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THE LEDE

PHOTO BY THEO WELLING

“I just felt a sense of wonder today. I don’t know why. It’s not just the philosopher in me; it’s a genuine sense of wonder and appreciation for the people that I get to spend this day with.” JORDAN GLASSMAN PHOTOGRAPHED WITH MARIA CIONI IN FOREST PARK ON LEAP DAY, FEBRUARY 29

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Publisher Chris Keating Editor in Chief Doyle Murphy

COVER Not My Choice In Trump’s America, it’s open season on abortion access, and Missouri is helping to lead the charge — unless voters in November choose to do something about it

E D I T O R I A L Managing Editor Liz Miller Arts & Culture Editor Paul Friswold Music Editor Daniel Hill Digital Editor Jaime Lees Staff Writer Danny Wicentowski Restaurant Critic Cheryl Baehr Film Critic Robert Hunt Columnist Ray Hartmann Contributing Writers Jeanette Cooperman, Thomas Crone, Mike Fitzgerald, Joseph Hess, Robert Hunt, MaryAnn Johanson, Roy Kasten, KE Luther, Bob McMahon, Christian Schaeffer, Ymani Wince Proofreader Evie Hemphill Editorial Interns Trenton Almgren-Davis, Kristen Farrah, Hanna Holthaus, Jenna Jones, Monica Obradovic A R T Art Director Evan Sult Contributing Photographers Virginia Harold, Monica Mileur, Zia Nizami, Andy Paulissen, Nick Schnelle, Mabel Suen, Theo Welling, Jen West P R O D U C T I O N Production Manager Haimanti Germain

Cover design by

PAIGE BRUBECK & EVAN SULT

M U L T I M E D I A A D V E R T I S I N G Advertising Director Colin Bell Senior Account Executive Cathleen Criswell Account Managers Emily Fear, Jennifer Samuel Multimedia Account Executive Jackie Mundy C I R C U L A T I O N Circulation Manager Kevin G. Powers E U C L I D M E D I A G R O U P Chief Executive Officer Andrew Zelman Chief Operating Officers Chris Keating, Michael Wagner VP of Digital Services Stacy Volhein Creative Director Tom Carlson www.euclidmediagroup.com N A T I O N A L A D V E R T I S I N G VMG Advertising 1-888-278-9866, vmgadvertising.com S U B S C R I P T I O N S Send address changes to Riverfront Times, 308 N. 21st Street, Suite 300, St. Louis, MO 63103. Domestic subscriptions may be purchased for $78/6 months (Missouri residents add $4.74 sales tax) and $156/year (Missouri residents add $9.48 sales tax) for first class. Allow 6-10 days for standard delivery. www.riverfronttimes.com

INSIDE The Lede Hartmann

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Missouri dogs may finally get their rights

News Feature Film

Cafe

Short Orders

Music + Culture

Cinema for shut-ins Tai Davis is helping his community Chris Ladley | Taqueria Durango Jeremiah Johnson | Rafe Williams

Savage Love 6

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The Riverfront Times is published weekly by Euclid Media Group Verified Audit Member Riverfront Times 308 N. 21st Street, Suite 300, St. Louis, MO 63103 www.riverfronttimes.com General information: 314-754-5966 Fax administrative: 314-754-5955 Fax editorial: 314-754-6416 Founded by Ray Hartmann in 1977

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HARTMANN Pit Bull Politics Missouri’s animal instincts are getting better — slowly BY RAY HARTMANN

issouri has had a strange relationship with its animals for quite a while now. The last time I visited this subject was in the previous millennium — December 15, 1999 — in an RFT column headlined “Missouri: Where Men Are Men and Sheep Are Nervous.” The column was occasioned by an RFT story that was occasioned by this: “Missouri has received international publicity, as recently as September and in no less than the Times of London, as a place where ‘sex with ani-

mals is not illegal,’” I wrote. “The state has gotten similar mentions this fall on British television and in the Daily Telegraph, the Evening Standard and the Independent.” But it was worse than that, as I observed: “As the RFT reports this week, the star of the documentary is a 47-yearold fellow from southwest Missouri who has caught the attention of the Brits for his passionate love for his 22-year-old wife. The age difference isn’t so scandalous, but the fact that his wife is a horse has raised a few eyebrows.” OK, so it was a cheap column topic. But aside from the bad jokes that wrote themselves — yes, I did muse about what the world must have thought of us saying “We love our Rams” as we headed for the Super Bowl — there was the serious point that Missouri had no legislation whatsoever banning bestiality. Noting that “bestiality” was only referenced in state statues regarding sex with underage kids, I wrote: “Technically, state officials could re-

spond to the British press: ‘No, you’re wrong to say there are no laws prohibiting sex with animals in Missouri. Why, it’s a felony for an adult to have sex with an animal if the conduct also involves a child of 17 or under.’” But I’m not here to talk about the past. We’ve actually got some good news to report. Missouri has started to do right by its animals. Undoubtedly moved by our enterprising journalism, the state legislature sprung into action just two and a half years later by enacting RsMO 566.111 which boldly proclaimed: “A person commits the offense of sex with an animal if he or she engages in sexual conduct with an animal.” Now, cynics might have argued that the prose was a bit of a gift for the obvious, but at least the phrase “Hi, ho Silver” no longer struck fear into a horse’s heart. And yes, though the penalty was a strangely light Class A misdemeanor (Class E felony for repeat offenders) given the perversity of the offense, at least the state of Missouri was officially intolerant of this disgusting thing, complete with the

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following definition codified into our laws: “Sexual conduct with an animal, any touching of an animal with the genitals or any touching of the genitals or anus of an animal for the purpose of arousing or gratifying the person’s sexual desire.” Well, that’s some TMI. It should be noted that the law does note, “Nothing in this section shall be construed to prohibit generally accepted animal husbandry,” but I’m pretty sure that wasn’t a reference to the fellow from southwest Missouri who was betrothed to his horse. But some good things have happened since then. In 2009, a couple of heroic Missouri state troopers — Terry Mills and Jeff Heath — conducted an undercover sting operation, with some help from the Missouri Humane Society, and accomplished the largest dogfighting bust in U.S. history. Another good thing came in 2010, when voters passed Proposition B, the “Puppy Mill Cruelty Prevention Act.” Unfortunately, in their very next

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session, Missouri’s state legislators determined that voters really meant to enact a “Puppy Mill Slight Modification Act,” and a “Missouri Compromise” was reached that allowed dog breeders to sleep better at night. Puppies, not so much. So that one was mixed. But today the legislature seems poised to take a stand on a legitimate “Dogs Rights” issue. A bill was perfected last week in the House that would prohibit local governments from passing and enforcing regulations on dogs in a breed-specific manner. The bill sponsored by St. Louis’ own Rep. David Gregory (R-St. Louis County) is essentially a ban on bans. It would prohibit the practice — now in place in nearly 50 Missouri municipalities — of outlawing certain breeds of dogs. Such laws — knows as breedspecific laws (BSLs) — are opposed by animal protection groups, veterinarians, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and others nationally. Gregory is working with another Republican from this region, Rep. Ron Hicks (R-St. Peters), a longtime champion of the cause. Yes, it’s a case of Missouri Republicans actually making good sense on an issue, refreshingly. You probably haven’t heard much about BSLs, but they matter. Too often, local communities frightened by stereotypes and myths related to pit bulls, rottweilers and other large dog breeds ban citizens from having them in the name of public safety. Sometimes, even German shepherds are banned. “Local governments attempting to control what breeds of dogs we can have in our homes is a complete overreach,” Gregory says. “My bill will permanently prohibit local governments from such acts and allow our citizens to choose the type of dog they want to raise with their family.” BSLs are themselves a form of animal cruelty. The laws are based on misinformation and misplaced fears on certain breeds of animals, unfair not just to the animals but their loving owners. “Although intended to improve community safety and comfort, ultimately these laws can cause hardship to responsible guardians of properly supervised, friendly, well-socialized dogs,” states the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. “Perhaps the most harmful unintended consequence of breed-specific laws is their tendency to compromise rather than enhance public safety. As certain breeds are regulated, individuals who exploit aggression in dogs

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“Although intended to improve community safety and comfort, ultimately these laws can cause hardship to responsible guardians of properly supervised, friendly, wellsocialized dogs,” says the ASPCA. are likely to turn to other, unregulated breeds.” The ASPCA also argues that BSLs “make criminal of otherwise lawabiding people,” causing them to go underground about having their pets and deterring them from seeking routine veterinary care, including essential rabies shots and the like. Dogs are family to millions of Americans, and they will protect them like family. Your vet will tell you that breed identification is a most inexact science: A dog’s DNA can’t be visually assessed. And there’s real-world consequence to dogs such as pit bulls — which make great companions for a responsible owner, by the way — because BSL laws result in their disproportionate deaths in shelters. As someone who is skeptical of state lawmakers wanting to impose their will on local communities — there’s too much of that looming over our city and county — this is a case where the legislature has a legitimate responsibility to protect dogs uniformly across the state. Good for Gregory, Hicks and others who are doing it. Now, can we just make it a felony, even on a first offense, to have sex with an animal? n Ray Hartmann founded the Riverfront Times in 1977. Contact him at rhartmann@sbcglobal.net or catch him on St. Louis In the Know with Ray Hartmann from 9 to 11 p.m. Monday thru Friday on KTRS (550 AM).

NEWS School Closings and 50-Person Cap on Events Written by

DOYLE MURPHY

ithin an hour on Sunday, people in Missouri and Illinois learned of new life-changing rules as the Metro region tries to blunt the spread of the COVID-19 coronavirus. First, the elected leaders of five bi-state counties announced a ban on events larger than 50 people. The city of St. Louis had previously capped events at 1,000 people, and St. Louis

Louis city and county reported that they would be shutting down by Wednesday. The closures included private Catholic and charter schools and will last through at least April 3. “The decision to close our school districts was extremely difficult, made in consultation with all area superintendents and out of an abundance of caution for our families,” the statement from the districts said. “We know that closing our schools will have a significant impact on our families, but we also believe that strong, urgent action must be taken to prevent the spread of this disease and to protect lives.” Individual school districts in St. Charles and Jefferson counties have also been announcing closures, and Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker last week ordered all public and private schools in the state to close until at least March 30.

Gov. Mike Parson announces a state of emergency on March 13. | COURTESY GOVERNOR’S OFFICE

Parson Declares State of Emergency Written by

DOYLE MURPHY

overnor Mike Parson declared a state of emergency as the number of cases of coronavirus increased in Missouri. At a news conference on Friday, the governor said the state was working with the University of Missouri and Washington University to ramp up their ability to test for COVID-19, and they’re taking other precautions, such as restricting visits to state prisons for 30 days.

“We knew this was coming, and we are taking every precaution we can,” Parson said. As of Tuesday morning, Missouri had tested 215 people, eight of whom tested positive. The first positive test was in St. Louis County and a second was in Greene County in southwest Missouri. Since then, two more cases each in Greene County and St. Louis County and a the firstcase in the city of St. Louis have been announced. As of Friday, Missouri could run 68 tests per day, but it could increase capacity to a couple of hundred without much trouble, according to state officials. Parson says the emergency declaration is a preventive measure that should free up about $7 million to help the state’s efforts to slow the spread of the virus. He stressed that the state’s health care system was not over run, but he hoped taking steps at the beginning of the spread would help mitigate the worst problems. “I think we have to prepare for the worst and hope for the best,” Parson said. n

St. Louis Mayor Lyda Krewson and other elected officials in the Bi-State announced new restrictions. | DOYLE MURPHY County had set the maximum at 250, but the Center for Disease Control and Prevention issued new recommendations for the far lower ban, prompting the officials to adjust restrictions. The change effectively wipes out all but the smallest events, and the organizers of many of those have voluntarily canceled or postponed as health experts urge everyone who can stay in their homes to do so. The new restriction affects the city of St. Louis, St. Louis County and St. Charles County in Missouri and St. Clair and Madison counties in Illinois, according to a joint news release. Shortly after that announcement, twenty six school districts through St.

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It had been a week of major changes as local governments announced new confirmed cases and increasingly aggressive actions in hopes of keeping people away from one another. Courts in the city and county of St. Louis announced a halt to jury trials. Missouri Governor Mike Parson declared a state of emergency and promised an increase in testing for the virus through partnerships with universities. As of press time, there had been eight confirmed cases of COVID-19 in Missouri, including three in St. Louis County. There were two new cases announced on March 14 in St. Clair County — two women who health officials believe contracted the virus while traveling. n

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Presiding Judge Rex Burlison suspended jury trials in St. Louis city. | DOYLE MURPHY

No Jury Duty in St. Louis Written by

DOYLE MURPHY

ircuit courts in the city of St. Louis and St. Louis County are suspending jury trials in response to the coronavirus. Judge Rex Burlison announced that the change to the 22nd Circuit, which is in the city, would extend until April 3. The decision also includes a temporary halt to walk-in weddings, held on Fridays, starting this week. “The circuit’s intention is to make the courts available to the public during this health crisis but to reduce the public’s exposure as much as possible until we have further direction from public health authorities,” Burlison said in news release. Anyone with a jury summons through April 3 shouldn’t report. They’ll be added back into the general jury pool. The response to the COVID-19 pandemic has evolved rapidly, changing day to day, even hour to hour, as officials try to figure out what to do. Just a day before Burlison announced closures, he was as at a City Hall news conference where he said it would be “business as usual” in the 22nd Circuit Court, aside from a few extra steps to make sure any potential jurors with symptoms of COVID-19 would be sent home. Shortly after he announced the change on Friday, the 21st Circuit Court, which covers the county, declared jury trials there would also be suspended, although only through March 27.

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“The circuit’s intention is to make the courts available to the public during this health crisis but to reduce the public’s exposure as much as possible.” The Missouri Supreme Court followed up on Monday, suspending nearly all proceedings in all levels of Missouri courts, including municipal courts. Suspending all but the most urgent matters among the circuit, associate circuit and municipal courts was one of the requests included in a letter to state and local government officials that was signed by sixteen organizations, including the ACLU, Arch City Defenders and Missouri Public Defender System. The letter maps out a variety suggestions to fight the spread of COVID-19 among vulnerable populations, including people who are incarcerated, low-paid workers and people with disabilities. The recommendations include providing places for people who are homeless to self-quarantine if necessary, releasing people who aren’t considered a danger but wait in jail because they can’t pay bail and holding off on arrests for misdemeanors and non-violent felonies. n

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In Trump’s America, it’s open season on abortion access, and Missouri is helping to lead the charge — unless voters in November choose to do something about it

n a chilly Wednesday night this winter, students huddle around a bay of computers at a library in St. Louis County — some of them studying, some possibly playing Fortnite. Brightly lit with pristine white walls and furniture featuring sleek finishes, the space feels shiny and new.

Just behind the fleet of computers is a glass-lined meeting room, its design reminiscent of an observation room. Or a fishbowl. The space sometimes hosts anime movie nights or slide-dancing classes, but tonight, it’s where a group of people have gathered to discuss their personal experiences learning about sex ed, reproductive health care and more. These groups, often ranging from teens to people in their 70s or 80s, are hosted by NARAL Pro-Choice Missouri, the state affiliate of the national nonprofit that aims to protect and expand abortion access. The events are part of NARAL’s Reproductive Freedom Listening Tour, which began last August and ends in June. The tour has taken NARAL’s team of six employees across Missouri to hear what reproductive health issues are impacting the lives of people in

the state. So far, the small staff has visited Rolla, Kansas City, Joplin, Cape Girardeau, Potosi, Jefferson City and Columbia, as well as spots across the St. Louis area. The conversations have included questions about abortion access — including people wondering if the procedure is still legal in Missouri — while also covering issues across the spectrum of reproductive health care. “The Listening Tour is empowering people that their voices will be heard and mean something, and encouraging them to tell their stories, not just on abortion but on the full range of reproductive freedom health issues,” says Mallory Schwarz, executive director of NARAL Pro-Choice Missouri. “Your voice is powerful; your voice moves policymakers.” The Listening Tour is also an opportunity for NARAL to connect with

Editor’s Note: This story covers the state of reproductive rights and abortion access in Missouri. Women are not the only people who need access to these health care services — so do non-binary, gender fluid and transgender people. For that reason, persons seeking reproductive health-care services are described simply as people throughout this story.

people across the state after a particularly tumultuous 2019 that saw major gains for anti-abortion politicians and activists. For decades, conservative legislators have hollowed out the abortion provider network in Missouri, resulting in only one clinic still offering those services in the state today. Access to care is as bad as it’s been in generations, and the state is presently in danger of becoming the first in the U.S. with no abortion provider. While abortion bans are being proposed and signed into law across the country, in Missouri, little by little, anti-abortion legislation has chipped away at access through regulations — ones that critics say are medically unnecessary. This has left groups such as NARAL with their backs against the wall, but the fight isn’t over. In fact, abortion could be a crucial issue in the upcoming Missouri gubernatorial race, perhaps for the first time ever. Sitting around a table at the library, it may seem a little odd to share such personal stories with strangers — stories about your earliest memories of sex ed at home or in school, your experiences giving birth and raising children, or why you chose to have an abortion. These conversations feel even stranger as we’re sitting in that fishbowl — but the group quickly opens up and finds connections in shared life experiences. As the discussion gets underway, an Continued on pg 14

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OUT OF CHOICES Continued from pg 13

elderly woman describes her earliest memories of sex ed — or more specifically, the lack of it. Growing up in the ’40s and ’50s, she says her parents never uttered the word “sex” at home. School didn’t prove any more informative on the subject. By 21 she had two children born within two years of one another. To support herself, she took a job at a fast-food restaurant and, later, at a factory. With the help of a physician, she also gained access to birth control for the first time in her life. Although her pregnancies were not planned, she says she would never have chosen to have an abortion because of her Christian faith. Her path as a single parent wasn’t easy, she says, but she has no regrets. Sitting next to the woman is a teenager, the youngest person in the room, who recently graduated from high school. When asked if she’s comfortable sharing her earliest memories of sex education, she describes positive experiences both at home and in school, where she says she learned about reproductive health care and sex ed during all four years of high school. Birth control, she says, was the main thing the school communicated to students, as well as how to avoid sexually transmitted infections. This comprehensive approach to sex ed surprises the room — it is the first story shared so far that reflects medically factual information and promoted various methods of birth control and contraception. (Several of the other sex ed stories previously shared in the group involved fourth or fifth graders being separated by gender and watching films about “our changing bodies.”) The teen’s experience is encouraging to everyone in the group — perhaps sex ed has come a long way since the days of stilted videos and clumsy euphemisms. After all, study after study, including one from 2019 published by the Brookings Institution, has shown that when people are educated about contraceptives and have easy access to them, unintended pregnancy rates decline. Schwarz says that some of the most frequent subjects discussed at the events have been sex education and birth control. In Missouri, state statute is somewhat vague with regard to sex ed, stating only that programs should teach children about contraception and preventing STIs, but that every curriculum must teach that abstinence is the preferred way to prevent both. The vagueness at the top means that at the local level, every school is distinct and curriculums can vary widely. “Really the biggest thing that’s

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Protestors standing outside of the Planned Parenthood clinic in St. Louis. | FLICKR/ PAUL SABLEMAN come out [of the Listening Tour] that we’ve heard is sex education,” Schwarz says “[Students] are not learning about how to prevent STIs, and we’re seeing the STI rates across the state skyrocket, with outbreaks across rural Missouri. So this isn’t an issue where you can say, ‘Oh, well it’s just in the cities.’ We’re just not setting our kids up to go out in the world and be healthy adults.” Unfortunately, comprehensive sex ed is only one way that Missouri isn’t supporting reproductive health care for people across the state.

y late 2016, the pro-choice movement seemed worse off than it had ever been in Missouri. Abortion access had been steadily stripped away by politicians in Jefferson City, where Republicans controlled the House and Senate, and by November conservative Eric Greitens seemed poised to beat then-incumbent Governor Jay Nixon, a Democrat. Following the election of President Donald Trump, though, those ever-present concerns about reproductive rights in Missouri and across the country escalated into very real fears. Desiring to help in whatever small way I could, I signed up to be a clinic escort with NARAL. I was assigned to volunteer at Hope Clinic in Granite City, Illinois, which has provided abortion care since 1974. It is one of two abortion providers located just across the river from St. Louis; the other is a new Planned Parenthood facility in Fairview Heights, Illinois. There is no fence separating Hope

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Clinic and its small parking area from the sidewalk, which means that antiabortion protestors — sometimes three busloads at a time — can stand on the sidewalk next to the parking lot as patients exit their vehicles. When that small lot fills up, some patients are forced to park in nearby lots off of the clinic’s property, which means that protestors can walk right up to them as they exit their cars and trail them until they step onto clinic property. Health care providers and employees of the clinic also experience the same treatment as they enter and exit work. To help lessen the barrage, clinic escorts, clad in brightly colored smocks, walk patients to the clinic entrance. The escorts stay mostly silent, as their role isn’t to educate or influence patients — only to make them feel safe and oriented amid the chaos. Some protesters are soft spoken, gently singing hymns or offering to hand patients flowers to engage them in conversation. Others take a more aggressive posture, barking Bible verses or medically inaccurate information in an attempt to shame them. Because clinic escorting is a volunteer program, the numbers in attendance fluctuate from week to week; sometimes the group is as big as six or seven people, other times it’s just two. You hear protestors yelling “Don’t kill your baby!” and “Abortion is murder!” You see people holding infant onesies and offering them to patients, while others sing gospel songs or clutch rosaries. The most unsettling among them just stand silently, some not even holding signs, just staring

ahead, their eyes fixed on patients. Things look fairly similar in Missouri, where the only abortion provider is the Planned Parenthood clinic on Forest Park Avenue in St. Louis. Here, on any given Saturday morning, anti-abortion protesters are lining up along the edges of the clinic by 7 a.m. Caught between the protestors and the clinic entrance are patients. Some are here for contraceptives, STI testing or treatment, breast exams and mammograms, as the clinic offers a full range of health care services. Other patients are here for abortions, having possibly traveled halfway across the state multiple times to receive care. Last year, a slew of reproductive rights issues in Missouri made national headlines. One of the stories broadcast widely concerned the possible closure of this Planned Parenthood clinic. In late May 2019, the Missouri Department of Health and Senior Services denied the clinic a license renewal after months of inspections. During those inspections, the DHSS mandated a new requirement for the clinic: Patients must undergo a pelvic exam at least 72 hours before a surgical abortion. (The clinic had stopped offering medication abortions a year earlier due to the same mandate being required by the state health department and deemed medically unnecessary by clinic physicians.) The new mandate would mean that patients must undergo a pelvic exam twice in 72 hours, which doctors at the clinic — and across the country — reiterated was also medically unnec-

essary. In two episodes dedicated to the issue, MSNBC host Rachel Maddow described it as “state-sanctioned sexual assault.” Following the health department inspections, DHSS reported that the clinic had performed several “failed abortions,” citing the care of four Planned Parenthood patients who returned to the clinic for multiple procedures. DHSS director Dr. Randall Williams also issued a statement of deficiencies reported to the clinic by DHSS — but a list of those deficiencies has never been released publicly. Instead, throughout months of legal filings and public statements, the state’s health officials hammered at Planned Parenthood’s refusal to force its adoctors and medical staff to appear for interrogations. The clinic filed a lawsuit on May 28 against Williams, DHSS and Missouri Governor Mike Parson to fight the anticipated license denial. The lawsuit alleges that the state essentially launched a coordinated effort to close the clinic, blowing up small problems, such as a failure to have all staff participate in a fire drill, that are “typical of the license renewal process” and a small handful of complications to make them look like widespread, critical issues. State agencies have also tried to bury the clinic under the burden of unnecessary procedures, including the two pelvic exams for patients. “There will be times when there are complications — [it] doesn’t demonstrate any systematic or systemicwide problem,” Dr. Colleen McNicholas, chief medical officer at the clinic, told NPR at the time. “Abortion is health care, and we’ll continue to provide that quality health care and fight for people to have access to that.” In the months since Planned Parenthood filed its lawsuit, the two sides have fought a long and often fiery legal battle. Planned Parenthood won an early round in late June when the Missouri Administrative Hearing Commission granted Planned Parenthood’s motion to stay the case and allow the license to remain active until the commission made a final decision. In October, DHSS became the target of yet another nationwide backlash when Williams revealed in a hearing that his department had been tracking the menstrual cycles of patients at the clinic in a spreadsheet and had used that information to identify alleged “failed abortions,” as first reported by the Kansas City Star. In a statement titled “DHSS Denies False Allegation” sent to media outlets, Williams and his department defended the spreadsheet as “legally-obtained information which was required by law and which Planned Parenthood routinely submits.” By November, the licensing battle had made it all the way to Washing-

ton, where McNicholas along with other pro-choice advocates answered questions about abortion from the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee. “My colleagues and I could not in good conscience force patients to take off their clothes unnecessarily and endure an extra, state-mandated vaginal exam,” McNicholas said in her testimony. “Due to public outcry, the department relented, but that only confirms there was no medical need for the extra exams.” If Planned Parenthood’s license is indeed revoked, the clinic would be forced to stop providing abortions, meaning that Missouri would be the first state in the U.S. to effectively eliminate access to abortion. There was a time in Missouri’s history, as in most states in America, when clinics offering abortions were numerous; at the height of abortion access in Missouri, nearly 30 providers were operating across the state. Anti-abortion advocates, including none other than Governor Parson, point to the falling numbers of abortions performed in the state as evidence that Missourians are “choosing life” due to “decades of pro-life leadership.” There’s no denying that the number of abortions performed in Missouri has dropped dramatically in the past three decades. As of 2015, the number of abortions performed in the state was 4,765, and that figure fell to 3,903 in 2017, according to the DHSS. The historic high, by comparison, was upwards of 17,000. Yet from the stories Mallory Schwarz has heard on the NARAL Listening Tour, it’s not necessarily that more people are “choosing life” — it’s that their access to abortion in Missouri has been so restricted that it has become too burdensome to receive care. Attendees at stops on the Listening Tour have asked NARAL employees whether or not abortion is still legal in the state, confused by the chaos of last summer. In other cases, people may think that abortion access is not currently an issue, unaware that there has not yet been a final decision in the courts. In both cases, Missourians are confused about the issue. For many pro-choice activists, including Schwarz, that has been the real success of the anti-abortion movement: Why bother overturning Roe v. Wade — the 1973 U.S. Supreme Court ruling protecting abortion without excessive government restriction — when eliminating access would achieve a similar result? “That’s their goal: adding all of these restrictions in the hopes that they will push a person far enough along in their pregnancy that they will no longer be able to access [abortion], and force pregnancy and force birth upon that person,” Schwarz says.

“And that’s what’s really amazing: What is the world that you envision for that child that you have manipulated their parents into having them? It’s straight manipulation.” It’s true that for decades the Republican-led fight against abortion has steadily added new barriers to access. In 1989, publicly financed medical units in Missouri could no longer perform abortions unless the mother’s life was in danger. By 2005, the state passed a law requiring abortion providers to be located within 30 miles of a hospital, including in rural areas where hospitals are now few and far between. One of the most restrictive Missouri laws concerning abortion is a mandatory 72-hour waiting period for those seeking care. After a patient’s initial in-person consultation with a physician about having an abortion, the patient must wait three days before scheduling the procedure. For people who can’t miss a week of work or don’t have the means to travel hours back and forth to St. Louis for multiple clinic visits, those 72 hours can make a major difference in their access to care. “The mandatory 72-hour waiting period encourages people to think about it, but they’ve already thought about it — no one calls if they haven’t thought about it,” Schwarz says. “There are people who are out there who are pretending they want what’s best for these people, but they’re the ones inflicting this trauma on them, and that’s a really sad thing.” Such restrictions have forced some Missouri folks to travel to Kansas or Illinois, where limits on abortion are less severe. In Kansas, patients must wait only 24 hours, while in Illinois, they face no waiting period at all. Last week, Planned Parenthood released a press release outlining data showing that the number of abortions performed at the clinic on Forest Park Avenue has decreased significantly. In February 2019, 174 patients were provided with abortion care at that clinic; a year later, that number dropped to just three. “What we’ve seen recently in the devastating number of Missourians being able to access abortion in their own state, is that really these legislators and appointed officials don’t care if abortion is happening; they care where it’s happening,” McNicholas says. “It really shows that the state and the public-health system here in Missouri has completely abdicated its responsibility to meet the needs of the people who live here.” Across the river in Fairview Heights, however, the Planned Parenthood clinic there recorded providing some 96 abortions last October, the first month that service was offered. Last month, that number had jumped to 323. While the number of abortions

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in Missouri has declined precipitously over the years, falling to just 100 last September, the number of abortions performed at the new Illinois clinic has steadily risen, indicating that Missouri women are likely just crossing state lines for care. “Relative to other states, we’re lucky to have a haven like Illinois right there, because abortion is inaccessible in Missouri — abortion has been inaccessible in Missouri for years, especially for communities of low income, of color, LGBTQ communities and young people,” Schwarz says. In recent years, emboldened by the anti-abortion Trump administration (and the confirmation of his Supreme Court nominee Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh), nine states across the U.S. have sought to severely limit or restrict abortion access, including Missouri. These laws are likely to be appealed all the way to the Supreme Court, and with a conservative-leaning court, including Kavanaugh, they may very well be upheld. “People are very fearful and concerned about abortion access; they’ve been hearing all of the misinformation and there are a lot of questions,” Schwarz says. “Most people don’t think about abortion until the moment that they need it, and that’s why our work is so important: We need to make sure it’s available and legal when they need it.”

atie was using birth control when she learned that she was pregnant almost a decade ago. When she first thought her birth control may have failed, she took a home pregnancy test that came back positive. After that, she scheduled an appointment at a Planned Parenthood clinic to confirm the result. “My birth control failed, because there is no such thing as an entirely foolproof form of birth control,” she says. (Failure rates for birth control vary from method to method, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, with a statistical likelihood of failure ranging from 0.01 to 27 percent depending on the method.) Katie was in a happy relationship at the time, but she knew she didn’t want to have children with her then partner. “He left the decision entirely up to me,” she says. Her choice was to have an abortion. About a week later, she returned to the Planned Parenthood facility for an exam and to recieve the medication and instructions for usage to have a medication abortion at home. Unlike a surgical abortion, medication abortion is taken orally. “It induces basically a pretty heavy period, so it flushes out the inside of your uterus,” Katie says. “It’s not a fun experience by any means; I spent what

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I would describe as kind of an uncomfortable day at home. But afterward I was totally fine, and I’ve never regretted the decision that I made.” Katie was living on the East Coast at the time and recalls no barriers for care, no mandatory waiting period and no protestors harrassing her. “I was lucky in that I didn’t have any waiting periods; I didn’t have any misinformation that my doctor was required to give me the way that they have in a lot of states,” Katie says. “There were no protestors or anyone blocking me from having access to the clinic — it felt very safe, always, and felt very easy to come and go to get the services that I needed.” Nine years later, Katie says she feels very fortunate to have been able to make this choice about her health care and family planning. “I don’t take for granted the fact that my experience was relatively stress free and mundane, and I really think that everyone who needs reproductive health care should have that kind of experience,” she says. “I was confident in my decision, and I was confident in the medical care that I received.” Katie has been a pro-choice activist for years, she says, and has long supported the work of Planned Parenthood and other pro-choice advocacy groups. A few years ago, while discussing her support of reproductive rights with her paternal grandmother, Katie learned that in the 1920s or 1930s, her paternal great-grandmother had an abortion. Her great-grandmother was married and living in Brooklyn when she learned she was pregnant, and although she wanted children eventually, she was not yet ready to become a mother. “I was surprised, because you don’t hear too many stories about folks in the early 1900s having had access to reproductive services like that,” Katie says. “She was able to find access to reproductive care and had an abortion and then later, when she was ready, went on to have the family that she wanted, one of those girls being my grandmother.“ In Katie’s view, through her greatgrandmother being able to make a choice about her own family planning, she was able to build a better life for herself and her family down the road. Abortion was not legal at the time, of course, but it was happening across the country despite the procedure not being generally included in obstetrics and gynecology training for physicians, according to reporting by the Guttmacher Institute. “I literally wouldn’t be here if it weren’t for reproductive services access,” Katie says. “I was kind of floored

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Clinic escorts wear brightly colored smocks so patients can easily see them. | KAYLA CALAC — I come from a long line of smart, strong women who make the decisions that they need to for themselves and for their health. It felt kind of validating — I made the same decisions, and I know that my decision was the right thing, and my greatgrandmother did the same thing.” At first Katie didn’t tell many people about her abortion. She says her reasons were mixed — she did worry about the stigma she might face from some people in her life, but she also viewed it as a medical procedure that just felt private. Fairly recently, though, she’s become comfortable sharing her story. Not long ago she participated in a stop on the NARAL Listening Tour and was encouraged watching people connect in real time about their different experiences accessing reproductive health care services. “It felt like a really comfortable atmosphere where people were able to share their experiences,” Katie says. “We talked a lot about our experiences with sex education, because that’s a foundational element of how someone thinks about their reproductive health care, and then moved on to other topics, culminating in talking about the current state of affairs in Missouri legislation and in the country, and what opportunies people have through NARAL to help build the world that we want to see both locally and on a larger scale.”

hen you lie, people die!” That chant thundered through the Missouri House on an unseasonably warm day last May. A group of activists roared in unison from the chamber gallery overlooking the House floor, many of them clad in white T-shirts proclaiming “Stop the Bans” in orange type. Tempers and emotions were high that day following the passage of HB 126, or the “Missouri Stands for the Unborn Act,” which had already

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passed in the state House and Senate and was now given final legislative approval before heading to the governor’s desk. The bill bans all abortions in Missouri, including those that are the product of rape or incest, at eight weeks of pregnancy. With lawmakers aware that the eight-week gestational ban would almost certainly be challenged, the bill suggests a series of alternative bans at fourteen, eighteen and twenty weeks of pregnancy. The only exception outlined in the bill is in cases where the mother’s life is in danger. In addition to those provisions, “trigger” language was included that if Roe v. Wade is ever overturned federally, abortion in Missouri would be banned at every stage of pregnancy outside of medical emergencies. The legislation includes an emergency clause requiring two-parent consent for minors seeking abortions. (Missouri currently requires one-parent consent for minors.) The bill also includes provisions banning abortion due to the sex or race of the fetus, or a Down syndrome diagnosis. The latter provisions are often called “reason bans” and aim to restrict the reasons patients can seek abortions, although critics say they’re hard to prove or enforce and only serve to further reduce abortion access. On May 24, less than a week after the Missouri General Assembly approved HB 126, Governor Parson signed the bill into law. Religious groups and anti-abortion politicians and citizens alike heralded the decision. “By signing this bill today, we are sending a strong signal to the nation that, in Missouri, we stand for life, protect women’s health and advocate for the unborn,” Parson said in a release. “All life has value and is worth protecting.” Just days later, Republican Senator Andrew Koenig, who represents District 15 in St. Louis County and managed the passage of the bill, was featured on Politically Speaking, a weekly podcast produced by St. Louis

Public Radio. In the episode, host Jason Rosenbaum questioned Koenig about the law. “I think this is important because the Fourteenth Amendment says that every person has a right to life,” Koenig said. “When you peer inside the womb, all the evidence points to that life exists. And why eight weeks? Because at that point in time there’s a heartbeat and so, literally, inside the womb, you have the heartbeat of an unborn child and you also have, you know, the mother has her own heartbeat, so you have two separate heartbeats at that point in time.” When Rosenbaum asked Koenig to specify why there were no exceptions written into the bill for survivors of rape or incest — noting that even President Trump, who is antiabortion, supports such exceptions — Koenig doubled down on his belief that a fetus has the same constitutional rights as a pregnant woman in all circumstances. “Rape or incest are horrific acts; I think that you can’t go far enough on the punishment on the people who do these acts. They’re just completely horrific. But one bad act doesn’t … we shouldn’t do another bad act because one bad act happened.” The host also questioned Koenig on the far-reaching nature of HB 126. “Was the reason that Republicans in particular went along with this because Trump is president and there’s a feeling with the judiciary changing that there needs to be a more aggressive posture on this issue?” Rosenbaum asked. “This is a unique bill,” Koenig responded. “It’s a little different than other heartbeat bills that you’ve seen across the states. What makes this bill different is that we’ve made legal arguments that have never been argued in court. We consider, at eight weeks, to be a viable pregnancy; there’s a 95 percent chance that the child will make it to birth at the point in time that heartbeat is detected.” What Koenig and his colleagues consider a viable pregnancy, though, doesn’t align with the scientific and medical definitions accepted by most doctors. A fetus is usually considered viable — meaning it could live outside the womb — at 22 to 24 weeks from a woman’s last menstrual period, although factors can vary in every case. A study led by neonatologist Dr. Noelle Younge in 2017 in The New England Journal of Medicine proposed that fetuses born outside the womb after 22 weeks could survive in clinics with advanced neonatal units. That study, however, which was conducted over twelve years, found that only 1 percent of babies born at 22 weeks survived without neurodevelopmental impairment. “With the 22-weekers we didn’t see a lot of difference,” Younge told Re-

uters Health in 2017. Prior to the proposal of HB 126, abortion was legal in Missouri up to 22 weeks.

here are signs that Missouri politicians — both Republicans and Democrats — who supported HB 126 may have overplayed their hands. One Republican member of the Missouri House, Shamed Dogan, who represents the 98th District in St. Louis County, voted no. “I really struggled with this one,” Dogan told the St. Louis Post-Dispatch at the time. “I wanted to, as we talked about earlier, include rape or incest exceptions.” Dogan wasn’t alone in his concerns. Conservative allies also saw the legislation as too extreme, including David Humphreys. The prominent Joplinbased businessman and generous donor to the Missouri Republican Party opposed the lack of exceptions for survivors of rape or incest. Pro-choice advocates immediately rallied to oppose HB 126 with a referendum proposal, or public statewide vote, one of which was filed by the American Civil Liberties Union on May 28. Another referendum filed against HB 126 came from The Committee to Protect the Rights of Victims of rape or incest, a petition Humphreys supported with a $1 million donation. “I support the committee’s referendum petition to overturn HB 126,” Humphreys said in a statement last summer. “Abortion is a very personal subject with complicated moral issues for all involved. With no consideration given to victims of rape or incest, this legislation’s impact reflects bad public policy with negative consequences for Missourians. As such, I support the committee’s effort to protect women in the case of rape or incest.” Due to the emergency clause in the bill requiring two-parent consent, though, that provision in the bill immediately became law after it was signed by Governor Parson. And that opened the door to a bit of political gamesmanship by Missouri Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft. The Republican at first refused to approve referendum proposals, claiming he didn’t have the legal authority to approve them because of the bill’s emergency clause. When an appeals court disagreed, ruling that Ashcroft could not deny the referenda, he waited for more than two months to release the petitions needed to begin gathering signatures. According to Andrew Koenig’s interview with St. Louis Public Radio on June 3, that move by Ashcroft was intentional to block a public vote. “What we did in the bill is actually preempt that type of situation by putting an emergency clause in there, so there can’t be a referendum,” Koenig

“I think that the passing of HB 126 caused outrage ... and really woke people up,” says NARAL ProChoice Missouri Executive Director Mallory Schwarz. told Politically Speaking. Ashcroft finally released them in mid-August, which gave petitioners just fourteen days to collect the needed 100,000 signatures. Critics insisted Ashcroft had intentionally slow-walked the petition to undercut their efforts. The secretary of state defended the move in a press release specifically outlining the timeline afforded to the ACLU petition. “The referendum process is available for bills that have not yet become law, and a portion of the bill had become law,” Ashcroft said at the time. “I had no other choice than to reject the referendum when it was originally filed.” As HB 126 quickly transformed from bill into law last spring, Schwarz says that NARAL Pro-Choice Missouri heard rising concerns from citizens. After the referendum was thwarted, though, she says her office was flooded with calls and emails from Missourians who wanted to advocate for their reproductive rights. “I think that passing HB 126 caused outrage across the state and really woke people up — people who don’t pay a lot of attention to politics, people who are busy with their kids and jobs and lives and haven’t thought about what abortion access could mean,” Schwarz says. “All of a sudden they heard this, they saw this, and I think those people were awakened, are increasingly engaged and are fed up.” On the eve of HB 126 going into effect on August 28, U.S. District Judge Howard Sachs issued a preliminary injunction blocking the gestational age bans outlined in the bill. A month later, the federal judge issued a separate preliminary injunction blocking the bill’s provision banning abortion due to the sex or race of the fetus, or a Down syndrome diagnosis. Currently the bill is caught up in appeals courts, with Missouri Attorney General Eric Schmitt seeking to reverse the preliminary injunctions issued by Sachs. The appeals are Continued on pg 18

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scheduled for argument during the week of April 13. For his part, Parson still seems motivated to see HB 126 or legislation similar to it take effect in Missouri under his tenure. On February 1, the governor reaffirmed his position on abortion, becoming the first sitting state governor to speak at the Midwest March for Life rally. “We’re just part of the troops, in Army terms, because we’ve still got to fight battle after battle after battle,” Parson said at the rally, as reported by the News Tribune in Jefferson City. “But I will guarantee you, sure as I’m standing here in front of you as governor of the state of Missouri, we’re winning the war.”

ong before Mike Parson was a politician, he was a Missouri farmer and U.S. Army serviceman. Raised in Hickory County near Bolivar, he would eventually become the third generation in his family to earn his livelihood off the land. After graduating from Wheatland High School in rural western Missouri, Parson served in the Army for six years and later was the Polk County sheriff for twelve years before running for state representative.

Protestors gather outside of Hope Clinic in Granite City, Illinois. | KAYLA CALAC He later moved up to the state senate and, eventually, lieutenant governor. As a politician, he has cultivated an image as a gentleman farmer — he still runs a cattle operation in Bolivar with his wife, Teresa — and state Republicans welcomed his promotion in 2018 to replace departing Governor Eric Greitens, who clashed with party leaders before allegations surrounding an affair led to his resignation. Parson had only been governor for a year when he signed HB 126. During his time working in the Missouri

General Assembly, Parson had voted in favor of several bills seeking to restrict abortion access. When he announced his plans to run for a full term as governor this past September, Missouri Right to Life fully endorsed him. (A Parson spokeswoman said the governor was not available for an interview.) As Parson gears up for his first gubernatorial race, he’ll have to double down on his anti-abortion views and politics more fiercely than ever. Abortion is expected to be a central issue in the race given the extreme nature

of HB 126 — even some conservatives find the lack of exception for survivors of rape and incest to be egregious. This fall, Parson will face off in the gubernatorial election against State Auditor Nicole Galloway, who has specifically come out against HB 126 and its lack of exceptions for survivors of rape or incest. Democrats seeking to win over Republican moderates in Missouri have traditionally avoided pushing abortion access as a key part of their platform, but advocates see an opening in the extreme measures of the ban. (Repeated attempts to interview Galloway were not successful.) Although most Missouri voters identify as “pro-life,” according to a survey conducted by Kansas Citybased Remington Research Group (founded by Republican strategist Jeff Roe), 54 percent of those surveyed opposed an abortion ban with no exceptions for survivors of rape or incest, including 42 percent of Republicans and 58 percent of independents. Last summer, an NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist Poll of voters across the U.S. found similar results, including that a majority of Americans are against overturning Roe v. Wade, although 61 percent of those surveyed believed in some sort of abortion restrictions. “What it speaks to is the fact that the debate is dominated by the extreme positions on both sides,” said Barbara

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HAPPY HOUR

Protestors pretending to be clinic escorts to confuse patients. | VIA NARAL PRO-CHOICE MISSOURI Carvalho, director of the Marist Poll, in a story with NPR. “People do see the issue as very complicated, very complex. Their positions don’t fall along one side or the other. ... The debate is about the extremes, and that’s not where the public is.” Schwarz has found the same to be true in her work with NARAL ProChoice Missouri. “Polling has shown that seven in ten Missourians, like seven in ten Americans, support access to legal abortion and support Roe v. Wade,” Schwarz says. Even before Galloway announced her campaign for governor, she began to attack Parson on the issue. In an editorial published in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch in June 2019, she called HB 126 “a travesty for women.” “[Parson] wants rapists in Missouri to have more power over their victims. He wants a woman’s decisions over her health care to be criminalized. These positions are extreme and cruel. “I join the probable majority of Missourians who are appalled by this new law. But I also know this law represents another emotion for Missouri women — fear.” Days before Galloway’s op-ed, the state auditor spoke at the Jackson County Democrats’ 32nd annual Truman Gala. “Until now, a survivor of rape could decide what came next,” Galloway said at the gala, as reported by the Kansas City Star. “Governor Parson has taken that choice away from women, and instead a survivor must accept that her rapist could have parental rights.” Although Missouri has lit up red in presidential elections in recent years, Galloway has proven to be a viable candidate in historically Republican-

leaning counties. She is currently the only Democrat to hold statewide office, and in 2018, when she was reelected as state auditor, she won eight typically red counties: Buchanan, Callaway, Cole, Greene, Howard, Platte, Ste. Genevieve and St. Charles. Those rural and suburban victories were crucial for Galloway, who won the election with just 50.413 percent of the vote, according to reporting by St. Louis Magazine. Galloway isn’t the only Democrat to sway a historically Republican suburban area in recent years. In St. Louis County, Democratic Representative Trish Gunby flipped the 99th District, which represents communities including Twin Oaks, Valley Park and Manchester, in a special election. Gunby is running again this year, currently against two Republican challengers. She credits her victory in 2019 to voters who cared less about voting along party lines and more about where candidates stood on the issues. “I think there’s a lot of people who are more focused on the candidate, and I think that’s what I found,” Gunby says. “I know Republicans voted for me because they told me they did. They were more focused on the candidate and that candidate’s willingness to work with people and work across the aisle. That’s what resonated with them.” Galloway and Gunby are both backed by EMILY’s List, the influential political action committee that has recruited pro-choice candidates across the nation. Just across the border in Kansas, the group played what the Kansas City Star described as a “major role” in the election of Democrat Sharice Davids, a gay Native Continued on pg 20

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American who defeated a Republican incumbent for U.S. representative in Kansas’ 3rd congressional district. It was one of the most shocking upsets of the 2018 cycle. In a story about Galloway’s thenrumored bid for governor, the Kansas City Star suggested that if EMILY’s List were to get behind Galloway’s campaign in a big way in 2020, it could potentially give her a similar boost. EMILY’S List helps with campaign fundraising efforts for candidates and can donate to those campaigns directly as a political action committee, but the real money — including most of what funded Davids’ historic run — comes from Women Vote. The Super PAC is connected to but legally independent of EMILY’s List. According to an EMILY’S List representative who spoke to the Riverfront Times on background, EMILY’s List and Women Vote don’t communicate with one another and there’s a wall separating the two groups for campaign finance law purposes. Women Vote advocates for pro-choice candidates through advertising. It’s not yet clear if Women Vote will do the same for any Missouri candidates. In a conversation with the RFT, an EMILY’s List representative acknowledged that a lot of people in Missouri and across the U.S. don’t support abortion, but that doesn’t mean they agree with how extremely a bill like HB 126 aims to limit access. Gunby agrees, suggesting that even members on both sides of the aisle in the Missouri General Assembly may not support the more extreme bans outlined in HB 126. She points to legislation that was passed earlier in the current session around lifting the statute of limitations for survivors of

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sexual abuse. “I find it very interesting,” Gunby says. “So the [legislative] body is OK with doing something like that, acknowledging that somebody who has been sexually harmed may wait years before she comes forward, and yet they expect somebody who experienced sexual trauma through rape or incest to know in less than eight weeks what they should do around that issue. That to me is a disconnect. I feel like we’re in a time and a place in Missouri where the rules of logic are not being utilized depending on the topic, and what’s good for one issue does not apply to another, and that’s what we’re dealing with around the abortion issue.” In addition to Galloway and Gunby, EMILY’s List is also rallying behind State Senator Jill Schupp, who is running for the U.S. House of Representatives. Schupp has supported reproductive rights throughout her political career, which includes tenures in the Missouri House and Senate, and has seen how abortion access has gradually been whittled down by conservative legislation over time. “Over the years I’ve seen actions to chip away and to put stumbling blocks in front of women trying to access abortions or their right to choose,” Schupp says. “And that chipping away, year after year, making a woman wait 72 hours, having restrictions on the kind of facility that offers women the choice of abortion, all of the relationships with hospitals — all of these laws have been to chip away at a women’s access, and this is now just the outright ban.” Not unlike the fight between Galloway and Parson, Schupp is also challenging a staunch anti-abortion politician, Ann Wagner, in the 2020 cycle. Wagner has represented Missouri’s 2nd congressional district since 2013. In that time, she has been outspo-

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ken about her unwavering views on abortion. She introduced a bill, the “Born Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act,” in early 2019 which seeks to “ensure any infant born alive after an abortion receives the same protection of law as any newborn: mandating care and instituting penalties for doctors who allow such infants to die or who intentionally kill a newborn.” Under Roe v. Wade and state law, abortion is banned after fetal viability except in rare cases of medical emergency. Therefore, critics of the “Born Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act” say that it won’t apply to most abortion procedures. “Congress must act to protect those who cannot protect themselves,” Wagner said in a press release issued in February 2019. “That is why I introduced the ‘Born Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act,’ which merely ensures that babies who survive abortions receive immediate, lifesaving care — just as any other baby would. To my colleagues, this is the simplest vote you will ever take: either you support babies being killed after they are born or you don’t.” Wagner has also previously opposed anti-abortion legislation including exceptions for survivors of rape or incest similar to the language used in HB 126. Schupp believes that HB 126 has potentially alienated even Missourians who don’t identify as pro-choice. “I think this is such an irresponsible and extreme law — it’s dangerous, it’s outrageous, and frankly it’s unconstitutional,” Schupp says. “I think people are appalled knowing that regardless of their situation or circumstance that this law makes abortion illegal. I think that women and common-sense people in the state of Missouri are saying, ‘This is absolutely a bridge too far.’ Even people who have not been pro-choice are so offended by the way

that this has come about and the extreme measures that are in this piece of legislation.” Sitting around the table at that library for the NARAL Listening Tour, people agree. The night is winding down and we’re now discussing the events of last summer, including HB 126. Most of the people in the room aren’t aware of the most extreme measures in HB 126; some aren’t aware of it at all. When they’re informed that the people of Missouri were denied the chance to put the bill to a public vote, emotions run even higher. Gazing into the faces of people ranging in age from seventeen to 70, it’s hard not to consider the generational impact of HB 126. It’s been almost fifty years since Roe v. Wade became federal law, and the people in this room and their stories represent our world before and after its passage. It’s hard not to consider Katie’s greatgrandmother in Brooklyn, who chose to have an abortion decades before the procedure was legal. It’s hard not to think of the people who will still seek out abortion if it’s once again denied to women under the law. Given what’s at stake, this next election cycle feels like another major defining moment for America. We will either remain a country where people are allowed to make their own decisions about their personal health care, or we will begin banning people’s access to it, starting with abortion. “The future of women’s health care in the state of Missouri will be determined in November,” Schupp says. “My Republican colleagues have made it illegal to have an abortion even if you’re the victim of rape or incest. It is really critical that people who are concerned about women’s access to abortion, which will affect one in four women in the state, get out and vote. That’s how we’re going to make change.” n

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FILM

Films for Shut-Ins RFT’s longtime film critic suggests films and streaming services for the Covid-19 era Written by

ROBERT HUNT

hough it’s hardly the most important issue facing the world during a pandemic, one of the many things that will change during the next few months, perhaps irrevocably, is the way we watch movies. Whether you’re selfquarantined or simply having second thoughts about spending two hours in a dark room with a few hundred other people, you’re probably going to be spending more time watching movies at home. As I write this, most theaters remain open, but they’ll soon be facing a shortage of new releases. Most of the major titles scheduled to open in the spring has been delayed. That new James Bond movie? You may see it in November. The latest Fast and Furious? Wait until next year. Where does the ardent cinephile turn while ensconced in their tent made of Clorox wipes? My first choice is The Criterion Channel ($10.99 monthly, $99.99 annually), the streaming service from the home video company already renowned for its library of international classics. Their selections — not limited to Criterion’s own collection — change from time to time, but most films remain available for a few months; You can also download to watch when you’re offline. However you choose to watch, their library is never less than overwhelming. Catching up on old masters? Right now you can find ten films by Fellini, a dozen Bergmans and no fewer than 25 Kurosawa features. And the selection doesn’t stop at arthouse classics. This month’s highlights, alongside Godard and Tarkovsky retrospectives, include Peter Bogdanovich’s early feature Targets, eight films starring Rita Hayworth, fifteen films scored by Quincy Jones and collections devoted to Max Von Sydow, Burt Lancaster and Danny Kaye. You can also find critical discussions by the eminent David Bordwell, loads of background

A scene from Ranier Werner Fassbinder’s 1980 epic, Berlin Alexanderplats. | BAVARIA FILM “special features” and a weekly family-oriented Saturday Matinee offering that ranges from Jason and the Argonauts and The Thief of Bagdad to A Hard Day’s Night and the work of Czech animator Karel Zeman. My second most-visited source is the on-line annex to Turner Classic Movies. If you don’t have time to watch TCM’s consistently excellent outpouring when it’s being broadcast, almost every film they show is available for a few weeks through their mobile and smart-TV apps (provided that you’re a cable/satellite subscriber or have a friend who will share their password). Accordingly, their library changes daily, with about 150 films of every length and genre imaginable. Right now, you can catch Top Hat, Bonnie and Clyde, 8-1/2, Lolita, Monterey Pop and Seven Brides for Seven Brothers. But wait, there’s more: four Frankie-and-Annette beach movies, Burt Reynolds’ back-to-back Gator films, an Anne Frank documentary, Max Fleischer’s animated Gulliver’s Travels, Pennies From Heaven, and for the truly curious, The Cool Ones, a misguided musical comedy starring

Roddy McDowell as a Phil Spectorlike mogul and featuring songs by cult-minstrel Lee Hazlewood. The playback control is limited, but occasionally you can even opt out of listening to the introductions from TCM’s unctuous hosts. With Criterion and TCM, you usually know what to expect. The Amazon Prime user who chooses to ignore its upfront selection of current releases and television can occasionally unearth a few obscurities if they’re willing to dig around through its clumsy search system and tolerate occasionally dodgy print quality. Recent discoveries include a handful of B-movies, obscure noir and randomly selected classics, as well as The Driver’s Seat, a 1975 psychological drama with Elizabeth Taylor playing a suicidal woman on the edge, and Allen Funt’s What Do You Say to a Naked Lady?, an almost unwatchable X-rated version of Candid Camera. Digging deeper reveals Ginger in the Morning, a pretentious 1971 drama written by Erich Segal, and Poor Pretty Eddie, a lurid piece of Southern creepiness involving Leslie Uggams, Shelley Winters, Slim Pickens, Ted “Lurch” Cassidy

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and an Elvis impersonator. (My suggestion list currently offers a handful of Bunuel and Polanski films, Blaxploitation, campy British spy films and an assortment of amateur music documentaries). There are a few worthwhile discoveries as well — I recommend Stanley Donen’s Movie Movie and Monte Hellman’s western Ch Liberty 37 ina 9, — but the quality ones are rare. Amazon Prime is the place where deservingly forgotten movies go to hide. We’re facing a scary new world of confusion, distrust and social distancing, but you can’t spend all of your time hoarding paper towels and staring at the Johns Hopkins charts. Catch up on a few classics. Spend a few hours watching Gene Kelly or Fred Astaire dance. Discover Harold Lloyd and Preston Sturges, the westerns of Randolph Scott and Budd Boetticher. You can finally get around to those classic films you’ve heard about but never seen. If you thought you would never have time for all fifteen hours of Rainer Werner Fassbinder’s masterful Berlin Alexanderplatz, this is your opportunity. (It’s on the Criterion Channel, of course). n

MARCH 18-24, 2020

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314.888.8688 9616 OLIVE BLVD OLIVETTE, MO 63132 The Kickin’ Crab has joined the Crustacean Nation and is here to satisfy your taste sensation. The Kickin’ Crab is a fun-filled Cajun seafood destination where patrons come and escape into flavor paradise. Offering a distinct ambiance to enjoy the finest and freshest Cajun seafood around! Kickin’ Crab is a great place to hang out with friends, family, or both! No plates... no utensils! Just your hands, a bib, and our unique and absolutely irresistible KC sauces - a combination of spicy, sweet and tangy flavors - over freshly prepared seafood that will give your taste buds satisfaction unlike anything else you’ve ever tasted. Join us and partake in the festivities and quality of seafood that The Kickin’ Crab has to offer.

CAFE

Helping Hands St. Louis Boxed Lunches is ensuring students can access free lunches throughout the duration of COVID-19 school closures Written by

CHERYL BAEHR

ike many hospitality professionals in St. Louis, chef Tai Davis has been scrambling to adjust his life to the rapidly developing COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic. However, as concerned as he is for his livelihood — and the livelihoods of his fellow restaurant industry colleagues — there is another segment of the population that has been on his mind lately. “I feel like kids are a really underlooked segment of our community,” Davis says. “We take people’s circumstances for granted and can be naive that everyone has the means to take care of their children.” After Missouri and Illinois mandated statewide school closures that will be in effect until at least April 3, people have begun to question how this necessary public health measure could negatively impact those who are food insecure. For folks who participate in Missouri’s Free and Reduced Lunch Program, an initiative under the federal National School Lunch Act that provides students with breakfast and lunch every day that classes are in session, school closings can mean the loss of the only meals children may eat on a particular day. According to the Missouri Department of Elementary and Secondary Education, 44,174 free or reduced breakfasts were served in December 2019. For lunch, the number jumps to 129,201. Davis knows what it’s like to depend on that lifeline. From kindergarten through high school, he was a beneficiary of the program and cannot imagine the fear and uncertainty parents and children are experiencing over even the temporary loss of this vital service. After talking with his sister and hearing her concern about her own job in the travel industry and what that would mean for feeding her children, he decided to spring into action.

Chef Tai Davis hopes to provide some relief to students in need via his free lunch kits. | MABEL SUEN “I figured, why not make a couple of boxed lunches for people who need it?” Davis says. “I didn’t know exactly how I wanted to do it or how big it would get. I just wanted to help feed people. But I started getting messages from people who wanted to volunteer and people who needed help, and it started to increase.” Like many area chefs, Davis has found himself not with just the will but also the spare time right now to take action. Over the past week, restaurants and bars have had to find creative ways to serve guests in the wake of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention urging for social distancing and crowd avoidance. The situation has grown even more dire for those in the hospitality industry, and its supporting vendors, with Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker’s order on March 15 that all restaurants and bars close for dine-in service until the end of March. With St. Louis city, county and surrounding area officials signaling that they are poised to follow suit, area restaurants are now faced with empty dining rooms and lost employee wages. Davis’ inclination toward service inspired him to think of others in this time of crisis. “I decided to take the initiative and the time — I have a lot of it now because everything is on hold,” Davis says. “But it’s been good, because now I can do something for the community.” After talking with officials at some area school districts, Davis under-

stood how urgent the need for action was. As he explains it, everyone he spoke with was committed to feeding the children who depend on school meals, but the logistics were the hard part. Many planned on delivering meals via the regular school bus routes but could not guarantee specific times of day for the deliveries. Another problem was whether anyone would be allowed into the schools to prepare the meals: School officials expressed concern to Davis about whether or not cafeteria workers would be allowed in school buildings — and no workers means no food. Davis hopes that his initiative, St. Louis Boxed Lunches, can provide some relief to those in need by providing lunch kits to anyone who reaches out to him. Each kit contains five lunches, consisting of a sandwich, chips, fresh vegetables, a cookie and flavored water. Kits are available at several hubs throughout St. Louis city and county, including Local Harvest Grocery in south city, Racanelli’s New York Pizzeria in Webster Groves and Old North Provisions in north city. To help offset the cost of providing the boxed lunches, Davis set up a fundraiser on Facebook. Within an hour of going live, the crowdsourcing campaign had exceeded its goal. “I thought I’d just put together a small one and see what happened, and it took off,” Davis says. “I’ve also had people reach out — Angela Castelli of [Sysco’s] Natural Tableware asked what we needed, so now they are donat-

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ing all of our packaging. [Chef] Josh Galliano donated all of our bread from Companion. We’ve gotten so many donations. It’s been overwhelming.” To get the word out to people who might need to take advantage of St. Louis Boxed Lunches, Davis has assembled a team that is contacting area school districts, asking them to put the word out to families through an e-blast and word of mouth. Davis is also aggressively promoting the program on social media and through both Nextdoor and his website, tai-davis.com. Davis has been inundated with requests from people who want to volunteer with his program, but he is purposely keeping things small to limit the number of people in contact with the lunches. He insists that his team is being cognizant of safety and that only those who are healthy are allowed to help prepare and pack lunches. He’s also adamant that this is a confidential program — that those who reach out can rest assured that they are doing so privately and with no questions asked. Unlike the state’s Free and Reduced Lunch Program, those who need a free meal from St. Louis Boxed Lunches will be given one without any paperwork or proof of income requirements. All they have to do is ask. “The utmost thing we are thinking about is that we don’t want people to feel shamed,” Davis says. “If your kids need food, come pick it up. If you are hungry and you need food, come in. I don’t want them to be hungry. Just be a good human.” n

MARCH 18-24, 2020

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SHORT ORDERS

[SIDE DISH]

Chris Ladley Learned How to Cook Through Grit and Google Written by

CHERYL BAEHR Editor’s Note: We encourage all readers to order carryout or delivery from Nudo House today and in the coming days as a measure of social distancing due to COVID-19. Nudo House works with Postmates for delivery and also offers easy and efficient carryout services.

hen Chris Ladley thinks back on what he learned about cooking from his parents, he realizes that each taught him an important side of food. After his mom and dad divorced when he was six, his time with each of them seemed to center around the kitchen. At his mom’s house, his culinary education was all about resourcefulness. Because money was tight, he watched in amazement while she repurposed dishes multiple times or made a big batch of cheese sauce for the week because it was cheaper than opening a box of Kraft. If his mom’s house was about learning to stretch a budget, his dad’s was about ingredients and technique. The pair would get inspired by classic cooking shows together — including Julia Child’s The Frugal Gourmet — and would head out to the store to buy ingredients so they could recreate what they saw in their home kitchen. His experiences with his dad taught him about technique and higher-end ingredients — something he felt that rounded out what he learned with his mom. “I like to joke that I learned one hundred things to do with a can of green beans from my mom,” Ladley laughs. “We learned to repurpose and made a game out of it. At my dad’s, we’d go out and get shallots and cut them with his Henckels knives. There, it was all technique and higher-end stuff. I think it was the perfect yin from my mom and

Chris Ladley leads the kitchen at Nudo House in the Delmar Loop. | TRENTON ALMGREN-DAVIS yang from my dad.” As chef at the Delmar Loop location of Nudo House (6105-A Delmar Boulevard, 314-370-6970), Ladley uses the skills he learned as a kid on a daily basis. However, he also draws upon the trial-by-fire training he got while working at his first restaurant job. As a teenager, he was hired at Uncle Bill’s Pancake House in south county as a busser and was regularly scheduled to work the Sunday “post-church” shift, an experience he describes as positively brutal. Though he was exclusively front of house at first, his job description drastically changed during an overnight shift he just happened to pick up. “One night, I picked up the third shift — the overnight drunk shift — and was bussing when a couple of cooks went out to go on a beer run. They never came back because they had warrants and got arrested. One guy in the kitchen threw me an apron and said to me, ‘You make pancakes and bacon.’” Ladley continued to work at Uncle Bill’s throughout most of high school until he left the industry to work for a local disc jockey company. For five days out of the week, it was his job to entertain people, or as he says, “throw the best party in town.” This led to jobs as a bouncer and eventually working in nightclubs — one of which led him back into the restaurant business. “I was working at a nightclub on South Broadway, and one of the partners had a restaurant space in Bevo that just didn’t work out for him,” Ladley says. “He asked if I wanted to take it over, and I said, ‘Sure.’ Instead of hiring

someone, I decided to run the kitchen. It was definitely a case of not knowing anything so we tried everything.” That bar and grill, the Wicked Lady Pub, was a rapid-fire education in every aspect of owning a restaurant. Half of the equipment didn’t work, the heater and air conditioner didn’t work, and the roof was so bad that if it was snowing outside, it was snowing in the kitchen. Ladley rolled with the punches, though, and in the process also learned how to create menus and make some seriously good food. “I learned through Google,” he says. “If I was going to do this, I was going to do it right. I wasn’t going to use pre-made pizza shells, so I looked up an easy pizza shell recipe. If we didn’t like the way something turned out, we tweaked it. There were a lot of happy accidents and a lot of friends helping who allowed us to learn as we went and not fall flat on our faces.” The Wicked Lady Pub had a good run but shut down when business in the overall neighborhood declined, Ladley says. He knew that he wanted to keep cooking, so he reached out to chef Gerard Craft, explaining that, though he’d never gone to culinary school, he had a wealth of experience and a work ethic that would make him a good member of the team. Craft gave him a job, and Ladley worked in various positions throughout Craft’s restaurant group before leaving the country to work in France, where he fell even further in love with cooking. After returning from France, Ladley landed the chef position at Herbie’s. Although he admits he didn’t think he

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would get hired, he rose to the challenge and learned what it was like to run a large-scale restaurant. From there, he went on to work at the Block and then Quincy Street Bistro. After that restaurant closed, he again found himself working for Craft at Sardella before getting the offer to run the now-shuttered Snax Gastrobar in Lindenwood Park. “The food was great; the staff was cool,” Ladley reminisces. “The neighborhood was great. We got to see people bring their kids into the place in wagons, walking up from their homes. We were so proud of the place, but things just weren’t there.” Following Snax’s closure, Ladley was contacted by his friend, Qui Tran, about coming to work for him and his partner, Marie-Anne Velasco, at Nudo House in Creve Coeur. The restaurant was an immediate and roaring success and eventually expanded to include a second location on Delmar Boulevard. Now, Ladley runs the kitchen at that location, thrilled to be in a position where he gets to spend his days making people happy and doing what he loves. “I feel like, growing up where going out to eat wasn’t something we always got to do, I learned not to take it for granted,” Ladley says. “That’s why I love to make others happy when they come into the restaurant. Cooking and taking care of people — now that I have a chance to do it, it’s a real trip.” Ladley recently took a break from the kitchen to share his thoughts on the St. Louis food and beverage scene, the one ingredient never allowed in

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his kitchen and why chef Brian Moxey is an inspiration in the kitchen. What is one thing people don’t know about you that you wish they did? That’s a toughy. I guess most people don’t know that I’m a huge fan of the Muppets. All the classic movies, the TV show — I own them all. Even going back to the OG Sesame Street Christmas special; I’ve got that soundtrack on vinyl. I also love Billy Joel. What daily ritual is non-negotiable for you? Fresh air. Every day around 3 p.m., I have to get outside for at least five minutes. Whether it’s walking down to get a cup of coffee from Suite 100, or even just standing outside, I’ve gotta get outside and get fresh air. If you could have any superpower, what would it be? My superpower would be being fluent in every language. Does that count as a superpower? I think it would be amazing to be able to communicate with anyone. What is the most positive thing in food, wine or cocktails that you’ve noticed in St. Louis over the past year? The food scene in St. Louis was built on people looking out for each other. The ability to make a call and get product, equipment, advice, whatever has helped foster such a tight scene that has grown into what it is today. It’s super rad to see young talent and people who are new to the area come into the industry in St. Louis and keep that tradition going. Is there some level of professional competition? Sure. But, for the most part, no one is out to destroy anyone else’s business. I think back to when I was a butcher for the Block restaurants; the folks from Seoul Taco would be prepping in the butcher room early in the morning because the Delmar store was still under construction. You give people prep space if they need it, cooler space if someone’s walk-in dies — it’s what made us who we are as an industry, so seeing it continue with the next generation of restaurants/bars/staff is refreshing and shows that our scene is just going to get better and better. What is something missing in the local food, wine or cocktail scene that you’d like to see? More offal and a dank Spanish restaurant. Nasty bits, when cooked properly, are super delicious. It also furthers the idea of using the entire animal when cooking. I’d also love some great Spanish food. I think that cuisine is greatly underrepresented in St. Louis. I don’t think you can get much better than a bowl of callos — Spanish tripe stew — and a big chunk of crusty bread. Who is your St. Louis food crush?

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Brian Moxey from Sardella. His food is fucking dynamite. It’s not just his talent, or his palate, it’s also the way he — as a leader — cultivates an amazing team that always executes amazing and consistent product. He’s a great cook, leader, friend and one of the nicest human beings on the planet. Plus: Hot Dog Casserole. If you know, you know. #HDC Who’s the one person to watch right now in the St. Louis dining scene? Koda Williams at Nixta. Dude is a tiny tattooed ball of raw talent. We met years ago at Sardella, and I knew he was going to be a heavy-hitter. Work ethic, palate, technique — dude slays it all. His food is incredible, but he doesn’t have an ego. Keep an eye on him; he’s going to do great things for this city. Which ingredient is most representative of your personality? That’s a tough one. Thyme, maybe? It’s my favorite herb, so I’ll stick with that. If you weren’t working in the restaurant business, what would you be doing? I’d be on the production side of live music, most likely in the lighting end of things. I spent a few years as lighting director at Velvet downtown, running and maintaining the light rig and a badass water-cooled argon laser … it melted a ladder. Name an ingredient never allowed in your restaurant. Truffle oil. It’s fake, perfumed garbage. And it smells like the inside of a hockey glove. What is your after-work hangout? If I go out after work, I’ll either go see my friend Dan at Three Monkeys for some good conversation, or I’ll go downtown to see my dudes at Flamingo Bowl. You never know what kind of shenanigans are going to happen there. What I do know is that you can put a toasted ravioli into orbit with a Nerf gun … What’s your food or beverage guilty pleasure? I don’t really ever feel guilty about eating anything … maybe cheese? A few weeks ago I got off work and spent way too much money on cheese and then went home and ate it. Guilty pleasure beverage? Champagne. I spent time at G.H. Mumm and Krug when I was living in France, so I’m a bubbles snob. I’ve also, on occasion, been known to put the hurt on some black cherry White Claw. What would be your last meal on Earth? Pieds paquets (lamb tripe filled with parsley and salt pork, slowly stewed with lamb trotters and potato); a crusty loaf of French bread; Velveeta shells and cheese, made by my mom (I don’t know what she does, but they’re always best when she makes them); a bottle of Krug Grande Cuvee; and my dad’s lemon cookies. Take me now. I am ready. n

[FOOD NEWS]

After a Two-Alarm Fire at Taqueria Durango, Local Chefs Rally to Help Written by

MONICA OBRADOVIC Editor’s Note: The Taco Tuesday benefit has been postponed to encourage social distancing due to COVID-19 coronavirus. When a new date is announced, we will share it online.

n the afternoon of Thursday, March 5, Miguel and Isidora Lopez lived through every restaurant owner’s worst nightmare. At 3:38 p.m., an emergency call was placed from Taqueria Durango (10238 Page Avenue, Overland; 314-429-1113) to Central 911 Emergency after some frying oil caught fire and spread too quickly to be contained by staff, as first reported by the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. Miguel and Isidora Lopez’s daughter Angelica Lopez says she lost the strength to stand when she first saw the extent of the damage. “I couldn’t believe it,” she says. “So many memories. My parents put so much hard work into building it.” The Lopez family had run the restaurant for almost eleven years; March 28 would’ve been its eleventh anniversary. Angelica says the fire completely destroyed the restaurant, and her family is unsure of when it will reopen. In the wake of the devastating twoalarm fire, members of the St. Louis food scene are now coming together to help out the Lopez family as they work to rebuild the popular Mexican restaurant in Overland. Those efforts will culminate at Guerrilla Street Food’s Delmar location, which will host a Taco Tuesday benefit for Taqueria Durango in the near feature. More than eight local restaurants including Mission Taco Joint, Byrd & Barrel and Pastaria will serve their own style of taco at the benefit, with a portion of proceeds donated to Taqueria Durango (restaurants will be covering costs for the event and donating too). Guerrilla Street Food’s Brian Hardesty started organizing the Taco Tuesday benefit after seeing news of the fire on Twitter. He says he has been eating at Taqueria Durango at least twice a month for the past ten years; before announcing the event, he set up a GoFundMe campaign with a fundraising goal of $25,000. As of this writing the campaign has raised more than $13,000. “I set a lofty goal because I thought the St. Louis community would come together to meet that goal,” Hardesty says. “I would like to think that any restaurant, especially one where it’s the family’s only

The Lopez family operated Taqueria Durango for the past eleven years. | RFT ARCHIVES income, would have people support them.” Angelica says the fundraising campaign came as a shock. She hasn’t formally met Hardesty, but recognized him and his Guerrilla Street Food business partner, Joel Crespo, as regulars at Taqueria Durango. Hardesty wasn’t the only St. Louis chef who wanted to give back to Taqueria Durango and the Lopez family. In a message shared with the RFT, Byrd & Barrel’s chef-owner Bob Brazell said upon hearing the news he immediately made a post on Facebook promising to donate a portion of last weekend’s sales to the family. “We are all small business owners and we all work so hard for what we have,” Brazell said. “To lose it like that is horrible.” Strange Donuts owner Jason Bockman and STLwinegirl Angela Ortmann are also pitching in to help Hardesty bring Taco Tuesday together. Taqueria Durango was one of those places people in the food industry would go to on their day off, Ortmann says, adding that it sold good, authentic street tacos without a trendy or frilly atmosphere. “We just want to show the family we support them,” Ortmann says. “A lot of chefs would feel like their whole world went up in flames. I feel like when these things happen around town, the restaurant community really rallies.” Doug Marshall, a.k.a. the Tamale Man, plans to donate 100 tamales for dinner service at the event. For dessert, ice cream from Ices Plain & Fancy will be served all day as will beer from 2nd Shift Brewing and tequila from Una Vida Tequila courtesy of Mission Taco. All that support, Brazell said, is a part of what makes the St. Louis food scene so special. In good times and in bad, folks in the local food scene rally to support one another. “I’ve always spoken very openly about how much I love this city and this industry,” Brazell said. “This is why.” Overwhelmed by the support shown for their restaurant, the Lopez family agrees. “I guess you could say a brightness is coming out of this tragedy,” Angelica says. “We are very grateful and could never have imagined this love and community.” n

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[HOMESPUN]

Sing to the Heavens Jeremiah Johnson goes in a more personal, rock-centric direction on new album Heavens to Betsy Written by

CHRISTIAN SCHAEFFER

ou would be forgiven for thinking of Jeremiah Johnson as a blues artist. After all, the St. Louisan has a hot hand on the electric guitar and a long history of producing live-wire barroom blues with the aid of a band that adds liberal amounts of tenor saxophone and Hammond organ to the mix. But for Johnson, who has no small amount of twang in his delivery, the strictures of the genre could feel a little restrictive at times. “They were calling me blues-rock — that’s the category they would put me in,” Johnson says of DJs and promoters. But for his latest LP, Heavens to Betsy, Johnson is less interested in twelve-bar blues and more inspired by the swampy, rootsy rock & roll that came out of places like Muscle Shoals. “This one is more of a Southern rock record — and of course all Southern rock music is built on blues,” he says. “This is based on the stuff I’d hear on KSHE 95 as a kid.” This is Johnson’s second record with well-regarded blues label Ruf Records; the German imprint has helped make inroads for Johnson to tour around Europe, which he’s already done once in 2020. Still, the change in approach is something of a question mark for someone long associated with the blues. “I don’t know how it will be received — it’s a pretty big change,” he says. In addition to seeking a Southern rock sound, Johnson sought to change his approach to songwriting. Rather than rely on fretboard fireworks, his songs were built from the ground up. “Most of my previous records I would start with a guitar lick and then add lyrics,” he says. “This time I sat down with an acoustic guitar and a pile of lyrics. I wanted all of these songs to be something I could play on

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“This one is more of a Southern rock record,” says Jeremiah Johnson of his new album. | ANGELA RENEE an acoustic guitar around a campfire. The idea is more of a song-first approach, where you’re trying to write a good tune and not so much around a snazzy guitar.” “Forever and a Day” was the first song that Johnson wrote for this album, and it set the model for what would come after. “I was sitting with an acoustic — it’s only about four chords to the whole song; it’s really simple, just cowboy chords,” he says. “Once I took it to the band to record a demo — after we recorded it with the electric [guitar] and the bass and the saxophone — I realized that’s the sound I was after. “I’m sure the record label would have preferred me to do a straight blues record, but I’ve been around and I’ve got stories to tell,” he adds. As to those stories, many of the songs on Heavens to Betsy are taken from Johnson’s personal life, specifically his own growing family. “I’ve got a six-month-old and I was writing these songs where he was not quite born yet,” he says. “I had all these thoughts about being a father for the first time.” “Leo Stone” is named after his little boy, a joyful and hopeful ode to this new stage in Johnson’s life. “I had all these emotions going

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“I’ve got a sixmonth-old, and I was writing these songs where he was not quite born yet. I had all these thoughts about being a father for the first time.” through your head,” he says of his mindset as he wrote the song. “I was 46 years old and was gonna be a father for the first time. I started having these emotions, and it all came out really fast. It’s about the excitement of being a first-time father.” In fact, little Leo made his debut just as Johnson was completing his demo of the song. “Literally, we had just finished writing the last of the

lyrics, and my fiancee yelled down ‘Hey, it’s time to go to the hospital,’” he recalls. Playing the song in concert and communicating his happiness to the audience has made the hardened musician into something of a softy. “It’s really difficult to sing, when you’ve got that much joy in you, without crying,” Johnson says. “I’m proud to have my son in my life and I’m proud that I can leave him this song to let him know what I was feeling.” Johnson’s family inspired other songs on the album as well; “Ecstasy” is an ode to his fiancee, while “Long Way Home” is a tribute to the lessons learned from his grandmother. “As I’ve grown, I think my songwriting has taken a turn, and I think it’s a happier turn. My old songs may have been about women and drinking; those songs don’t mean as much to me anymore,” Johnson says. “You get older and things change. “I feel like I put a lot into it,” Johnson says of Heavens to Betsy. “The DJs that are used to playing me across the nation are probably shocked that it’s a little more rock. I’m not gonna write and play songs that aren’t in my heart. Of course I want success, but I want to make real music that’s from the heart.” n

MUSIC + CULTURE [COMEDY]

The Best Medicine Comedian Rafe Williams’ 800 Pound Gorilla debut Young Grandpa is as funny as it is complex Written by

KE LUTHER

ith St. Louis comedian Rafe Williams, what you see is not always what you get. As a matter of fact, that distinction — the gap between the first impressions that people have of each other and the truth — lies at the heart of the performer’s work. As he puts it, “No one is two-dimensional. Everyone contains multitudes.” And Williams is the ultimate example of this philosophy. In person, Williams is tall and stocky with rough-hewn features, a prototypical heterosexual white guy from the Midwest. He jokes that strangers frequently mistake him for a cop — a claim bolstered by the fact that he dresses in the dark, nondescript clothes of an undercover officer. “I’m a Democrat trapped in a Republican body,” he laughs. “So I do feel like a man without a country sometimes.” And at first glance, he indeed comes across as a lost member of the Blue Collar Comedy Tour — his standup routines punctuated by colloquialisms like “ain’t” and “fidna,” as well as references to rural pastimes like “trying to finish the golf tee game at Cracker Barrel.” But true to form, he also drops words like “approbation” and “mesomorphic” into casual conversation and co-hosts a podcast called The Other Side of the Tracks that explores topics like “the Overview Effect and how it applies to the future of human consciousness in tumultuous times.” Even the story of Williams’ life, which is epic and well documented, changes depending on how an individual looks at it. Framed one way, he is completely average, a self-described poor kid from southern Illinois — or northern Kentucky, as he calls it —

Rafe Williams’ album was produced by 800 Pound Gorilla Records, known for its work with Marc Maron and Pete Holmes. | SARA BANNOURA who was raised by a domineering father. He adapted by taking on the role of class clown in school, got his former girlfriend pregnant at nineteen, left college and eventually became the stereotypical alcoholic bartender. “I was like those state fair drawings with the big head and the little body on a surfboard with beer cans everywhere,” he says. But viewed from a different angle, Williams was a bright student who excelled at sports, served in the military, helped raise a child, obtained a master’s degree in health care administration and launched a successful standup career at the age of 33 — all while battling addiction and crippling stage fright. Far from the down-home everyman that Williams plays on stage, he is actually one of the most complicated figures in today’s society: a white, millennial male who achieved the American Dream without an elite education, sizable inheritance or famous last name. “We are not in demand right now, which is good. It’s good for the greater good, not great for me,” he laughs. These contradictions come together with hilarious effect on Young Grandpa, the debut album that the comedian released in January. The hourlong set, produced by 800 Pound Gorilla (the label behind artists like Marc Maron and Pete Holmes), was recorded at the Improv Shop in St. Louis and centers around Williams exploring his identity as a 40-year-old grandfather. “I think every joke has to have a nugget of truth in it,” he says. “You can use wild exaggeration for

emphasis. But if there isn’t a nugget of truth in there, the audience doesn’t relate to you.” The charm of Williams as a comic is that his strongest material is delivered at his own expense — or that of his peers — in ways that both confirm and subvert “bro” stereotypes. As a result, Young Grandpa is guaranteed to make both liberal and conservative listeners uncomfortable. “Comedy’s weird,” he says. “It starts off adversarial, but it’s combative and collaborative at the same time.” It doesn’t always work. Williams’ penchant for impersonating black men, including the rap parody on “Animal Humane Committee,” feels more like punching down than finding compromise. But those are rare missteps on an album that culminates in a wonderfully unhinged, virtuosic bit as impressive as anything on Netflix. An extended conversation with the universe, “Love, Sacrifice and Ren Faires” opens with a sharp description of the title activity. “A Renaissance Faire,” Williams explains, “is when a whole bunch of white people go out in the middle of the forest and they dress up like different eras of history that only a white person would be comfortable living in.” He considers the larger joke, which extols the virtues of patience and gratitude, one of his favorites. “It’s hard to stay on a single subject for ten to fifteen minutes,” he notes. “Not a lot of comedians can do it.” In addition to touring regularly, Williams also belongs to several teams and teaches classes at the

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Improv Shop; he creates advertising content for St. Louis brands like Imo’s and Purina; and he appears on numerous podcasts and radio shows across the region. “To me, success is being able to support myself with comedy,” he laughs. “But when I get there, I may not say that.” The odds that he settles for just paying the bills seem low, given that he made enough as a performer last year to quit his day job and it only fueled his ambitions. And now, thanks to this combination of hard work and perseverance, Williams is poised to break into the mainstream. On March 6, he brought his trademark Midwestern humor to television as part of the series Stand Up Nashville! on Circle — a new country music and lifestyle network from the creators of CMT. If fans missed the initial broadcast, fret not: It is scheduled to start streaming on the Circle website in May. And over the next few months, Williams is pitching two original properties — a sitcom based on Young Grandpa and an educational reality show — to a number of interested studios. In St. Louis, Williams is probably best known for his turn as Ronnie Jenkins-Trump — the president’s fictitious half-brother — on STL Up Late, the former KMOV sketch show. The character was inspired by comedians like Sacha Baron Cohen and Stephen Colbert, who satirize conservatives in ways that appeal to viewers across the political spectrum. “Love and empathy are a much better place to come from,” he suggests. “If you’re really trying to say something to get an audience to budge, you can’t be preachy and you can’t be hateful.” Williams was actually performing as Jenkins-Trump on election night in 2016. He was supposed to play the villain, complaining about the rigged system and unfair process as the results came in. Of course, the evening took an unexpected turn, and as members of the crowd started to weep, he changed tactics immediately — consoling his fellow liberals as much as circumstances allowed. It’s just one danger of practicing radical empathy in an increasingly polarized nation. “I still have white-trash tendencies that I grapple with,” he admits. “But I have one foot in progressive dissidence and the other in my Midwestern roots. And the truth is always in the middle.” n

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SAVAGE LOVE QUICKIES BY DAN SAVAGE DEAR READERS: I live in Seattle, the U.S. epicenter of the novel coronavirus epidemic, with my family. A lot of my readers wrote this week to wish us well. We are fine — scared, but fine — washing our hands compulsively and staying close to home. I’m going to keep churning out the column and recording my podcast, while being careful to maintain a safe social distance from the techsavvy, at-risk youth. I’m hoping the column and podcast are welcome distractions. Please take care of yourselves, take care of the people around you and wash your damn hands. Hey, Dan: I’m wondering if you know of a word that describes the fetish of getting off from talking dirty. I’ve searched a lot, and I can’t find a label for this kink or fetish. While googling around, I did learn some new terms, like “katoptronophilia” (being aroused by having sex in front of mirrors) and “pubephilia” (being aroused by pubic hair), but I can’t seem to find one that describes my kink. Dirty Talker I’m old enough to remember when people who needed to feel a strong emotional connection before they wanted to fuck someone got by without a word or a pride flag of their very own. They just said, “I’m someone who needs to feel a strong emotional connection before wanting to fuck someone.” But now they can say, “I’m a demisexual,” a five-syllable, vaguely scientific-sounding term that first popped up in an online forum in 2006. Unfortunately, when someone says, “I’m a demisexual,” the usual response is, “What’s that?” And then the demisexual has to say, “I’m someone who needs to feel a strong emotional connection before wanting to fuck someone.” So leading with “I’m a demisexual” seems like a waste of time to me. But it does extend the amount of time the speaker gets to talk about him/her/themselves … and who doesn’t love talking about themselves? Anyway, DT, you’re someone who enjoys dirty talk. There isn’t a special term (or pride flag) for you that I could find — I did a little half-hearted googling myself — and I don’t think you need one. You can get by with “I’m someone who enjoys dirty talk.”

Hey, Dan: My wife and I have been married for a little over two years. We both have demanding jobs, but she admits to being a workaholic and spends almost every night on the couch answering emails and binge-watching Bravo. I’ve resorted to getting high most nights to cover up for the fact that I’m very unhappy. Despite being overworked, she’s started a side hustle selling skin-care products to her friends, most of whom she rarely sees in person. Bottom line: I didn’t sign up for this. I’m beyond bored and want to travel and explore. But she refuses to give up the side hustle and dial back her work or her drinking. We both earn comfortable salaries and we don’t need the extra income. Would I be justified in leaving because of her newfound hobby? Basically Over Redundant Enrichment Side hustle or no, BORE, you aren’t happy, and that’s reason enough to leave. And while you won’t (or shouldn’t) be doing much traveling anytime soon, you can find a lawyer, search for a new apartment and initiate divorce proceedings while your wife sits on the couch answering work emails and pushing skin-care products to her friends. I would typically encourage someone in your shoes to risk telling the truth before walking out — you’re unhappy, you’re bored, you don’t want to live like this anymore — but it sounds like your mind is made up. So use your time at home over the next couple of weeks to make your escape plan. Hey, Dan: I’m a young white woman, and my last boyfriend, a black man, left me two weeks ago. Ever since, I have been masturbating only while thinking about black guys. My question is: Do I have a “thing” for black guys now? I’ve accepted that our relationship is over, but it was really intense. I feel disgusting after I masturbate, because it feels gross and not respectful toward my ex somehow. What do you think? Desperately Horny For Black Men Masturbate about whatever the fuck turns you on, DHFBM, and if you’re worried someone would find your masturbatory fantasies disrespectful … don’t tell that person about your masturbatory fantasies. I suppose it’s possible you have a “thing” for black guys now. (What’s that thing they say? Actually, let’s not say it.) Unless you are treating black guys as objects and not people, or you fetishize blackness

Seeing as there’s a worldwide pandemic on, and seeing as life is short, and seeing as dick is delicious, I’m going to give you the OK to send this guy a message.

fect natural dick I’ve ever seen. (Can we please stop saying “uncut”? It’s so disgustingly plastic surgery-ish.) We hooked up a couple times, and he was so much fun. A couple of years later, in another town, he showed up out of the blue at my new job. It was awkward at first, but it got better over the couple of years we worked together. I always wanted to just sneak him into the bathroom and give him another blowjob. He still lives in the same town, and I want to message him to see if he’s up for some more fun. We haven’t spoken in years — and last I heard, he was still not out. I want to message him, but I’m wondering whether there’s a time limit to reconnecting with someone? Fuck, man, he was so hot, and his natural, big, veiny dick was maybe the most perfect cock I’ve ever seen. Big Ol’ Dick

in a way that makes black sex partners feel degraded (in unsexy, nonconsensual ways) or used (in ways they don’t wish to be used), don’t waste your time worrying about your fantasies. Worry about your actions.

Seeing as you haven’t spoken to this man in years, BOD, I’m going to assume you no longer work together. And seeing as you hooked up more than once back in that college town, I’m going to assume he liked your blowjobs. And seeing as there’s a worldwide pandemic on, and seeing as life is short, and seeing as dick is delicious, I’m going to give you the OK to send this guy a message. Social media has made it possible for people to reach out to first loves, exes and old hookups. And so long as the reacher outer is respectful, has reason to believe their message won’t tear open old wounds and instantly takes “no” for an answer (and no response = no), there’s nothing wrong with reaching out. And while social-distancing protocols will prevent you from sucking that gorgeous natural dick anytime soon, BOD, who doesn’t need something to look forward to right now?

Hey, Dan: I’m a 35-year-old woman in a long-term cohabitating relationship with a man. We opened our relationship about six months ago, and it’s going very well and we both have FWBs. My primary partner and I are going to be getting engaged soon, and I’m wondering what my responsibility is to my FWB of five months. Do I make a special effort to tell him about the engagement — on the phone or in person, like I plan to tell family members and close friends? Or is it okay if he finds out via social media like other people I’ve known for only five months or less would? My getting engaged (or married) won’t prevent me from remaining his FWB. Wanna Be Ethical Golden rule this shit, WBE: If your FWB got engaged, would you want to find out via social media or would you want him to tell you personally? I’m guessing you’d rather hear it from him. You’ve known your FWB for only five months, it’s true, and other five-months-or-less friends don’t rate hearing it from you personally. But you aren’t fucking your other fivemonths-or-less friends. A little more consideration for your feelings is — or should be — one of the benefits. Hey, Dan: I used to live in a college town. While there, I hooked up with a gorgeous guy. He had an amazing smile, a nice body and the most per-

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Check out Dan’s podcast at savagelove.com. mail@savagelove.net @fakedansavage on Twitter Want to reach someone at the RFT? If you’re looking to provide info about an event, please contact calendar@ riverfronttimes.com. If you’re passing on a news tip or information relating to food, please email doyle.murphy@riverfronttimes.com. If you’ve got the scoop on nightlife, comedy or music, please email daniel.hill@riverfronttimes.com. Love us? Hate us? You can email doyle. murphy@riverfronttimes.com about that too. Due to the volume of email we receive, we may not respond -- but rest assured that we are reading every one.

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Riverfront Times, March 18, 2020

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