The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar workers in Muscat

The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat A STUDY ON THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT THEORY IN RELATION TO THE KAFALA SYSTEM

SARAH AL LAWATI MASTERS OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM

COPYRIGHT 2021 MANCHESTER ENGLAND UNITED KINGDOM ALL RIGHTS RESERVED UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER MANCHESTER METROPOLITAN MANCHESTER SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE COPYRIGHTS RESERVED BY: SARAH AL LAWATI MA ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I WOULD LIKE TO ACKNOWLEDGE MY HOME COUNTRY -THE SULTANATE OF OMANAND ITS CAPITAL MUSCAT FOR INSPIRING ME TO DEVELOP THIS DISSERTATION, IN HOPES TO HIGHLIGHT A TOPIC THAT AFFECTS THE BLUE-COLLAR WORKERS AND EXPATS OF THE CITY. I ALSO THANK THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER, MANCHESTER METROPOLITAN UNIVERSITY, AND MANCHESTER SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE FOR THIS COURSE -MA ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM- AND HELPING ME FURTHER DEVELOP MY UNDERSTANDING OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT, AND THE ISSUES THAT ARISE WITHIN THESE FIELDS. MY GRATITUDE ALSO GOES TO MY TUTORS EAMONN CANNIFFE AND AISSA SABBAGH GOMEZ FOR ENCOURAGING AND GUIDING ME IN THIS RESEARCH, AND I THANK MY FRIENDS AND FAMILY FOR THEIR ENDLESS SUPPORT THROUGH THIS JOURNEY.

The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat A STUDY ON THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECTS THEORY IN RELATION TO THE KAFALA SYSTEM

CONTENTS PG. 9

INTRODUCTION

PG. 11

SECTION 1: SPATIAL INJUSTICE AND ITS NEGATIVE IMPACT

PG. 13

SECTION 2. GEOGRAPHY OF SPECIAL INJUSTICE SECTION 3. THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT AS A RESULT OF SPATIAL INJUSTICE

PG. 15

SECTION 4. ROBERT J. SAMPSON AND RESEARCH ON THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT

PG. 17

SECTION 5. PROCESS THAT LEAD TO THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT THEORY

PG. 19

SECTION 6. THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT AS A FORM OF SPATIAL INJUSTICE LEADING TO NATIONAL INEQUALITY

PG. 23

SECTION 7. THE SULTANATE OF OMAN AND THE CAPITAL MUSCAT: THE ONGOING ARCHITECTURAL DEVELOPMENT

PG. 27

SECTION 8. POPULATION ANALYSIS AND CULTURAL REQUIREMENTS IN OMAN AND MUSCAT

PG. 33

SECTION 9. GENDER DOMINANT WORKFORCE AND THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY

PG. 37

SECTION 10. CREATING A SENSE OF BELONGING AS EXPATS

PG. 43

SECTION 11. THE KAFALA SYSTEM IN RELATION TO THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT THEORY

PG. 45

SECTION 12. THE MECHANISMS OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT DUE TO SPATIAL INJUSTICE IN MUSCAT

PG. 49

SECTION 13. THE DWELLING CONDITIONS OF BLUECOLLAR WORKERS IN MUSCAT

PG. 53

SECTION 13.1 CONSTRUCTION WORKERS LIVING ON-SITE

PG. 57

SECTION 13.2 BLUE-COLLAR WORKERS LIVING IN LABOUR CAMPS

PG. 61

SECTION 13.3 THE POSSIBILITY OF CREATING A “LABOUR CITY”, AND THE INCREASING DEMAND FOR IT.

PG. 67

SECTION 14. SPATIAL INEQUALITY IN MUSCAT: COMPARING RESIDENTIAL ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM

PG. 71

SECTION 15. THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT AS A RESULT OF THE POOR LIVING CONDITIONS, AFFECTING WELLBEING

PG. 79

SECTION 16. ENDING THE KAFALA SYSTEM AND THE EFFECTIVENESS BEHIND IT

PG. 75

SECTION 17. ENDING THE NEED FOR LABOUR CAMPS AND CREATING BETTER LIVING CONDITIONS FOR CONSTRUCTION WORKERS IN MUSCAT

PG. 79

CONCLUSION

PG. 82

LIST OF IMAGES

PG. 83

REFERENCES

INTRODUCTION

Introduction | 9

As we emerge to an era that is starting to recognize many issues regarding wellbeing and quality of live in aspects such as racism and inequality, one might say that the architectural and urban planning industries should also start to speak up about similar concerns, and address the consequences of such neglect as well as methods to overcome these matters. It is possible that one of these wellbeing concerns is spatial segregation.

This topic might be subdivided into various points that reflect the mechanism and outcomes of segregation and highlight the communities that become targets of spatial inequality within specific societies, for instance, the Middle East and the Sultanate of Oman. While studying this matter in the capital of Oman, Muscat, and its relation to the ‘expat’ community within the city, specific ethnic groups can be distinguished. For instance, the South Asian community, where migrant construction workers can be considered as one of many groups that become targets of spatial segregation in Muscat.

This essay aims to investigate the dwelling conditions of blue-collar workers in Muscat as a result of spatial segregation, as well as finding methods that can resolve this concern.

To examine this topic, research will be conducted on spatial inequality and the neighborhood effect theory, understanding how spatial segregation can lead to the neighborhood effect and the processes that create this phenomenon. Research will also explore the evolution of Omani architecture and population statistics of nationals and expats in Oman and Muscat. This will be further analyzed by looking at gender statistics of Omanis and non-Omanis and whether specific jobs have an impact on these numbers, leading up to discussing the lifestyle and housing of expat workers in Muscat. Together with these two points of research, this essay will introduce the kafala system, and how this leads to institutional and social mechanisms of the neighborhood effect in Muscat, possibly as a result of the spatial inequality. This will be further highlighted by presenting studies on the dwelling conditions of blue-collar workers in Muscat and comparing these living conditions with the residential architecture and urban fabric of the city as proof of the spatial segregation. Finally, research aims find ways to better the dwelling conditions of these expat blue-collar workers and examine the outcomes of such methods.

SECTION 1 SPATIAL INJUSTICE AND ITS NEGATIVE IMPACT

Spatial Injustice and its Negative Impact | 11

In recent decades, more people are starting to recognize many concerns affecting wellbeing including inequality, in which architects and urban planners can respond to issues regarding injustice by turning focus towards spatial inequality. This term is used to describe discrimination in economic and social wellbeing factors within specific geographical areas of a country (Kanbur and Venables 2005). Unfortunately, this pattern or concept is increasing especially in developing countries and ones with a transitional economy. Although having inequality in urban spaces is justified as a typical feature in having a growing economy, there is a risk that it could become a more permanent layout. Furthermore, spatial injustices should not only be a concern for those living in urban areas with poor conditions, but also to people with higher power. This is because workers living in congested and clustered conditions become less efficient (Kanbur and Venables 2003), as well as the fact that if spatial inequality continues to rise, so will national inequality (Kanbur and Venables 2005).

SECTION 2 GEOGRAPHY OF SPATIAL INJUSTICE

Geography of Spatial Injustice | 13

Edward Soja, a geographer who wrote the book on Seeking Spatial Justice discusses inequality in the use of urban spaces, as well as ways in achieving spatial justice (2010).

Hereby, explaining that having spatial equality is the root of justice itself. Understanding this means comprehending how society preserved justice and injustice over time and how it continues to do so. He quotes Edward Said by referencing the term “struggle over geography” (Soja 2010 p. 2) to describe what it is like to seek spatial equality. In his book he analyses creating and maintaining spatial justice and clarifying that this pattern is not only an outcome of social and political processes. As a geographer he believes that despite what one’s interests and hobbies may be, they can be highly positively influenced by having a critical spatial perspective. Hence, spatial justice not only influences our brain capacity, but also our practical knowledge, which eventually helps us create a better and more efficient world.

The urban planning industry becomes flawed when solely focusing on the wider aspects of the city, possibly like form and beauty of design, rather than engaging itself with issues such as spatial injustice or urban poverty (Urban Design Group 2020). Thus, urbanists must consider a connection between the spatial aspects of designing a city and the sociological side of using the city space. The built environment can moderate human behaviour, and planning becomes inefficient when it fails to show the link between spatial and social analysis.

SECTION 3 THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT AS A RESULT OF SPATIAL INJUSTICE

The Neighbourhood Effect as a Result of Spatial Injustice | 15

The neighborhood effect theory is defined as the living situation of individuals dwelling in neighborhoods or urban spaces with poor conditions, and its impact on their performance, values, social norms and pathology (Bauder 2002). Nevertheless, the stereotype around inner city neighbourhoods and slum areas trigger marginality resulting in a phenomenon such as the neighbourhood effect. This impact could start to reduce once researches and people with a political power recognise the cultural and social differentiation leading to the stereotypes created. The theory of the neighbourhood effect first emerged with the book The Truly Disadvantaged by William J. Wilson ([1987] 2012), in which he explains that the geographical location and living situation of an individual influences their performance. Wilson argues that dwelling in areas that are affected by disadvantageous aspects much like poverty can lead to violence, low cognitive ability, and difficulty in finding economic self-sufficiency. Although it is easy to blame inner-city communities and slums for the situation they find themselves in, it might also be vital to understand that there might have been uncontrollable factors leading to these outcomes. The neighbourhood effect becomes significant as research shows that geographical context is linked to an individual’s behavioural, social and economic results (Bauder 2002).

SECTION 4 ROBERT J. SAMPSON AND RESEARCH ON THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT

Robert J. Sampson and Research on the Neighbourhood Effect | 17

The neighborhood effect has been studied by various researchers including Robert J. Sampson, in which he has conducted several studies on the neighborhood effect and its relationship with aspects such as racism. In one of his articles he references The Truly Disadvantaged and American Cities in the Modern Era (2019). Sampson continues to discuss how having spatial divisions, districts or neighbourhoods in cities is a common factor of urban life occurring in ancient cities all the way to modern ones. This makes neighbourhoods and spatial divisions a reoccurring element in designing cities. Therefore, an urbanist looks at issues regarding this element in two perspectives. On one hand, the spatial inequality is recognised, and on the other hand researchers are in denial that this continues to be a concern (Sampson 2019). It might be that there are several reasons suggesting this division, possibly including the idea that some designers realise that spatial inequality has embedded itself so deeply in cities that it has become too difficult to fight, whereas other might be pushing towards justice in the urban field, realising the negative impact spatial injustice has on communities.

Despite this, Sampson explains that cities are simultaneously getting better and worse than they were during the time The Truly Disadvantaged was first published (2019).

Much like how some theories indicate that individuals have control over their lifestyle and actions regardless of their dwelling conditions, others state that global forces are beyond our control (Sampson 2012). It might be that these theories show the growing spatial inequality within cities, and the possible control certain people have over others concerning the urban areas they live in. Moreover, the neighbourhood effect theory indicates that these statements are not necessary true, and where and how a person lives can shape the lifestyle they pursue (Bauder 2002).

SECTION 5 PROCESSES THAT LEAD TO THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT THEORY

Processes That Lead to the Neighbourhood Effect Theory | 19

To further study the neighbourhood effect, one should understand the mechanisms and process that lead to these wellbeing and behavioural outcomes. Starting with the wider perspective, institutional mechanisms influence neighbourhoods and urban spaces by stigmatization (Galster 2012). It is people that do not live in poor urban areas that create stereotypes about these neighbourhoods and its residents. Stereotypes are sometimes also created due to an area’s historical and local environmental reputation. Geography can also play a role in impacting the phenomenon. Spatial mismatch, where people do not have accessibility to job opportunities appropriate to their skills, and the lack of public services that lead to low personal and educational development, are once again not controlled by dwellers but rather dependent on the neighbourhood’s location. The physical surroundings and toxic exposure are some of the environmental mechanisms leading to the neighbourhood effect. Not only do negative surroundings or noise result in a sense of powerlessness and stress (Bell et al., 1996 from Galster 2012), but being exposed to unhealthy levels of air, soil and water pollutants also impacts the physical health of residents (Galster 2012). The neighbourhood effect is also a result of several social processes including parental mediation and competition. Due to some living spaces existing in poor conditions, the mental and physical health of residents are compromised, including parents that then become unable to provide a sustainable home environment for rising their children. Nevertheless, because these neighbourhoods lack resources, dwellers can feel a sense of competition in using the limited facilities they have.

By conducting this research, it is possible to state that these mechanisms and processes lead to one another and have connections between. The broader aspect -namely institutional- might influence the geographic properties of a neighbourhood, whereas the location of a space can have significant influence on its environmental aspects, and therefore impact the society within. It is also possible that these mechanisms are interlinked, where when one issue emerges another one also forms.

SECTION 6 THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT AS A FORM OF SPATIAL INJUSTICE LEADING TO NATIONAL INEQUALITY

The Neighbourhood Effect as a Form of Spatial Injustice Leading to National Inequality | 21

There is a fine line between spatial inequality and spatial injustice. In which spatial inequality can be seen as the differences that occur within societies effecting the spatial layout or framework (spatialjustice.org 2021). Whereas spatial injustice could be the mechanisms that allow these differentiations to take place at a given space (Spatial Justice 2021). For instance, how planners negotiate, plan, and manage cities.

When focusing on spatial injustice, a study shows that when this continues to occur and rise, so does overall inequality (Kanbur and Venables 2005). Urban planners and architects should be concerned about spatial inequality because the injustice that happens within a neighbourhood is only one component of the overall city and country.

Nonetheless, when spatial inequality continues to rise rather than things being equal, people will also continue to treat spaces and their resident with injustice. Although racism has its evolving history (Clair and Denis, 2001), it might suggest that the more policy makers allow injustice to happen, the more likely it is for people to treat others with segregation.

Spatial injustice can lead to disadvantages such us the neighbourhood effect. It is possible that these findings indicate that this spatial dilemma is not emerging from having neighbourhoods and similar divisions, but rather how these spaces are being facilitated and cared for. There are several factors effecting dwelling areas that are in poor conditions, for example institutional, geographical, environmental and social mechanisms.

Moreover, spatial inequality might have the ability to influence how people perceive others with different backgrounds or work certain jobs, and therefore treating them with segregation, possibly as a result of the social mechanisms of the neighbourhood effect theory. Thus, this form of inequality can lead to further segregation or racism.

This is why architects, urban planners and people with higher positions should shift their thinking towards achieving spatial justice and reduce the impact of the neighbourhood effect. Unfortunately, this phenomenon is possibly present in almost every country, including the Middle East or Gulf region. For which spatial injustice can be seen in cities like Muscat, Oman, and perhaps leading to inefficiency and negative wellbeing outcomes due to the neighbourhood effect theory.

SECTION 7 THE SULTANATE OF OMAN AND THE CAPITAL MUSCAT: THE ONGOING ARCHITECTURAL DEVELOPMENT

The Sultanate of Oman and the Capital Muscat: The Ongoing Architectural Development | 23

Figure 1: The Jalali and Mirani Forts (De Silva 2016)

In contrast to previous sections, architecture in the Sultanate of Oman has thrived throughout history and continues to do so especially in the capital Muscat.

This city has witnessed astonishing buildings from when the Portuguese invaded Muscat in the 17th century, for instants the Jalali and Mirani forts that still influences Muscat’s skyline with a sense of heritage (Crespel 1997) (Figure 1).

This architectural legacy continued to impact the landscape of the country, as seen by the Jabreen Castle built in the 18th century (Oman Observer 2021) (Figure 2).

In fact, Muscat and Oman in general evolved their architectural approach continuously and allowed inspiration to take place possibly in order to adapt to the modern era. An example of this is the introduction of minarets to mosques in the 19th century (Figure 3).

Figure 2: The Jabreen Castle (Aligh 2018)

Figure 3: Typical Minarets in Muscat (Batra 2018)

24 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

Figure 4: The Rebuilt Al Alam Palace (Pallonji 2018)

Figure 5: The Al Bustan Palace (The Ritz-Carlton. 2021)

The development of the architectural styles in Muscat might have been slowly shifting towards a more contemporary vision. Prove of this can be looked at by the rebuilt Al Alam Place in the 1970s (Figure 4) and the Al Bustan Place in the 1980s (Figure 5). One might state that the evolution of contemporary architecture in Muscat has been having a significant impact especially in the last two or three decades. The Children’s Museum (Figure 6) and The Sultan Qaboos Mosque (Figure 7) can be considered as the humble beginnings of Muscat’s modernist architecture, but contemporary design mainly started to emerge by the Royal Opera House (Figure 8) and the renewed fish market (Figure 9).

The Sultanate of Oman and the Capital Muscat: The Ongoing Architectural Development | 25

Figure 7: Inside the Sultan Qaboos Mosque (Batra 2018)

Figure 6: The Children’s Museum (Viswanathan 2020)

Figure 8: The Royal Opera House (Experience Oman 2019)

Figure 9: The Renewed Fish Market (Snohetta, 2017)

The architectural development of Oman and Muscat in particular might be contradicting the spatial injustice that is occurring within the city to workers of certain ethnic groups, such as South Asian workers in the construction industry. These workers help build the continuous architectural and urban development of the city yet reside in poorly facilitated areas.

SECTION 8 POPULATION ANALYSIS AND CULTURAL REQUIREMENTS IN OMAN AND MUSCAT

Population Analysis and Cultural Requirements in Oman and Muscat | 27

The terms locals and expats will be used frequently throughout this essay to identify Omanis and non-Omanis. To clarify these terms, locals -Omanis in this case- are employees hired for jobs within their home countries (The Society for Human Resource Management. 2021). Whereas expats -non-Omanis in this case- are workers who get employed outside of their home countries for a period of time with the aim of going back to where they originally reside. In Oman, employees from any country in the world are considered as expat workers (Oman Census 2020). However, the case might be different for countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). In which, they are categorised as “residents” in the Omani Census document (2020). This is because the Supreme Council has made decisions (on December 1993 in Riyadh and December 2000 in Manama) to equalise GCC citizens to local citizens within GCC countries (General Secretariat of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf 2021).

Moreover, Blue-collar workers who are the main focus of this essay primarily lie in the expat category (Ali and Alani 2017).

28 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

Alongside the architectural development, the population of Oman is just under 4.5 million as of 2020 (Oman Census 2020). Most of which are nationals of the country at a population of around 3 million, and the remaining are non-Omanis or expats. However, when studying these statistics, it becomes clear that there is a large difference in the percentage of Omani female to male in comparation to genders with immigrants. In which roughly half of the Omani population are female, and the other half are male, whereas with expats only 21.6% of the population are female (Figure 10). There might be many reasons to suggest this differentiation. Possibly including the types of jobs, as some societies can still find difficulty in comprehending a gender neutral work force (see section 9).

LOCALS VS EXPATS

OVERALL GENDER

LOCALS

MALE

EXPATS

FEMALE

LOCAL GENDER

EXPATS GENDER

MALE

MALE

FEMALE

FEMALE

Figure 10: Illustration of Oman Population Analysis (Oman Census 2020).

Population Analysis and Cultural Requirements in Oman and Muscat | 29

MUSCAT MOST COMMON EXPATS MUSCAT POPULATION

OMAN MUSCAT

EXPATS IN OMAN

OTHER EXPATS INDIAN BANGLADESHI PAKISTANI

Figure 10.2: Expats Population in Muscat and Oman (Oman Census 2020).

When studying the capital Muscat itself, statistics show that the population of the capital is only 29.13% of the whole country. Notably, most of this percentage are non-Omanis (Oman Census 2020). Although many nationalities migrate to Muscat, the most common and representing 82% of the overall expat population in the sultanate are from India, with just under 400 thousand people in Muscat, Bangladesh with almost 135 thousand and Pakistan with a population of just over 81.5 thousand in the city (Figure 10.2).

Hence, people settling in Muscat suggests having multiple cultures and religions within the city, despite whether the country itself follows these faiths. Data shows that 85.9% of people in Oman are Muslims, and Christians form 6.5% of the population, whereas individuals that follow Buddhism come third with a percentage of 5.5% (Pew Research Center 2020) (Figure 11). In spite of this finding that shows religions in the sultanate as a whole, Muscat being the capital should have the ability to satisfy the culture and religious practices of native religions like Christianity and Christmas or Hinduism and Holi. In fact, having establishments in Muscat for foreign faiths is common, and is especially seen in areas of the city where most expats reside (Mehta and Onley 2016) (Figure 12) (see section 10).

30 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

PERCENTAGE

100%

75%

50%

25%

MUSLIMS

CHRISTIANS

HINDUS

RELIGIONS IN OMAN Figure 11: Most Common Religions in Oman (Pew Research Center 2020).

Figure 12: Map Showing Buildings Dedicated for Different Faiths Across Muscat (Google Maps, 2021)

In relation to this, many immigrants in Oman are also from the Middle East. In which as the renaissance period started to flourish during the 1970s, many Egyptians migrated to the sultanate and eventually made up 16% of the country’s overall population (Pfaffenbach 2016).

Despite this, the Egyptian community in Oman started to decline, dropping to only 1% in 2010 and only one third of this percentage lived in Muscat. However, studies also showed that there has been a rise in the number of Egyptians living in Muscat in 2020, making up 4% of the whole expat population in the city (Oman Census 2020).

SECTION 9 GENDER DOMINANT WORKFORCE AND THE CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY

Gender Dominant Workforce and the Construction Industry| 33

As shown by the Omani Census of 2020, the population of non-Omanis outweigh the number of locals in Muscat. In particular, the number of male expats overshadow female immigrants not just in the city but rather in the sultanate as a whole. As stated in the previous section on the population analysis, this could suggest segregation in the workforce where some jobs require certain ethnicities or have a gender preference.

Taking for example the construction industry, this field of work has a reputation that makes it more male dominant due to the idea that it might be hazardous and require “brute” strength (Tunji-Olayeni et al 2018), despite whether this image is an accurate representation of the abilities of women in the workforce, questioning whether the issue begins with having hazardous sites that lack health and safety measures.

34 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

Moreover, research shows that most expat workers in Oman -and possibly more specifically Muscat- work within the private sector (Ali and Alani 2017) (Figure 13).

Research also states that within the private sector, the construction industry hires the highest number of expat workers (Figure 14). As some nationalities from South Asia surpass the rest of the migrant workers the country (Oman Census 2020), in 2016 it was found that workers from India were mostly employed by the construction industry (Bhatia 2016). Although, the number of migrant workers in construction dropped by 12.9% two years later (Oman Observer 2019), over 60 thousand Omanis were employed in this particular field. Furthermore, even recently expat workers have been leaving Oman in which more than a quarter of a million moved out of the county during 2020 (Nasrallah 2020).Yet, the construction sector still had the highest rate in employing immigrants where by November 2020 the industry employed around 38.1 thousand expats.

PUBLIC SECTOR

PRIVATE SECTOR

LOCALS EXPATS

Figure 13: Comparation Between Workers in Public and Private Sectors (Ali and Alani 2017)

Gender Dominant Workforce and the Construction Industry| 35

CONSTRUCTION MANUFACTURING AUTOMOBILE DOMESTIC AGRICULTURE HOSPITALITY REAL ESTATE COMMUNITY TRANSPORT MINING EDUCATION HEALTHCARE FINANCE FISHING ELECTRICITY OTHER 0

100000

200000

300000

400000

500000

600000

Figure 14: Showing Employment in the Construction Industry in Relation to Other Fields (Ali and Alani 2017)

SECTION 10 CREATING A SENSE OF BELONGING AS EXPATS

Creating a Sense of Belonging as Expats | 37

Expats and immigrants tend to create a home away from home or a sense of belonging.

This can be seen by Indian community in Muscat, and how they manage to form somewhat of a miniature India within areas of the city (Mehta and Onley 2016).

Furthermore, Indians in Muscat have a way of celebrating their society by dressing up in traditional clothing and holding public gatherings or events (Figure 15). However, one might say that this suggests isolation from the local community. In which not only are expats prevented from sharing their culture with nationals, but also might be deprived from inheriting local heritage and traditions. On the other hand, not only do South Asians share Muscat with its locals, but also with expats from other regions such as Egypt. Most Egyptians in Muscat live in apartments or houses that have been provided by their employers or sponsors, as do any immigrant in the country, and the privilege sometimes depends on the type of job or even on marital status (Pfaffenbach 2016).

This study gives an example of a thirty-five-year-old Egyptian accountant that first migrated to Oman as an unmarried man. His company assigned him a room in one of the dormitories dedicated for single men, owned by the company itself. Because he was the only single Egyptian man at the firm, he often lived alone within the villa of the dormitory as he was excluded from other single employees from different ethnic groups, for which they might have conflicting mentalities. This accountant soon got married, after which the company gave him and his wife an apartment of their own in one of the buildings dedicated for married employees of different nationalities. This suggests that the layout of neighbourhood and dwelling areas in Oman is not necessarily related to an individual’s ethnic group, but rather on socio-economic factors.

Figure 15: South Asians Celebrating their Traditions (Mehta and Onley 2016)

38 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

The distribution of communities depending on the type of job and income is also seen by the Indian society in Muscat. Most of the South Asian working class live around neighbourhoods in Ruwi and Mattrah, as they are mainly populated by “semi-skilled or unskilled workers” (Mehta and Onley 2016). Whereas “mid-level professionals” started to create neighbourhoods of their own in areas of the city like Khuwair, and “wealthier” South Asians live in the heart of Muscat, in areas like Qurum and Madinat Sultan Qaboos or even in gated communities around Bawsher and Seeb (Figure 16). Moreover, as illustrated by the Omani census 2020, the number of non-Omanis outweigh the locals.

Hence, having establishments like schools dedicated for these expats, as seen by the Indian school (Mehta and Onley 2016), Egyptian school and several others. However, these establishments can suggest segregation against non-Omani communities even in education, due to type of income or a child’s origins.

7 3

1

4 5 6

2

Creating a Sense of Belonging as Expats | 39

1

4

2

5 7

3

6 Figure 16: The Distribution of the Indian Community in Muscat (Google Maps 2021)

40 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

Figure 17: Map of Ruwi (Google Maps 2021)

Another area in Muscat that is well populated by the expat community is Al Hamriya, where the Bangladeshi society dominate the space (Annisa 2020) (Figure 17). Al Hamriya is a neighbourhood within the Ruwi district that initially has three types of residential categories. The first type is the high rent areas at the north of the district, then the medium rent areas located behind major commercial strips, and lastly the low rent spaces at the south, which is where Al Hamriya is located (Scholz 1990 from Annisa 2020). Nowadays, Al Hamriya is considered as a neighbourhood that host many residents that live and work illegally (Annisa 2020). One of the reasons these financially vulnerable people choose this area is because of the strong social networks between the South Asian community. Although, Omanis rent residential buildings to what are known to be “migrant owners”, it is these expats that then sub-let units within these buildings to other migrant tenants.

This works well for expats that aim to minimise their living costs in which the units being rented are sometimes given to a large number of residents and therefore reducing the cost of rent. In a way, migrant owners make better profits and the tenants get a place to stay at an affordable rate (Figure 18). This form of housing is known as “compounds”, which are similar to labour camps. The difference is that with these compounds, the workers choose to live in these overcrowded conditions a form of minimising living cost (Annisa 2018 in Annisa 2020), whereas in labour camps workers find themselves in poor living conditions due to the housing provided by their sponsors (Annisa 2020) (to be elaborated on section 13.2).

Creating a Sense of Belonging as Expats | 41

Figure 18: Compound accommodation found in Al Hamriya (Annisa 2020)

SECTION 11 THE KAFALA SYSTEM IN RELATION TO THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT THEORY

The Kafala System in Relation to the Neighbourhood Effect Theory | 43

Many Middle Eastern countries especially ones in the GCC including Oman follow the kafala system (Robinson 2021). This is a sponsorship system that outlines the relationship of expat workers and their local employers known as kafeel. The kafala system permits employers to hire internationally, covering travel expenses and providing housing as well.

Although the concept of the kalafa system can be traced back as a principle of hospitality within the Arab community in order to protect foreign guests and define obligations, the outcome of this system has evolved (Khan and Harroff-Tavel 2011 from Bajracharya and Sijapati 2012), where it is now mainly used to enable central governments of GCC countries to regulate labour flow within their region. This sponsorship system creates contracts that usually last for a minimum of two years, during which the local sponsor or the employer is required to take full responsibility of their expat workers (Bajracharya and Sijapati 2012). This includes aspects such as recruitment fees, medical examinations and issuing the national identity card known as the iqama. In addition to that, because this system gives local employers full responsibility over the immigrants they recruit, it also allows room for these sponsors to exploit their workers as the kafala system grants great power to the hands of locals over expats (Renkiewicz 2016). As a result, immigrants fall into forced labour, physical or financial harm, and substandard living conditions. The kafala system leads to expats living in compact and clustered areas that lack basic facilities. Hence, the kafala system can be considered as a driving force that leads to the neighbourhood effect in cities that follow this system, much like Muscat.

SECTION 12 THE MECHANISMS OF THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT DUE TO SPATIAL INJUSTICE IN MUSCAT

The Mechanisms of the Neighbourhood Effect Due to Spatial Injustice in Muscat | 45

As found by earlier research, the neighbourhood effect can be considered as a drawback from having spatial injustice within a city. Previous research also discusses four mechanisms that lead to the neighbourhood effect (Galster 2012), two of which are present in the capital Muscat. Firstly, the kafala system that can be proven as an institutional form of the neighbourhood effect. In which contracts drawn by the kafala system not only determines aspects such as length of stay and monthly income, but also housing and place of residence (Pfaffenbach 2016). Due to this, employers are given the chance to exploit their migrant workers in many different forms, including providing substandard housing in poorly conditioned areas (Renkiewicz 2016). The kafala system shows significant impact on the layout of many cities in the Gulf region including Muscat (Hamza 2014). The spatial inequality is proven where nationals usually live in the heart of the city where it is well facilitated, whereas expats are marginalized away from the local society. Moreover, as discussed in previous sections and shown in population analysis, the majority of Muscat’s population are in fact expats from South Asia (Oman Census 2020), and studies show that throughout governorates in Oman, there exists residential clusters of this community (Mansour 2017). Although having diversity in the workforce of Oman and Muscat is an asset that provides great economic advantages, resulting in an increase in creativity and overall stimulation within society, because communities such as South Asians are isolated from the Omani community in Muscat, the city is not benefiting from this diversity. Hence, work contracts that are an outcome of the Kafala system create boundaries between Omanis and non-Omanis in Muscat as they allow immigrants to live within clusters of their own, creating inequality in the spatial use of the city and possibly leading to the neighbourhood effect.

46 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

Although expats live in different areas throughout Muscat depending on their source of income (Mehta and Onley 2016), communities from different ethnic backgrounds are still isolated from one another, but sometimes live within the same urban context depending on their marital status (Pfaffenbach 2016). These findings could indicate another neighbourhood effect mechanism in Muscat that is the social form. As stated earlier, the processes of the neighbourhood effect have the potential of leading one to another, in which it is possible that the institutional mechanism that is the kafala system creates other neighbourhood effect factor impacting the social life. This is because the kafala system enables a legal loophole that allows employers to exploit their expat workers in a way that leads to marginalizing them socially and spatially (Hamza 2014). This then creates a separation between locals and immigrants due to the physical exclusion within the layout of the city. Raising land value can increase spatial segregation, where the more cities in the GCC region become developed and modernised, the more city centres become expensive to live in. Although this is beneficial for locals, it also means that people who earn less than average especially immigrants must live in areas of the city that are more affordable despite the facilities provided, questioning whether this leads to even further spatial inequality and injustice. Thus, neighbourhoods and other spatial divisions in the GCC including Muscat prove that there is a socially institutionalized dynamic of separation leading to special segregation and injustice (Hamza 2014).

The Mechanisms of the Neighbourhood Effect Due to Spatial Injustice in Muscat | 47

Furthermore, not only does spatial isolation of certain groups separate communities within Muscat, this social impact also results in setbacks to human capital investment in the city (Mansour 2017). Nevertheless, these social barriers that are an outcome of spatial separation caused people from the same nationalities for example Indians to dominate their areas with cultural norms (Mehta and Onley 2016). However, there are still political and social pressures that prevent people from creating this sense of belonging even in the areas that are laid to be for specific communities, and a reason for this could be the kafala system. If Muscat continues to be a socially and specially segregated city, non-Omanis will further be isolated from the local community, especially blue-collar workers such as people working in construction (Mehta and Onley 2016).

Hence, the kafala system mechanism can lead to further social inequalities effecting both the capital Muscat and its residents. This process might suggest the neighbourhood effect in Muscat due to the special segregation and injustice.

SECTION 13 THE DWELLING CONDITIONS OF BLUE-COLLAR WORKERS IN MUSCAT

The Dwelling Conditions of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat | 49

By understanding the drawbacks of spatial segregation and the processes of the neighbourhood effect theory, in combination with the living state of expat workers in Oman and Muscat in particular, drawing attention towards specific communities such as construction workers can help to better understand the urgency of this situation as well as highlights one of the societies that are possibly most effected by the spatial inequality in the capital Muscat. Hereby, examining the physical state of the living conditions of blue-collar workers, the health drawbacks it causes, as well as the social and institutional mechanisms leading to these dwelling forms and possibly preventing workers from creating a sense of belonging.

SECTION 13.1 CONSTRUCTION WORKERS LIVING ON-SITE

Construction Workers Living On-site | 51

Firstly, many construction workers live on the site being built or worked on. This is by having accommodations within the site that is under construction, and bathroom facilities provided in portacabins nearby (Yousuf 2017) (Figure 19). These living conditions then lead to inconsistent security and safety measures along with low hygiene, effecting the health of these immigrants (Yousuf 2020). In which, living on site can be of great physical danger to the construction workers there as seen by many incidents that occurred in Muscat and Oman in general. (Yousuf 2017). The reason behind many companies resorting to providing this type of housing to their workers is because it helps save rent, time and money for transport (Yousuf 2020). Nonetheless, the way these companies see things is that not only do they reduce cost, but also help the project move at a faster paste (Yousuf 2017). Although Oman’s Labour Law prohibits this type of living condition and the Ministry of Manpower has stated that companies found continuing with this practice will be penalised, many construction firms still manage to get away with having accommodations on site. This is because small and medium companies are usually unaware of the regulations set by the government, and larger companies choose to “cut cost” rather than provide a sustainable home for their workers. Construction migrants living on site because their companies refuse to provide better housing might be seen as an institutional -and therefore social- from of the neighbourhood effect. As stated earlier, the kafala system allows sponsors to exploit their workers (Renkiewicz 2016), and poor state of accommodation can be considered as a form of exploitation, questioning whether these workers are able to create a sense of belonging in the first place.

Figure 19: On-site accommodation for construction workers (Author 2021)

SECTION 13.2 BLUE-COLLAR WORKERS LIVING IN LABOUR CAMPS

Blue-collar Workers Living in Labour Camps | 53

Figure 20: Labour camp in Muscat (Author 2021)

Figure 21: The Outdoor Area of Labour Camps (Migrant-rights.org 2019)

Along with living on site, migrant bluecollar workers in Muscat also reside in labour camps. However, these camps tend to be overcrowded where bunk beds end up being laid out outdoors and portacabins house too many people becoming too damaged to be used in the first place (Migrant-rights.org 2019) (Figure 20 and 21). A study that targeted a labour camp in Muscat showed that other labour camps in the GCC region also follow the same characteristics and push workers to adapt spatial and social practices to fulfil their dwelling needs (Annisa 2020). These studies express that some of these camps exist away from city centres where facilities like mosques, petrol stations and grocery stores are only accessible by a 30 to 40 minutes car ride. This can then be considered as a contradiction. In which taking accessibility to mosques as an example, and proven by earlier research, most of the population in Oman are Muslims (Pew Research Center 2020).Yet, in some cases these camps were not initially provided with spaces to enable people to practice their faith, and so the workers tend to have to create makeshift mosques within their camps (Annisa 2020).

54 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

Nevertheless, within certain worker camps, the cabins are of 40 square metres and built with materials such as lightweight concrete, cardboard and tin-plates, yet accommodate the maximum amount of people possible (Annisa 2020). The bunk beds are two by one, and small cupboards are provided along with the space underneath the beds for storage.

These physical characteristics and the layout of the cabins allow people to use the beds to dry their clothes and leading to ventilation issues. In addition to that, these worker camps also face problems with malfunctioning air conditions, interrupted water supply as well as garbage accumulation, leading to an unhygienic urban environment that causes people to fall ill. Meaning that these workers end up needing to spend most of their time outside the cabins. However, outdoor spaces lack basic facilities such as on-site grocery stores, where the workers then have to resort to informal vendors that supply their needs (Figure 22). Furthermore, an article in the Times of Oman stated that Muscat Municipality has issued a list of regulations that labour camps must follow to create a decent living environment for its residents (2019). But looking at previous research, sponsors do not seem to abide by these rules and cause poor living environments to the worker they recruit. Hence, possibly leading to the neighbourhood effect as an outcome of the kafala system. Also, unlike other immigrants that create the sense of “home away from home” and what might be seen as miniature cities within Muscat (Mehta and Onley 2016), workers in labour camps can find difficulties in creating a sense of belonging. Research has shown that the way expat workers stay connected with their homeland and local communities is through the internet and television, but because this is not provided by sponsors, the residents have to self-fund these facilities to help create a sense of belonging within the capital Muscat (Annisa 2020). Thus, labour camps not only segregate workers from the local society, but also from their home countries.

Furthermore, as the neighbourhood effect theory indicates that living in dwelling areas that are in poor conditions lowers an individual’s performance (Bauder 2002), a construction worker has said that “. If we have good quarters, then this means we will be able to rest better and do a better job” (Times of Oman 2019).

Blue-collar Workers Living in Labour Camps | 55

Figure 22: The Living Conditions in Labour Camps (Annisa 2020)

SECTION 13.3 THE POSSIBILITY OF CREATING A “LABOUR CITY”, AND THE INCREASING DEMAND FOR IT.

The Possibility of Creating a “Labour City”, and the Increasing Demand for it | 57

As of May 2019, three areas in Muscat were designated as “no-go zones” for expat blue-collar workers (Times of Oman 2019). These three areas are Bawsher, Amerat and Mabella, for which they are considered as spaces dedicated for family dwellings (Figure 23). Due to this, plans to create better campuses for these workers started to be made, claiming to be well facilitated as well. Recently Muscat Municipality has announced that they will be working with the Ministry of Housing to establish a “Labour City” on a 250,000 square meter plot of land to host expat workers (Davids 2020). In this case, some resources report that due to the outbreak of COVID-19, demand on having this project is increasing out of fear of spread. Municipality officials also mention that having areas dedicated to blue-collar workers away from family orientated spaces is starting to become a vital need, in which quarantine and isolation becomes hard to maintain in these worker accommodations and camps. Although, it might be that having a “Labour City” does not solve the issues that the construction workers face. Nonewithstanding the facilities claimed to be provided, isolating a community away from local society can feed into further spatial segregation. It is also possible that the spread of the coronavirus and the fear that it has created would have been better controlled had the existing worker camps and other accommodation been in better dwelling conditions.

58 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

Figure 23: The Location of Bawsher, Amerat and Mabella in Muscat

The Possibility of Creating a “Labour City”, and the Increasing Demand for it | 59

SECTION 14 SPATIAL INEQUALITY IN MUSCAT: COMPARING RESIDENTIAL ARCHITECTURE AND URBANISM

Spatial Inequality in Muscat: Comparing Residential Architecture and Urbanism | 61

To further examine the possible spatial segregation in Muscat and the living state of its residents, one should compare the different living environments of both locals and expats. Previous research has shown how immigrants from South Asia adapt to residing in Muscat. In which it has been highlighted how the Indian community manage to celebrate their society, as well as dwell in areas within Muscat depending on their source of income (Mehta and Onley 2016). Other sources also show sides from the Bangladeshi community and areas of the City where immigrants with financial difficulties reside (Annisa 2020).

62 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

Nevertheless, the local Omani community are known to live in the heart of the city (Hamza 2014). And as mentioned in earlier text, many areas within the Capital Muscat are dedicated for family residents (Times of Oman 2019). Although the list can be expanded, Bawsher might be seen as a valid example to analyse the spatial inequality within the city, and understand the physical fabric that many citizens live in, having influence on their social life and health, which then enables them to create a sense of belonging. Most Omanis in this area live in villas or courtyard houses and the majority of these dwelling are family owned (Bontenba and Deffner 2015). Although Bawsher is considered as a residential district, it is also well facilitated by commercial shops, restaurants or cafes, tailors, and other stores. These facilities help provide basic necessities to the residents of the areas, and when faced with an urgent need, people living in Bawsher have easy access to the local grocery stores. Furthermore, residents have the privilege of using the mosques in the area as they are located within the neighbourhoods (Figure 24). People living in this district are mainly middle-class Omanis that come from different tribes and regions. It is common that the houses become inhabited by large families of two or three generations, as 63% of the residents report that their families have been living in Bawsher for more than one generation, and others range from two, three and even four generations. This then creates a sense of community where high levels of trust becomes apparent, leading to the feeling of safety and security within the neighbourhoods. In which visiting the elderly, the ill and women who gave birth are habits obtained by the residents and possibly suggesting care from the overall society within the district (Figure 25). The sense of community also means that the residents in Bawsher tend to have connections within their neighbourhoods, where having social event like wedding, funerals and religions celebrations become a part of the culture. This can also extend to exchanging favours like cooking for one another, helping with house maintenance and looking after the children.

The Possibility of Creating a “Labour City”, and the Increasing Demand for it | 63

Figure 24: Public Stores and Mosques in Bawsher (Deffner 2014 in Bontenba and Deffner 2015)

64 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

Figure 25: Studies Showing Social and Emotional Attachments to The Bawsher District (Bontenba and Deffner 2015)

The Possibility of Creating a “Labour City”, and the Increasing Demand for it | 65

Bawsher is possibly just one of many districts in Muscat where the Omani lifestyle and neighbourhood culture becomes apparent. However, when looking at this example in relation to the living state of blue-collar workers several distinctions can be made.

Firstly, most Omani nationals own the villas and town houses they live in (Bontenba and Deffner 2015), whereas construction workers are likely forced to reside in overcrowded camps (Annisa 2020) or on the construction site itself (Yousuf 2017). Another factor is also access to facilities where in Bawsher the neighbourhoods become filled with stores and the chance to pray in a mosque is a daily life practice (Bontenba and Deffner 2015).

On the other hand, workers in residing in camps depend on vendors to supply their daily needs and have to build their own mosques to practice their faith (Annisa 2020).

Living in an area where there is a strong connection between neighbours creates a sense of safety and security (Bontenba and Deffner 2015), unlike living on-site where physical health is also in danger (Yousuf 2017). While local residents in Bawsher inherit their homes (Bontenba and Deffner 2015), sponsors sometimes chose where the workers they recruit live and relocate as well (Pfaffenbach 2016). Moreover, locals have a strong sense of belonging (Bontenba and Deffner 2015), whereas it is difficult for blue-collar workers to stay connected to their communities (Annisa 2020).

A comparison can also be made between the South Asian community in Muscat, where some are provided with dwellings that enable what might be seen as a standard lifestyle, and others live in labour camps and on-site accommodations. It is primarily blue-collar workers that live in such habitats (Annisa 2020), despite the fact that they dominate the overall South Asian community in Muscat (Mehta and Onley 2016). This then questions whether the spatial segregation only occurs between locals and expats, rather between communities of the same ethnic group as well. This also questions the need of having such a layout to the city, and the possibility of sharing Muscat between all residents in a harmonious manner.

SECTION 15 THE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECT AS A RESULT OF THE POOR LIVING CONDITIONS, AFFECTING WELLBEING

The Neighbourhood Effect as a Result of the Poor Living Conditions, Affecting Wellbeing | 67

In previous sections, Annisa (2020) has investigated the living conditions of migrant bluecollar workers in Muscat, therefore indicating the needs of these urban areas. Some of these needs include larger spaces and more beds to accommodate the actual number of people residing in labour camps. Because these camps isolate construction workers away from the local society, planners and policy makers could encourage this community to integrate with locals by locating labour camps near city centres, or re-examining the need for labour camps with consideration to the workers wellbeing, and allowing expat workers the choice on where to reside, which could potentially lead to sharing the city and improving spatial justice within its layout.

In addition to the possible need to end labour camps and similar accommodations in Muscat, because both on-site accommodations and worker camps face health and safety risks (Yousuf 2017 and Annisa 2020), research has shown that Oman could benefit from having independent organizations that track the occupational health and safety regulations (Umar and Wamuziri 2016 from Umar et al., 2016), which might include making sure that workers living on-site are protected from physical harm and people residing in camps have enough space to practice basic needs like laundry. Because the kafala system was originally created for locals to take care of foreigners (Khan and Harroff-Tavel 2011 from Bajracharya and Sijapati 2012), these requirements should be fulfilled by employers or sponsors where necessities like groceries and prayer rooms should be provided, possibly enabling workers to create a sense of belonging and connect with their ethnic groups locally and globally.

68 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

There might be negative outcomes that result from not having these requirements fulfilled, possibly leading to the neighbourhood effect. These outcomes could include mechanisms of this theory such as competition for resources (Galster 2012), where because accommodations like worker camps are overcrowded (Annisa 2020), residents might feel the need to compete for the limited facilities provided. Living in such conditions can lead to ventilation issues as well (Annisa 2020), causing problems with breathing and asthma symptoms (Wargocki 2016). Furthermore, these accommodations can be considered as proof of the institutional process that causes the neighbourhood effect that is the kafala system, possibly depriving workers from a sense of belonging to Muscat.

Along with these findings, the neighbourhood effect theory can become more apparent and highlighted in the capital Muscat. As this phenomenon describes how poor dwelling conditions impacts an individual’s performance (Bauder 2002), wellbeing can be considered as a relative aspect to this theory, affecting construction workers under the kafala system and countries that follow this. Although wellbeing contains objective and subjective matters, thus making it hard to measure, living conditions can be seen as one of the objective indicators affecting mental health (Ewers, Diop, Le, and Bader 2020).

Studies have shown that workers affected by their dwelling state as an outcome of the system GCC countries follow, have low levels of wellbeing, leading to the feeling of depression due to aspects such as poor plumbing and air conditioning. This system might be allowing more rights to some and limiting others, effecting their levels of wellbeing as well.

The Neighbourhood Effect as a Result of the Poor Living Conditions, Affecting Wellbeing | 69

Despite the construction industry being one of the dominating fields in Oman, little attention is given to the physical wellbeing of the workers as well (Umar et al. 2016). In which, it is possible that having inadequate living spaces might be affecting the workers physical abilities. However, if better management was to be applied, both workers and employers will benefit, as having a healthier body and being in good physical shape increases productivity (Umar et al. 2016). This suggests that dwelling has an impact of work life, where construction projects can find delays when workers fail to perform their best (Umar 2020). Blue-collar worker should be allowed and encouraged to be a part of the overall society in Muscat, where strategies to improve their wellbeing needs to be considered. The healthier the workers are, the better they perform and provide their services. This could also increase their liveability and wellbeing and therefore leading to fulfilling spatial justice.

The need for having labour camps in cities like Muscat might be questionable, as these camps might be affecting the health and wellbeing of expat blue-collar workers. This is because these camps might be leading to the neighbourhood effect theory, where studies on the living conditions of these workers have shown negative impact on their levels of wellbeing (Ewers, Diop, Le, and Bader 2020). Previous sections also question whether having labour camps benefits the local society at all, and whether allowing methods to help integrate communities such as expat construction workers to the Omani society and other migrant communities leads to advantageous outcomes. If these workers were able to make their own decision on where to reside and affordable facilitated accommodations where provided within Muscat, the performance of blue-collar workers might be enhanced as they might be able to improve their dwelling, health and social conditions and create a sense of belonging to the city as well. This might also contribute to positive influence of the overall society in social, cultural, and economic matters.

SECTION 16 ENDING THE KAFALA SYSTEM AND THE EFFECTIVENESS BEHIND IT

Ending the Kafala System and the Effectiveness Behind it | 71

The kafala system seems to be the main issue leading to institutional and social mechanisms of the neighbourhood effect and spatial injustice (refer to section 12).

However, many countries within the GCC have considered adjusting and easing their sponsorship system as seen with Qatar and Saudi Arabia. As of January the 16th 2020 Qatar has announced that they would implement changes to the kafala system by lifting requirements within its sponsorship law, (Garrett 2020). The International Labour Organization has stated that this is a “momentous step forward” and that it is “marking the end of the kafala in the country”. Saudi Arabia has also announced easing kafala system restrictions, where Human Rights Watch senior researcher responded by saying that the changes were “significant and could improve conditions for migrant workers…

However, this is not a full abolition of the kafala system” (BBC News 2020).

72 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

The need to have the Kafala system removed can be justified by the negative impact it has had on the urban layout of cities and the living conditions of their migrant workers (Hamza 2014). Moreover, it should also be abolished because the exploitation generated from having this system does not follow the concept of Islam where human rights and justice are an essential to the faith, and effects relationships with the global community (Siddiqui & Stanton 2018).Yet, getting rid of this system will require and effect other parts of the labour market in Gulf countries (Khan and Harroff-Tavel 2011). Which means that in order to propose an alternative system to the kafala, this matter should be taken into consideration and discussed by employers and workers of different organisations. Other solutions regarding the negative impact of this sponsorship system can be implemented where monitoring aspects such as complains from expat workers and enforcing penalties on employers that fail to provide a sustainable living environment to their workers becomes more effective (Siddiqui & Stanton 2018).

Ending the Kafala System and the Effectiveness Behind it | 73

The Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants conducted research on the possibility of ending the kafala system in Oman at 2014. The APMM stated that the Omani government has enacted a new Labour Law in 2012 in combination with the kafala system on some expat workers including the construction sector (2014). This law clarified several regulations including protecting workers from occupational hazards and providing an adequate living condition. Two of which still remain as issues expat blue-collar workers face in Muscat (Yousuf 2017 and Annisa 2020). This might suggest that despite the efforts done to better the regulations set by the kafala system, sponsors still have the means to exploit their workers, effecting their dwelling state which leads to the neighbourhood effect theory and spatial injustice. This could also suggest that issues with poor conditioned housing and urban spaces would only be resolved in Muscat once the kafala system is abolished.

SECTION 17 ENDING THE NEED FOR LABOUR CAMPS AND CREATING BETTER LIVING CONDITIONS FOR CONSTRUCTION WORKERS IN MUSCAT

Ending the Need for Labour Camps and Creating Better Living Conditions for Construction Workers in Muscat | 75

Workers being exploited leading to poor living environments is an outcome of the kafala system (APMM 2014). These workers are forced to live in labour camps located away from city centres, lacking basic necessities, and in small yet overcrowded spaces.

This is because the majority of these migrant worker are either single men or men who have left their families at their home countries. As a result, these male workers are stereotyped to be a threat to the local community and families (Heeg N.D in APMM 2014), and so they end up being isolated in such accommodations by their sponsors (APMM 2014). However, research from this essay has shown that not only are expat construction workers segregated from the local community but are also isolated from their own ethnic society. This might question if this stereotype is true at all, and whether sponsors locating their workers in labour camps benefits the local community, let alone the workers themselves. This spatial layout of cities like Muscat might be preventing its expat workers from creating a sense of belonging within the city. This spatial layout also prevents Muscat itself from taking advantage of the diverse workforce within (Mansour 2017).

76 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

Although ending the kafala system as a whole might be the most beneficial solution behind issues expat workers face in the GCC and Muscat in particular, there could also be other ways to resolve the problems blue-collar workers have with their living conditions. This possibly includes preventing sponsors and employers from focusing their workers to reside in accommodations like labour camps. Giving construction workers the choice on where to live might lead to better spatial, social and health outcomes as well as the ability to create a sense of belonging to Muscat. If expat blue-collar workers were able to make the choice on where to reside, there should also be affordable housing within the city to satisfy the needs of workers with a low income.

The term “affordable housing” can be misleading where it could be understood as cheap housing (Miri 2021). But the price point for these houses do not necessarily have to mean that the accommodations are in bad shape, rather they can still be designed and offer the same facilities as a standard house. For instance, a house should be practical, offer easy mobility and access, as well as allow the residents to express their identity and adaptation. Furthermore, there have been plans to create affordable housing for Omani citizens in Muscat and other areas within the country (Kutty 2019). However, when it comes to expat blue-collar workers, more labour camps seem to be planned for, where demand for projects like a “Labour City” continue to grow (Davids 2020).

Ending the Need for Labour Camps and Creating Better Living Conditions for Construction Workers in Muscat | 77

With the current state of the expat living conditions, the segregation becomes apparent (Annisa 2020). And when considering creating better living spaces for these workers one should take into account the housing needs of this community. In which, basic requirements like sleeping, washing and cooking areas are essential. The need for communal spaces is also recommended. This is because the idea of a house might not have to be a personal private space, rather it can be a well facilitated area that the residents willingly share with whom they want. In fact, these workers might want to share a space with others from the same community to be able to create a sense of belonging. As seen from previous research, migrants in Muscat tend to live in the same area with others from similar social and financial backgrounds, enabling them to create a “home away from home” (Mehta and Onley 2016). It might be that if more expats were given the choice of where to reside, they would be able to dwell along side other expats of different sources of income as well as the local community.

To create a better living environment for expat construction workers, designers and planners should incorporate both spatial and social needs of the community (Annisa 2020). As the GCC region is expanding and developing even further, cities like Muscat should not neglect the migrant population and should invest in their health and wellbeing. This is because these workers contribute to the local society and play a role within the city’s development (Umar 2020). Nevertheless, affordable housing might be best established near local and other expat communities. This can then benefit the city from diversity (Mansour 2017) and help create a sense of community between all residents (refer to previous sections), as well as living in a harmonious manner. If this is achieved, spatial justice might also take place where the neighbourhood effect lessens and improves the spatial layout of Muscat.

CONCLUSION

Conclusion | 79

When thinking about concerns regarding wellbeing and quality of life, the architecture and urban planning sectors should target issues of spatial segregation. Spatial inequality is seen as a typical feature in having a growing economy, but the risk becomes greater when spatial injustice becomes a permanent layout within cities (Kanbur and Venables 2003). Not only does spatial injustice effect the lives of people in such environments, but also others, as living in congested and clustered conditions leads to a less efficient workforce. Therefore, planning and design becomes flawed when they fail to recognise the sociological aspect of using city space, and neglect the fact that the built environment can impact human behaviour (Urban Design Group 2020). The spatial injustice in many cities can lead to the neighbourhood effect theory which describes how poor living situations moderates the resident’s performance, values and social norms (Bauder 2002).

Although, some theories associated with this phenomenon indicate that individuals have control over their life regardless of their urban context, and that global forces are beyond our control (Sampson 2012), it might be that these theories outline the growing spatial inequality within cities, and the control certain people have over others regarding their place of residence.

The neighbourhood effect that is an outcome of this spatial inequality can be generated by several mechanisms such as institutional, geographical, environmental, and social processes (Galster 2012). It might also be that these mechanisms are linked to one another, where one leads to forming the other. It is possible that spatial dilemmas like injustice and the neighbourhood effect are not emerging from divisions such as neighbourhoods and districts, rather how these divisions are facilitated and whether justice can be seen throughout the city.

80 | The Spatial Segregation of Blue-collar Workers in Muscat

Spatial segregation and the neighbourhood effect can be seen in countries within the GCC region such as Oman and its capital Muscat. The architectural development of Muscat contradicts the spatial injustice occurring within the city, where expat blue-collar workers from the South Asian community reside in poorly conditioned areas despite providing their services in the continuous architectural and urban development of Muscat. This contradiction and the inequality leading to the neighbourhood effect can be further examined by population analysis from the Omani Census 2020 that show how Muscat is mainly dominated by expat South Asians from India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan.

The majority of these expats are male (Oman Census 2020), and work in private construction companies (Ali and Alani 2017). Many blue-collar workers live in on-site accommodations, where physical danger is at high risk (Yousuf 2020), or in overcrowded and under facilitated labour camps (Annisa 2020).

The reason behind construction workers residing in poor conditioned areas can be due to the kafala system. This sponsorship system gives local employers full responsibility over the expats they recruit and therefore allows them to exploit the workers, leading to residing in substandard living situations (Renkiewicz 2016). The kafala system can be considered as an institutional and social mechanism of the neighbourhood effect.

This is because the spatial divisions in cities that follow this system show a socially institutionalized dynamic of separation (Hamza 2014). As a result, construction workers living in accommodations like labour camps suffer from poorly designed spaces, leading to negative health outcome, and affects their social life (Annisa 2020). These camps also segregate workers from the local community as well as other expats from a similar ethnic background, possibly preventing the ability to create a sense of belonging to Muscat. When comparing the living conditions of worker camps with neighbourhoods that are dedicated for family dwellings in Muscat, the spatial injustice can be further highlighted. These findings question the benefits of labour camps, and the possibility of allowing workers to reside in accommodations of their choice, enabling Muscat to be shared between its locals and expats equally.

Conclusion | 81

To resolve the issues blue-collar workers have with their living conditions in Muscat, the solution might be ending the kafala system as a whole. This can be justified by the negative impact poor living conditions have on the wellbeing levels of expat construction workers (Umar et al. 2016), and the impact the system has on the spatial layout of cities (Hamza 2014). But because ending this system might be a more complex matter (Khan and Harroff-Tavel 2011), allowing blue-collar workers to reside in a place of their choice might be a better urgent response to this concern. This can then rise a request on having affordable housing for workers with a low income, that also responds to the needs of this community. Having affordable housing located alongside locals and other expats can help create a sense of community between all residents in Muscat, potentially leading to benefiting from the diversity within the city (Mansour 2017). Hence, giving bluecollar workers the freedom to choose where they reside, rather than focusing them into labour camps,- can result in achieving better spatial justice as well as decreasing the impact of the neighbourhood effect theory.

82 |

LIST OF IMAGES FIGURE 1-9: THE DEVELOPMENT OF OMANI ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN FABRIC FIGURE 10 & 10.2: POPULATION ANALYSIS IN OMAN AND ITS CAPITAL MUSCAT FIGURE 11: MOST COMMON RELIGIONS IN OMAN FIGURE 12: BUILDINGS FOR PRACTICING DIFFERENT FAITHS IN MUSCAT FIGURE 13 AND 14: ANALYSIS OF THE PRIVATE SECTOR AND CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY FIGURE 15: THE INDIAN COMMUNITY CREATING A SENSE OF BELONGING WITHIN MUSCAT FIGURE 16: DISTRIBUTION OF SOUTH ASIANS ON A MAP OF MUSCAT FIGURE 17: MAP OF RUWI IN RELATION TO AL HAMRIYA FIGURE 18: THE LIVING CONDITIONS IN “COMPOUND” ACCOMMODATIONS FIGURE 19: THE LIVING CONDITIONS IN ONSITE ACCOMMODATIONS FOR CONSTRUCTION WORKERS FIGURE 20 – 22: THE LIVING CONDITIONS OF EXPAT BLUE-COLLAR WORKERS LIVING IN LABOUR CAMPS FIGURE 23: FAMILY DWELLING AREAS IN MUSCAT FIGURE 24-25: THE NEIGHBOURHOOD CULTURE IN BAWSHER

REFERENCES BOOKS

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1. Sampson, R. 2012, Great American City: Chicago and the Enduring Neighbourhood Effect, Chicago, University of Chicago Press.

2. Soja, E., 2010. Seeking spatial justice, Minnesota: Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press.

3. Wilson, W., 1987. The truly disadvantage’. 2nd ed. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

JOURNALS

1. Ali,Y. and Alani, F., 2017. Employment in the Private Sector in Oman: Sector-Based Approach for Localization. SSRN Electronic Journal, pp. 1-7 2. Annisa, S., 2020. Understanding the Housing Needs of Low-Skilled Bangladeshi Migrants in Oman. Housing and Human Settlements in a World of Change, 25, pp.119-128.

3. Bajracharya, R. and Sijapati, B., 2012. The Kafala System and Its Implications for Nepali Domestic Workers. 1st ed. Kathmandu: CESLAM, pp.3 4. Bauder, H., 2002. Neighbourhood Effects and Cultural Exclusion, Urban Studies, 39(1), pp. 85–93. DIO: 10.1080/00420980220099087.

5. Clair, M., and Denis, J., 2001. Sociology of Racism. Elsevier Ltd, 19, pp.12720–12723.

6. Ewers, M., Diop, A., Le, K. and Bader, L., 2020. Migrant Worker Well-Being and Its Determinants: The Case of Qatar. Social Indicators Research, 152(1), pp.137-163.

7. Galster, G., 2012. The Mechanism(s) of Neighbourhood Effects: Theory, Evidence, and Policy Implications. , Wayne State University, Department of Urban Studies and Planning, pp.1-5. Kanbur, R., and Venables, A., 2003. Spatial Inequality and Development. Cornell University, pp.4.

8. Garrett, A. 2020. The End of Kafala? Evaluating Recent Migrant Labor Reforms in Qatar. Georgetown Journal of International Affairs 21, pp. 201-208. doi:10.1353/gia.2020.0029.

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9. Hamza, S., 2014. Migrant Labor in the Arabian Gulf. University of Tennessee, pp.5.

10. Kanbur, R.,Venables, A., 2005. Spatial inequality and Development: An Overview of UNU-WIDER Project, Cornell University, Department of Applied Economics and Management, pp. 1-11 DOI: 10.22004/ag.econ.127127 11. Khan, A. and Harroff-Tavel, H., 2011. Reforming the Kafala: Challenges and Opportunities in Moving Forward. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, 20(3-4), pp.293-313.

12. Mansour, S., 2017. Spatial concentration patterns of South Asian lowskilled immigrants in Oman: A spatial analysis of residential geographies.

Applied Geography, 88, pp.118-129.

13. Mehta, S. and Onley, J., 2016. The Hindu Community in Muscat: Creating Homes in the Diaspora. Journal of Arabian Studies, 5(2), pp.156-183.

14. Pfaffenbach, C., 2016. The Egyptian Community in Muscat. Journal of Arabian Studies, 6(1), pp.95-114.

15. Renkiewicz, P., 2016. Sweat Makes the Green Grass Grow: The Precarious Future of Quatar’s Migrant Workers in the Run up to the 2022 FIFA World Cup Under the Kafala System and Recommendations for Effective Reform, American University Washington College of Law, 65(3), pp.7.

16. Sampson, R., 2019. Neighbourhood effects and beyond: Explaining the paradoxes of inequality in the changing American metropolis. Urban Studies, 56(1), pp.3-32.

17. Siddiqui, F., & Stanton, A. 2018. Blocking the means to exploit: Ending kafala under the principle of sadd al-dhara’i. Howard Law Journal, 61(2), pp. 341-368.

18. The Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants 2014. The Kafala: Research on the Impact and Relation of the Sponsorship System to Migrant Labor Bondage in GCC Countries, The Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants, pp.32 - 55.

19. Tunji-Olayeni, P .F And Owolabi, J. D And Amusan, L. M. And Nduka, David,.

2018. Job Satisfaction of Female Construction Professionals in Male Dominated Fields. International, Journal of Mechanical Engineering and Technology (Ijmet), 9 (1). pp. 732-738.

20. Umar, T., Egbu, C., Honnurvali, M., Saidani, M. and Al-Mutairi, M., 2016.

An assessment of health profile and body pain among construction workers.

Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers - Municipal Engineer, 173(3), pp.125-135.

21. Umar, T., 2020. A Balanced Diet for Construction workers to Improve Safety and productivity. A’Sharqiyah University, pp. 1 22. Wargocki, P., 2016. The Effects of Ventilation in Homes on Health, International Journal of Ventilation, 12(2), pp.101-118.

WEBSITES

1. Aligh, R., 2018. Oman on four wheels: a road trip around the Sultanate. [online] Standard.co.uk. Available at: <https://www.standard.co.uk/escapist/ travel/road-trip-around-the-sultanate-oman-travel-guide-a3859006.html> [Accessed 23 May 2021].

2. Batra, A., 2018. Sultan Qaboos Grand Mosque, Muscat: An Iconic Architectural Wonder. [online] World Architecture Community. Available at: <https://worldarchitecture.org/article-links/ehnem/sultan_qaboos_grand_ mosque_muscat_an_iconic_architectural_wonder.html> [Accessed 23 May 2021].

3. BBC News. 2020. Saudi Arabia eases ‘kafala’ system restrictions on migrant workers. [online] Available at: <https://www.bbc.com/news/worldmiddle-east-54813515> [Accessed 26 June 2021].

4. Bhatia, N., 2016. Number of expats in Oman construction revealed. [online] Construction Week. Available at: <https://www. constructionweekonline.com/article-39261-number-of-expats-in-omanconstruction-revealed> [Accessed 21 May 2021].

5. Bontenba, M. and Deffner,V., 2015. Place Attachment and Sense of Belonging in Oasis Villages in the Capital Area of Muscat. Oman, Rapid Urbanisation, 3/2013(114), pp.16 - 20 6. Davids, G., 2020. Muscat Municipality and Oman’s Housing Ministry working to allocate land for construction of Labour City in capital. [online] Meconstructionnews.com. Available at: <https://meconstructionnews. com/41070/muscat-municipality-and-omans-housing-ministry-working-toallocate-land-for-construction-of-labour-city-in-capital> [Accessed 6 June 2021].

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7. De Silva, P., 2016. Al Jalali and Al Mirani: Muscat’s twin defenders. [online] Sunday Observer. Available at: <http://www.sundayobserver.lk/2016/11/20/aljalali-and-al-mirani-muscat%E2%80%99s-twin-defenders> [Accessed 23 May 2021].

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14. Nasrallah, T., 2020. Quarter of a million expat workers have left Oman this year. [online] Gulfnews.com. Available at: <https://gulfnews.com/ world/gulf/oman/quarter-of-a-million-expat-workers-have-left-oman-thisyear-1.76151389> [Accessed 21 May 2021].

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16. Oman Observer., 2019. Further decline in expatriate population in Oman: NCSI. [online] Oman Daily Observer. Available at: <https://www.omanobserver. om/article/20151/Main/further-decline-in-expatriate-population-in-oman-ncsi> [Accessed 21 May 2021].

17. Pallonji, S., 2018. Al Alam Palace & Al Khor Mosque, Muscat, Oman – SP. [online] Shapoorji.in. Available at: <https://shapoorji.in/business-segments/ residential/al-alam-palace-al-khor-mosque-palace-of-sultan-muscat-oman/> [Accessed 23 May 2021].

18. Pew Research Center 2020. Religions in Oman. [online] Available at: <http://www.globalreligiousfutures.org/countries/oman#/?affiliations_religion_ id=0&affiliations_year=2020&region_name=All%20Countries&restrictions_ year=2016> [Accessed 7 May 2021].

19. Robinson, K., 2021. What Is the Kafala System?. [online] Council on Foreign Relations. Available at: <https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/what-kafalasystem#:~:text=The%20kafala%2C%20or%20sponsorship%2C%20system%20 defines%20the%20relationship%20between%20foreign,well%20as%20Jordan%20and%20Lebanon.> [Accessed 8 May 2021].

20. Spatial Justice. 2021. How to Identify Spatial Justice Issues - Spatial Justice. [online] Available at: <http://spatialjustice.org/about/how-to-identify-spatialjustice-issues/> [Accessed 5 June 2021].

21. Spatial Justice. 2021. Spatial Justice. [online] Available at: <https:// spatialjustice.blog/> [Accessed 19 June 2021].

22. Snohetta, 2017. Muttrah Fish Market. [online] Available at: <https:// snohetta.com/projects/359-muttrah-fish-market> [Accessed 23 May 2021].

23. The Ritz-Carlton. 2021. Luxury Hotels & Resorts | The Ritz-Carlton. [online] Available at: <https://www.ritzcarlton.com/en/hotels/oman/al-bustan/ hotel-overview> [Accessed 23 May 2021].

24. The Society for Human Resource Management. 2021. What are the differences among a local national, an expatriate, a third-country national, and an inpatriate?. [online] Available at: <https://www.shrm.org/resourcesandtools/ tools-and-samples/hr-qa/pages/whatarethedifferencesamongalocalnational,anex patriate,athird-countrynational,andaninpatriate.aspx> [Accessed 19 June 2021].

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25. Times of Oman. 2019. Labour camps to get better facilities in Oman. [online] Available at: <https://timesofoman.com/article/2169148/Oman/ Education/Labour-camps-to-get-better-facilities-in-Oman> [Accessed 6 June 2021].

26. Urban Design Group. 2020. Social Justice and the City. [online] Available at: <https://www.udg.org.uk/publications/udlibrary/social-justice-and-city> [Accessed 2 May 2021].

27. Viswanathan, G., 2020. Explore hands-on exhibits at Oman Children’s Museum – T Magazine. [online] T.timesofoman.com. Available at: <https://t. timesofoman.com/2020/01/22/explore-hands-on-exhibits-at-oman-childrensmuseum/> [Accessed 23 May 2021].

28. Yousuf, K., 2017. Unconcealed areas of construction sites pose danger. [online] Oman Observer. Available at: <https://www.omanobserver.om/ article/73977/LATEST%20NEWS/unconcealed-areas-of-construction-sitespose-danger> [Accessed 5 June 2021].

29. Yousuf, K., 2020. Move to curb labour accommodation at construction sites in Oman. [online] Zawya.com. Available at: <https://www.zawya.com/ mena/en/business/story/Move_to_curb_labour_accommodation_at_ construction_sites_in_Oman-SNG_185051800/> [Accessed 5 June 2021].

DISSERTATION