that the new administration will be entirely isolationist.
To shame Trump, he even quoted President John F. Kennedy’s inaugural speech in which JFK articulated America’s Cold War pledge: “Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.”
The problem with these positions is not just that they mischaracterize Trump’s intentions and likely course of action. It also reflects a foolish
inability to learn a basic lesson from America’s misadventures in Afghanistan and Iraq — not to mention Cold War mistakes like Vietnam that followed JFK’s “bear any burden” promise — that the president-elect has absorbed yet allegedly smarter people criticizing him seem unable to grasp.
Anyone who thinks that Trump will let Islamists in Syria run amuck in the region the way Iran’s allies have done in the past wasn’t paying attention during his first term. While Obama was too interested in appeasing Iran to prevent ISIS from establishing its “caliphate” in much of Syria and Iraq, it was Trump who unleashed the American military on the terrorists and made relatively quick work of defeating them. Similarly, he backed Israel’s efforts to defend itself (including recognizing its annexation of the Golan) and turned the screws on Iran with tough sanctions and targeting its terrorists.
Bush, Obama, Biden blunders
Staying out of Syria doesn’t mean ignoring it, and Trump is clearly willing and able to defend American interests and allies when they are threatened in a way that the feckless Biden administration was not.
However, unlike the foreign-policy establishment, including both its liberal wing and the ancien regime Republicans still stuck in the mindset of the failed administration of President George W. Bush, Trump has no illusions about jihadiruled Damascus now being “free” or the rise of a “new” Syria that will become a partner for the democratic West.
JOnAtHAn S. tOBin JnS Editor-in-Chief
MidEast winners and losers: The story so far
GLOBAL FOCUS BEN COHEN
This column was written before the fall of the Bashar Assad regime in Syria.
After more than a year of bloody conflict in the Middle East sparked by the Hamas pogrom in Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, it’s becoming clearer as to which of the multiple parties involved have registered net gains and which net losses.
Let’s start with the Palestinians. The enduring achievement of the Hamas rapists and murderers has been to thrust the Palestinian question back into the heart of the world’s consciousness. For at least 10 years prior, the civil war in Syria, the war against ISIS, the failure of the “Arab Spring” to introduce stable and lasting democracy in the region, and the normalization treaties between Israel and a cluster of highly conservative Arab monarchies displaced the Palestinians from their jealously guarded position as the region’s overarching, unresolved question.
Oct. 7 changed all that by turning the Palestinian issue into a domestic concern in a range of countries — a status that typically eludes the myriad other conflicts around the world.
For Turkey and Qatar, net gains. For Iran and its Palestinian and Lebanese proxies, net losses. For Israel, the jury is out.
“Palestine” has been an issue in elections in Ireland, France, the United Kingdom and, of course, the United States. It has been an issue for law enforcement, as police departments in cities around the world have struggled to deal with mass demonstrations and campus encampments, too often resulting in police officers looking the other way as screaming mobs have openly supported terror organizations, recycled the crudest antisemitic tropes, engaged in vandalism and assault, and disrupted sporting and cultural events. And, let’s face it, the war in Gaza has given the lives of millions of restive, poorly informed people a sense of meaning and purpose as they face down the Zionist war machine they believe is at the root of the Palestinians’ travails — and therefore at the root of theirs as well.
Yet actual Palestinians, particularly Palestinians in Gaza, might question whether any of these outcomes were worth a year of bombardment that has wrecked their coastal enclave and placed them at the mercy of outside states when it comes to reconstruction and post-war governance. Hamas has been decimated, and it remains unclear who will rule Gaza going forward and how they will do so. The price of the aforementioned political victories for the Palestinians has been military disaster and long-term uncertainty.
For Israel, that effect has essentially been reversed. Militarily, thanks to the discipline and courage of the Israel Defense Forces, the Jewish state is in a much more commanding position than it was before Oct. 7 on both the Gaza and Lebanon fronts (meaning, its southern and northern borders). As well as delivering powerful blows against Hamas, Israel has fundamentally weakened Iran’s other proxy, Hezbollah, to the point that it cannot muster fighters to defend the tottering regime of Bashar Assad in Syria, as it did a decade ago.
Yet in political and diplomatic terms, the past 14 months have seen Israel’s global position significantly undermined by repeated accusations of “genocide.”
Its prime minister and former defense minister cannot travel to much of the rest of the world, including most of the European Union, for fear that they will be arrested under the warrants issued last month by the International Criminal Court in The Hague. From literary festivals to soccer matches, Israelis are feeling the kind of opprobrium once reserved for apartheid South Africa, albeit with much deadlier violence involved.
Relatedly, Jewish communities in the Diaspora are experiencing a wave of antisemitic intimidation unseen since the 1930s. The imminent arrival of a new administration in the White House may, as many hopefully expect, shift these fortunes, especially when it comes to the crucial issues of the plight of the remaining hostages in Gaza and the return of thousands of Israelis dis-
placed from their homes in the north by Hezbollah’s attacks. Nothing, however, is guaranteed.
Dealing with the Iranian regime, whose machinations lie at the core of this conflict, will be a major focus of the next Trump administration’s foreign policy. Yet even before Donald Trump enters the Oval Office (again), Iran is already looking damaged and weaker now when compared with Oct. 7. While its missile attacks on Israel failed to dent either the IDF or the Israeli population’s resolve, Jerusalem’s responses have badly frayed Iran’s air defenses and highlighted the vulnerability of its nuclear program. As well as seeing its Hamas and Hezbollah proxies degraded, Iran is now watching as the Assad regime in Syria crumbles.
Cohen on page 22
The ascension of a Jewish political philosophy
DOUGLAS ALTABEF
From Israel
It is rare indeed that an impactful social activist changes his stripes to become a serious and respected academic, eschewing action for theory.
Such an exception is Ronen Shoval, who, as a soldier returning to Hebrew University in the aftermath of the 2006 Lebanon War, encountered professors who accused the Israel Defense Forces of war crimes and the State of Israel of being a colonialist, occupying power.
In his desire to push back on such demonization, Shoval, together with Erez Tadmor, established Im Tirtzu, which has grown to become the largest grassroots Zionist organization in Israel. Shoval left Im Tirtzu in 2013, pursuing a Ph.D. in political philosophy at the Sorbonne and then going on to start the groundbreaking Argaman Institute in Jerusalem.
It would be incorrect to assume, however, that his two careers, while different in practice, are unrelated. In Shoval’s new book, “Holiness and Society: A Socio-Political Exploration of the Mosaic Tradition,” he makes the case for the “Bible’s political structure of meaning.” The book delineates a consistent and coherent political worldview that emerges from G-d’s rev-
elations and commandments, which lead to a highly developed and consistent structure of a moral society.
In doing so, Shoval helps to put the lie to the idea that the origins of Western political philosophy are to be found only in the writings of the ancient Greek philosophers. To the contrary. While the origin of the Jewish political view is from G-d and not based on man’s self-conception of what is the ideal society, the book points out that on several occasions G-d deliberately makes room for man to be his partner and figure out how best to adapt and employ the metaprinciples that G-d bestows on humanity.
“Holiness and Society” approaches the Bible for the wisdom, lessons and messages that it conveys, not for its revelatory truth. The book perceives the genius, albeit a seeming paradox, of the decision to further the perfection of mankind through the mission of one particular family and then through one particular people.
The book traces the development of the relationship between G-d and the Jewish people, and sees in the creation of a collective holiness — as evinced by G-d’s depiction of the Children of Israel as a “kingdom of priests and a holy nation” — a vital step to establishing a relationship with a people whose mission is, in turn, to bring the teachings and requirements implicit in that relationship to all of humanity.
A central focus of the book is on the idea of holiness, which Shoval sees not as an ab-
Ronen Shoval’s ‘Holiness and Society’ explores Jewish political thought through the lens of the Bible.
stract ideal or a “mystical experience” but as a “practical plan of action.” In other words, it is through holiness that G-d is able to articulate a political philosophy and model to enable the Jewish people to be his enduring partner in an unbreakable covenant, one that will help heal and perfect G-d’s greatest but most frustrating creation: man.
It is exciting to see the Bible through Shoval’s eyes. He finds in the story of Abraham a culmination of G-d’s exasperation with the idea of perfecting man, choosing one man, and then his family, to be the bearer and expositor of all that G-d seeks to imbue into humanity.
The relationship with Abraham is sealed with a covenant, and it is through the covenant that the partnership between G-d and man is enshrined.
Shoval is awed and fascinated by the Ten Commandments, seeing them as immutable meta-principles that apply for all time. While men can and do enact, reinterpret and repeal laws, the Ten Commandments cannot be altered, modified or reconfigured. They therefore provide an enduring set of values, principles and limitations that serve to undergird man’s continuing efforts at moral perfection.
It is bracing to see in “Holiness and Society” the coming of age of Jewish political thought. Shoval himself is a product of the fulfillment of Zionist aspirations, seeing development, maturation and leadership in all facets of Jewish life. That maturation has provided an invitation to see, in our tradition and our great works, facets and depth that might not be readily perceivable elsewhere.
That maturation not only inspired a powerful envisioning of Jewish political philosophy but motivated and enabled Shoval’s social activism on the grassroots level to defend Zion-
ism and counter its detractors.
“Holiness and Society” is a serious read that demands the reader’s attention and thoughtfulness. It also invites the reader to assess what its author is asserting and to consider his wisdom within the same tradition that most readers will be ensconced in.
As Shoval might say, Jewish political thought wouldn’t want it any other way.
Douglas Altabef is Chairman of the Board of Im Tirtzu, and a Director of B’yadenu and the Israel Independence Fund. To reach him, write: Columnist@TheJewishStar.com
Displaced Palestinians line up to receive meals from the Rafah Charity Kitchen. Abed Rahim Khatib, Flash90
See
Continued from page 16
Jacob is someone with whom we can identify. Not everyone can aspire to the loving faith and total trust of an Abraham, or to the seclusion of an Isaac. But Jacob is someone we understand. We can feel his fear, understand his pain at the tensions in his family, and sympathise with his deep longing for a life of quietude and peace (the Sages say about the opening words of next week’s Parsha that “Jacob longed to live at peace, but was immediately thrust into the troubles of Joseph”).
The point is not just that Jacob is the most human of the patriarchs but rather that at the depths of his despair he is lifted to the greatest heights of spirituality. He is the man who encounters angels. He is the person surprised by G-d. He is the one who, at the very moments he feels most alone, discovers that he is not alone, that G-d is with him, that he is accompanied by angels.
Jacob’s message defines Jewish existence. It is our destiny to travel. We are the restless people. Rare and brief have been our interludes of peace. But in the dark of night we have found ourselves lifted by a force of faith we did not know we had, surrounded by angels we did not know were there. If we walk in the way of Jacob, we too may find ourselves surprised by G-d.
Weinreb… Sacks…
Continued from page 17
one of the Ten Commandments and a very special mitzvah indeed.
The Rebbe continues his line of thought by pointing out that the Holy Land does not tolerate residents who commit idolatry, adultery, and cause bloodshed. Perhaps Esav, who committed all three cardinal sins, was denied the merit of dwelling in Eretz Yisrael. The Torah itself emphasizes that the Holy Land “spits out” its evil inhabitants.
The Rebbe resolves this difficulty by magnifying the mitzvah of kibud av. Honoring one’s father who himself resides in the Land of Israel, as Yitzchak did, allows even sinners of the worst kind to remain in the Holy Land and not be dispelled therefrom. Why, then, did Yaakov not consider Esav to be entitled to zechut avot?
It is here that the Rebbe resorts to an answer he heard from his father-in law, the famous “Kotzker,” Rabbi Menachem Mendel of Kotzk. The Kotzke provides us with a basic definition of the limits of zechut avot: Zechut avot only applies to those who follow the path of their ancestors.
Despite dwelling in Eretz Yisrael, and despite all the respect he showed his father, Esav did not follow Yitzchak’s path of righteousness and piety. He could not access his father’s and grandfather’s merits because he failed to emulate their ways of life.
Yaakov did model himself after his father and grandfather to the best of his ability. That entitled him to call upon the G-d of Yitzchak and the G-d of Avraham in his prayers. This is a lesson for us all, especially at the current juncture of our history. We must strive to emulate our Patriarchs and Matriarchs and thereby qualify to vie for their zechut avot v’imahot I conclude with the poetic translation of one of the blessings subsequent to the morning recitation of the Shema. It was composed by the late, and sorely lamented, Rabbi Jonathan Sacks: His words live and persist, faithful and desirable for ever and all time.
So they were for our ancestors, as they are for us, and as they will be for our children and all our generations and for all future generations of the seed of Israel, Your servants. To reach Rabbi Weinreb, write: Columnist@ TheJewishStar.com
Billet…
Continued from page 17
Which gets me back to the Holtzbergs.
The first couple of days, we felt sadness, fear, worry and anger that such despicable people could value life so little that they would take the lives of good innocent people — all the Mumbai victims — equally discriminating against men, women (including pregnant Rivka Holtzberg) and children of any race or religion other than their own.
And then when we found out the truth, on the third day, we felt genuine hurt.
“On the third day, when the survivors of the original crime finally learned, felt, processed and understood — whatever it means to ‘understand’ the nature of the hate terrorists harbor –– the horror which was dealt unto the victims,” they felt a dreadful pain to which they did not know how to rationally respond.
Shimon and Levi took up arms. If we could, we might have taken the law into our own hands against these evil terrorists.
Instead we see how Chabad says, “We must respond by sending more people. By inspiring more people. By showing how we will not let these perpetrators of hate destroy everything we hold dear.”
Baruch she’hivdilanu min ha-to-im, Blessed is He who separated us from those who are on the wrong path, who gave us a true Torah and implanted within us eternal life through our studying and living its principles.
Avi Billet, who grew up in the Five Towns, is a South Florida-based mohel and rabbi of Anshei Chesed Congregation in Boynton Beach. This column was previously published. To reach Rabbi Billet, write: Columnist@TheJewishStar. com
Tobin…
Continued from page 20
America cannot fix Syria or remake it in its own image any more than it could do in Afghanistan or Iraq. Neither an American military expeditionary force nor an army of social workers and teachers is likely to transform it into a Jeffersonian democracy or anything other than another Arab/Muslim state with very different values and goals than those of the West. The best to hope for is an authoritarian regime that isn’t dedicated to war with Israel and the West or has a goal of spreading a jihadist virus to other nations in the region, especially those with relatively moderate governments that fear Iran and want peace or at least no conflict with the Jewish state or the West.
It is highly unlikely that Washington can bribe HTS to behave; still, the United States can contain it and, as is always the case with Trump, be ready to threaten its leaders to confine their activities to their own borders. That doesn’t necessarily mean the new administration would be indifferent if the Kurds were threatened. But the idea that America is obligated to send more troops or commit itself to joining in a new round of civil war there that would likely be presented to the public as a rescue mission is equally mistaken.
The problem with past American policies towards Syria was not a failure to intervene in the civil war. It was that Obama did not articulate American interests in a way that would contain it and the flood of refugees from the conflict, many of whom made their way to Europe (creating new problems on that continent). By declaring that Assad’s using chemical weapons on his own people crossed a “red line” and then refusing to enforce it when that line was crossed, Obama set the pattern for American humiliation in the region. That was compounded by his indifference to the Russian and Iranian interventions there that followed his “red line” fiasco.
These are mistakes Trump doesn’t plan to re-
peat. The idea that he can solve the problems of the region with a new round of appeasement of Iran or by pressuring Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians or any of its other enemies is also going to be a non-starter in an administration packed with friends of the Jewish state. The Trump 2.0 administration also understands that involving the United States in a new Middle Eastern quagmire like that authored by George W. Bush is also out of the question.
Staying out of Syria isn’t isolationism. It’s common sense. The same is true for a reluctance to engage in futile attempts to engage in nationbuilding in a place where the leading factions — and most of the people — don’t share Western values. Trump has shown himself capable of grasping that American foreign policy should mix strength and a willingness to strike enemies with a rational fear of being sucked into unwinnable conflicts and assistance projects that are doomed to failure.
As he showed when he ignored the experts who warned him not to move the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, Trump should be guided by his allergy to advice from establishment figures who have been wrong about everything for a generation. Rather than mock or bash his stand on Syria, sensible observers should be cheering it.
To reach Jonathan S. Tobin, write: Columnist@TheJewishStar.com
Cohen…
Continued from page 21
Iran still retains its proxies in Iraq and Yemen, but these, too, may also find themselves in the firing line with a new administration in Washington. “Although today’s Iran is confident that it can fight to defend itself, it wants peace,” wrote its former foreign minister in a frankly ludicrous article for Foreign Affairs. That sounds suspiciously like a plea to the regime’s adversaries to hold off because the reality is that the regime cannot defend itself from Israel — not to mention the Iranian people, growing swaths of whom truly loathe the Islamic Republic and are determined to get rid of it.
For two states in the region, the outlook is unfortunately rosier. One is Turkey, whose membership of the NATO Alliance remains undisturbed despite the increasingly unhinged attacks on Israel leveled by its autocratic president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and its open support of Hamas. Ironically, Israel’s punishing of Hezbollah has helped Erdoğan in Syria, where Turkey has been backing anti-Assad forces in the north of the country, though don’t expect him to acknowledge that.
Secondly, there is Qatar, an emirate grounded in Sharia law, where a little more than 10% of the population enjoy full citizenship while the vast majority — mainly migrant workers toiling in slave-like conditions — live under a form of real apartheid. The Biden administration’s faith that Qatar — a financial and diplomatic backer of Hamas whose capital hosted the terror organization’s leaders — could act as an honest broker in negotiations to release the hostages was spectacularly misplaced, with more than a year dragging by since the one-and-only prisoner exchange that compelled Israel to release Palestinians convicted of terrorism and violence.
Despite this dismal failure and its two-faced stance on terrorism, Qatar’s ruling family continues to be feted by international leaders, most recently in London, where the British Royal Family dutifully trooped to The Mall for a parade welcoming the visiting emir. For the foreseeable future, Qatar’s astonishing wealth, coupled with its financial hold over many of the world’s capitals, is a guarantee of immunity from criticism, let alone actual sanctions.
For Turkey and Qatar, then, net gains. For Iran and its Palestinian and Lebanese proxies, net losses. For Israel, the jury is out. The first year of Trump’s term in office will doubtless tell us more. Ben Cohen, a senior analyst with the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, writes a weekly column for JNS on Jewish affairs and Middle Eastern politics. To reach him, write: Columnist@TheJewishStar.com
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