Water Everywhere, a project for São Paulo (temporary) by Sarah Felippe

water everywhere

water everywhere a new project for SĂŁo Paulo

Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Urban Design Department in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Urban Design at Savannah College of Art and Design

Sarah Daher Kobata Felippe Savannah, GA ÂŠ June 2016

Ryan Madson, Committee Chair Alice Guess, Committee Member Daniel Brown, Committee Member

to Catharina, Veronica, Lina, Carol and Regiane

Acknowledgements

I appreciate CAPES Foundation from the Ministry of Education of Brazil, for supporting financially, under the grant 88888.076263/2013-00, all my studies and achievements in the United States. I thank professors Ryan Madson, Alice Guess and Dan Brown for the orientation in this past year, helping me to find the right resources that support this work and especially for helping me to push my ideas on everytime I did not know how to go forward I am also thankful for my family and friends in Brazil who, despite the distance, gave me their constant support, direct or indirectly, during these past two years. My special thanks to Ashwini Dhamankar, Ajay Samuel and Catherine Fairhurst for being friends inside and, more importantly, outside Eichberg Hall. Most of the thoughts explored in the thesis were somehow accomplished because of ideas we shared and discussion we had together and for me this is most valueable knowlegde one can produce. Lastly, I am hugely grateful for the daily support, in life and school issues, to Regiane Guzzon, who patiently listened to my frustrations, doubts and fears, but with whom I could also share my achievements and joys and without whom this thesis would hardly be accomplished.

Table of Contents LIST OF FIGURES.............................................................................................................. ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................

1 7

INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................ Infrastructure and Urban Design........................................................................................ Project as a Political Act................................................................................................... Water and Urban Design................................................................................................... Water everywhere, a project for São Paulo........................................................................ São Paulo......................................................................................................................... Aricanduva.......................................................................................................................

10 12 16 20 26 29 43

DESIGN FOR WATER......................................................................................................... 51 The status quo in São Paulo.............................................................................................. 52 Concept........................................................................................................................... 68 MANIFESTATIONS............................................................................................................ Disclosure of water.......................................................................................................... SCALE............................................................................................................................. Water and architecture...................................................................................................... Water and streetlife........................................................................................................... Water regionally................................................................................................................ CHARACTER..................................................................................................................... Ecology............................................................................................................................ Infrastructure................................................................................................................... Social..............................................................................................................................

71 72 77 78 80 84 87 88 92 94

PROPOSALS..................................................................................................................... Macro.............................................................................................................................. Meso............................................................................................................................... Micro...............................................................................................................................

99 102 110 120

CONCLUSIONS................................................................................................................. 129 APPENDIX......................................................................................................................... 138 BIBLIOGRAPHY................................................................................................................. 154

List of Figures

Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Figure 5 Figure 6 Figure 7 Figure 8 Figure 9 Figure 10 Figure 11 Figure 12 Figure 13 Figure 14 Figure 15 Figure 16 Figure 17 Figure 18 Figure 19 Figure 20 Figure 21 Figure 22 Figure 23 Figure 24 Figure 25 Figure 26 Figure 27 Figure 28 Figure 29 Figure 30 Figure 31

Esmeralda City Avenida Paulista opening in 1891 Avenida Paulista in the 1930’s Avenida Paulista in the 1960’s Avenida Paulista in 1976 Avenida Paulista in 2009 Avenida Paulista in 2015 Hydrological changes resulting from urbanization Waste-water renovation and conservation cycle Water in movement. Diagrams showing the continuous shift of meanders São Paulo in the 1920’s Flood in São Paulo Map of Paraguay River Basin Main rivers and reservoirs in Metropolitan Region of São Paulo Tietê River Basin and Caminho dos Tupiniquins São Paulo Railroad and urban occupation in 1965 Map of São Paulo in 1847 Map of São Paulo in 1847 Map of São Paulo in 1881 Map of São Paulo in 1897. Map of São Paulo in 1943 São Paulo Metropolitan Region and Aricanduva Watershed City of São Paulo. Watersheds and urban mass City of São Paulo. Watercourses and detention reservoirs Evolution of urban occupation in Aricanduva Watershed 1914 - 2015 View from Tietê River Detention reservoir in Sao Paulo Metropolitan Area Detention reservoir in Sao Paulo Metropolitan Area Flooding of Aricanduva River Flooding of Aricanduva River Aerial photo showing building density in Jardim Colonial

08 19 19 19 19 19 19 21 23 23 24 28 30 31 33 35 37 38 39 40 41 42 47 47 49 50 53 53 53 53 55

Figure 32 Figure 33 Figure 34 Figure 35 Figure 36 Figure 37 Figure 38 Figure 39 Figure 40 Figure 41 Figure 42 Figure 43 Figure 44 Figure 45 Figure 46 Figure 47 Figure 48 Figure 49 Figure 50 Figure 51 Figure 52 Figure 53 Figure 54 Figure 55 Figure 56 Figure 57 Figure 58 Figure 59 Figure 60 Figure 61 Figure 62 Figure 63 Figure 64 Figure 65 Figure 66 Figure 67 Figure 68

Aerial photo showing building density in Vila Carrão Aerial photo of Aricanduva River Physical Model of Aricanduva Watershed Building footprint and blue & green infrastructure Occupation of margins by industries and big parcels Occupation of margins by residences and small parcels Aerial photo of electric transmission line Aerial photo of electric transmission line Main transportation axes Aerial photo of existing metro surface line Aerial photo of regional expressway (Av. Jacu-Pêssego) Crossing between Av. Aricanduva and Radial Leste Construction of monorail in Av. Sapopemba in 2014 2015 Population by district Urban occupation downstream Urban occupation downstream Urban occupation downstream. Urban occupation downstream. Topography (10m) and detention reservoirs Aerial photo of detention reservoir in Aricanduva Watershed Aerial photo of detention reservoir in Aricanduva Watershed Aerial photo of detention reservoir in Aricanduva Watershed Aerial photo of detention reservoir in Aricanduva Watershed Public buildings and lands (federal, state and municipal) CEU (Unified Educational Center) Vila Formosa Public lands with open football field, health units and schools Public School Duque de Caxias. Complex of two public schools, one sport club and civil police Water manifestations Global diagrams Combined diagram with groundwater, rain and surface waters Groundwater reserves in São Paulo Metropolitan Region Annual rainfall in São Paulo Metropolitan Region Major watercourses in São Paulo Metropolitan Region Average Relative Humidity each month in 2014 Number of days with RH below 30% in 2014 Absolute minimum RH, historical data each month

55 55 57 58 59 59 59 59 60 61 61 61 61 62 63 63 63 63 64 65 65 65 65 66 67 67 67 67 74 73 74 74 74 74 75 75 75

Figure 69 Figure 70 Figure 71 Figure 72 Figure 73 Figure 74 Figure 75 Figure 76 Figure 77 Figure 78 Figure 79 Figure 80 Figure 81 Figure 82 Figure 83 Figure 84 Figure 85 Figure 86 Figure 87 Figure 88 Figure 89 Figure 90 Figure 91 Figure 92 Figure 93 Figure 94 Figure 95 Figure 96 Figure 97 Figure 98 Figure 99 Figure 100 Figure 101 Figure 102 Figure 103 Figure 104 Figure 105

Composite drawing Water design and architecture Nijmegen, Netherlands Nijmegen, Netherlands Urban rills network Schematic sections of street hierarchy Existing rivers and topography Conservation areas and main roads Building footprint and public open lands Public buildings and other points of interest People in public spaces Omega Center Complex, Rhinebeck, USA Alamitos Groundwater Recharge Pond, Santa Clara, USA. Greenvale Reservoir, Melbourne, Australia Bioswale (filtration of runoff), Seattle, USA Diagram of biofiltration system Current water path Water path using biofiltration system Water Square, Rotterdam, Netherlands. Hidroanel Metropolitano, Sao Paulo, Brazil Parc Boulogne Billancourt, Paris, France. Growing Water, Chicago, United States. Zaragoza, Spain Fort Worth, Texas Paris, France London, England Pisac, Peru Coimbra, Portugal Bergen, Norway Normal, Illinois. Sevilla, Spain Malmo, Sweden. São Paulo, Brazil. Graubünden, Switzerland Rede Sarah de Hospital de Reabilitação Rede Sarah de Hospital de Reabilitação Aerial view of Aricanduva Watershed

76 79 81 81 82 83 85 85 85 85 86 89 89 89 89 90 91 91 93 93 93 93 95 95 95 95 95 95 96 96 96 96 97 97 97 97 98 3

Figure 106 Figure 107 Figure 108 Figure 109 Figure 110 Figure 111 Figure 112 Figure 113 Figure 114 Figure 115 Figure 116 Figure 117 Figure 118 Figure 119 Figure 120 Figure 121 Figure 122 Figure 123 Figure 124 Figure 125 Figure 126 Figure 127 Figure 128 Figure 129 Figure 130 Figure 131 Figure 132 Figure 133 Figure 134 Figure 135 Figure 136 Figure 137 Figure 138 Figure 139 Figure 140 Figure 141 Figure 142 4

First Regional Strategy Final Regional Strategy Rediscovering rivers Social housing and water Connecting the territory Evapotranspirating water Filtrating water Public uses of water Infrastructuring water Daylighted rivers Crossing green stocks Opening Public Lands Vila Nova Manchester location Vila Nova Manchester - permeable areas, watercourses and reservoirs Vila Nova Manchester - land uses Vila Nova Manchester - main streets and crossings Vila Nova Manchester - building footprint, green spaces and watercourses Schematic perspective of design interventions Schematic section of design interventions Streetview of Rua Jericinó Streetview of Avenida Conselheiro Carrão Isometric of neighborhood strategy Section of Avenida Aricanduva Section of Praça Salvador Bevacqua Section of Rua Astarté Section of Rua Lutécia Section of Rua Jericinó Section of Córrego Rapadura Section of Avenida Conselheiro Carrão Isometric of Rua Lutécia Industrial Buildings Garage Buildings Residential Buildings Frontal Set Backs Public Institutions Water as an obstacle Living machines in schools

103 104 105 105 106 106 107 107 108 108 109 109 111 112 112 113 113 114 115 115 115 116 117 117 117 118 118 119 119 121 122 122 123 123 124 124 125

Figure 143 Figure 144 Figure 145 Figure 146 Figure 147 Figure 148 Figure 149 Figure 150 Figure 151 Figure 152 Figure 153 Figure 154

Water as an integrator Public Squares Public Squares Commerce and street life Commerce and street life Map of Brazilian major watercourses and tributaries Shared streets and daylighted rivers - Rua Astarté Shared streets and urban rills - Rua Lutécia Infrastructuring water - Avenida Aricanduva Reconnecting rivers - Córrego Rapadura Capturing and evaporating water - Avenida Conselheiro Carrão Spilling out water - Praça Salvador Bevacqua

125 126 126 127 127 128 132 133 134 135 136 137

Abstract WATER EVERYWHERE a new project for São Paulo

Sarah Daher Kobata Felippe June 2016

The debate proposed in this work will focus on water in the metropolitan area of São Paulo, urban center going through a huge crisis of water management, in which the historical neglect of its natural resources reached a peak in the year of 2014 when the main reservoir of potable water that supplies the region dried. Multiple studies on water as an element of architectural design have been proposed around the world, but mostly emphasizing its recreational use, ecological aspect or as a hydrology subject. This work intends to contribute to the debate not only of these mainstream strategies, but also of alternative means, focusing on the understanding of water in its different manifestations - surface, groundwater, rain and vapor -, its applications in different scales - architectural, local and regional - and its potential as an element of environmental, structural and social balance. This thesis aims to contribute with design proposals of meaningful impact in the life of São Paulo’s citizens. Proposing a project that embraces water holistically comes from the urgency of addressing the urban use of this vital resource beyond the normative design embedded in water management strategies. In agreement with architects and professors Anuradha Mathur and Dilip Da Cunha, I choose to see water everywhere instead of seeing it somewhere. I choose to understand that water is not something apart from our existence neither our everyday life. I choose to see it as an element constantly present even if we do not realize – we use it to drink, to bath, to wash, to produce, to cool, to heat, to cook, to time, to measure – and because of this, nothing seems more urgent to me than rethink the way we use, think, address, deal and imagine water and cities.

Keywords: water, infrastructure, ecology, urban design, watershed, São Paulo, Aricanduva.

Esmeralda by Matt Kish

In Esmeralda, city of water, a network of canals and a network of streets span and intersect each other. To go from one place to another you have always the choice between land and boat: and since the shortest distance between two points in Esmeralda is not a straight line but a zigzag that ramifies in tortuous optional routes, the ways that open to each passerby are never two, but many, and they increase further for those who alternate a stretch by boat with one on dry land. And so Esmeralda’s inhabitants are spared the boredom of following the same streets every day. And that is not all: the network of routes is not arranged on one level, but follows instead an up-and-down course of steps, landings, cambered bridges, hanging streets. Combining segments of the various routes, elevated or on ground level, each inhabitant can enjoy every day the pleasure of a new itinerary to reach the same places. The most fixed and calm lives in Esmeralda are spent without any repetition. Secret and adventurous lives, here as elsewhere, are subject to greater restrictions. Esmeralda’s cats, thieves, illicit lovers move along higher, discontinuous ways, dropping from a rooftop to a balcony, following guttering with acrobats’ steps. Below, the rats run in the darkness of the sewers, one behind the other’s tail, along with conspirators and smugglers: they peep out of manholes and drainpipes, they slip through double bottoms and ditches, from one hiding place to another they drag crusts of cheese, contraband goods, kegs of gunpowder, crossing the city’s compactness pierced by the spokes of underground passages. A map of Esmeralda should include, marked in different colored inks, all these routes, solid and liquid, evident and hidden. It is more difficult to fix on the map the routes of the swallows, who cut the air over the roofs, dropping long invisible parabolas with their still wings, darting to gulp a mosquito, spiraling upward, grazing a pinnacle, dominating from every point of their airy paths all the points of the city.

Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities.

INTRODUCTION

The ideas presented in this work started in the beginning of the year 2013 when I was developing my undergraduate thesis for the School of Architecture and Urbanism of University of São Paulo (Brazil). At that time I was interested in investigating what I called “interstitial voids” in the urban fabric of São Paulo, inspired by the work of Dutch architect Herman Hertzberger and his analysis of social relationships promoted by architectural form, and the reading of Brazilian architect Igor Guatelli and his ideas about interstitial spaces as the places in the city able to promote a multiplicity of activities. I ended up proposing simple schematic designs for some particular areas of São Paulo that I was interested in, not such much imposing an architectural form that would generically “revitalize” those places, but aiming a spatial quality that could extract the potential those places could offer. During the development of the work, entitled Vazios. O Espaço Habitável Entre as Coisas1, in a clear reference to Hertzberger’s book, I was not much concerned in investigating why and how those places become leftovers in the city fabric; I really wanted to focus, assuming that their existence was a fact, on the design potentials of those interstices.

1. Free translation: Voids. The Habitable Spaces Between Things

2. Water in the reservoir that cannot be drained by gravity into dam’s gatehouse and must be pumped up. Its a technical, and emergencial, reserve.

I continued this approach in my later urban design projects, but this time associating the potential of social interaction in urban areas with the technical requirements for the functioning of cities, and urban infrastructure became a topic that awakened some interests, especially related to water infrastructure. When I left Brazil to study in the United States, the metropolitan area of São Paulo was facing a major water supply crisis, falling into the risk of exhausting the supply system of potable water. The main reservoir dried in the year 2014 and water from the dead volume2 started to be pumped and treated for human use. The more I acquainted myself with the subject, the more I realized that there were a lot of missing pieces for explaining São Paulo’s complex water issues. São Paulo infrastructural issues are not exclusive to water supply, the city actually lacks civil works of all sorts – transportation, electricity, drainage, to name a few. It became urgent in the last decades to promote the necessary urban works for the functioning of the city; nonetheless, if its infrastructure became the precondition for connecting different neighborhoods and promoting the inter-relations between parts, paradoxically it also became the element that tears the city fabric, isolating communities, because in the hurry of building them quickly and attending only to technical requirements, the settlement of those massive engineering work did not consider interconnections with local context. What I advocate in this work are two main ideas: the one the incites a broader discussion about water in cities, from the understanding of its cycle and its use in urban areas; and another that understands that infrastructure can be the catalyst of human relations through the connectivity of the territory. The work is divided then in three main parts: the first introduces the discussion about infrastructure and urban design, water and urban design, and urban design as a strategy in itself to propose new projects for the city; the second focuses on the particular context of São Paulo and how the urban expansion over floodplains and rivers took place, giving a special attention to Aricanduva Watershed process of urbanization; and the third focuses on design strategies for Aricanduva Watershed that address not only local, but also metropolitan and even national, issues related to water. There is a chance, if this work is successful, that the proposal for Aricanduva Watershed can change and improve concepts that long ago became urgent to be (re)considered. 11

INFRASTRUCTURE AND URBAN DESIGN

Não é a resolução técnica da engenharia que está em questão mas a sua resultante urbana (…) Tratase da relação pública entre arquitetura, cidade e usuário.3 Historically groups of houses and smaller commercial buildings are the architectural components of the city that sooner perish with time, although they give shape to almost the entirety of urban form. Not only houses are relatively ephemeral, but they change their program, their materials, their layout with an impressive speed, either because a new dweller arrived or because the old resident decided to remodel and upgrade it. If in ancient times, houses were built with perishable materials because priority and importance, which means more expensive and resistant materials, were given to temples, today, houses are not only perishable, they are intentionally demolished to be quickly replaced for other more profitable constructions. Civic and urban infrastructure are, on the other hand, the most permanent components of the city. They can obviously change or be demolished but that happens at a much slower rate and this characteris of lasting longer transform them into references in the urban fabric. Aldo Rossi’s

3. Free translation: It is not the technical resolution of engineering that is being questioned, but its urban result (…) It is all about the public relationship between architecture, city and user. (Sumner, p.26-27)

4. Rossi. The Architecture of the City. 5. Lee, Christopher. Type <http:// thecityasaproject.org/2011/08/type/>/

argument about the urban artifact4 is not limited to buildings, neither to the urban physical form, but also to its historical, geographical, structural components5. Infrastructure, then, also acquires the qualities of the urban artifact, which lasts over time and remains a spatial reference in the city. Infrastructure, understood here not only as a set of elements (lanes, pipes, wires, channels), but as the formal support system of human activity (streets, parks, rivers), is important, then, not because of its scale within a city nor because of its capital return, but because it lasts longer and it impacts the city and residents over a longer period of time. Milton Braga, a Brazilian architect who focused his PhD Thesis in the relationship between infrastructure and the design of cities, has a more literal understanding of infrastructure:

6. Free translation: Infrastructure understood as physical and perennial urban structures built by the government or concession-holder in order to provide the physical support of basic urban public services: network of people and goods circulating, of potable water supply and distribution, of water collectors and treatment, of urban drainage, of electric energy, of fuel and of telecommunication through wires or broadcasting; and urban design [projeto urbano translated as urban design instead of urban project] understood as the spatial and physical design of structures that organize urban and metropolitan areas, developed and built by governments or private developers as a direct and single intervention (even if constructed in phases). (Braga, p. 10).

Infra-estruturas entendidas como as estruturas urbana físicas perenes construídas pelo poder público ou por concessionárias, a fim de constituir o suporte físico dos serviços urbano públicos básicos: as redes de circulação de pessoas e produtos, de adução e distribuição de água potável, de coleta e tratamento de águas servidas, de drenagem urbana, de energia elétrica, de gás combustível e de telecomunicações por cabos ou radiodifusão; e projeto urbano compreendido como o projeto físico-espacial das estruturas que organizam os espaços urbanos e metropolitanos, desenvolvido e implantado pelo poder público ou por concessionárias como uma intervenção direta e única na cidade (fruto de um único projeto, ainda que implantado em fases)6. Despite his definition being very comprehensive, this work still consider streets and parks, which are excluded from his interpretation, as infrastructural pieces in the city. Braga also excludes urban planning and urban management from his analysis because those are strategies executed by respecting urban laws, not as a result of design intervention. What he is contesting is the practice by architects of critiquing the city only through planning conventions, rules, construction parameters and not so much in terms of design. Stan Allen, North American architectural theorist and professor, proposes a similar discussion, advocating that designers should think architecture as a material practice and not just by its meaning and symbolisms. Based on a partial critic of postmodernism, in which architects retreated themselves from the discussion of technique, Allen called for a new position towards architecture and urbanism through the engagement in infrastructural works.

It is not entirely coincidental that the twenty-five year period coinciding with the rise of postmodernism in architecture has seen a massive defunding of urban infrastructure. In the United States, public investments in civic works â&#x20AC;&#x201C; highways, railroads, water supply and control, land reclamation, mass transit â&#x20AC;&#x201C; is at an all time low. While architects cannot logically be held accountable for these complex political and economical shifts, it might be argued that by the production of a theoretical framework to justify an architecture of surface and sign, architects have, consciously or not, participated in their own marginalization (â&#x20AC;Ś) As much as they have been excluded from the development of the city, architects themselves have retreated from questions of function, implementation, technique, finance, and material practice 7.

7. Allen, p. 51

It has been noticed by architects in recent years the importance of re-engaging in the design of cities. However it is not enough, especially because exclusively technical careers took such a leading part in the discussion that the role of architects is still marginalized. The extensive use of technical vocabulary, coming especially from disciplines like engineering to refer to urban landscapes illustrates who is actually designing our cities. As reminds Braga8, it is

8. Braga, p.50

still very common to rank streets with terms that indicate statistical quantities of automobile flow – express, arterial, collector and local road – rather than identifying them by their urban qualities, like the nomenclature example of Barcelona with las avingudas, las ramblas, los bulevards, los paseos and las calles. Professor Neil Brenner in GSD lecture “Representing Infrastructure” also touches this point, arguing that there are new possibilities for infrastructure if architects redefine their vocabulary and representation. Talking about the work of the anthropologist James Scott:

9. Conference Landscape Infrastructure – Representing Infrastructure.

there is a certain way of seeing forests just in terms of timber yield, so it is a way of seeing, it is a way of representing the forest that you ignore the weeds, the animals (…) are viewed as vermes, insects are viewed as pests, and you view forest just in terms of the yield of timber. The argument that James Scott makes (…) is that this way of seeing the forest gradually contributed to a transformation in the way that forests were actually engineered and designed, so eventually, there is an intent to actually design a forest that is completely rationalized, to maximize timber yield.9 He understands that the way we represent things dictates the way we design them. That is why being restricted to a technical vocabulary confines architects to technical design; and being restricted by demographic, land use, transportation axis and zoning maps, confines the understanding of the city as an overlapping of statistical layers. The understanding of technique, data and law is necessary, but architects need to advocate the inclusion of design in the construction of the city; a participation not limited to the construction of ephemeral components (isolated buildings), but essentially the design of its perennial elements, that structure and interconnect social relations.

10.

Allen, p. 53.

In architecture and urbanism, technique does not belong to an individual but to the discipline as a whole. As Foucault has reminded us, technique are social before they are technical. Hence, to think of architecture as a material practice does not mean leaving questions of meaning entirely behind. Architecture works with cultural and social variables as well as with physical materials, and architecture’s capacity to signify is one tool available to the architect working in the city.10

PROJECT AS A POLITICAL ACT

Above all, architecture as knowledge is here seen as a strategic device through which forces at stake in the development of the city are made visible. It is exactly when these forces become critically understandable that the architectural project is no longer just a means to an end, but also a possibility for disentangling the means from their presupposed ends towards an alternative project for the city.11 I chose to study SĂŁo Paulo because, being the economic core of Brazil and the largest city in South America, the city should by now be engaged in new and transforming urban projects12 for its citizens, but it still represents a delay in urban infrastructural capacity. The city got used to the argument that it does not possess enough funds to promote bigger changes in the city fabric, but what recent years show us is that whenever the scenario is to prevent the city from stopping and blocking its economic activities, funds are always spent. Moreover, to promote civic values, huge amounts of money do not need to be spent; good design solutions can be applied within an affordable budget if planned ahead, and not done always in the last minute. Design solutions, then, should not be restricted to discussions of budget. Neither should they be understood exclusively for their visual content. Streets, parks, transportation lines, etc. are not

11. Aureli, The City as a Projet, p. 16

12. The word project here acquires the meaning proposed by Aureli, an act that defines a political intentionality, thus establishing a precondition for engagement with the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s complex nature.

only civil works that were built to make the city healthy and beautiful, nor, under a naïve argument, “to make the city work”. They intentionally represent ideas of what a city should be; they represent ideas and impose alternative modes of living that the authors wanted to promote. Because there is no single way of designing – you can design wider or narrow streets, generous or poor sidewalks, plant trees and place benches, permit commercial use or not, use permeable pavement or rough concrete, hide electrical wires or leave them exposed – normative design must be challenged. Engineering norms can change if you change the premises: lanes only need to be wider, if the premise is that people should move around with cars; drainage is made through underground pipes, if the premise is that excess of water is a problem to be solved rapidly draining it to other places.

13. Strangely enough, and not coincidentally, paulistanos (Portuguese term to refer to the ones that are born in the city of São Paulo) have no objection in affirming that their most representative symbol is not a monument, but a street.

The analysis of Avenida Paulista gives us a better understanding of what are the intentions behind the projects. It is not only the most famous avenue in São Paulo, but it is commonly appointed as the symbol of the city13. The avenue is located on the crest of the hill between Pinheiros and Tamanduatei rivers and although it is not considered anymore the economic core of the city, it is definitely the most vibrant cultural and commercial spot in town, place in which most of the main events, protests and parades of the city happen. From the residential spot of the economic elite in the beginning of the 20th century through the financial center of the city in the 70’s to become, nowadays, one of the most touristic places, the avenue went through several designs to support different modes of transportation – horse carriages, street cars, buses, automobiles, metro and now, bicycles and skateboards– but most importantly, the redesign of the avenue was not promoted just to attend to more modern systems, but, especially because the avenue is the image that is sold of the city, the intention behind it was to promote ideas for the entire city. In the most recent case, the implementation of bike paths in the year 2014 was a clear demonstration of the government that it was engaged in a new agenda – the one that does not give priority to cars – although that does not necessarily mean that people are being put in the center of the discussion. Pedestrians have been more prioritized in the last years, but considering pedestrians in the design of cities does not mean to consider people as individuals, persons with unique experiences and desires that distinguish them from collective masses. Considering pedestrians is to consider the flow of people moving on foot, not necessarily their needs in public spaces. Actions taken in favor of pedestrians in recent years never really considered putting benches 17

along the streets for instance. There is no single spot on the entire Avenida Paulista to sit – either people sit on elevated tree beds, on the front steps of buildings, on bus stops benches, or on chairs provided by local commerce if you are a customer. Being the symbol of the city and the image of what is more modern, not by chance, all other parts are influenced by its flow-oriented design of people and commodities. Recreational parks and some public squares are the only places in the city that invite people to stay, rather than just permitting their passage. They are islands on a sea that just wants you to keep circulating. Understanding what Avenida Paulista currently represents in the mindset of paulistanos, the cultural and trendy spotlight of the city, helps us to understand how successful is its project and, more importantly, how it influences the design of other areas in the city. Many paulistanos identify themselves with what the avenue represents, a multi ethnical and cultural street, used by many different actors, business men and women, street artists, tourists, students, protesters, amateur athletes, shoppers, foodies, etc. Because of its symbolic role, the avenue is often chosen to be a laboratory of projects and ideas for the city, but simultaneously, those very different actors do not necessarily agree with all decisions and there is always political tension when projects are implemented there. The avenue is often seen as paulistanos’s extended homes, therefore when groups of people do not agree with what is proposed, tension is intensified. The recent discussion about the implementation of bike lanes is an example. The example of Avenida Paulista shows that its infrastructural design is not merely technical, it is not just an arterial street in the city – axis that connect south and west neighborhoods through car lanes, metro lines, bus lines and bike lanes – it is a place with which citizens have bonds, emotional and civic. It is also a place of constant clashing interests because the projects tested there are never consensual. That is why when designers present their work to clients just in term of formal and aesthetical decisions and forget to ask themselves why and how their ideas impact the urban life, they are forgetting the essence of design. Architectural intentions are perceived only by architects, political intentions are perceived by all that engage themselves in the city they live. This work, therefore, was thought not only to advocate a broader use of urban infrastructure, promoting civic values, designing for people, etc. but, more importantly, to discuss the impact of such big developments in the city and of what type of city we want. Redesigning infrastructural works cannot naively end up defending a beautiful city. It is about advocating a critical thinking and revaluation of the values we have now and the ones we want for our future, having in mind that dispute is always going to be part of our practice. 18

Avenida Paulista opening in 1891. Painting by Jules Matin.

Avenida Paulista in the 1930â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s source: unknow

Avenida Paulista in the 1960â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s source: unknow

horse carriages and streetcars

street cars, first automobiles

buses, automobiles, deactivation of streetcar lines

Avenida Paulista in 1976 source: unknow

Avenida Paulista in 2009 source: unknow

Avenida Paulista in 2015 source: Adriano Vizoni, Folhapress

buses, metro, automobiles, and transformation in the visual communication of the avenue.

bus preferential lanes, metro, automobiles, design transformation in crosswalks.

bus exclusive lanes, metro, automobiles, bikes, and pedestrian way (lanes for cars closed on Sundays) 19

WATER AND URBAN DESIGN

It becomes clear that opportunities for alternative solutions lie in a better understanding of the nature of places we live in.14

14. Hough, p. 108

Normative design towards water have understood it as an element separated from our daily lives. When it rains, windows are shut to prevent people from getting wet, and streets must drain away water as quickly as possible. Moreover, we are used to think of water as a product whose use is permitted as long as it is paid: water is born in taps, dies in drains and the bill comes in the end of the month. To some extent, we have a long way to completely understand water not just as a resource, or worse, as a commodity, but as an intrinsic component of our beings. And the fact that, paraphrasing Anuradha Mathur and Dilip Da Cunha15, we still see water somewhere and not everywhere, prevents and prevented us to think water more broadly; makes us think that water can be contained in concrete channels instead of letting it spill; that makes us think that it can be flushed away instead of rethinking the use of toilets; that makes us think that getting wet is a bad thing when all kids in the world prove that it is an enjoyable activity; that makes us fear rain, rivers, lakes and the sea, instead of celebrating them.

The issues related to water currently in cities take two distinct paths: are either associated

15. In the Terrain of Water, Section Structure/ Infrastructure, 2011.

with depletion or excess. Those two terms must be seen through relativity lens, because there have always been places that daily had to deal with absence or excess of water, and those places teach us that it is not a matter of fighting against those conditions, trying to overcome them either capturing from more and more distant places or pumping it out constantly to other sites, but a matter of accepting it, dealing with it and preparing for those scenarios. That is called resilience. More important, it is a matter of taking advantage wisely of available resources, learning and considering the natural process of things.

Hydrological changes resulting from urbanization. Hough, p.72

Michael Hough developed two useful graphics to illustrate in a very comprehensive way how water cycle is impacted on urban areas His idea is not to defend a massive fleeing from urban centers, but essentially to start a debate on how urban design can address less-impacting projects taking into consideration the workings of natural processes. In addition, urban design can take a step further and with the help of technology develop strategies that mimic the functioning of some biological processes, such as using soil and aquatic plants as natural filters of stormwater, improving its quality before being absorb by water tables and discharged in creeks, lakes and wells. Moreover, as important as understanding natural

processes, it is acknowledging elements as they reveal to us. Water is fluid. That may seem an obvious statement; being a liquid, it is obviously fluid. But water not always is liquid, it is most remembered for that state, because it is the one more commonly perceived; solid state only happen in very cold climates and artificially in our fridges and gas state can be felt, but rarely seen. Understanding that water is a fluid goes beyond restricting its existence in one particular physical state, and acknowledging its existence as a permanent change between solid, liquid and gas allows us to see it as a constant shift from rain and snow, to groundwater, to surface water, to vapor, to rain again. It is also a matter of understanding that even within liquid state, water is constantly moving. If one pays close attention to surfaces of lakes, rivers and even of an ordinary pond, water moves. Mostly it is just the rise and fall of the water level which is clearly perceived by people, above all at times of extreme high or low water when changes are very noticeable. The extent to which bodies of water which are not subject to human influences are dynamic only becomes clear when observing the historical development of a watercourse over long periods. The constant shifting of the riverâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s course that can shape entire landscapes creates a complex, continually changing system â&#x20AC;&#x201C; although the process cover timescales that we cannot directly comprehend.16 22

16. Prominski, Martin et. all. River. Space. Design., p. 19

Waste-water renovation and conservation cycle. Hough, p.72

Water in movement. Diagrams showing the continuous shift of meanders. Prominiski et all, p.24 23

Photo by Guilherme Gaensly

Lampião de gás, lampião de gás

Do vassoureiro com seu pregão

Quanta saudade você me traz

Da vovozinha, muito branquinha,

Da sua luzinha verde azulada

Fazendo roscas, sequilhos e pão

Que iluminava minha janela,

Da garoinha fria, fininha,

Do almofadinha lá dá calçada,

Escorregando pela vidraça,

Palheta branca, calça apertada

Do sabugueiro grande e cheiroso,

Do bilboquê, do diabolô,

Lá do quintal da rua da Graça

Me dá foguinho, vai no vizinho

Lampião de gás, lampião de gás

De pular corda, brincar de roda,

Quanta saudade você me traz

De Benjamim, Jagunço e Chiquinho

Minha São Paulo, calma e serena,

Lampião de gás, lampião de gás

Que era pequena, mas grande demais

Quanta saudade você me traz

Agora cresceu, mas tudo morreu.

Do bonde aberto, do carvoeiro

Lampião de gás que saudade me traz

Lyrics of Lampião de gás (Gas Lighting) by Zica Bergami, 1957. 25

WATER EVERYWHERE, AS NEW PROJECT FOR SÃO PAULO Written by Brazilian artist and songwriter Zica Bergami in 1957, the song Lampião de gás talks about a nostalgic São Paulo, remembered by the author through some symbolic elements: gas lighting on streets, the outfit of men, the children’s play and the streetcars. This song also portrays a very distinct characteristic of São Paulo until the middle of the 20th century. Known and referred until now by the popular culture as the land of drizzle, (da garoinha fria, fininha, escorregando pela vidraça17), São Paulo’s daily routine is not marked anymore by a constant gentle drizzle; on the contrary, it became the city of pouring rain and strong water currents in summers and extremely dry and pollutant air in winters. As reminded in the song (minha São Paulo, calma e serena; que era pequena, mas grande demais; agora cresceu, mas tudo morreu18), the growth and development of São Paulo changed not only the city’s landscape (gas lighting was substituted by electric lighting, and bigger trees were removed from streets), the urban life (kids changed their plays, fashion changed), social relations (new professions emerged, neighbors changed their routines), but also the weather. Dense urban conditions, which normally means less vegetation, less permeable soil, less air moisture, promotes heat island effect, changes rainfall regimes and alters its occurrence – usually fine rains spaced between short periods of time become heavier rainfalls, sometimes storms, spaced between longer periods of time. Heavy rain hitting impervious ground is not absorbed by soil neither evaporates back to the atmosphere, and carries huge amounts of sediments into lakes and rivers. The tragic aspect of those changes were not the changes themselves, but the way we started to deal with them. The adopted strategies for stormwater management in the city are the living proof of our inability to think broader. The policy of discharging water as fast and efficiently as possible, implemented through canalization and dikes, may lead to better flood protection at specific locations, but causes even greater problems at other points along the river’s course.19

It is very recent the emergence of new approaches towards water in São Paulo. In his Master’s Thesis for the School of Architecture and Urbanism of the University of São Paulo in 1998, Alexandre Delijaicov developed the main theoretical concepts of what later became the concrete design proposal of Hidroanel Metropolitano20 for the metropolitan region. Three main ideas guided the proposal: River Port City, River Park City, River House City21. All three combined set a new future – social, economic, cultural and urban – for the city, transforming it into a space of waterways, lakes and navigable canals, that actualize cargo and some passengers transportation between ports spread around the city; a space of greenways, parks and urban beaches on the river shores that promote environmental cooling

17. Free translation: of the fine drizzle, running on the glass.

18. Free translation: my São Paulo, calm and peaceful; which was small, but too big; now grew up, and all died.

19. Prominski et. all., p. 33. 20. The project, available online contains guidelines, diagrams, maps and technical drawings for the implementation of future canals, stations, dams, floodgates and areas reserved for housing and public use. This is a proposal of a water ring that surrounds the metropolitan area of São Paulo for the purpose of transporting goods and people, in an evident contrast to the usual road rings all around the world. 21. In the original: Cidade Porto Fluvial, Cidade Parque Fluvial, Casa-Cidade Fluvial

22. Delijaicov, p. 10-11 23. Free translation: Among all human Works and facing the ecological awareness that arises, the design of the city is what expresses in the most effective and symbolic way, as no other, the ability of men to shape and print another configuration to nature as a place, where it represents its desired presence in the universe. (Delijaicov, p. 10) 24. Delijaicov, p. 35-36 25. Free translation: Brazilian waterways and the Waterway Network for São Paulo Metropolitan Area are not an illusion. The question is to gather knowledge for the construction of the projects we wish for the city and the country. Projects of cultural and social development. (Delijaicov, p. 20)

and purification; and with the development of housing, places that intensify public space and aquatic environment with social activity21. Entre todos os empreendimentos humanos e diante da consciência ecológica que domina e aproxima a humanidade, o desenho da cidade é o que expressa de modo efetivo e também simbólico, como nenhum outro, a capacidade do homem de formalizar e imprimir uma outra configuração à natureza enquanto lugar, onde representa a sua presença desejada no universo 23. More interested than just creating a project for São Paulo, Delijaicov envisions a connection through rivers between Amazon River with Prata River Basins24. He is concerned then with a project of national and continental scale, that could launch the entire South America to the levels of development comparable to those of developed countries. As hidrovias brasileiras e a Rede Hidroviária da Metrópole de São Paulo não seria uma ilusão. A questão é mobilizar o conhecimento para a construção dos projetos que desejamos para a cidade e para o país. Projetos de desenvolvimento cultural e social 25. The scope of this work does not wish, in a first moment, to go beyond the boundaries of city, but that does not mean that the discussion needs to be restricted to the context of São Paulo. The city is under a serious draught, not simply due to climate reasons, but because of historical neglect with our natural resources over other interests, especially economical ones. But São Paulo is not the only city in Brazil, neither South America, neither in the world that is facing or will face water stress. And if the questions to our ecological stress could be answered only with the application of sustainable design principles, the world would not be struggling so hard to achieve the so called sustaintability. The main obstacle is the mindset: changing the way things are done inevitably creates impacts, economical impacts. The justification of this work is then not just merely ecological, because there is already a common sense that something must be done, but the real question is: how much are we willing to abdicate? This work wants to challenge the way we think, represent and act on urban areas. Because I believe that norms can change if we change the premises, and because I believe that urban design can engage population in the debate of society itself and the city we live in, my approach to infrastructure, and particularly water infrastructure, is to advocate: yes, we need cities that “don’t stop”, but we can have and we should have much more than this. Through the study of strategies adopted in various parts of the world – how to sustainably capture, use and return the water – I wish to achieve a design proposal that can show what we can do and, more importantly, why we should do it.

Photo by JoĂŁo Laud

SÃO PAULO

O que explica São Paulo é o Tietê 26 Going beyond Sevcenko’s words about the most famous river in São Paulo, what explains the conquest and occupation of the interior lands of the state during the 16th and 17th centuries are its rivers. The Tietê River, although born a few kilometers from the Atlantic Ocean, runs towards the West until it finds Paraná River, taking then the direction of the South, and finally reaching the Prata River27 estuary, between the borders of Argentina and Uruguay. Because of this geographical characteristic, the river was used as one of the first axis of expansion towards the interior, but its historical importance also applies to the particular context of the city of São Paulo. Today, Tietê marks on the city territory one the main axis of metropolitan and regional transportation.

However, the foundation of São Paulo village in 1554 is due to another important river. It was on the margins of the Tamanduateí River, which is born at the southeast of the current metropolitan area, that the first Portuguese settlement was established. Introduced by the local indigenous population, the first official path that connected the coast with the village of São Paulo ran upwards the river Quilombo, to what it is today the village Paranapiacaba, and downwards the river Tamanduateí. For years, the village of São Paulo, which was recognized officially as a city only in 1711, kept closer relationships with Tamanduateí River than any other. In fact, as reminds

26. Free translation: What explains São Paulo is the Tietê [river] (Sevcenko in Franco, p.29)

27. Here it is shown the Portuguese grammar, but the river is commonly known by its Spanish spelling as Rio de la Plata.

Map of Paraguay River Basin source: unknown

Metropolitan Region of SĂŁo Paulo, main rivers and dams 31

Ab’saber, while the boundaries of the city were confined in the historic hill28 the floodplains of the city were kept almost untouched, being a place of very sparse occupation and secondary activities, maintaining a very modest and marginal position inside the city29. With the floodplains of Tamanduatéi River, it was different. It was not densely occupied, because of floods, but the river remained for years the entrance of the city. Only when the city started to expand and the economic elite moved to new neighborhoods on the west of the historic hill, on the other margin of Anhangabaú Valley, Tamanduateí River started to get a backyard position. It is important to note that although São Paulo owes its foundation and expansion to rivers, they kept for decades a marginal role in the city. The Tamanduateí River could be considered the entrance of the city, but rivers were always considered the backyard of buildings. For years, and the analysis of maps in the 18th century shows this context, rivers were treated as the backyards of houses, serving as the source of water, disposal of waste and as very modest axis of transportation for small boats30. In the same way, floodplains were avoided. Ab’saber, writing in the 50’s, tells us that Contam-se nos dedos os embriões de bairros que ousaram enraizar-se em terrenos de várzeas. Núcleos pequeninos de casas, é verdade, foram instalados medrosamente além da linha dos limites máximos das grandes cheias, em zonas aluviais. Mas, de resto, até mesmo os quarteirões mais humildes dos bairros operários ficaram presos ao dorso dos terraços fluviais e baixas colinas terraceadas (...) Recentemente, após as grandes mudanças artificiais provocadas no regime dos rios [obras de canalização, retificação, inversão do curso das águas, aterros], alguns bairros ousaram penetrar nas áreas varzeanas do Pinheiros e do Tietê; mas permanecem engastados aos bairros que possuem sítios melhores 31. Floodplains in São Paulo were, in certain ways, always occupied, either for rural or urban, but temporary, uses. Ab’saber says that floodplains remained a type of collective backyard of the city and, at the same time, a no man’s land, where a multiplicity of activities took place – meadows for animals that pulled carriages, fields for military corporations practice exercises, footballs fields for humble people, and site of the first boating and swimming clubs of the city32. But until the moment that the city could expand without needing to occupy flood zones, it respected the imaginary and natural boundaries of the city. Na história da formação dos grandes blocos do organismo urbano, as várzeas principais da região de São Paulo tiveram o importante papel negativo de verdadeiras fronteiras naturais 33 In Ab’saber’s opinion, the reason why floodplains started to be more densely occupied 32

28. Historic hill or historic triangle are the common terms historians use to refer to the old historic center of São Paulo, consisting of the hill between Tamanduateí and Anhangabaú rivers that formed a triangle whose vertex are the churches of São Bento, São Francisco and Nossa Senhora do Carmo. Also known as old center, in opposition to the development of a new center on the other side of Anhangabaú River, the historic hill is the site where the city of São Paulo, particularly Patio do Colégio, was founded and represented for year the physical boundaries of the city. 29. Ab’saber, p. 216 30. The major cargo transport from the coast to the city until the 19th century, when the railway was built, was made by mules first through old indigenous paths and then through new roads constructed by the Portuguese. 31. Free translation: Newborn neighborhoods that dared to settle on floodplains were very rare. Tiny core of houses, indeed, settled down fearfully beyond the border of the great floods, on alluvial plains. However, even blocks of the most humble worker neighborhoods stayed attached to river terraces and plain low hills (…) Recently, after the artificial changes in the regime of rivers [works of canalization, straightening, inversion of the water course flow, reclaimed land], some neighborhoods dared to penetrate onto the floodplains of Pinheiros and Tietê rivers, but they remain attached to neighborhoods located in better sites (Ab’saber, p. 217) 32. Ab’saber, p. 216 33. Free translation: São Paulo was not determined by the virtues or limitations of its natural characteristics imposed by geography. Above all, the process of São Paulo growth stood up, transforming the initial impossibilities in opportunities for development. Franco, p. 33

TietĂŞ River Basin and Caminho dos Tupiniquins 33

was the increasing cost of living combined with increasing appreciation in the value of land that forced the expansion outwards, and the lack of governmental control due to the extraordinary speed in the growth of the city, preventing the occupation of floodplains to be made in a more planned manner34. It could be true on one side, but analyzing maps of the street layout, it is observed that when the city started to grow outwards, in fact, the floodplains were still somehow preserved. That means that the high value of land in “dry” central areas is not enough to explain this process. What Fernando Franco, Brazilian architect who studied the structural role of floodplains in São Paulo, advocates is that the occupation of floodplains was not only made possible, but essentially it was promoted, when the city started to develop infrastructural works of regional scale and took advantage of the topography of São Paulo. Floodplains not only made the implementation of big engineering works easier, faster and cheaper because of their gentle slopes, but in the case of São Paulo, because population did not settle on them, they presented also stocks of open and cheap land. Of course, the costs for preparing wet ground for the settlements of urban use was high, but it still represented money savings, because amounts from expropriation and time to finish the works will be reduced. A series of engineering works were run on floodplains, but according to Franco35, the catalyst for transforming the floodplains of São Paulo into its infrastructural spine was the construction in the late 19th century of São Paulo Railway, the first railroad of the state that connected the city of São Paulo to the port of Santos on the coast. São Paulo não foi determinada pelas características naturais, sejam as virtudes sejam as limitações, impostas pela geografia. Acima de tudo, o processo de crescimento de São Paulo afrontou-se, transformando as impossibilidades iniciais em oportunidade de desenvolvimento 36. Followed by the construction of São Paulo Railway, the expansion of the rail network, towards Jundiai in the northwest direction, and towards Rio de Janeiro in the east of the historic hill, and the works of canalization of São Paulo’s main rivers – Tietê, Pinheiros and Tamanduateí – became the components that formalized the process of expansion over floodplains. The importance of this process is that the floodplains shift their secondary position in São Paulo to become the main stage, what Franco call the “concentrated territory”37.

If São Paulo Railway was the starting point of urban occupation on the floodplains of Tamanduateí River, the expansion over other water courses had slightly different goals, but under the same global project for the city, the one engaged in its economic expansion. The canalization of Tietê River and later occupation of reclaimed lands was made effective by

34. Ab’saber, p. 217

35. Franco, p.33

36. Free translation: São Paulo was not determined by the virtues or limitations of its natural characteristics imposed by geography. Above all, the process of São Paulo growth stood up, transforming the initial impossibilities in opportunities for development. Franco, p. 33

37. Concentrate territory because of the overlay of infrastructure networks - sanitation, drainage, supply, energy production and automobile transportation - in one single place (Franco, p.208)

SÃ£o Paulo Railroad and urban occupation in 1965 35

the Plano de Avenidas38, launched in 20’s and 30’s and materialized only in the 60’s, promoted by the civil engineer Prestes Maia. It was a plan to promote the growth (physical and economical) of São Paulo through transportation axis that favored automobiles and ended up constructing main avenues and ring roads in the city. In the same way that happened with São Paulo Railway, the construction of roads targeted floodplains and the margins of rivers, designing them to support automobile and heavy traffic39. The canalization and straightening of Tietê River was also associated with Light Company’s40 plans to increase the production of hydroelectric energy in São Paulo that resulted in the construction of Billing Reservoir in the 40’s and 50’s and the inversion of the water flow of Pinheiros River. The canalization of rivers was also involved in the plans of drainage for São Paulo and the creation of reclaimed land for new developments, especially for São Paulo’s incipient industry. Being the territory of regional infrastructure, the main floodplains started to play a major role in the city of São Paulo, not only for being a new front for urban expansion, but because the series of engineering works developed on them - main avenues, main drainage systems and main eletricity distribution lines - transformed them on the technical territory of the city. tão ou mais importante do que as novas frentes de urbanização, a intervenção nas várzeas equacionava de forma conjunta uma série de questões estruturais: saneamento, drenagem, abastecimento, geração de energia e circulação automotora 41. In that scenario, Franco understands that the floodplain, before considered places to be avoided or the backyards of buildings, became the physical support of São Paulo regional infrastructure – transportation, drainage, electricity – and the literal entrances of the city42. The negative effects of this process of urban expansion on the low lands, according to Franco, was the development of an exclusively functional project that chose the floodplains as the support of city services without taking into account the local conditions of urbanity43. The floodplains acted as structuring element on the macroscale (regional) and nonstructuring elements on the microscale (local)44. In addition, the rapid and dense occupation of low lands with roads and industries promoted high rates of soil impermeability and an aggressive separation of the city from its surface waters. This non-structuring role is evident in most of São Paulo’s expressways, places of high speed vehicles that prohibit, physically or not, what Franco calls conditions of urbanity and what Braga calls habitual life.

On the other hand, the potential of floodplain in the current context of São Paulo depend exactly on this characteristic of “concentrated territory”. Being the spine of the metropolitan area urban infrastructure (sanitation, drainage, energy supply, energy production and

38. Free translation: Plan of Avenues

39. That is the reason why the main expressways in São Paulo are known as valley avenues. 40. São Paulo Tramway, Light & Power Company was a Canadian company that settled in São Paulo and was responsible for managing the production and distribution of energy in the city. The company also held the rights of managing the city’s streetcars and it helped to promote a diversity of private urban developments in the city, such as the garden-neighborhoods inspired by the garden city movement.

41. Free translation: As or even more important than [creating] the new fronts of urbanization, the intervention on the floodplains balanced a series of structural questions: sanitation, drainage, supply, energy production and automobile circulation. Franco, p. 54 42. Franco, p. 162

43. Condições de urbanidade in the original 44. Franco, p. 58

circulation), the floodplains can play a vital role in the transformation of the city. Once industries are leaving the city toward the interior of the state, where they find more economic incentives, the floodplains of the city are having the opportunity to be rethought, hopefully overcoming the historical mistakes of frenetic and unplanned urban expansion we provoked on them. In recent years, however, industrial plans have being replaced by new developments, mainly luxury housing and shopping malls, in neighborhoods such as Mooca, Barra Funda, Lapa, Vila Leopoldina, without any concern in addressing environmental issues caused by the indiscriminate occupation of floodplains.

Map of São Paulo in 1847. source: Arquivo Municipal de São Paulo

It seems that São Paulo’s residents suffer from an alienation of its geographic conditions. Land is chosen and bought based on its economic value and appreciation instead of considering analysis of soil, topography and permeability; those are physical characteristics that rarely influence decisions nowadays. This fact is observed from the numerous sales advertisements for housing in São Paulo: houses are sold by their appreciation and by their location (and accessibility to certain places). The common sense of not choosing a site for being an area with contaminated soil, steep topography and subjected to floods seems almost irrelevant, and that can be proved with the fact that some of the most expensive neighborhoods in São Paulo - Lapa, Pompeia, Perdizes, Vila Madalena - are constantly subjected to floods and this is not a reason from preventing the wealthiest population from living there.

map show the relationship between buildings and rivers, using the last as their backyard.

PAGE 34 Map of São Paulo in 1847. source: Arquivo Municipal de São Paulo Map points towards east indicating that the river was a stronger reference to the city rather than the actual cardinal points PAGE 35 Map of São Paulo in 1881. source: Arquivo Municipal de São Paulo Map shows the construction of São Paulo Railroad over the floodplains of Tamanduatei River and its process of straightening and canalization. PAGE 36 Map of São Paulo in 1897. source: Arquivo Municipal de São Paulo Map shows the plans of canalizing and straightening Tiete River. Urban occupation still respects the imaginary limit of floodplains PAGE 37 Map of São Paulo in 1943 source: SMDU-SP Map show the complete canalization and straightening of Pinheiros River and starting process of occupation of floodplains

ARICANDUVA

It seemed almost prophetic the announcement of Ab’saber in the 50’s: Pressente-se uma grande transformação nas paisagens antigas das várzeas regionais 45 The approach of this thesis is that what Ab’saber was witnessing could no longer be stopped. Far from advocating that the floodplains should be reclaimed by water, the idea is to develop projects that start from the fact that floodplains and rivers are the infrastructural spine of the city; but instead of accepting its non-structuring behavior in local scale, it is about how to rethink the role of those infrastructures as propellers of social activities and alternative forms of developments.

45. Free translation: It is felt a huge transformation on the old landscapes of regional floodplains (Ab’saber, p. 219)

This work aims for a broader approach toward water issues, and although the draught the city is going through is extremely worrying, the work started to investigate a problem that is common to all São Paulo residents for years: floods. As shown before, flood problems should not be solved exclusively through the drainage aspect. Surface water is part of a bigger cycle that includes other forms of water in the atmosphere, such as groundwater, evapotranspiration and precipitation. Trying to solve the issue of flooding thinking only in draining away stormwater is a very weak approach. That is also why trying to face the problem of draught and supply management capturing fresh water from further sources is inefficient. Governments cannot believe that water issues will be solved through the application of technology exclusively; technology has to be used wisely, otherwise it becomes a stupid method pretending to be “smart design”. Da Cunha, during his lecture in PennDesign in 2011, talks about the paradigm of water and the reasons why cities have been unsuccessful in dealing with floods; he gives the example of Mumbai, India: It is not easy to convince bureaucrats and engineers immersed in a drainage paradigm to see an estuary rather than land beneath the 20 million people in their care. It is easier for them to spend millions on pumps and drains each monsoon season than it is for them to change the image of Mumbai from an island to an estuary46.

What da Cunha advocates is that, no matter the technology or money is invested on water issues, solutions are not found if problems are addressed using the wrong paradigms. Planners, according to him, are using design to control floods within a channel, instead of gathering efforts to build resilience across the terrain of water. With a very poetic view towards water, he thinks cities should not be understood as historical and material settlements that oppose urban versus rural, insiders versus outsiders, and see design as an

46. In the Terrain of Water, Section Structure/ Infrastructure, 2011.

instruments that act exclusively on space; he believes the cities are not entities separated from its waters, they are “fluid grounds” and “landscapes of shifting horizons”; in other words, cities are not separated from the water cycle, they are part of it, and because water keeps changing behavior and form, cities change too. That means that designers cannot think of cities as frozen objects, but as a territory that accommodates changes. Perhaps, the most important lesson from da Cunha lecture is the appeal to all designers to set a different eye on water issues. Neil Benner in GSD lecture also talks about perception and representation.

47. Conference Landscape Infrastructure – Representing Infrastructure

It seems to me in the context of thinking about representation of space, we have to think about representation not simply as an external mapping of a world, but as a process that also changes the very world that it is trying to represent. So representation is a moment of reality rather than simply an external technique that represents reality 47. Hough also criticizes design solutions that understand city form and its elements as parts disassociated from the natural processes of the environment and to him the methods used in recent years in urban areas had only helped people to “keep their shoes dry” despite the environmental costs of those decisions.

48. Hough, p. 77-78

The storm sewer and catchbasin as the conventional method of solving the problem of drainage and water disposal have, until recently, been unquestioned. As the established dictum of design, the rules have been simple – water drains to the catchbasin. It is here that the problem stops, and connections with larger environmental problems are not made. But as we have seen, the benefits of well drained streets and civic spaces are paid for by the cost of eroded stream bank, flooding, impaired water quality and the disappearance of aquatic life (…) Conventional design, in fact, contributes to the general deterioration of the environment by shifting an urban problem on to the larger landscape. The annual cost in erosion control, channelization of stream banks, larger sewers and water treatment facilities are the technological consequences of the need to keep one’s shoes dry 48. In some way, Hough agrees with da Cunha, that new ways of seeing should be encouraged and practiced. He indicates three possible approaches:

49. Hough, p. 78

The first is the obvious and well established conservation measure of using less – one that become more pressing with scarcity and rising costs. The second is related to the perception and values that have evolved from urban life (…) The third way of approaching the question of water is to consider the opportunities for urban design that arise when the city’s waste products are perceived as resources 49. 45

São Paulo is not disconnected from this context of dealing with water from the singular perspective of drainage. The city faces for years problems with flooding and, although there is not an official map of flood zones in the city, flooding became such a routine during summer that residents know which places to avoid when it rains. The problems of not having official statistics is that there is a perception that the streets that most get flooded are located in the central area of the city, which is not exactly true. News and updates about risk areas are mainly published by local media, which historically focuses its attention to the wealthiest part of the city, the center. On the other hand, analyzing the map of detention reservoirs, one may notice that from the twenty six reservoirs, only one is located in the central area, and curiously enough, that one, the first built in São Paulo, is located in the underground. That fact can result in two hypothesis: the first is that the city has actually more flood risk zones on the periphery rather than the central area; the other is that, detention reservoirs, although understood as an accepted solution to control flooding, are not the type of “neighbors” that residents in the central area wish to have. Other curious fact in the map of detention reservoirs is their concentration in the east part of São Paulo50 and when it is overlaid with maps of the city’s watersheds and urban mass, some conclusions can be made. The first is that São Paulo is densely occupied in the center of its cross-shaped form. The second is that the central areas, although densely occupied, present smaller watersheds in area, which could lead to the conclusion that the impact of rains on those impervious soils are not devastating within the boundaries of the watershed, not necessarily within the whole region. The other is that there is an enormous advantage in looking at São Paulo through its watershed map rather than the common administrative boundaries that usually planners use when creating demographic and socioeconomic graphics. The advantage is to be able to see the city from its physical ground instead of generic boundaries; watersheds, after all, embed two main data: watercourses and topography, and seeing that Aricanduva watershed is one to the largest in extension and it is densely occupied downstream, noticing that it is holds fourteen of twenty six detention reservoirs of the city does not become such a surprise. The problem that Aricanduva Watershed presents is a large portion of the territory being densely occupied and turned impervious at that same time that receives a huge amount of water from its natural surface waters and from rainfalls.

The urban occupation on Aricanduva Watershed is part of a particular chapter of São Paulo history. The history of São Paulo and other Brazilian cities’ urban expansion is slightly different from the North American context, it was not stimulated by the search of better quality of life in the suburbs, made it possible by the popularization of automobiles. Cars, buses and motorcycles, had indeed a great contribution to São Paulo’s urban expansion, because they allowed people to live far from trains and streetcars stations, but the main

50. The term São Paulo can actually refer to three levels of administration: the state, the metropolitan area and the city. The map on the next page shows only the urban mass, detention reservoirs and watersheds inside the administrative boundaries of the city. Untill now, this thesis has been discussing the context of the metropolitan region, and although it will continue to do so, some of the data available for the analysis are available only for the city/ municipality of São Paulo. There is why it was chosen a watershed inside the city.

CITY OF SAO PAULO watersheds and urban mass

CITY OF SAO PAULO watercourses and detention reservoirs 47

reason that led the expansion to the periphery was economical. Population boom and price freeze in rent values demotivated the practice of renting residential buildings in central areas and transform this practice into an undesirable business to developers. Workers moved to further areas, where available land – legal and illegal – was being offered for cheaper prices. This was the start of an urbanization pattern known in Brazil as center-periphery. The occupation and, therefore, design of the periphery was left in charge of private agents that parceled old farms for urban use, with few control or help from local authorities until the 70’s, and it turned the occupation of suburbs into a chaotic and non-regulated process51. Periphery fabric became a patchwork of neighborhoods whose boundaries were determined by the boundaries of previous farms. Not by chance, most neighborhood names in peripheral areas borrowed those old farms and villas names. Apart from being non-planned and lacking basic infrastructural needs for its residents, occupation in the periphery started breaking the rule that dwellers in São Paulo were not used to before: invading floodplains. The works of rivers canalizations helped the occupation of new urban elements on floodplains – sparse houses, residential buildings blocks, factories, roads and parks .

51. Caldeira, 2000.

A lot of neighborhoods in São Paulo’s periphery follow this pattern – urban expansion far from the city center and occupying low lands – but Aricanduva Watershed presents some geographic particularities that turns the area into a vital place to rethink water management inside the city: it is one of the biggest watersheds in the city and one with very narrow floodplains, and therefore, not only accumulates more water, but accumulates it fast; it is the one watershed that, not by chance, has more detention reservoirs, and it presents a diversity of urban occupation scenarios downstream and upstream, being a good site to study different proposals related to water management. There is then an interest in studying and rethinking Aricanduva stream and its surrounding context: it is to critically propose a new way of thinking water in the city at the same time that it presents a good opportunity to discuss urban infrastructure that is not only orientated to solve technical demands – public transportation, stormwater management, water and waste treatment – but also civic demands – the right to appreciate and belong to the city you live. Also to think infrastructure is something vitally related to ecology and as an opportunity for alternative urban and regional planning strategies.

PAGE 47 Evolution of urban occupation in Aricanduva Watershed from 1914 to 2015. sources: EMPLASA, Prefeitura de São Paulo

1914

1929

1949

1962

1974

1985

1992

2002

2015

TietĂŞ River, unknown photographer

DESIGN FOR WATER Aricanduva Watershed

THE STATUS QUO IN SÃO PAULO When it comes to stormwater management, São Paulo governments deal with it mostly through the perspective of preventing floods, and since the 1990s the common answer found for this problem is called piscinão 52. Piscinões are popularly known names for detention reservoirs, big infrastructural tanks that control floods in low lands and river floodplains during heavy rainfalls by delaying the flow of stormwater into natural watercourses. They are typical structures in areas whose soil, either because is too wet, or because is impermeable or too compacted, unables water percolation. In São Paulo, they are used because of dense occupation that impervious surfaces, but not only they are not enough to solve completely the problem of floods, their urban insertion ignores any particularities of the context around it. Piscinões are exclusively engineering solutions, literally concrete craters inside the urban fabric, created to attend a hydrology problem.

52. From Portuguese, big swimming pools

Different from retentions reservoirs, which are designed to be permanent wet ponds, detention reservoirs work exclusively during periods of rainfall, holding water for short periods of time, which makes them dry for most time of the year. Piscinões in São Paulo are the perfect example of how regional water management decisions, when thought only through the lens of technical planning, have a negative impact in the design of neighborhoods, because they discard the physical ground and local conditions. If contextualized within the scale of buildings, streets and blocks, those detentions reservoirs could enhance the social and ecological uses of water while continuing to fulfill the purpose of flood control. However, they currently miss the opportunity to attend and improve important urban demands, such as the creation of more recreational public areas and institutional building, and the opportunity to function as eco-cells inside the city that recharge underground water reserves and, through evapotranspiration, control levels of humidity in the air. Piscinões in São Paulo, for lack of interest from the public sector, also miss the opportunity to create urban water landscapes, enhancing the design of the city in a larger and interconnected scale.

The first detention reservoir in São Paulo was built in 1994. Since then, the government adopted this technical solution as the main strategy against floods. Currently, São Paulo maintains 54 active detention reservoirs, totalizing a volume of almost 11.6 million m3; for comparison, Rio Claro supply systems, which serves 1.5 million people, has a capacity of 13.6 million m3 53. In the past years, many proposals by architectural offices and schools were made to reverse the obsolete urban condition of piscinões into infrastructural pieces of the

53. DAEE, Sabesp, Prefeitura de São Paulo. See Appendix 1 for more details.

Detention reservoir in Sao Paulo Metropolitan Area. Photo by Nelson Kon

Flooding of Aricanduva River. Photo by JoĂŁo Scarpi

Flooding of Aricanduva River. photo by JoĂŁo Scarpi

territory through the redesign of their landscape, but very little was actually done. In São Paulo, one or two detention reservoirs have some sort of recreational use, because of sport courts that were built around them, but they still explore very little its design potentials. Moreover, not only the design of piscinões is very little explored, other types of strategies to deal with water must be studied and applied. Detention reservoirs are not per se bad solutions, but they cannot be the only ones. However, in a dense fabric like the one found in São Paulo, assuming that new permeable areas will be constructed, replacing existing buildings for open lawns, does not seem too realistic. That is one of the reasons why piscinões are so popular between bureaucrats. From a logistic point of view, they are the fastest way of dealing with floods, because require punctual interventions in the territory. Despite its easier applicability, new ways of percolating water into the soil must be pursued; and existing permeable areas, whether they are groomed gardens or wastelands, must be preserved as much as possible by incorporating them into the design of the city. São Paulo needs a holistic approach when dealing with water. It needs a wide range of solutions to deal with too much and too less water, to deal within the local and overall context, to deal with the different stages of the water cycle, to add a social component to water landscapes and infrastructure. The water management practices applied in Aricanduva Watershed are not different from the ones in the metropolitan region. As mentioned previously, the watershed, with approximately one million habitants54, has 14 detention reservoirs, most of them located along the main stream, Aricanduva River. The following diagrams present data of blue and green infrastructure, topography, urban occupation and population, and their analysis lead to some conclusions:

•

Building footprint map (pg. 58) shows high levels of construction density downstream, and less dense upstream. Population data, on the other hand, shows higher levels of population concentration upstream, probably due to the cheaper prices of land.

•

Green areas (pg. 58) are more available upstream, while downstream they are either concentrated in public domain sites such as Parque do Carmo, Cemitério Vila Formosa and four utility corridors (three transmission lines and one pipeline) or in sparse and characterless neighborhood squares. The shape of those squares originates more due to awkward angles between crossing streets that generate leftover land rather than being intentionally designed. Green areas upstream are basically areas that have not been

54. Author’s own estimation based on available data from the municipality of São Paulo

Aerial photo showing building density in Jardim Colonial. Photo by Ize Kampus

Aerial photo showing building density in Vila CarrĂŁo. Photo by Ize Kampus

Aerial photo of Aricanduva River. Source: Prefeitura de SĂŁo Paulo

developed yet and, although they are legally demarcated as preservation zones, they are being hugely threatened by two axes of urban development and expansion: the new metro line (monorail) and the increasing importance of Avenida Jacu-Pêssego as an axis of metropolitan connection, linking municipalities around the city of São Paulo, without passing through central neighborhoods. •

In blue infrastructure analysis, the original river footprint55 drastically changed and the rivers that resisted to the process of urbanization and were not covered by streets and buildings are both polluted and canalized. It has been going for decades a major project to clean the waters of main rivers in São Paulo56,, without any success so far, mainly because the constant pollution of rivers transform the treatment actions innefective.

•

The layout of transportation axes (pg. 60) inside the watershed took the advantage of the river courses. The main avenues overlay with the main watercourses. More recent roads, such as Radial Leste, Avenida Aricanduva and Avenida Jacu-Pêssego, follow the same logic of occupying primarily low grounds. Historic roads, like Avenida Sapopemba occupy, on the other hand, the crest of hills.

•

Topography (pg. 64) is a strong character of São Paulo’s territory: the perception of walking is that either one is always going up or always going down. There are very few exceptions, which include major avenues that connect the territory regionally, that are plane. There are even some incredibly steep streets, where sidewalks are usually built as staircases.

To understand better the territory of Aricanduva Watershed, a physical model in the scale of 1:20,000 (metric system) was built. The primary goal was to put in evidence the topography. That way, when placing building on the model, one can notice not only their location in latitudes and longitudes, but also in altitudes. When dealing with 2D maps, placing dots, connecting lines, and creating shapes to represent strategies can be useful until certain extent; applying those methods on uneven surface creates new possibilities of interpretation. For instance, the major green areas upstream were not preserved from urban occupation by chance, they are the most steep ground of the watershed, making the construction of buildings more challenging. The physical model also indicates that topography is a huge factor when layouting streets.

Other important aspect of using the physical model was the strategy of identifying public buildings and sites on the watershed not necessarily by their use – public schools, police stations, hospitals, electric distribution stations, public squares, football pitches, detention

55. Original footprint data collected from municipality database sources < http://www. aguaspluviais.inf.br> 56. Folha de São Paulo <http://www1.folha.uol. com.br/cotidiano/2015/09/1681316-sabesptrava-obras-para-despoluicao-do-rio-tiete-emsao-paulo.shtml>

reservoirs, governmental buildings, metro stations â&#x20AC;&#x201C; but primarily by their altitude â&#x20AC;&#x201C; low or high grounds. Applying those distinctions when labeling buildings creates the possibility, within regional scale, of imagining a network of public sites , where one part is able to distribute water and the other to received it. Because water moves around the territory naturally from higher to lower grounds or by mechanically shifting pressure, understanding the role of topography is one major component of water design.

Seen from downstream to upstream, physical model built in layers of chipboard, emphasizing street layout, existing rivers, permeable areas, public buildings at low ground (dark purple) and high grounds (orange).

BUILDING FOOTPRINT and BLUE & GREEN INFRASTRUCTURE 58

Occupation of margins by industries and big parcels. Photo by Ize Kampus

Occupation of margins by residences and small parcels. Photo by Ize Kampus

Aerial photo of electric transmission line. Photo by Ize Kampus

MAIN TRANSPORTATION AXES

Aerial photo of existing metro surface line. Photo by Ize Kampus

Aerial photo of regional expressway (Av. Jacu-PĂŞssego). Photo by Ize Kampus

Crossing between Av. Aricanduva and Radial Leste. Photo by Ize Kampus

Construction of monorail in Av. Sapopemba in 2014. Photo by Ize Kampus

PENHA 127.152

TATUAPE 96.837

VL. MATILDE 103.949

ARTUR ALVIM 100.468

CARRAO 84.320 CIDADE LIDER 129.266 VL. FORMOSA 93.462

PQ. DO CARMO 69.113

ARICANDUVA 85.474

JOSE BONIFACIO 131.088

CIDADE TIRADENTES 218.519

SAPOPEMBA 280.231

SAO MATEUS 152.327 IGUATEMI 140.252

SAO RAFAEL 151.547

2015 POPULATION by districts source: Prefeitura de SÃ£o Paulo 62

Urban occupation downstream. Photo by Ize Kampus

Urban occupation upstream. Photo by Ize Kampus

Urban occupation downstream. Photo by Ize Kampus

Urban occupation upstream. Photo by Ize Kampus

TOPOGRAPHY (10m) and DETENTION RESERVOIRS 64

Aerial photo of detention reservoir in Aricanduva Watershed. Photo by Ize Kampus

PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND LANDS (federal, state and municipal) source: Prefeitura de SÃ£o Paulo 66

CEU (Unified Educational Center) Vila Formosa. Photo by Ize Kampus

Public lands with open football field, health units and schools. Photo by Ize Kampus

Public School Duque de Caxias. Photo by Ize Kampus

Complex of two public schools, one sport club and civil police. Photo by Ize Kampus

CONCEPT The design decisions taken in the proposal that follows were driven by a methodology that focuses in four study groups. The intent of choosing those four groups was to understand water and cities from multiple perspectives, in order to work with different point of views and make the design proposal more sensitive to topics that can be easily forgotten when looking at water through the exclusive lens of hydrology. 1. WSUD : supply, treatment, drainage, recharge Water Sensitive Urban Design is a practice created and widely spread in Australia that tries to encompass water management strategies that go beyond the scope of drainage. There are many different organizations in this and other countries that study and apply concepts of WSUD to their urban policies, and although there are great differences in the design of cities across the world, principles can be very useful for all. In the case of Brazil, thinking beyong drainage is a requirement. Especially in the context of draughts, addressing strategies for alternative means of supply of potable water, treatment of black and greywater and recharge of natural resources, such as lakes and underground reserves, become essential to the discussion of water and urban areas. In the recent discussion about São Paulo water stress, expanding the use of groundwater to supply part of the population’s needs started to gain more visibility, once water for consumption in the metropolitan region of São Paulo comes mainly from superficial sources57. Nevertheless, expanding the supply by increasing the extraction from groundwater reserves is not a reasonable solution if they are not constantly recharged and the exploration of artesian wells is not supervised by public agencies. Extraction of resources and recharge of sources must be analyzed together. Moreover, the concern with the supply is not only about looking for new sources, but mainly about reducing the use. Alternative supply sources must be used in emergency cases, when the current ones are not enough, not to promote higher consumption.

57. Folha de São Paulo <http://www1.folha. uol.com.br/cotidiano/2014/05/1459709pocos-podem-ajudar-na-crise-da-agua-dizemespecialistas.shtml>

2. MANIFESTATIONS: precipitation, run-off, evapotranspiration, groundwater Because water does not come only in the form of liquid, understanding that it is constantly shifting between physical states can lead to new ways of seeing water: rain, percolated water, runoffs, rivers, lakes, evapotranspiration and snow in the case of some countries. It is possible to turn those manifestations into moments of celebration. However, revealing water and incorporating it to the design of cities does not merely have a recreational purpose, it is mainly an educational attitude, because it symbolizes the existence and absence of it. If water is never there, how to know when it lacks? If water is always there, it is quick to realize that something is wrong when flow stops. 3. SCALES: macro, meso, micro Water should be addressed within the reach of each project, but understanding how local decisions impact the region and vice versa helps design decisions to be more consistent. In the building scale, water is used usually to supply natural needs - drinking, cooking, bathing, washing - but it can be used in the mechanical functioning of building - part of the cooling system, for instance - or incorporated to the landscape - exterior and interior gardens of common areas. In the scale of the neighborhood, water becomes closer to the daily-life of citizens, not just as something that comes from the tap, but as an element that is part of the urban landscape. In the watershed scale, water takes primarily infrastructural and ecological roles, helping the function of cities activities, but also balancing the environmental processes. 4. CHARACTER: ecological, infrastructural, social The ecological component of water is self-explanatory and it is highly emphasized, for justifiable reasons, in debates about sustainability. Nevertheless, it is not the only one. This work tries to give as much visibility to water as an element that helps to infrastructure the territory and as a vital element of social impact in urban life. Those will be discussed in depth later.

unknown photographers

MANIFESTATIONS surface water, evapotranspiration, groundwater, precipitation

REVELATION OF WATER

The prevailing way of representing the globe is dividing it in two zones: continents, which symbolize the portion land that human species occupy, and oceans. This way of representation treats continents and oceans as distinct parts, primarily by assuming that one is wet and the other dry. In other words, it assumes that water is confined and not spread around the territory. In city maps, water is always represented as something apart from the urban environment, and it is accepted to be something confined in rivers, lakes, pipes, channels and reservoirs. This is a very limited way of looking at the issue. Water is everywhere, because it cannot be confined. The diagram on the next page is just one example that looks for new ways of representing water on the territory, dialoguing with professors Mathur and Da Cunha’s concept of water everywhere, instead of somewhere. It is about seeing water outside pipes and channels; it is about allowing water to spill out; it is about creating new possibilities of resilience in cities.

In the search of alternative ways of looking at São Paulo’s waters, groundwater reserves, rivers, rain and vapor were chosen as layers of manifestations and gathered in one single base map of the terrains of water58. Humidity levels were not represented graphically due to the difficulty in spacializing this type of data, nonetheless, tables show that humidity levels should be seriously taken into consideration. Rates inferior to 30% are considered to be worrying in São Paulo, and just during the months of August, September and October in the year 2014, 28 days registred levels below 30% of relative humidity. With the combination of these four layers, one can realize that the hydrology of São Paulo presents aspects that could be expected but were not visualized before. The map confirms that rivers of the metropolitan region are born at the hills where the rates of rainfall are usually higher. Groundwater reserves, on the other hand, are located in areas with lower rates of rain, but they cover significant portion of urban occupation, making them a good alternative to the conventional and existing supply system, which today relies almost exclusively on its rivers.

58. Mathur and Da Cunha

WATER

SURFACE WATER

RAIN

LAND

VAPOR

GROUND WATER

Sao Paulo Metropolitan Region

groundwater reserves

annual rainfall

major watercourses

authorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s composite drawing exercise

SCALE architecture, streetscape, watershed

WATER AND ARCHITECTURE

There are many ways water is used in buildings, as a primary (drinking and washing) and secondary (functioning of equipments) source, and even as a decorative element. Today, most researches focus primarily on creating mechanisms for reducing consumption of water, emphasizing the economical aspect of those proposals, and usually forgetting that the main goal is actually not about saving money, but about not wasting water. Although those proposals have increadible value, fewer of them have indeed been challenging the paradigms of water usage. Dry toilets are one example of strategy that goes beyond the saving aspect, it is a provocation: why, in the first place, we need water to flush? Strategies that reduce consumption and dependence from conventional supply methods such as permeable surfaces, harvest rainwater, and reuse of greywater are extremely important, and are becoming more and more mandatory. However, there is still plenty of room for more innovative solutions to be proposed, especially the ones that break paradigms. Biofiltration systems that treat blackwater locally, instead of relying on massive treatment plants located far from urban centers, are other type of initiatives that are gaining visibility, but still have not been tested enough in large-scale urban developments. They are more difficult to implement because they require availability of green areas, which a lot of cities in Brazil, particularly SĂŁo Paulo, lack.

PERMEABLE AREAS

GREYWATER USE

RAINWATER HARVESTING

BIOFILTRATION

water waste

compost production

INVIDUAL WATER METERS

DRY TOILETS

12-15 liter/flush

3-6 liter/flush

36 kg/person/year 79

WATER AND STREET LIFE

In streets, water can be incorporated to the landscape and consequently to the routine of the city. Nijmegen, Netherlands, is one example in which shared spaces are not just designed for pedestrians, bikes and cars, but also for water. In the case of Aricanduva Watershed, because some streets overlap with pre-existing watercourses, the strategy of using urban rills to emerge water to the surface could also be applied. This would create a network of watercourses, using the street layout as the base for the disclosure of water. A network of streets, hierarchized in primary, secondary, tertiary and quaternary, would make the territory legible though water, in which smaller watercourses identify more private streets and larger watercourses are more oriented to public: 1) The primary street would be the Aricanduva River, where a regional linear park would be located. That park, because of its strategic position, could attend the population of this watershed plus other neighborhoods, creating a complement to the existing Parque do Carmo and SESC Itaquera, both densely used, but still very isolated from the city by walking distances. 2) The secondary streets would be the main tributaries of Aricanduva River. Local avenues would be converted into less crowded leisure areas, where residents can rest and develop local activities, such as reading a book, dating, walking with pets, and meeting friends and neighbors. 3) The tertiary are tributaries of secondary streets and they are divided in two categories. The wet tertiaries are the ones in which the urban rills would continuously flow water because they already cover existing streams. The dry tertiary are the ones which would carry water only during rainfall. 4) The quaternary are the tributaries of the tertiary and they behave like the dry tertiary, being wet only during rainfall. Quaternary and tertiary are designed as legit shared spaces, characteristic that already happens informally in narrow streets of SĂŁo Paulo: because streets are narrow and sidewalks are small, cars usually slow down, and pedestrians always walk over traffic lanes while cars use them as parking spots. 80

Nijmegen, Netherlands photo by Frank van der Most

Nijmegen, Netherlands unknown photographer

URBAN RILLS NETWORK 82

quartiary streets

tertiary streets (wet) tertiary streets (dry)

secondary streets

primary street

WATER REGIONALLY

Creating a network of watercourses not only reinforces the contact of residents with water exposing it every time they are out on the streets, but also functions as a network of legibility of the territory by the type of flow (smaller or larger courses) and the direction of it (from the top to the bottom). Waterways function as well as the sites that provide within regional reach public equipments to communites – sport courts, open lawns, public gyms, shaded areas. Other example of intervention of regional impact is the creation of stations along the main rivers that can filter fine pollution that comes from street runoff, but also serve as percolating stations to recharge groundwater reserves. If they are vegetated, they become new public areas that are added to the existing green infrastructure. If they are integrated to new public buildings, they increase the offer of cultural, institutional, and recreational equipment. New vegetated areas should preferably use local species, not just to value São Paulo’s flora, but to reduce the need of maintaining gardens. Management of public areas after construction phase is one of the biggest challenges in designing for the public domain, because maintenance requires funds, labor and appropriate tools. Using local species does not eliminates the need for maintenance, but it reduces the necessary care to water, prune and fertilize plants because they are more adapted to the environment. Green areas – public squares, parks, wastelands, preservation and conservation zones, and other types of permeable or vegetated sites – also play the role of percolating stations, but they would function primarily to balance the humidity of air through evapotranspiration of plants. All those sites articulated would create a green infrastructure that complement the functioning of blue infrastructure in the watershed. 84

existing rivers and topography

conservation areas and main roads

building footprint and public open lands

public buildings and other points of interest

photo by Carlos Barria

CHARACTER ecological, infrastructural and social uses

ECOLOGY

Numerous case studies in the fields of architecture and urban design explore the ecological character of water. The pictures at the side are just some examples: Alamitos Pond in Santa Clara is not only a water component of the landscape, but a groundwater recharge pond; Greenvale Reservoir in Melbourne was retrofitted not only to increase security and protect the urban occupation around it, but it was also redesigned as a park to transform water as an element of the landscape; Bioswales in Seattle were created as engineering solutions combined to landscape design to filter runoff before percolating water into the soil. There is also the interesting case of biofiltration systems, usually nicknamed as ecomachines or living-machines. The technical design of those systems varies depending on the manufacturer, but their basic concept is the same: use of wetland cells to treat water locally, irrigate and recharge the soil, and provide supply of greywater for buildings. Instead of being displaced directly in the municipal sewer system and instead of using common septic tanks, blackwater is filtered through an accelerate process that involves biomechanical and sometimes chemical systems. Biofiltration systems can also be associated with greenhouses. One example studied was the Omega Center Complex in Rhinebeck, New York.

Although biofiltration is still not applicable to large and dense occupations, like the one found in São Paulo, they are considered suitable for various different developments (industrial, agricultural and urban). Currently in São Paulo, of all water captured for potable use, one third is wasted due to leaks and stealing59, then it is distributed for agricultural, industrial and urban use. Of all the urban waste generated, São Paulo’s treatment plants are able to process only 30%60, which means that 70% is disposed on rivers and fresh water reserves, transforming the process of cleaning water for consumption even more inefficient. The idea behind the implementation of biofiltration systemas is not only to reduce the amount of waste that goes to the metropolitan treatment plants, which are already overloaded, but to reduce the capture of fresh water.

59. Folha de São Paulo < http://www1.folha.uol. com.br/cotidiano/2015/05/1624068-sabespnegligenciou-desperdicio-de-agua-afirmaespecialista-japones.shtml > 60. Volume Vivo < http://www.volumevivo.com. br/>

Omega Center Complex, Rhinebeck, USA. Photo by John Todd Ecological Design

Alamitos Groundwater Recharge Pond, Santa Clara, USA. Unknown photographer

Greenvale Reservoir, Melbourne, Australia. Unknown photographer

Bioswale (filtration of runoff), Seattle, USA. Unknown photographer

SHEMATIC BIOFILTRATION SYSTEM Blackwater is transferred first to settling tanks and equalization tank, then it is pumped and filtered in wetland cells through biomechanical processes. If the system includes chemical process, water is pumped to bio-filter and may be returned to first stages of the system if it not well-filtered. If water is clean, it is stored in reservoir to be used in irrigation or greywater. More information can be found at Appendix 2

reservoir

bio-filter level-adjustment tank

wetcells

equalization tank settling tank 90

2/3

30%

70%

CURRENT

USING BIOFILTRATION

high rates of wasted fresh water and low rates of treatment

decrease in sewer production and reduction in capture

INFRASTRUCTURE

A comprehensive design for water happens when it considers some basic principles and behaviours of water cycle: the flow of rivers, the intensity of rainfall, and the levels of humidity for intance. It is also when design envisions water as a mean for cargo and passengers transportation, as a mean for creating urban cooling systems, and as a mean to create irrigation systems for plantation; in other words, when design encompasses infrastructure. In numerous cases, water infrastructure is related to drainage and water excess. The project of Water Squares in Rotterdam was designed to accomodate water in different stages of each season, but the design of sport and leisure areas is made primarily to retain water, functioning as a small-scale detention reservoir. Parc Boulogne-Billancourt in Paris works in a similar fashion, functioning as retention reservoirs of Seine Riverâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s floods. Going beyond drainage, one research developed in SĂŁo Paulo, the Hidroanel Metropolitano, envisions transforming major rivers of the metropolitan area into waterways for cargo transportation at the same time that redesigns the margins of the streams adapting them for housing and public parks. In Chicago, the Growing Water project, is concerned with water scarcity and in order to prevent this scenario in the future, it envisions the recycling of water from the Great Lakes through the creation of eco-boulevards, social and infrastructural spaces of the city. In all case studies, although the character of infrastructure is clear, it is not a solution in itself. The concern with the design quality of the landscape is as important as to attend engineering requirements. The goal is actually use design as a tool to solve infrastructure demands, integrating technical needs with design solutions.

Water Square, Rotterdam, Netherlands. Unknown photographer

Hidroanel Metropolitano, Sao Paulo, Brazil. Picture by Grupo Metropole Fluvial

Parc Boulogne Billancourt, Paris, France. Unknown photographer

Growing Water, Chicago, United States. Picture by Urban Lab

SOCIAL

The following pictures illustrate some different examples of the social component of water that can be explored in design and be integrated to the city life. One way is to incorporate it to public equipment, such as the pavilion in Zaragoza, or be part of the landscape, such as the Paris-Plages by the margins of the Seine, or both, like the communal massive fountain in Texas. The Digital Water Pavilion built for the Expo 2008 intended to create a reconfigurable architecture using interactive water partitions that can move around and create different patterns on its surface. After the Expo finished, the pavilion remained part of the park and its interactive water walls still allure many visitors. Paris-Plages are an initiative created in 2002 to provide residents each summer a beach-like environment inside the capital. Water, here, is exclusively part of the landscape since people are not allowed to swim in the river, yet, it is the premise for making Paris-Plages a successful intervention since it is one of the key elements, along with the sand banks, in creating this new atmosphere of Seine’s margins. The main feature of the “active pool” in Fort Worth Water Gardens it to invite people not just to appreciate it, but to get inside of it, extrapolating the passive character of water in public squares.

However, water in cities does not have to relate exclusively to recreational uses. It can behave like any other urban element, such as lighting poles, trees and benches. In cities like London and Pisco, water is revealed in urban rills and it is part of residents’ everyday life when they go to work or school. It is not spectacular, flashy or high-tech; it is a simple gesture that, yet, can improve greatly the urban environment. Rills can also function within urban landscapes beyond the exclusive purpose of drainage. In Patio de los Narajos, Seville, rills interconnect trees to a central fountain working as a small scale irrigation system, apart from adding an extra pattern to the floor design of ceramic tiles. In Bergen, rills were used by sculptor Bård Breivik to create a small water path integrating it to the design and materials of Torgalmenningen Square, functioning also as a bench for people to seat. Normal, Illinois, is

Zaragoza, Spain. Unknown photographer

Fort Worth, Texas. Unknown photographer

Paris, France. Photo by Michel Julien

London, England. Photo by The Wandrian.

Pisac, Peru. Photo by Rhendi

Coimbra, Portugal. Photo by Fernando Guerra

one of many examples in which water rills are used to chill out. Moreover, rills do not have to be always wet. When they dry, they continue to be part of the landscape and can be used for other purposes. When dealing with public areas, although it is more common to be an outside feature, water can be integrated to the interior of buildings. In one of the retrofitted hangars of SESC PompĂŠia, SĂŁo Paulo, the entrance living area acquires a sense of unit, despite its open plan, because of the presence of a reflective pool that permeates the room. The water not only freshens the climate, but also gives a sense of legibility to the space. In the design of Therme Vals, Switzerland, water is combined with the materiality of stone walls and presence or absence of natural and artificial lights to create a sensorial experience for the user. Being a project of thermea, water is an obvious element of design, but it is not simply confined into pools, it is the key element for creating the entire ambience.

A more literal interpretation of the social use of water is noticed in the design of rehabilitation hospitals and the use of pools for locomotor training. In Brazilian hospitals of Rede Sarah, water is not only used as a means for the training of patients, but it is incorporated in the cooling system of the building, discarding the use of airconditioning, and it is incorporated to the landscape of the building site to create a more pleasant environment for outdoor activities.

Bergen, Norway. Photo by Frode Svane

Normal, Illinois. Photo by S. Shigley and H. Schaudt

Seville, Spain. Unknown photographer

Malmo, Sweden. Unknown photographer

São Paulo, Brazil. Photo by Paulisson Miura

Graubünden, Switzerland. Photo by Therme Vals

Rede Sarah de Hospital de Reabilitação, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Photo by Rede Sarah

PROPOSALS

The aim of this thesis is to incorporate those three approaches of water design – manifestations, scales and characters – at the same time that deals with specific issues of the chosen watershed. Through the design proposal of Aricanduva, the ultimate goal is to advocate for a new relationship between São Paulo Metropolitan Area and its waters at the same time that keeps alive the debate about water across Brazil. The proposal was divided in three parts: macro, meso and micro, respectively representing the scales of region, neighborhood and street with buildings. This division was made in order to study a wider range of design solutions, at the same time that it is a way of advocating for the practice of thinking urban design as a constant shift from one scale to another. Design for water cannot be developed exclusively from one point of view or scope. At the same time that there is an urgent concern to re-think our modern way of living, that currently stimulates high rates of waste (constant use of washing machines and dish washers, bath tubes, sprinkler irrigation, to name a few), there is also the need to re-think how that modern living impacts the regional scale (how to supply massive urban centers, how to adapt to excessive rainfall when large portions of urban land impervious, how to balance humidity levels during dry weather, how to put an end to pollution of sources). Especially in the case of water design, one scale is never disconnected from the other. Effective proposals are never under the exclusive control of designers. Urban policies, technical and ecological requirements, sociability, are all topics that design can address but needs to be supported by the knowledge of other fields: 1. Urban policies should induce society to consume less by engaging it to look at water as a resource, not a commodity, in which that the more you use, the cheaper it gets. Urban policies should balance incentives with fines. Only fining those who use more is not an effective method per se; incentives for those who save water, who apply strategies of reuse, who harvest rainwater, seem more effective, because they work as an instrument of education, not punishment. Moreover, conscious use of water is more than just a matter of saving, but a matter of caring with human welfare and fulfilling each individual’s civic role. 2. Technical requirements, defined usually in the field of engineering, are also extremely important. The size and performance of bioswales, the width and depth of rivers adapted to the natural volume of water and avoiding overflows during extreme rainfalls, the area and filtration capacity of eco-machine systems for larger urban developments, the dimension of pipes and the required infrastructure to connect buildings to supply and sewage networks, the use of chemical processes when biological ones are not enough, all of those are decisions 100

that must be taken by technical and specialized staff. They have to be synchronized with the design interventions and urban policies, not above them dictating the path that should be taken. 3. Ecological needs must also be contemplated: best species of vegetation that perform better in wet lands or dry soils; construction of urban ecosystems that host more diverse wildlife; best types of trees to be planted in narrow areas or larger open fields; best practices to promote aquatic life; etc. Ecology should be understood as a driver of urban life, not an obstacle for economic development. 4. Sociability includes the participation of local communities in the transformation of their neighborhoods, creating amenities that they require and need at the same time that fulfill the interest of other residents. In the city, it is equally important the participation of community assistance with local and fragile populations, such as homeless people and people living in poverty. Design can help creating a more democratic enviroment, but itself is not enough to overcome social unequality in urban areas. Concerning the field of design, the following pages show diagrammatic and more general solutions, without being a closed and finished proposal. This thesis accepts the fact that a finished design, showing how the city should look like, would be too pretentious, and adopted the method of developing diagrams that show what the city could look like if that is the willing of citizens. This thesis believes that design without social participation can never be truly successful. The following drawings must be understood then as suggestions. They highlight the inclusive role public spaces should have in urban areas: places that invite different individuals to cohabit, never segregate them; places that connect the territory, not divide it apart; places that promote civic education, not inhumanity; places that commit to people first, and then attend to economic demands. The regional schemes focused more in the infrastructural and hydrology component design, addressing general proposals such as maintenance and preservation of green lands, preservation of waters, integration of regional infrastructure with local context and ecological needs. The neighborhood scale focused more on the ecological component and on the need of an urban design oriented to the city social capital: streets are designed not only to support economic activity, but paying attention to non-economic forms of living. The local scale addresses possibilities of punctual intervention based on the analysis of certain sites and building types: garage and industrial buildings, public aquares, bridges, etc. 101

MACRO

The diagram on the next page is the first finished draft proposed to Aricanduva Watershed. It contains strategies to create linear recreational zones along rivers, construct public buildings incorporated to water infrastructure, creation of filtration and recharge zones along permeable areas by the rivers, etc. A later version, the axonometric drawing of the watershed, was refined to include extra elements: necessity to address social housing, articulation of territory segregated by major roads, forestation of streets to incresase shading, and implementation of urban rills. A series of diagrams complement the understanding of the Regional Strategy Plan, illustrating how some proposals could be implemented. Those diagrams show some suggestions for increasing blue and green infrastructure in the watershed taking advantage of key urban elements in the area: presence of large roads and avenues, presence of underused utility corridors, steep topography, large extension of watercourses (hidden or not), presence of several detention reservoirs, predominance of low-rise and residential buildings, and public buildings with large availability of green permeable areas.

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FIRST REGIONAL STRATEGY 1km

103

living machine (low grounds) living machine (high grounds) filtration stations and groundwater recharge main avenues - tree corridors pipeline transmission line daylighted rivers existing rivers adjacent to streets existing rivers running inside blocks urban rills existing metro and train lines future monorail existing detention reservoirs existing trees planted tress conservation and preservation zones existing permeable public lands slums over rivers

FINAL REGIONAL STRATEGY 104

rediscovering rivers Some rivers in the city are naturalized, but hidden behind walls and fences and kept away from residents. If reinserted in the design of the territory, they could function as pedestrian walks that connect streets on opposite margins. The design of those walks should preserve existing vegetation and wild habitat.

social housing and water Slums built over watercourses can be designed to reinsert water in the daily life of residents. The removal of houses in strategic places is necessary to provide open spaces in the site; nonetheless, residents can continue living in their neighborhood if verticalized constructions are integrated in the design of the neighborhoodâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s landscape.

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connecting the territory Urban rills can be created over streets that occupied and covered previous watercourses of the city. This network of rills will create a new legibility of the territory, in which the more residential and private streets are located on the top, and the more public and regional avenues are located in the bottom. Residents can reference themselves in the city according to the flow of water.

evapotranspirating water

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Evapotranspiration in a vital stage for the maintainance of the water cycle. Increasing the availability of vegetation increases levels of evapotranspiration, balance air humidity and urban temperatures, and provides extra shade to pedestrians. One challenge of urban afforestation on streets are the exposed wires that carry eletric energy to neighborhoods, preventing bigger trees to be planted.

filtrating water Biofiltration systems, or living machines, are mechanisms that treat blackwater locally in opposition to big regional treatment plants that are located far away from urban centers. Treated water can be percolated into the soil or used for non-potable uses. It is envisioned a network of living machines using sites of public buildings, especially schools, that serves neighborhoods and reduce their dependence on conventional supply systems.

public uses of water Existing detention reservoirs could be retrofitted into multi-functional public sites: stations that filter the water of rivers, avoiding critical levels of pollution; retention ponds that increase opportunities for percolation to recharge groundwater reserves; intitutional buildings that serve the community with cultural, recreational, social and other activities.

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infrastructuring water The main watercourse, Aricanduva River, presents multiple opportunities: new and higher developments can be built in the place of abandoned sites and obsolete warehouses; a linear park that serves the metropolitan area can be built on the margins, replacing vehicle lanes for social uses; the main river could be used as a canal for cargo transportation; and a new light rail line could replace several bus lines that serve the region.

daylighted rivers The adopted strategy in SĂŁo Paulo since 1930â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s was to build the main avenues in the valleys of city, and rivers that run through those valleys were either canalized, covered by concrete slabs or disappeared. With the removal of some vehicle lanes, rivers can the naturalized and daylighted, reinserting water in the urban landscape. 108

crossing green interstices The main transportation axes of SĂŁo Paulo (avenues and train rails) sometimes present a significant amount of permeable surfaces, which decrease runoff and helps recharging groundwater reserves, but in terms of connection of the territory they represent barriers, especially for pedestrians, who lack alternatives of crossing. The existing green infrastructure must be preserved at the same time that addresses new demands. opening public lands Transmission lines and other utilities corridors can be open to public, increasing the availability of recreational areas. The existing vegetation, grown spontaneously and maintained without intitutional care, should be preserved; new species can be added as long as they offer more opportunities to increase biodiversity and do not compete with existing ones. Vegetable gardens are also encouraged. 109

MESO

Vila Nova Manchester, located almost on the very end of downstream, is one of the few areas of the entire region that is relatively flat. Being a place densely built on low ground, it contains five small-scale underground detention reservoirs61, located on small public squares by the margins of Aricanduva River. The neighborhood is located between the south margin of Aricanduva River and the north side of Avenida Conselheiro Carrão, one of the first axes of urban expansion in the region. This avenue, currently a commercial axis of local retail stores, was strategically placed at the base of a hill going up south and away from the floodplains of Aricanduva River. The way the neighborhood was parceled, combining semicircles with rectangular grids, generated a significant quantity of small triangular leftover spaces that fit for no purpose besides being tree pockets in the area. The major green zone in the Vila Nova Manchester is Praça Haroldo Daltro, where two schools of primary education are located. The neighborhood is primarily occupied by one to two-story houses, most of them residences, but an incipient verticalization, with buildings up to 20 stories, can be already noticed. Like in most blocks in São Paulo, small parcels are mostly rectangularshaped with very narrow or no lateral setbacks. The lots and blocks along Aricanduva River are mostly vacant or occupied by small industrial hangars, gas stations, auto mechanics, and similar commercial uses. Commercial occupation along Avenida Conselheiro Carrão, from a usability point of view, seems more active, especially because of the type of services offered. Besides having gas stations and auto mechaninc, the avenue has bank agencies, grocery stores, restaurants, drug stores, clothing stores, hairdressers, bakeries and bread shops, and some public institutions like police stations. The proposal for Vila Nova Manchester goes in accordance with the main guidelines for the regional masterplan: Aricanduva River is converted into a regional park, main streets are forestated, rivers are daylighted and reconnected to urban fabric, and urban rills are created. Sections of streets were made to test the proposals into the physical ground. 110

61. São Paulo administration prefers to refer to those small-scale and underground tanks as polder, but to avoid confusion with the original Dutch system, this work will not adopt this term.

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permeable public lands watercouses small-scale detention reservoirs

public areas warehouses parking and open lots residential and local commerce gas stations abandoned buildings or parcels 112

large commercial buildings

main streets and avenues elevated pedestrian crossing vehicle crossing

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vila nova manchester conceptual design and schematic section

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streetviews

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vila nova manchester

Rua Astarté

blue and green infrastructure Avenida Aricanduva

Praça Salvador Bevacqua

Av. Conselheiro Carrão

Rua Jericinó

Rua Lutécia

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Córrego Rapadura

Avenida Aricanduva

Praça Salvador Bevacqua

Rua Astarté

117

The strategy for Vila Nova Manchester focuses on the two primary axis of the neighborhood, Avenida Aricanduva and Avenida Conselheiro CarrĂŁo. The first was converted into a recreational and economic axis of the city, taking advantage of its large margins currently occupied by vehicle lanes and large stocking of lands with empty lots and old warehouses. The second avenue, a vital and active axis of local commerce and social activities in the region, predominantly formed by two-story mixed-buildings, can be densified with taller developments, increasing stock of housing, institutions and commercial activities. Verticalization is an already ongoing process in the neighborhood, but can be intensified with improvements on the social, ecological and technical infrastructure of the neighborhood.

Rua LutĂŠcia

Social and ecological improvements would be achieved with the redesign of streetscape inside the neighborhood, connecting people and places. The main goal is to transform streets into shared spaces, where all sorts of vehicles and pedestrians can cohabit. In shared spaces, surfaces are even and cars have to drive in assigned lanes while the entire street is open to the transit of pedestrians. In shared spaces, the decrease of car speed is not a result of speed limits, 118

Rua JericinĂł

but of design. Current residential and local streets are not intentionally designed as shared spaces, but most of them behave as such. Because local streets are usually narrow and present light traffic, pedestrians naturally walk in the middle of streets, were the surface for rolling carts and for walking is usually better than sidewalks themselves.

Córrego Rapadura

Due to the characteristic of the road, the only exception of shared space design would be Avenida Aricanduva, where pedestrians, bikes, trains and motor vehicles would have their own specific lanes. Avenida Carrão and Rua Astarté would be designed as transition streets, where pedestrians would walk predominantly next to buildings, but the level sidewalks and lanes are the same. The ecological improvements would be achieved by daylighting rivers and naturalizing, if possible, the ones that run in concrete channels; creating urban rills in streets; creating bioswales in street whose width allow them to be placed; replacing concrete medians by vegetated one, preferably bioswales; using different types of permeable pavements - blocks or concrete; promoting more vegetated environments - trees, bushes, grass - with diverse species; and promoting revival of aquatic and amphibian life.

Avenida Conselheiro Carrão

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MICRO

In the scale of one particular street, Rua Lutécia, and its relation with the buildings adjacent to it, some site specific and some typological strategies were proposed based on behavior characteristics of Sao Paulo’s residents. For instance, upper slabs in residences are used to hang clothes, gathering family and friends for barbecues, and eventually lying under the sun. Green roofs then do not seem a realistic proposal to be applied widespread in residential buildings. Moreover, the costs for maintaining green roofs is too much for one single family to afford. Rainwater harvesting and greywater systems are, on the other hand, factual proposals in most cases. In relation to street life, there is a tremendous lack of public spaces in São Paulo, but luckily in the past years residents learned how to adapts to this scenario and more and more streets are being occupied by groups, usually of younger age, as public parks. If streets are taking the lead in this movement of occuping public spaces, squares are far behind. Use of public squares as social places is not widely spread in São Paulo, either because there is a very low number of them, or because their current design does not support contemporary demands: gathering of large groups that lay on the floor, listen to music, cook and eat on open air, play sports, etc.. Being scarces tree pockets, replacing them for other elements would be counterproductive also for taking down the few residues of vegetation in the city. Existing squares, then, must be rethought to support the role of streets as gathering spaces.

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Industrial Buildings Residential Buildings

Garage Buildings

Regional Linear Park

Public Squares Public Institutions

Commercial Street

121

industrial buildings green roofs could be used in retrofitted industrial buildings because their structures are generally designed to support heavier loads. Industries, especially warehouses, tend to not utilize the roof as useful area, therefore, there are opportunites to increase the amount of green roofs in SĂŁo Paulo. Like residences, industries should be encouraged throught the application of policies to modernize their water systems and avoid waste. garage buildings

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use of green facades makes sense in utility buildings (garages, storage and hangars) and some residences with blank walls, which do not require windows to light interior spaces. Also, because the top floor is used to increase the availability of parking, this type of building could take advantage of light structures, such as green pergolas, to provide shade to equipments and vehicles, and that way reducing the demand for cooling systems.

residential buildings use of green roofs on residences is discouraged mainly because of maintanance costs and the use of top slabs of houses as social and service areas (lying in the sun, party reunions, outdoor clotheslines and placing equipments). Nonetheless, all residential buildings have potential to harvest rainwater and implement strategies to reuse water. New policies for saving water should be implemented through tax incentives. frontal set backs city laws require that new buildings are constructed at least five meters from the public right-of-way. The initial idea was to artificially increase the width of the street placing high buildings away from the sidewalk, but in practice frontal set backs are either used as surface parking in commercial buildings or as private and walled gardens in residences. Their is a huge pontential in adding public use to those set backs, improving the design of the street.

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public institutions public schools and other institutions, despite what the name suggest, are not entirely open to the public. That creates a contradiction, because although they serve the community, they close themselves behind walls. Water landscape could be used as a design instrument that separates physically the inside and outside but maintains both parts connected visually and reinforce the presence of public institutions in the daily life of their community.

water as an obstacle instead of using high walls, buildings can use water as the element that separates places but integrate them visually

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living machines in schools because public schools are institutions well-spread around the urban territory, and because of their intrinsic educational role, their sites could be availed to host living machines that serve the community around them. That way, it is created a network of meso-scale water facilities that treat water locally. Besides improving ecological balance, schools would provide ecological education in practice and on daily basis with children of SĂŁo Paulo.

water as an integrator along major rivers, if water is clean, people can be invited to approach and touch water in specific spots or along the whole edge. That way, relation of water with citizens goes beyond the visual aspect.

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public squares public squares in SĂŁo Paulo present little social function, partially because they are few, making very difficult for them to bahave as activators of urban life. Nonetheless, those green pockets have enormous value for providing more ecological balance to the urban ecosystem, and if integrated with water design, those squares could function as small-scale retention and/ or detention ponds besides adding a different social value to the city.

With the addition of water features, public squares can change their stigma of leftover spaces in the city to places of vital social activity, especially during hot weather. During the dry winter of SĂŁo Paulo, water ponds can help balancing the levels of air humity

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commerce and street life In SĂŁo Paulo, restaurants and, particularly, bars have the habit of extending their seating area over sidewalks. Drinking on the streets is allowed and, especially during football games and other types of celebrations, sidewalks near bars are always full of people predominantly standing. Extending sidewalks through shared spaces design invite everytime more people to occupy streets, even during rainy days.

During celebrations such as Carnaval, when gatherings happen on the streets, rain does not prevent people from having fun. In fact, sometimes, it adds more value to the festivity and refreshes those who have been under the sun for long hours.

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128

CONCLUSIONS

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130

62. The government declared on March 7th, 2016 the crisis of water was over, but, based on numerous reports on lack of water and based on the fact that very few adequate measures were taken, it is hard to believe that the problem is completely solved nor it will be in such a short time. If rainfalls stop like they did in 2013 and 2014, a severe draught is likely to come back.

This thesis began from a wish to go deeper into studies of water and cities, especially after the supply and management crisis SĂŁo Paulo goes through since 201462. Initially, there was a desire to use this thesis to speculate innovative solutions for saving water in urban areas, especially in SĂŁo Paulo, and how water could become an infrastructural element of the design of the city. Due to the contact with many different authors and many different sources, each one dealing with water from a different angle and with different premises, this initial goal was not achieved. This, however, cannot be considered a problem, but simply an unexpected outcome, which ended up providing opportunities for reviewing other aspects of water in cities. The potential of water as a social propeller was, by far, the most interesting outcome. Usually seen from an ecological point of view, water is sometimes treated arbitrarily as a resource to be consumed, but it can also be the support and means of social and cultural activities. Water as an element that connects the physical territory and people. Other important outcome was the strong educational component urban design can have by forming citizens engaged in the processes of their city. This thesis advocates that the most effective way of combating challenges like scarcity, pollution, and abundance is by engaging people in the natural processes of their habitat, exposing them as much as possible to processes that are usually hidden from our sight. It is about civic education: revealing water to citizens is a strategy of denouncing draught when it comes; combining existing programs of public institutions, such as schools, with unusual industrial programs, such as living machines, is a way of engaging people since they are children in the water cycle; making waterways run through the entire urban fabric is a way of making people aware of their waters; making water flow through the entire city is a way of connecting each one with each other. This thesis therefore cannot be considered an answer to the problem of water SĂŁo Paulo is facing. It is not a manual of best practices concerning water, it is not an end-point to the discussion, it is not enough. This thesis is one voice in the ongoing debate about water scarcity and water abundance. It is a dialogue with society, presenting desires, intentions and aspirations for more resilient, civic and structured urban centers and using tools of design, especially architectural and urban design, for communicating those wishes. 131

SHARED STREETS AND DAYLIGHTED RIVERS rua astarté 132

SHARED STREETS AND URBAN RILLS rua lutécia 133

INFRASTRUCTURING WATER avenida aricanduva 134

RECONNECTING RIVERS cรณrrego rapadura 135

CAPTURING AND EVAPORATING WATER avenida conselheiro carrão 136

SPILLING OUT WATER praรงa salvador bevacqua 137

APPENDIX

138

List of Figures

List of names and volume capacity of supply reservoirs in SĂŁo Paulo List of names and volume capacity of detention reservoirs in SĂŁo Paulo Schematic section of Secondary streets Schematic section of Secondary streets Schematic section of Wet tertiary streets Schematic section of Dry tertiary streets Schematic section of Secondary streets Schematic section of Secondary streets Schematic section of Secondary streets Schematic section of Secondary streets Aerial view of Aricanduva Watershed Schematic perspective of design interventions Schematic section of design interventions Streetview of Rua Luis Pires de Minas Streetview of Rua Morro do Espia Schematic perspective of design interventions Schematic section of design interventions Streetview of Travessa Somos Todos Iguais Streetview of Travessa Pierrot Apaixonado Schematic perspective of design interventions Schematic section of design interventions Streetview of Rua Ragueb Chohfi Streetview of Rua Emilio Retrosi

146 146 148 148 149 149 150 150 151 151 152 154 155 155 155 156 157 157 157 158 159 159 159

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APPENDIX 1 capacity of detention reservoirs (piscinão) and supply systems in São Paulo Metropolitan Region in 2015.

Supply System Cantareira

Guarapiranga

Reservoir

Volume 3

(million m )

Jaguari/Jacarei Cachoeira Atibainha Paiva Castro total:

808.04 69.65 96.25 7.61 982.07

Taquacetuba Capivari total:

*** *** 171.19

Rio Grande

***

112.18

Rio Claro

Guaratuba

13.67

Alto Tietê

Ponte Nova Paraitinga Biritiba Jundiai Taiaçupeba total:

329.37 36.37 48.42 74.09 85.2 573.81

Alto Cotia

Pedro Beicht Graça total:

*** *** 16.5

source: Prefeitura de São Paulo, DAEE, Sabesp * piscinão to be constructed 3 ** 100.000 m according to PMSP *** data not available

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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54

City São Paulo Diadema Diadema Diadema Diadema Mauá Mauá Mauá Mauá Mauá Santo André Santo André São Bernardo do Campo São Bernardo do Campo São Bernardo do Campo São Bernardo do Campo São Bernardo do Campo São Bernardo do Campo São Bernardo do Campo São Bernardo do Campo São Bernardo do Campo São Bernardo do Campo São Caetano São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo Embu São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo São Paulo Taboão da Serra Taboão da Serra São Paulo São Paulo Osasco Osasco São Paulo São Paulo

Watershed Águas Espraiadas Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Alto Tamanduateí Aricanduva Aricanduva Aricanduva Aricanduva Aricanduva Aricanduva Aricanduva Aricanduva Aricanduva Aricanduva Aricanduva Aricanduva Aricanduva Cabuçu de Baixo Cabuçu de Baixo Córrego Agua da Pedra Córrego Pacaembu Córrego Pirajuçara Córrego Pirajuçara Córrego Pirajuçara Córrego Pirajuçara Córrego Pirajuçara Córrego Pirajuçara Córrego Pirajuçara Ribeirão do Oratório Ribeirão Itaquera Ribeirao Vermelho Ribeirao Vermelho Ribeirão Vermelho Rio Tietê

Name of Piscinão ¬Jabaquara Piraporinha Ecovias Imigrantes Mercedz Bens Jaboticabal Paço Municipal Corumbé Petrobras Sonia Maria Miranda D'aviz Faculdade Medicina ¬Oratório Canarinhos Vila Rosa Bombeiros Chrysler Volks Demarchi Mercedes Pauliceia Ford Taboão Taboão Ford Fabrica Pindorama São Caetano Guaramiranga ¬Aricanduva I ¬Aricanduva II ¬Aricanduva III ¬Aricanduva V ¬Inhumas ¬Limoeiro ¬Caguaçu ¬Rincão Polder R1 Polder R2 Polder R4 Polder R5 Polder R9 ¬Bananal ¬Guaraú ¬Pedras ¬Pacaembu Nova República CPTM/Maria Sampaio ¬Cedrolândia Sharp Olaria Parque Pinheiros Portuguesinha ¬Oratório ¬Pedreira Rochdale Bonança Anhanguera ¬Pantanal total:

Volume (m ) 360,000 85,000 120,000 140,000 900,000 136,000 105,000 800,000 120,000 100,000 120,000 320,000 95,000 113,000 34,000 190,000 170,000 380,000 340,000 180,000 82,000 35,000 235,000 850,000 200,000 150,000 320,000 167,000 100,000 300,000 310,000 304,000 2,765 1,527 4,088 1,723 20,000 210,000 240,000 25,000 74,000 110,000 120,000 113,000 500,000 120,000 117,000 120,000 280,000 1,500,000 25,000 62,000 160,000 15,000 11,682,103

* *

APPENDIX 2 especulation on how many eco-machines would be necessary to supply the entire region of Aricanduva Watershed.

Some rough calculations were made to project how many eco-machine units would be necessary to serve the entire population of Aricanduva Watershed. Based on annual water consumption, avarage of population and filtration capacity of Omega Center Complex63 and estimated population and area of Aricanduva Watershed64, a total of 40 eco-machine buildings were estimated to filter all blackwater produced65.

63. Omega Center for Sustainable Living <http:// living-future.org/case-study/omegacenter > Omega Center for Sustainable Future <https:// www.eomega.org/omega-in-action/keyinitiatives/omega-center-for-sustainable-living/ eco-machine%E2%84%A2> 64. Area calculated using ArcGIS software and population estimated from data available on Municipality of São Paulo website. 65. Calculations here presented are very rough and inaccurate, but for the purpose of this work, they give an overall panorama that is suitable for the design intentions

Omega Center Complex: •

Project Area (building+wetlands) = 141,350 sq ft (13,131 m²)

•

Visitors per year= 30/day during 231 days, 6/day during 134 days Total population over one year = 7,734 hab

•

Water usage over one year = 16,476 gallons (62,368 liters)

•

Water treatment capacity= 52,000 gallons/day on peak season, 5,000 gallons/day off season Water treatment capacity (avarage)= 34,745 gallons/day (131,524 L/day)

Calculation: 1,000,000 hab

62,368 L 7,734 hab

1 eco-machine 131,524 L

= 62 eco-machines OR

1,000,000 hab

62,368 L 7,734 hab

13,131 m² 131,524 L

= 800,000 m² or 0.8 km²

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APPENDIX 3 schematic sections of secondary streets that complement drawings on page 83, about the proposed network of watercourses that connect the territory

SECONDARY STREETS 142

schematic sections made from existing streets ans rivers

WET TERTIARY STREETS schematic sections made from existing streets ans rivers

DRY TERTIARY STREETS schematic sections made from existing streets ans rivers

143

SECONDARY STREETS 144

schematic sections made from existing streets ans rivers

SECONDARY STREETS schematic sections made from existing streets ans rivers

145

APPENDIX 4 conceptual design and strategies developed for other three neighborhoods located in Aricanduva Watershed. Due to tight schedule, only the proposal for Vila Nova Manchester was pushed forward, but all those neighborhoods present particularities very interesting that can be especulated in the future.

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jardim imperador

jardim da conquista

jardim s. benedito

Jardim Imperador is also formed primarily by one or two-stories residential and commercial units, being confined at the north by Avenida Rio das Pedras, an extension of Avenida Cons. Carrão, also presenting commercial use oriented for residents but less intense – bank agencies, supermarkets, clothing stores, etc; at the south by Avenida da Barreira Grande, mainly formed by some residential use, vacant lots, stocking hangars and lowprofile types of stores; at east and west by Avenida Arq. Vilanova Artigas and Avenida Arraias do Araguaia, both occupied by large portions of undeveloped public lands, residential uses, some vacant lots and some scrapyards.

Jardim da Conquista is a recent urban settlement formed primarily by residences and some very local commercial stores, located especially on Travessa Somos Todos Iguais, the central street of the neighborhood, although with only 12m wide. Althogh apparently blocks are laid within a grid, there are numerous of offsets and few crossing over Caguaçu Stream and Jacu-Pêssego Avenue, transforming the street Somos Todos Iguais and its extension, Rua Manuel Veloso da Costa, into the only way out and in to the neighborhood.

Urban occupation in Jardim São Benedito is concentrated along Avenida Ragueb Chohfi, where one can find vacant land, vacant buildings, yards of all sorts and few local retail stores. At the north of the avenue and south of Aricanduva River, there are bigger and sparse buildings, some of which are illegally built; and at the south of the avenue, going uphill, primarily residential buildings, except for a yard of car and bus dismantlers.

The site is crossed in the middle by a transmission line forming a series of small rectangular blocks that are walled to avoid urban occupation. At the highest point, there is Praça Migueal Ramos de Moura, a vegetated roundabout, badly maintained, filled with some public equipment – two sport courts, one public gym, some tables and seats. To the north, there is a second roundabout, Praça Cataguarino, better preserved, with one sport court, a skate ramp, and a central staircase. The other squares in the neighborhood are all triangular tree pockets. The site counts with some public intitutions, mainly schools of primary and secondary education.

Local residents count with four public schools of primary and secondary education, one public health unit, oriented to supply population with non-emergency health care, especially medical consultation, and one CEU – Unified Educational Center -, a public building that combines educational, cultural and recreational activities for local and regional population. The neighborhood is confined at north by a transmission line, at east by Avenida Jacu-Pêssego and at southwest by a tributary stream of Caguaçu River. At the approximated alignment of Travessa Metamorfose and Travessa País Tropical, the topography goes down at east and west. Because of the density of construction, there are almost no permeable areas, except for two green masses located on very steep grounds. Margins of local streams are densely and precariously occupied.

Urban mass can be clearly distinguished between social housing projects (H-shapes, five-story buildings) and later occupation. All of the existing social housing projects are surrounded by walls, creating an environment of no man’s land on the streets. The site is supplied with two detention reservoirs for flood control, despite being located in an area still not massively affected by urbanization and despite having apparently great availability of permeable soil. Urban developments built south uphill have no street connections between themselves, only one way in and out with Avenida Ragueb Cohfi. Green masses on the hills at north of Aricanduva River are protected zones, but they are being threatened by urban expansion coming from bottom and top. South and north side of the avenue are not connected to each other, developments south uphill from a direct contact with the main river.

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jardim imperador conceptual design and schematic section

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streetviews

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jardim da conquista conceptual design and schematic section

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streetviews

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jardim sĂŁo benedito conceptual design and schematic section

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