WELCOME TO RIMINI: A Self-renovation System for the Inclusion of Immigrants by Sara Saheb

WELCOME TO RIMINI

A Self-renovation System for the Inclusion of Immigrants in the Abandoned Colonies of Rimini

Thesis in Sustainable Architecture and Landscape Design a.a. 2018-2019 Scuola di Architettura Urbanistica Ingegneria delle Costruzioni

Thesis Supervisor: Stefano Stabilini Thesis Co-supervisor: Paola Mutti, Alice Selene Boni Candidate: Sara Al-Saheb Student Id: 865645

INDEX 1 ABSTRACT 9 2 INTRODUCTION 13 3 INVESTIGATING EXCLUSION 17 3.1 EXCLUSION OF IMMIGRANTS: THE POLITICAL ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL 19 3.1.1 The Political System of Exclusion 19 3.1.2 The Economic System of Exclusion 21 3.1.3 The Social System of Exclusion 23 3.2 SPATIAL INEQUALITY: PLANNING, ARCHITECTURE, DESIGN 27 3.2.1 Spatial Segregation 29 3.2.2 Gentrification 37 3.2.3 Design Details of Exclusion 39

4 INCLUSION BY DESIGN: Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities in Cities 41 4.1 THE GREATER SYSTEM OF INCLUSION 43 4.2 INCLUSIVE PLANNING 51 4.3 INCLUSIVE URBAN DESIGN, ARCHITECTURE 63 4.3.1 Inclusive Urban Design and Architecture 63 4.3.2 Inclusion Case Studies 69 5 ANALYZING EXCLUSION 75 5.1 IMMIGRANTS AND ASYLUM SEEKERS IN ITALY 5.1.1 History of Migration in Italy 5.1.2 Asylum Seeker Protection In Italy

77 77 81

5.2 POSITIONING: IMMIGRANTS IN RIMINI 5.2.1 Foreigner and Asylum Seekers in the Province 5.2.2 The City Context: Welcoming Rimini 5.2.3 Foreigner and Asylum Seekers in the City 5.2.4 Field Work and Interviews 5.3 OPPORTUNITY FOR INCLUSION

83 83 85 89 93 103

Index

107

7 INCLUDING MURRI PARK 137

6.1 SCOPE OF THE SYSTEM 109 6.1.1 Concepts and Goals 109 6.1.2 System Design Strategy 111

7.1 THE MURRI COLONY AND PARK 139 7.1.1 History of The Murri Colony 139 7.1.2 The Current Condition of the Building and Park 141

6.2 FUNCTIONAL PROGRAM 113 6.2.1 Sample Building Program 113 6.2.2 System Buildings Program and Abacus 117

7.2 FEASIBILITY OF SELF-RENOVATION AT MURRI COLONY 143 7.2.1 Comparative Synthetic Estimate 143 7.2.2 Hypothetical Financial Scenario 147

6 WELCOME TO RIMINI: The System of Inclusion

6.3 INCLUSION THROUGH SELF-RENOVATION 127 6.3.1 Defining Self-construction and Self Renovation 127 6.3.2 Self Construction and Renovation Case Studies 129 6.3.3 Scheme of Self-renovation 133

6.4 URBAN APPLICATION OF THE SYSTEM

135

7.3 MURRI PARK LANDSCAPE SYSTEM

149

7.4 PARTICIPATORY DESIGN AND FOLLOW UP INTERVIEWS 151 7.4.1 Participatory design Session 151 7.4.2 Follow-up Interviews with Representatives 153 7.5 WELCOME TO MURRI PARK 157 7.5.1 Concept Design 157 7.5.2 Park Master Plan 159 7.5.3 Alley Master Plan 161 7.5.4 Long Section A 163 7.5.5 Vertical Sections 165 7.5.6 Perspectives 167 8 BIBLIOGRAPHY 173

Original Art by: Khadim Ali, artist from Pakistan

ABSTRACT

1 Abstract

How can architecture become an instrument for inclusion of ethnic minorities in the city? The thesis is an exploration of design elements and methods, within a greater political, economic, and social system, which promote inclusion. The initial research confronts the systems of exclusion with the systems of inclusion within a city, creating a template for the site analysis and design strategies. Accordingly, the principles of multicultural and inter-cultural planning, and sustainable and inclusive design are applied to analyzing the social and spatial exclusion of immigrants in Rimini. The analysis of exclusion looks at migration history in Italy, statistics of foreigners, asylum seekers, and their distribution, and the asylum seeker protection system in Italy. Furthermore, on site visits and stakeholder interviews were conducted to better grasp the extent of exclusion and possible interventions.

Looking for opportunities of sustainable design, the abandoned buildings and colonies of peri-urban Rimini were identified and studied as part of a Larger self-renovation system, which targets the economic, social, and spatial inclusion of immigrants. Moreover, the system was developed, studied, and designed for the Murri Colony and Park in reference to inter-cultural planning, participatory design, and the feasibility of the self renovation project. The overall strategy of the project is to break physical barriers and create permeable third places which provide meeting, housing, and work opportunities to at risk groups and the entire population.

As a medium to small city, Rimini has a foreigner population above the Italian average, 12.8% as apposed to 8.5%, typical of most province capitals, and accommodates refugees and asylum seekers as stipulated by the diffused refugee protection program. Rimini serves as a pilot location for the study and implementation of inclusive design, as some zones display higher concentrations of immigrants from Africa and Asia, accompanied by general discomfort in regards to asylum seeker accommodation.

Original Art by: Adrian Paci

INTRODUCTION

2 Introduction

Since 2010 and the Arab Spring, the peak of asylum seeker applications number in Italy was in 2016 and 2017, 123600 and 130119 respectively (Ministry of internal Affairs). Due to the degrading economic condition in Italy, the 2018 elections in favor of the center right, and the peak in refugee arrivals, racial tension is currently on the rise. The new security degree, which reorganizes the asylum seeker protection program, has raised many questions in regards to the accommodation of refugees, and the status of regular foreigners in the nation. There is much debate about integration, and the role of the state and the citizen in accommodating â&#x20AC;&#x153;others.â&#x20AC;? Others here refers not only to new refugees and asylum seekers, but also residents of different countries of origin. With that in mind, the thesis does not stem from a political agenda, but a curiosity to discover if this racial tension can be traced and mitigated architecturally. Are there signs of ethnic exclusion in the city?

The process of defining architecture of exclusion required looking to different disciplines which have addressed this issue more deeply such as sociology and economy. From globalization and free markets to social segregation and social capital,and from Henri Lefebvre to Leonie Sandercock, the overall picture renders architecture minuscule, but gives clear indications for the role of design in both inclusion and exclusion. The overarching warning discovered by the interdisciplinary research is to avoid over deterministic design, but to follow an inter-cultural approach. Accordingly the analysis and design took a soft open-ended approach, listening to and seeking people who consider themselves stake holders. In addition, the proposal seeks people oriented systems of design and construction in an effort to foster social cohesion. Finally, even-though this project was conceived as a sample which could be replicated in other zones of Italy, the urban design of the Murri park area and the programming of the individual abandoned buildings remain unique and suitable to their form, and context.

Original Art by: Omar Victor Diop, artist from Senegal

INVESTIGATING EXCLUSION

3.1

EXCLUSION OF IMMIGRANTS: THE POLITICAL ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL

3.1.1 The Political System of Exclusion Both the causes and manifestations of systematic exclusion could be traced to the different systems which operate within society. The political system has played a major role in reinforcing exclusion of immigrants, through the restructuring of nation-states, and particularly the slow dismantling of the welfare state. Policies favoured economic gain over social welfare (Kesteloot, 1998). In the period after WWII, countries experiencing economic growth and rise in the education level of their citizens, such as Belgium, France, Germany, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland, recruited foreign workers; they were expected to return home after completing a stint of labour, therefore tended to be granted few rights and little or no access to welfare support (Boyle, Halfacree, & Robinson, 1998). Another set of policies which contributed to the segregation of immigrants and asylum seekers are localization and distribution policies. As an example, in the 1990s distribution policies in Germany allocated asylum seekers in small towns to avoid “problematic conglomeration,” an assumed disintegration due to the possible voluntary concentration and development of inclusive living conditions due to the forced separation of migrants. Inversely, these policies created “collecting tanks” as segregated social housing apartments. After the obligation to stay, however, many migrants moved away; while economically weak and immobile households remained in the small towns. (Kreichauf, 2015)

Looking further into the political system, the dominant manifestation of exclusion is withholding national citizenship. The argument of citizenship plays a crucial role when addressing social and spatial cohesion such as Lefebvre’s right to the city and right to difference (Gilbert & Dikeç, 2008). Smets & Salman argue that realization of ‘full’ citizenship is one of the most effective and powerful mechanisms to combat the negative consequences of segregation as it combines the right to difference with the entitlement to equal treatment and equal opportunities. They also note that full citizenship must be accompanied with educational programs of citizen rights to be effective (Smets & Salman, 2008). Smets and Salman also discussed the difficulties in approaching and using political and judicial facilities as they frequently present themselves as ‘inaccessible’ due to their locations, entrance protocols, language codes and the suggestion that ‘without money, nothing can be done, and the internalised reluctance to turn to these institutions, because they tend to underscore and reinforce one’s subalternity and social inferiority, exacerbated by the recent “new set of neo-liberal development policies that has had a significantly negative impact on the social rights of citizenship”(Smets & Salman, 2008).

3.1.2 The Economic System of Exclusion Furthermore, the political and economic environment of immigrants could be explained in reference to the neoclassical migration theory, and the dual or segmented labour market theory. In the neoclassical migration theory foreign populations settle in areas with low unemployment rates and high per capita income, as this represents more and better job opportunities. Meanwhile in the segmented labour market theory, most foreign workers, irrespective of their qualification level, are employed in the labour-intensive sector, which is unattractive to native workers due to low wages and bad working conditions (Maza, Villaverde, & Hierroa, 2013). As a result, deindustrialization unevenly impacted foreigners and ethnic minorities through wage cuts, intensified job competition and an explosion of low-pay, part-time work (Wacquant & Wilson, The Cost of Racial and Class Exclusion in the Inner City, 1989).

The later free market exacerbated the conditions of immigrants in the post-industrial era. The rise of unemployment led to increased competition, affecting predominantly those with a lack of resources to acquire new skills to compete in this new labour system (Thorns, 2002). Whereas the rise of high-income labour in cities led to the underclass working in low-income service market to cater to their high-income counter parts (Sassen, Cities in a World Economy, 2000). This new phase of capitalism—the ‘flexible accumulation regime’ has increased social and spatial inequalities. Through globalisation, investment in the financial sector rather than the production sector, flexibility of production and consumption, flexibility of deskilled work, privatization, and public spending on competitiveness, the exploitation of workers to increase profit has been achieved by moving production to in low-wage countries and outsourcing or using immigrants a cheap and unorganised (often illegal) labour force (Cassiers & Kesteloot, 2012). The economic exclusion of immigrants is translated into not only high unemployment rates but also, lack of access to banking and health services, very limited purchasing power, and lack of upward social mobility. Those active in the ‘informal’ economy sector face problems with respect to “access to certain inputs and to product markets”, and they are compelled to turn to moneylenders, pawnbrokers, savings and credit associations for financial services (Smets & Salman, 2008).

3.1.3 The Social System of Exclusion STIGMATIZATION

EXCLUSIONARY CLOSURE AND USURPATIONARY CLOSURE

Political and economic exclusion thus lead to social exclusion and inequality. Stigmatization of immigrant groups and their zones of habitation further enforce segregation. People in Europe have the most negative attitude towards immigration in the world, with the majority (52%) saying immigration levels in their countries should be decreased. (Goodson, Thomas, Phillimore, & Pemberton, 2016). The hosting environment is characterised by a growing wariness to the impoverishment of the welfare state and hindering of upward mobility of migrants. Additionally, differences between both groups are often expressed in racial and ethnic terms (Smets & Salman, 2008).

Furthermore, Wacquant outlines some stigma management strategies adopted by minority groups. These include mutual avoidance, reconstitution and elaboration of ‘infra-differences’ or micro-hierarchies, and the diversion of public opprobrium onto scapegoats such as notorious ‘problem families’ and foreigners, or drug dealers and single mothers. (Wacquant, Red Belt, Black Belt: Racial Division, Class Inequality and the State in the French Urban Periphery and the American Ghetto, 1996).

Wacquant discussed stigmatization extensively in Red Belt, Black Belt: Racial Division, Class Inequality and the State in the French Urban Periphery and the American Ghetto, where a powerful territorial stigma attaches to residence in an area publicly recognized as a ‘dumping ground’ for poor people, downwardly mobile working-class households and social outcasts. These zones appear from the outside to be a monolithic ensemble of urban tension and ethno-racial hostility. There is an Internalised shame of current and ex inhabitants. He noted the youth versus all attitude, and how For youths, personal characteristics override ‘ethnic’ membership, and how they often use humour to deflect the derogatory denotation of racist insults (Wacquant, Red Belt, Black Belt: Racial Division, Class Inequality and the State in the French Urban Periphery and the American Ghetto, 1996).

These management strategies could be explained by referring to Frank Parkin’s “Marxism and Class Theory: A Bourgeois Critique”, where he discusses that closure strategies include those of an exclusionary kind and those adopted by the excluded, referred to as ‘usurpation’. Exclusionary closure represents the use of power in a downward direction because ‘it necessarily entails the creation of a group, class or stratum of legally defined inferiors’, and usurpationary closure represents the use of power in an upward direction to win a greater share of resources by biting into the privileges of those in superior socio-economic positions. The two processes also occur within the subordinate class itself at the expense of even more vulnerable groups, such as ethnic minorities or women. Thus, some groups in society suffer from exclusionary closure while at the same time they themselves attempt to respond by upwardly directed actions of usurpationary closure and by downwardly directed actions of an exclusionary nature. (Parkin, 1979)

MINIMAL SOCIAL CAPITAL AND ACCESS TO PUBLIC SERVICES The depraved of social condition in excluded ethnic minority groups also establishes minimal social capital. Members of the group have fewer social ties and of lesser social worth, as measured by the social position of their partners, parents, siblings, and best friends, for instance. There are Less marriages, and less friends. In short, they possess lower volumes of social capital. Such differences in social capital are also evidenced by different rates and patterns of organizational participation (Wacquant & Wilson, The Cost of Racial and Class Exclusion in the Inner City, 1989). For example, in Flanders and Brusselsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; deprived neighbourhoods, Empirical research suggests a high rate of social isolation (indicated by a high rate of single persons) (Kesteloot, 1998). When discussing the access to public services a case by case scenario is the best suited approach. The dimension of organizational density and diversity concerns the provisioning of the basic needs of residents and impacts their sense of inclusion in or isolation from the broader society, and is tied to group needs and system efficiency. Some segregated zones house a plethora of grass-roots and public services causing over-penetration of state agencies and public organizations which tend to atomize and isolate their users.

Highly conspicuous public institutions weave a much-needed safety net and contribute significantly to increasing social control; but red tape and bureaucratic cacophony also induce apathy and stoke collective frustration; the very (short-term) responsiveness of the political system seems even to encourage urban protest. Other segregated zones suffer from a total lack of state intervention. In other cases, there are some facilities missing, such as sport areas, spaces for youth congregation or other services which cater to the real needs of residents in those zones (Wacquant, Red Belt, Black Belt: Racial Division, Class Inequality and the State in the French Urban Periphery and the American Ghetto, 1996).

3.1.3 The Social System of Exclusion

SOCIAL ASSIMILATION

CRIME AND PERCEIVED INSECURITY

Assimilation masked as integration efforts and polices to immigrants and ethnic minorities is not social equality. Some social policies, such as those in place in France, are assimilation policies which do not allow migrants to preserve the values of their culture (Perrone, 2010). This perspective is also mentioned by Kreichauf in describing the very limited understanding of xenophobic attitudes by the officials’ in Genthin, a small town in Germany, and their understanding of integration as the assimilation of foreigners. (Kreichauf, 2015)

Urban crime is an aspect associated with social exclusion. The increasing levels of urban crime is linked to inadequacy of income, the high levels of unemployment, poor housing, insecure tenure, limited opportunities for legitimate social and economic advance and the development of the drug trade, but it could also be due to individual, family and community failure and point to the instability of life for many in the cities where dysfunctional families are unable to care for and control their children. (Thorns, 2002)

The concept of assimilation is another hurdle to the right to difference promoted by Lefebvre. Where this concept seems to have limits when speaking of a multicultural city and only applies to the minute differences between individuals in existing dominate groups (Amin, 2006). The general argument is linked to the melting pot or the salad bowl view of a multi-cultural society (Perrone, 2010).

The presence of crime within socially excluded migrant groups also effects their quality of life, and furthermore, feeds stigmatization and crucially affects local housing and economic conditions. Wacquant noted that while groups of young men engage in street fights and in occasional muggings and vandalism in excluded neighbourhood, the area was otherwise safe. There is a widespread feeling of insecurity and distrust generated by increasing petty delinquency, but drug dealing remains a marginal activity which attracts unemployed school dropouts who are often themselves are (ab)users and whose main concern is to generate enough income to support their own addiction. He also noted that within the urban periphery of France theft mainly targeted people outside the community as Thieves who prey on their ‘own kind’, their neighbours, and occupants of the surrounding buildings, are often reprimanded or excluded from networks of reciprocity (Wacquant, Red Belt, Black Belt: Racial Division, Class Inequality and the State in the French Urban Periphery and the American Ghetto, 1996).

MACRO MACRO

Segregation

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Degradation

Boundaries

Inaccessibility

Dead-ends and closed views

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800m 800m

Gentrification

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3.2 The framework of exclusion through design is tied to several factors within the system of city making. Both regulations and professionals in the system have underlaying and or subconscious contributions to the exclusion of difference. The difference refers to all minority groups including ethnic minorities. The first factor to consider is the reflection of the dominant culture. The values and norms of the dominant culture are usually embedded in legislative frameworks of planning, in planning by-laws and regulations. Planning’s legal framework in the West has been embedded in a conception of democracy as majority rule, and a corresponding belief that the right to difference disappears once the majority has spoken. These norms and values are embodied in the attitudes, behavior, and practices of actual flesh-and-blood planners and designers. Racism within communities and neighbourhoods is expressed in the planning system through planning dispute over the location of culturally sensitive establishments such as prayer structures. Additionally, Western planners come up against cultural practices that are incommensurable with their own values. (Sandercock, 2000) The process of accommodating individual cultural preferences is often-intricate involving committee of adjustment, appellate bodies, public hearings, etc. that fosters confrontations with neighbours, adding to the minorities’ feelings of being discriminated. At the group or community level, cultural needs take more organized forms. Mosques, temples, cricket fields parades and fairs, employment equity or heritage language classes, signage, etc, are examples of the institutions and services that ethno-racial communities seek. They expect planning policies and programmes to make provisions for their culturally specific needs as an entitlement of their citizenship. Yet planning institutions have evolved in the cultural idioms of the historic population

SPATIAL INEQUALITY: PLANNING ARCHITECTURE DESIGN and the mainstream culture. Thus, new ethnic communities find themselves confronted with policies and regulations that initially do not fit their needs. Their community needs may be met through the incremental and case-bycase modifications of policies and programmes (Qadeer, 2008) The second factor is assimilation and fear management. Assimilation rather than integration is enforced through social policies and moral reform in the scheme of “civilizing” municipal services (Perrone, 2010). James Donald has argued that urban reformers for the past century and a half, have viewed the space of the city as a territory to be bounded, mapped, occupied and exploited, a population to be managed and perfected, creating a rational city populated with “Right Citizens” (Sandercock, 2000). In this rational city, fear is also used as a planning tool. Fear management is manifested in police presidium, containment and isolation of those deemed different (Perrone, 2010), and environmental design movements such as “the crime prevention through environmental design literature” and Oscar Newman’s “Defensible Space” (Sandercock, 2000) The third overarching factor of exclusion is the rigidity and closure of the city making system. In Closed City, Sennett notes that overdetermination for control and order by those in power perverted experimentation despite advances in technology; single land use buildings and zoning cannot adapt to changing needs of communities; urban planners follow a pre-Keynesian idea for the allocation of infrastructure resources for transport, which limits doing any one thing really well due to the fear of neglecting other tasks; and finally that “context” is a polite but potent word in repressing anything that doesn’t fit in, insuring that nothing sticks out, offends, or challenges. (Sennett)

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Segregation 800m

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3.2.1 Spatial Segregation EXPLANATION AND CAUSES Despite cause and effect of Spatial Segregation, the main negative aspect is the exclusion of ethnic groups spatially to minimize social mobility, access to jobs and services, and repression of cultural identity, and human pride. The general causes for segregation are social position of households, housing market discrimination, access to information on housing, accessibility of jobs (Musterd, 2005), demographic changes, xenophobia and racism, and the changing role of the public sector that forces people to rely more on market strategies for access to housing, which exacerbate segregation. (Cassiers & Kesteloot, 2012). in European cities, most migrants have ended up in disadvantaged urban areas where, traditionally, the poorer, working-class ‘national’ citizens lived. Cities tend to ‘quarter’ their increasing socioeconomic and ethnic diversity. Often, many of the traditional inhabitants of ‘migration-flooded’ neighbourhoods have already left or still hope to do so. (Smets & Salman, 2008) In terms of segregated housing and lack of public housing, the public sector has a striking role, in that the most deprived areas have a high proportion of their housing stock in public ownership. The quality of this stock, because of the massive redevelopment and improvement programmes in the 1980s is very high. At the same time ethnic segregation is also at its highest in this same tenure (Boat, 1998). Additionally, most S-Eu countries seem unwilling to recognise the growing problem of ethnic residential marginalisation and the negative consequences of their distinctive housing

systems, reproduced in the newly liberalised market. These systems primarily foster owner occupation, constrain the social sector into a dualist rental system, and are incapable of dealing with issues of housing affordability and inclusion of migrants. Inclusive and strategic policies are consistently neglected in the broader political and urban agenda (Arbaci, 2008). Ethnocultural needs often have bearings on the operational and management policies of programmes. It is not just the availability of a service but how it is administered that affects different communities differently. The availability of subsidized housing affects all those in need, regardless of the culture, but the policy to allocate units only to nuclear families effectively bars the multi generational or relatively large families of immigrants, for example. (Qadeer, 2008) In order to analyse the processes of spatial settlement of immigrants in an urban scale three fully fledged, explanatory models have been developed. These are the spatial assimilation model, the spatial stratification model and the residential preference model (Skouras & Arvanitidis)

The place stratification model considers urban space as a hierarchy of places ordered in terms of desirability and the quality of life they provide to urban dwellers. Natives occupy the most desirable places, keeping immigrants, and generally ethic and racial minorities, at a distance. This situation reflects natives’ perception of immigrants’ place in the society. Immigrants are attached a low social status and remain segregated, even if they are financially able to take up residence in areas occupied by natives. The place hierarchy is maintained through both institutional mechanisms (redlining, exclusionary zoning, etc.) and discriminatory acts on the part of the host society (policing, violence against minorities, etc.). In the case of hierarchy disturbance, natives are expected to depart out of the ‘invaded’ area in a progressive manner, leaving immigrants to constitute, slowly but steadily, the majority population in the area. (Skouras & Arvanitidis) The spatial assimilation model, developed by the Chicago School of human ecology, argues for the time-progressive dispersal of initially spatialconcentrated immigrant groups. Concentration is rooted in the cultural character of immigration but is reinforced by economic considerations that affect the immigration process. It is expected that over the initial stages of immigration newcomers would cluster together in order to take advantage of the social and kinship networks of their co-ethnics. These networks provide social support, information as well as employment opportunities. However, as time goes by, the gradual acquisition of the language, values, and manners of the host society (a process called acculturation), achieved through prolonged contact with natives and through mass institutions such as schools and the media, would lead to the spatial assimilation of the

3.2.1 Spatial Segregation

immigrants. This is because, as the degree of acculturation increases and the immigrants’ socioeconomic status rises, the social distance between natives and immigrants diminishes, leading to a decrease of the spatial distances between them. Thus, immigrants move out of the poor inner-city areas to the outer suburbs starting to integrate spatially with the natives. (Skouras & Arvanitidis) While the place stratification model envisages spatial segregation to be imposed on immigrants (by other urban groups), the residential preference model asserts that this is in fact a decision of the immigrants themselves. That is, members of the immigrant group ‘prefer’ to reside with their co-ethnics and to remain spatially segregated, even when they have the financial means or the social status that would enable them to move elsewhere. There are many benefits to be gained due to such spatial behaviour. To newcomers, the community’s social network would provide not only emotional, social and cultural support, but also other vital ‘resources’, such as information and housing. To all other members, the community represents the stronghold of their own cultural identity. This last element constitutes the key difference between the residential preference model and the spatial assimilation model; that is, there is no acculturation process envisaged in the former. (Skouras & Arvanitidis)

Looking further into the use of urban and public spaces by immigrant groups, other models have been developed. These include the Marginality Theory, the Ethnicity Theory, and the Discrimination thesis. Marginality Theory rooted primarily in a political-economic analysis, this theory proposes that groups use public spaces (especially parks) differently because of differences in access and the inequitable distribution of resources (such as urban open space, neighbourhood amenities, etc.) (Knapp, 2008) Ethnicity Theory This explanation essentially argues that varying patterns of use in public spaces is the result of differences in cultural values attached to a space or activity, not merely differences in access (Knapp, 2008). A third less popular, though no less real or important theory explaining differences in use is the discrimination thesis. According to this view, particular cultural groups may choose not to engage in certain activities or visit certain public places because they do not feel welcome in the space due to the experience of discrimination or the expectation that discrimination will occur (Knapp, 2008).

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Degradation 800m 800m

Inaccessibility

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3.2.1 Spatial Segregation

EFFECTS AND CHARACTERISTICS OF SEGREGATION The spatiality of exclusion mechanisms acts as a motor that drives social inequality. The way in which spatial inequalities thus reinforce social unevenness has been researched at three levels. Spatial segregation affects the opportunities of individuals when the segregated areas become disconnected from the areas where the jobs are. In Europe, the concentration of people with the same (low) social profile in segregated areas reduces their chances of upward social mobility due to the lack access to the kind of networks for climbing up the social ladder, political representation, and to good services, and the pathological social norms, stigmatisation and discrimination in the job market on the basis of residence. The last level is concerned with the overall socio-spatial structure of the city and its intrinsic logics. (Cassiers & Kesteloot, 2012) The epitome of segregation is manifested in permeant refugee and economic refugee camps. Some countries have acted as transition states, processing large numbers of arrivals before they move on to their preferred destination elsewhere in Europe, and have been challenged to provide emergency accommodation, often on small islands with poor infrastructure, such as derelict buildings, tents, and warehouses. Some arrival countries have received refugees in emergency housing, including tents, school halls, gymnasiums, and hotels. Though these were intended to provide short-term solutions, in reality many refugees remain in these temporary solutions on a semi-permanent basis (Goodson, Thomas, Phillimore, & Pemberton, 2016). On the other hand, segregated residential contexts can serve as labour

reservoirs, to be drawn upon when a large volume of low-cost labour is in demand, and to function as dumping grounds for the unemployed during sustained periods of economic downturn. Sweeney (1994) has referred to such neighbourhoods as ‘economic refugee camps’, which weaken the labour market bargaining position of each group separately and of the ethnic minority population as a whole (Boat, 1998). Generally spatial segregation leads to a certain type of blindness when the city is laid out to reduce or illuminate the confrontation of the lower parts of society with the higher counterparts within their daily experience. In such scenarios, city centres risk becoming the decor for tourism, leisure, shopping and the headquarters of multinationals, instead of places of social confrontation within the urban community. They term such cities without confrontation between social groups ‘topological cities’, in contrast to the earlier dramaturgic cities. European cities with rich centres and poor peripheries (like Stockholm or Milan) can turn into topological cities, where the rich can ignore the poor (Cassiers & Kesteloot, 2012). It must be noted, that although spatial segregation is recognized across the globe, it has distinguishing characteristics in Europe and more precisely in South Europe. Generally, in segregated zones in Europe, there is a relatively larger mix of various population categories and this holds for the population, which recently immigrated to European cities. Most socalled ethnic concentrations in neighbourhoods are very mixed in terms of the countries of origin. By implication, only a few mono-ethnic areas can

be found; furthermore, the size of these concentrations is much smaller (Musterd, 2005). Other characteristics of the European ethnic spatial organisation are poorer housing conditions and high informality levels in access to the real estate market, which are partly due to the characteristics of the latest immigration flows (e.g. increasing illegal entry, single-gender migration, informal access via transnational networks), and the decreasing affordable housing stock due to recent welfare, housing and urban restructuring. (Arbaci, 2008) More specifically in Southern European cities, there are lower levels of spatial segregation associated with more complex patterns of residential distribution; and a higher degree of peripheralization. These characteristics are attributed to the limited depopulation of the central and pericentral areas despite the ongoing processes of tertiarisation and urban sprawl; the continuing presence of middle-income and affluent families in central areas; generally low levels of residential mobility (Maloutas, 2004b); and the long-term effect of rent-controls, introduced around the late-1940s and abolished around the mid-1980s (Allen et al., 2004, pp. 156â&#x20AC;&#x201C;186). These processes have led to high peripheralization of low and middle-low income groups, given the scarcely accessible rented stock in the central and pericentral areas, magnified since the early-1990s by renewal programmes and gentrification processes (Arbaci, 2008).

3.2.1 Spatial Segregation

Below is the summery of the four important distinctions of Southern European ethnic spatial organisation as expressed by Arbaci: 1.fragmentation processes and socio-urban changes in S-Eu central areas need to be contextualised within the broader processes of urban renewal and gentrification and, more specifically, need to be compared with the time of arrival of the immigrants. a. in Italy, â&#x20AC;&#x153;since the mid-1970s, public policies have strongly promoted the rehabilitation of the oldest part of the cities, including their historical centreâ&#x20AC;?. As a result, scattered processes of gentrification began in the 1980s in Milan and Rome and are only occurring now in Turin. This has limited the ability of less affluent immigrants to access housing in certain central areas after the first wave of immigration in the mid-1980s. b. In contrast, the ethnic presence in the city centres of Barcelona, Genoa, Athens and, to lesser extent, Lisbon is still significant since the renovation has been undertaken only recently. 2.Second, there are significant divergences in the socio-economic composition of the central and pericentral areas. a. In the S-Eu port cities of Lisbon, Barcelona, Genoa and Athens, the affluent groups are not predominant in the centre but in distinctive pericentral areas and/or along the coastline. b. This contrasts greatly with the socio-urban stratification of most S-Eu continental cities, such as Milan, Rome and Turin, in which the presence of elite activities and affluent social groups has historically been overrepresented in the centre.

3. Third, there is a weak presence of low and middle-low income immigrants in the traditional working-class neighbourhoods of the first peripheral ring of the majority of S-Eu cities. a. the widespread post-war process of housing self-production (e.g. single-family houses), which accounts for a high incidence of owner occupation in peripheral working-class neighbourhoods. b. second are processes of in situ upward social mobility among longterm working-class residents and their descendants. c. third is the small provision of social housing estates, given the S-Eu dualist rental systems. 4.Finally, there are other distinctive structural or contextual factors that greatly, although indirectly, affect the spatial distribution of immigrants: a. the extension, geography and span of owner occupation across the social spectrum b. the low residential mobility for long-term residents in all social strata; c. the role of the family in access to and provision of housing stock; d. the impact of current metropolitan sprawl on the formation of larger and more socially homogeneous residential areas. (Arbaci, 2008)

MACRO

MESO

800m

Gentrification

MICRO

3.2.2 Gentrification The growth of gentrified inner-city areas has influenced the local population and resulted in displacement. The trend towards greater innercity living began in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The move back to inner areas by middle-class professionals put pressure upon the property market and led to the renovation and renewal of the property, which in turn raised the market value and led to a wider set of social changes. (Thorns, 2002) The latest round of gentrification is comprised of four processes. The first was the resettlement and social concentration that generated the displacement of one group of residents with another of higher social status causing new patterns of social segregation. This process was like that of the earlier round of gentrification noted in the 1960s and early 1970s. The second was the transformation of the built environment through renovation and building that highlights distinctive aesthetic features and the emergence of specific types of services. This aspect arises from the nature of the population involved which contained a high proportion of ‘new service professionals, with many connected to the design, marketing and promotional industries. The third, flowing from this, was the concentration of people with an assumed shared culture and lifestyle or at least shared class-related, consumer preferences. They emphasized lifestyle and were status and position-conscious with access to discretionary income, often through being two-earner households. These households were quickly dubbed ‘yuppies’, young upwardly mobile professional and ‘dinkies’, dual income no kids’.Finally, the economic reordering of property values created a commercial opportunity for the construction industry and an extension of private ownership of domestic property leading to an increased level of

interest in inner-city development and the willingness to invest in a variety of new forms of accommodation, including the conversion of offices and warehouses to residential use as well as the building of new structures. . (Thorns, 2002) Thorns discussed the various theories attempting to explain the mechanisms of gentrification. Of particular interest the ‘rent gap theory’ explained by Hamnett in 1991 as a matter of financial returns to landowners on their property. As a district deteriorates, the rent obtainable from letting houses falls and the value of the land for new development is minimal. Hence existing landlords let properties deteriorate even further because they never get returns on investment in maintenance. At a certain point it becomes profitable to change the use of the land. Rent Gap Theory is therefore a way of explaining why housing is available in specific areas of the city at specific times. It argues that shifts back to the centre of the city are as much about movements of capital as they are about movements of people (Thorns, 2002). For further consideration are the recent studies which looked into the aggregate effects of in situ social mobility and ageing. They found that social upgrading in a neighbourhood, without moving, likely has a significant impact on the potential gentrification of that neighbourhood. This implies that the changing social spatial structure may also be triggered by social mobility ‘on site’; Likewise, new residential patterns at the regional urban level may also result from a substantial second-generation immigrant population growing into adulthood (Gent & Musterd, 2016).

MACRO MACRO

MESO MESO

MICRO MICRO

Boundaries 800m 800m

Dead-ends and closed views

3.2.3 Design Details of Exclusion Each city tends to have something of a unique pattern of distribution reflecting such things as the geography of the city and its history and culture. The present spatial inequalities are invariably a reflection of past political, economic and social practices. Over time, areas within cities do change their population composition and the activities contained within them, for example, through segregation, gentrification and urban renewal (Thorns, 2002).

Other than boundaries, Vita, Trillo, & Martinez-Perez recognized other design forms of exclusion in the urban scale and nrighbourhoods scales. They sustain that cul-de-sacs, gates, fence barriers, derelict lands, and closed views all contribute to further segregate and disconnect certain people and neighbourhoods. These architypes could also be used to describe zone interrupted by major infrastructures, such as impermeable highways, and railway lines. (Vita, Trillo, & Martinez-Perez, 2016)

One very significant aspect of spatial separateness is that of how the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;boundariesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; between areas are formed and maintained (Thorns, 2002). Steven Gould noted the important distinction in natural ecologies between two kinds of edges: boundaries and borders. Boundary is the end while border is the interaction between things. These natural differences between boundary/wall and border/membrane clarify closed and open built form. The boundary/wall dominates the modern city. The urban habitat is cut up into segregated parts by streams of traffic, by functional isolation between zones for work, commerce, family, and the public realm. The most popular form of new residential development internationally, the gated community, takes to an extreme the idea of the boundary wall. The result is that exchange between different racial, ethnic, or class communities diminishes (Sennett).

Original Art by: Amadou Sanogo, artist from Mail

INCLUSION BY DESIGN Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities in Cities

4.1

THE GREATER SYSTEM OF INCLUSION

Systematic exclusion involves all aspects of society, accordingly physical exclusion which fits into the realm of architecture cannot be addressed without considering all other aspects. The consideration of evolving solutions in other fields can inspire architects to think of new modalities and systems which can be accommodated in a design project to promote inclusion. In this section of â&#x20AC;&#x153;The Greater Systemâ&#x20AC;?, some solutions for exclusion, which address political, social, and economic initiatives, are discussed.

4.1 The Greater System of Inclusion

POLITICAL INCLUSION The overarching theme of political Inclusion is good governance. Generally, governance is the process of decision-making and the process by which decisions are implemented. More specifically, Good governance is characterised by being participatory, consensus oriented, accountable, transparent, responsive, effective and efficient, equitable and inclusive and follows the rule of law. Good Governance assures that corruption is minimized, considers the views of minorities and the most vulnerable in society and assures they are heard in decision-making. It is also responsive to the present and future needs of society. (Sheng, 2018) Some considerations must be taken into account, when approaching a political system based in good governance. governance most frequently assumes its role under the influence of neo-liberal and decentralisation creeds. In addition to the decentralisation and privatisation of governmental services, there is an increasing desire to involve the private sector and civil society. It is not only ‘professionalism and adequacy’ that are at stake, but also a shift in the relationship between polity and society and a transformation of the ‘tasks’ of local and national governance. According to this view, urban governance includes various private and delegated stakeholders alongside the state. Together, they need to set the terms and conditions for managing the city, which can be rather complicated. The outcome can be acceptable for all involved, but urban governance tends to be less ‘democratic’ than suggested when the more powerful players set the agenda and other stakeholders often simply must give in. In other

cases, power plays lead to patron– client relationships or even outright corrupt practices. Yet, despite the general advocacy for such ‘transparency’, the insistence on good governance has thus far been unable to design mechanisms for its realisation. It is obvious that apart from public and private-sector organisations, both active and effective participation and the control and vigilance of civil society are required. (Smets & Salman, 2008) A more scaled down approach to governance is that of local welfare systems. Local welfare systems are defined as dynamic arrangements where specific local socioeconomic and cultural conditions create mixes of formal and informal actors, public or not, involved in the provision of welfare resources (Andreotti, Mingione, & Polizzi, 2012). They are could be more effective, more participative and more sustainable. The effectiveness is based on the postulate that in complex societies individual needs are met with higher accuracy by welfare policies which are tailored more closely to their specific context. The democracy or participation relies upon the idea that localisation of policies will facilitate the activation and empowerment of citizens and will facilitate the activation and participation of nongovernmental actors in decision-making, therefore opening the arena to civil society organisations and strengthening democracy. Lastly, the sustainability is based on the decreased costs of the national welfare state by giving more defined duties to local governments in terms of financing and/or spending and by raising new resources for welfare needs from local economic actors and social groups. (Andreotti, Mingione, & Polizzi, 2012)

SOCIAL INCLUSION The theme of social inclusion of immigrants and ethnic minorities is usually centred around the philosophy of the right to difference, and more specifically maximal difference. Lefebvre points to this with his distinction between minimal and maximal difference. In contrast to minimal difference, maximal difference points to festive, creative, affective, unalienated, fully lived forms of plurality and individuality that assume rich social relations unfettered by forms of “indifference” (individualism, pluralism, imitation, conformism, naturalized particularism). Sources for maximal difference can be found both within the interstices of everyday life and during uprisings (Kipfer, 2008). Furthermore, the right of difference leads to a negotiated city. The concept does not erase conflict and confrontation between different groups but ensures that all are equally equipped to negotiate (Sandercock, 2000). The negotiated city thus involves a political integrative approach to social cohesion. The goal of the negotiation is creating a new and socially just regulation, recognising the right to the city for the rich, the poor and the city-users, not a consensus-based and entrepreneurial urban project. If not, the negotiated city will eventually confirm the existing structures (Cassiers & Kesteloot, 2012).

As introduced earlier, the concepts of social cohesion and social capital are indicators of the level of social inclusion. Social cohesion is a state concerning both the vertical and the horizontal interactions among members of society, including attitudes and norms that includes trust, a sense of belonging and the willingness to participate and help, as well as their behavioural manifestations. Social cohesion is a holistic idea and focuses on general, encompassing socioeconomic, cultural and political conditions in a specific society. It does not cover more specific components such as tolerance or other specific ‘multicultural’ values. Social capital, on the other hand, focuses on the individual and group levels, addressing the social networks that must be upheld by individuals to secure individual benefits (Smets & Salman, 2008). Additionally, Social Capital can be categorised into bonding and bridging social capital. Bonding social capital is exemplified in the reciprocal trust relations among a group of people with a similar background, such as class, gender, ethnicity and lifestyle. On the other hand, bridging social capital emphasises that in contemporary society, people also need to go beyond their group belonging and group dependence, therefore, attempts are made to foster individual and group capacities to construct bridges to others or to establish links between different groups in society. The goal is to obtain improved social cohesion and the full application of people’s social capital at the street, neighbourhood and city levels, as community participation requires it (Putnam, 2007).

4.1 The Greater System of Inclusion

Below is an example of methods which foster Social inclusion provided by (Van Alen Institute, s.d.): Social inclusion is a two-way street Cities can offer many different resources (language classes, job readiness programs, counseling, etc.) to help marginalized groups establish a place in society. But it’s not enough to ask people in these groups to adapt. Inclusion also means changing perceptions and practices among established residents, business leaders, and other stakeholders. For example, employers may not know that they can find exceptional talent in unconventional candidates; or, migration officials may need to relax language requirements that prevent recent immigrants from finding work. Take your time In many cities and communities dealing with rapid demographic change, there’s an urgent need to encourage social inclusion. But it takes time to establish trust among strangers, or to understand deeply ingrained ways of thinking or unconscious biases in people from very different backgrounds. To make real, lasting impacts, city officials, philanthropies, civic organizations all need to plan for long horizons and sustained engagement, as well as short-term progress.

Make the process of inclusion visible Hate groups, fake news outlets, and other entities that demonize marginalized groups have become increasingly prominent online and in public. Meanwhile, the hard to work to create more socially inclusive cities mostly takes place out of sight, in countless church basements, classrooms, and employment agencies. Bringing social inclusion activities out into public space and giving them highly visible platforms such as the Opportunity Space Festival’s temporary pavilion, achieves multiple goals. For instance, greater visibility makes it easier to attract people to participate. Researchers have found that to change people’s behaviour, their perceptions of social norms are more important than their personal beliefs. If city government is prominently involved in creating public spaces that promote social inclusion, it can send a clear message to everyone about that city’s values and priorities. To foster social inclusion, look to the mundane Social inclusion is not a mysterious process; it can start with participating in simple, everyday activities and rituals. For instance, the Red Cross in Sweden offers a Biking School class to recent immigrants of any age, providing a bike and helmet, and safe places to learn to ride.

ECONOMIC INCLUSION In terms of the economic success of immigrants and ethnic minorities there are some factors of insertion to consider. Firstly, immigrants have highly diverse characteristics, in terms of education and skills as well as urban origins, and there is the large presence of transnational communities organised around entrepreneurial activities. Secondly, there is a persistent demand for cheap labour, predominantly in the low productivity sectors (labour intensive) and in the family-care system (including nursing). S-Eu welfare regimes are therefore at the root of the persistent and high demand for live-in maids and concierges (stronger in Italy and weaker in Portugal), which often results in a unique residential niche for single-gender ethnic migration, scattered in affluent and middle-income urban areas. Thirdly, facilitating immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; insertion is the role played by the informal labour and housing markets as temporary stepping-stones to more stable conditions. Finally, socially and functionally mixed areas facilitate forms of socioeconomic inclusion, based upon opportunities of market exchange or redistribution or reciprocity. However, mixed areas do not necessarily imply interaction and support (Arbaci, 2008). Immigration has been shown to impact the economic system of any state. Research has concluded that migration may have had short-term impacts on and distorted labour markets, but no long-term negative impacts were found. The result of migration was â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;accruedâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; added value. In the destination country, migrants could be more productive than in their home country, adding to economic growth, even though unemployment rates may

4.1 The Greater System of Inclusion

be higher and wage levels generally lower. Past research has demonstrated that overall, migration tends to have a positive impact on GDP. Additionally, these trends could be attributed to the ongoing need for migrant labour given low birth-rates and ageing populations of many European countries (Goodson, Thomas, Phillimore, & Pemberton, 2016). Furthermore, Immigration and the growth of ethnic minority population have generated market responses to their needs. Most notably, stores open to provide specialist goods and services. Shopping malls and whole precincts within a city spring to life, enclaves of the city, whose members are unwilling to venture beyond their own community for these common services. Other kinds of small businesses emerge, say in housing construction and renovation, to cater for culturally specific kinds of domestic spaces. To be noted, is that these market responses are only beneficial to those who can afford to pay for such goods and services (Sandercock, 2000).

Additionally, some innovative economic strategies could be implemented to foster inclusion; these include formalized self-employment, sharing, and partnership economies. Formalized self-employment is the response to informal economies which tend to operate outside the legal system, on the other hand small businesses of formalized self-employment would require specialized regulation and support in access to funds and loans. Sharing economies are fueled by social cohesion, where property and use shared within a network; sharing economy models could be applied to both products and services should have been decided and assessed by the sharing group. Partnership economies refer to partnerships formed between public institutions, private companies, and or groups of people. The benefit of this type of organization is ensuring that public interest is met in conjunction with economic sustainability. Finally, all three economy require a level of knowledge and expertise, which can be provided by public institutions and other non for profit organizations (Smets & Salman, 2008).

Inversely, the ethnic minorities who remain excluded would benefit from new policies. On the demand side are higher minimum wage policy hinged to local costs of living, a guaranteed minimum income to give people a basic means to live, and massive effort to transform low-wage service jobs into higher paying middle-class ones; and on the supply side are transferring the massive subsidies for home ownership to affordable rental housing and renters that need it and shifting from subsidies to cars, roads, and highways to transit and denser transit-oriented development (Florida, 2016).

4.2

INCLUSIVE PLANNING

â&#x20AC;&#x153;if density and diversity give life, the life they breed is disorderly.â&#x20AC;? Jane Jacobs

MULTICULTURAL AND INTER-CULTURAL PLANNING The overall movement in planning to overcome the exclusion of ethnic minority groups stemmed from postmodern philosophy. The defining fundamentals are an idea of social justice and economic domination released from material and centered on the issues of power, promotion of inclusion policies based differences through dialogue, the introduction of the issue of citizenship and one of its more fluid interpretation connected to the practical dimension rather than to that of law, the ideal of community understood as communities of resistance that rejects the homogeneity and pursues multiple interfaces, and the transition from the concept of public interest in the civic culture, overcoming the distinction between planners and planned implied in the first, infavor of a collaborative approach supported by political pluralism. (Perrone, 2010)

Below is a list of the principle ideas which multicultural planning is based on, as defined by Leonie Sandercock: 1. The incorporation of culture in humans is inevitable. We grow in a culturally structured world, and from this we are deeply conditioned; consequently, we see the world with a specific cultural perspective. We can critically evaluate our beliefs and our cultural practices, and to do the same with those of other cultures, however, inevitably we belong to specific cultural identity; 2. Culture cannot be understood as static or as externally. It is always built, dynamic and hybrid necessity. All cultures, even the most conservative and traditional, contain within them, multiple differences, constantly renegotiated; 3. Cultural diversity as intercultural dialogue is a necessary element of culturally diverse societies. No culture is perfect or can be perfect, but all cultures have something to learn or teach others. They grow through the daily practices of social interaction; 4. The policy of multiculturalism dispute is inevitable. Among other things, it is symptomatic of a post-colonial condition is not resolved; an unfinished project of de-colonization;

5. To the heart of multiculturalism as a daily political practice, there are two rights: the right to difference and the right to the city. The right to be different, understood as recognition of the legitimacy and the specific rights of minorities or subaltern cultures. The right to the city as a right, in the presence, the right to occupy public space and to participate equally in public affairs; 6. The right to be different to the heart of multiculturalism must be continually fought over other rights and redefined according to new considerations and formulations; 7. The notion of perpetual challenge of multiculturalism, implies competitive democratic political demanding citizenship and everyday negotiation of difference in all the sites of cultural interaction; 8. The sense of belonging in a multicultural society cannot be based on race, religion or ethnicity. It must be rooted in an objective shared by the political community and rely on an empowered citizenship. 9. Reduce fear and intolerance are attainable goals through the material recognition and cultural diversity, directing the dominant inequalities of political and economic power and developing new stories about identity symbols and national and local belonging. The twenty-first century is the century of cities and multicultural societies, the struggles for multiculturalism and those against fundamentalism. (Perrone, 2010)

The implementation of multicultural planning is centred around the acquisition of alternative knowledge and creative skills. Some of the creative skills include surveys of the senses (Landry, 2000, p. 180, quoted in Sandercock, 2003a, p.217) put in place to analyse the city through sounds, smells, sights and different times of day and night. It asks the planners is to change the conventional ways to discover possibilities and opportunities for transformation, freeing the creative power of the senses and reconnecting decision-makers with their more visceral experience of the city. In-terms of knowledge, multicultural planning follows a therapeutic approach to urban conflicts implies a social response to the disputes of cross-cultural planning. Conflicting reports involve feelings and emotions, lack of recognition, of stories disempowered and excluded, forgotten memories. When planning intercepts these battles, both symbolic and emotional, what materials and concrete, you need a language and an emotional involvement process.

4.2 Inclusive Planning

Accordingly, Leonie Sandercock suggests at least six different ways of knowledge required and mutually complementary in the consolidation of an epistemology of multiplicity: 1. knowing through dialogue; 2. learn from experience; 3. learn from local knowledge; 4. learn to read the evidence symbolic and nonverbal; 5. learn through a contemplative knowledge that recognizes the immeasurable value; 6. learning by doing, or already through action.

Qadeer (2008) goes further to define practices in the planning system which allow for inclusivity. He notes that the culture of ethnic communities comes into play in the form of individual and group preferences for the provisions of housing, neighbourhoods, land uses, facilities and services, transportation and environment, albeit the functional areas of urban planning. Thus, the first test of accommodating cultural diversity is to make the planning process inclusive by facilitating and actively seeking inputs from ethnic communities, particularly those who are stakeholders in planning policies. He also adds that ethnic cultures transform the urban structure and landscape and the emergence of ethnic enclaves, ethnic bazaars and malls affects the residential and commercial organization of a city. The multicultural approach should also consider Immigrants as the new members of a society have special needs, such as job search and housing assistance, language classes, civic education, counselling, etc. (Qadeer, 2008)

Furthermore, she also highlights The Importance of Stories and Storytelling in Planning Practice, and the scientific neglect against the strong performative role of stories, explores the many great features, highlighting the contributions in increasing and diversify the practical planning tools, in refining the critical capacity of planners, in expanding the circle of democratic discourse. (Perrone, 2010)

Below are the practices as suggested by Qadeer: 1. Providing minority language facilities, translations and interpretation, in public consultations. 2. Including minority representatives in planning committees and task forces as well as diversifying planning staff. 3. Including ethnic/minority community organizations in the planning decision-making processes. 4. Recognition of ethnic diversity as a planning goal in Official/ Comprehensive Plans. 5. City-wide policies for culture-specific institutions in plans, e.g., places of worship, ethnic seniorsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; homes, cultural institutions, funeral homes, fairs and parades, etc. 6. Routinely analysing ethnic and racial variables in planning analysis. 7. Studies of ethnic enclaves and neighbourhoods in transition. 8. Policies/design guidelines for sustaining ethnic neighbourhoods. 9. Policies/strategies for ethnic commercial areas, malls and business improvement areas. 10. Incorporating culture/religion as an acceptable reason for sitespecific accommodations/minor-variances.

11. Accommodation of ethnic signage, street names and symbols. 12. Policies for ethnic-specific service needs. 13. Policies for immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; special service needs. 14. Policies/projects for ethnic heritage preservation. 15. Guidelines for housing to suit diverse groups. 16. Promoting ethnic community initiatives for housing and neighbourhood development. 17.Development strategies taking account of inter-cultural needs. 18. Promoting and systematizing ethnic entrepreneurship for economic development. 19. Policies/strategies for promoting ethnic art and cultural services. 20. Accommodating ethnic sports (e.g., cricket, bocce, etc) in playfield design and programming. (Qadeer, 2008)

4.2 Inclusive Planning

Another camp of planning focused on ethnic inclusion is Intercultural planning. The distinguishing differences between the two camps of multicultural and intercultural are the level of involvement in a physical and political sense, and some of the underlying objectives. Intercultural planning focuses more on places of interaction between different groups of ethnicity and views togetherness and creating a common ethos as ideal. (Wood & Landry, 2008) The scale of involvement is highlighted in the following steps outlined by Wood & Landry in “Intercultural Planning”: Ten Steps to An Intercultural City Policy 1. Make a public statement that the city explicitly understands and is adopting an intercultural approach. Take an iconic action to symbolize the transition to a new era, for example, through making atonement for a past misdeed or designating a day devoted to intercultural understanding. 2. Initiate an exercise to review the main functions of the city ‘through an intercultural lens’, and establish some flagship trial projects, for example: a. In education, establish a few schools/colleges as intercultural flagships, with high investment in staff training, intercultural curriculum, cooperative learning models, closer links with parents/community, twinning links with monocultural schools, and citizenship education – as has been done in Huddersfield. b. In the public realm, identify several key public spaces (formal and

informal) and invest in discrete redesign, animation and maintenance to raise levels of usage and interaction by all ethnic groups; develop a better understanding of how different groups use space and incorporate into planning and design guidelines. c. In housing, trial programmes in allocation and publicity that give ethnic groups confidence and information enabling them to consider taking housing opportunities outside traditional enclaves, as has been done in Bradford. d. In neighbourhoods, designate key facilities as intercultural community centres, containing key services such as health, maternity, childcare and library, as has been done in Århus and Vancouver. e. Rethink the role of frontline police officers in key areas to act primarily as agents of intercultural integration. f. In business and economy, take extra effort to ensure migrants find jobs appropriate to their skills, ensuring recognition of accreditation; explore trade opportunities through diasporic networks of local migrants; assist migrant businesses to break out into multi-ethnic markets. g. In sport and the arts, initiate tournaments and festivals that bring together young people from different parts of the city and train multiethnic youngsters as sports and arts leaders, as in Oldham. 3.Explore and learn from best practice elsewhere through taking politicians and policy-makers to other places. Also take multi-ethnic groups of young community leaders, as in Belfast and Derry.

4.2 Inclusive Planning

4. Invest heavily in language training to ensure that all migrants are able to converse in the majority language, but also enable members of the majority to learn minority languages, as in Delft.

9. Establish a city-wide interfaith consultative forum and within neighbourhoods establish cross-cultural consultation exercises wherever possible, as has been done in Leicester

5. Establish awards or other schemes to reward and acknowledge single acts or lives devoted to building intercultural trust and understanding.

10. Initiate welcoming initiatives and urban exploration projects whereby new arrivals (temporary and permanent) but – equally importantly – local citizens, can visit parts of the city to which they have not previously been, hosted by people of different cultures, as has been done in Rotterdam.

6. Establish a city international relations office (as in Chicago) that: a. creates an independent international profile for the city; b. establishes independent trade and policy links with partner cities; c. establishes independent links with key countries of origin of migrant population; d. monitors and develops new models of local/global citizenship. 7. Establish an intercultural observatory (as has been done in Madrid) that: a. monitors good practice; b. gathers and processes local information and data; c. conducts research into quantity/quality and outcomes of interaction; d. establishes and monitors intercultural indicators; e. dispenses advice and expertise and facilitates local learning networks. 8. Initiate a programme of intercultural awareness training for politicians and key policy and public interface staff in public sector agencies. Encourage the private sector to participate, as has been done in Stuttgart.

They also specify that there is no prescription for cities to do all these things at once or in this order. (Wood & Landry, 2008) Finally, the passage from the concept of multiculturalism to that of interculturalism is now consolidated in the interdisciplinary scientific debate: «[...] Multiculturality entails the acceptance of difference, interculturality implies that negotiation, conflict and mutual exchange between different groups» (Garcia Canclini, 2006: 166). This concept highlights the inevitable ability of conflicts to arise (Sandercock, 2003) on whose resolution it is necessary to work for the construction of processes of inclusion and integration with a view to sustainable development (Paba & Leo, Workshop 3 Mediterranei. Flussi, Migrazioni E Diseguaglianze., 2017).

MIXING STRATEGIES VS CRITICAL MASS Beginning with mixing strategies, the main utopian concept is that mixing population groups is the basis of a better, more creative, more tolerant, more peaceful and stable world (Smets & Salman, 2008). They area strategies in urban planning which target a decline in spatial segregation and an increase in social mix via housing policies The aim is attracting higher-income households to poorer neighbourhoods, as well as moving poorer households out of disfavoured areas (Cassiers & Kesteloot, 2012). The premise of mixing policies is to target segregation in order to combat its negative social and economic impact on excluded groups; as stated by Massey & Denton (1993) in their book American Apartheid that “Residential segregation is the principal organisational feature of American society that is responsible for the creation of the urban underclass” (p. 9). Referring to the concept of ‘culture of poverty’, they introduced their own concept: ‘the culture of segregation’. In their view, segregation creates structural conditions for the emergence of a counterculture where education, work and family life are no longer central values, while residents engage in activities that undermine their chances for success in society. The lack of enough successful role-models in their own environment and the notoriety of their neighbourhood add to the cycle. Accordingly, mixing strategies have been adopted by European states with reference to research conducted in North America. For example, In France, a recent law on ‘‘solidarite´ et renouvellement urbain’’ (solidarity

and urban renewal) forces each municipality to adjust the housing stock towards one that includes a certain share of social housing. The policy tries to avoid large concentrations of poorer households and, for that matter, immigrant households. Where as in Germany in response to guest workers remaining, a fierce integration policy was introduced and included some dispersal policies. In the Netherlands, for a long period of time a multicultural or pluralist model of integration was dominant, allowing for some autonomy of immigrants in certain fields. However, recently a serious debate challenged the value of such a policy, and today, there are more efforts to mix the population and to target a more forced assimilation and integration. Moreover, debates on mixed housing policies can also be found elsewhere, in Sweden, UK, The Netherlands, and Finland. (Musterd, 2005) Inversely, mixing strategies have been heavily criticized. The criticism falls into several categories which include the unsuitability of these strategies in a European setting unlike the American one, the lack of research and empirical data, and the actual effectiveness of the redistribution of wealth. Ostendorf, Musterd, & Vos point to that the concentration of poverty has an independent effect on social success is clearly based on the American situation, it has been freely adopted by European politicians and journalists, but also by European scholars (Ostendorf, Musterd, & Vos, 2001).

4.2 Inclusive Planning

However, it is doubtful if these neighbourhood effects apply as strongly in the European context once the role of the welfare state is considered. In neo-liberal welfare states such as the US, where the role of the market is stressed, exists a strong relationship between having a job and social indicators like income, education and quality of housing. There is a great risk that unemployed people end up in a specific low-quality segment of the urban housing market. In this case, segregation with respect to housing is often reflected in the level of social participation in other spheres (Ostendorf, Musterd, & Vos, 2001). In European welfare states where the state intervenes more in market processes, the relationship between residential segregation, education, work and income is much weaker. In addition, the income-inequality is more moderate than in neo-liberal welfare states. Therefore, it seems plausible not to expect US-style ghettos from developing on the European continent (Ostendorf, Musterd, & Vos, 2001).

effect might be that the socio-culturally more ‘assertive’ middleclass dwellers impose rules and behaviours and drive up living costs, so that in the end the original dwellers feel alienated in their own environment. (Smets & Salman, 2008). In Addition, diverse communities and neighbours have significantly less social capital than culturally homogeneous ones because people in diverse communities tend to “hunker down” and isolate themselves from their neighbours (Putnam, 2007). As for the distribution of wealth, the question arises over whether mixing aims at a fair distribution of and improved access to resources among all social groups (‘geography of opportunity’ but based on research in the Netherlands, it was concluded that the social environment has only a modest influence on the social mobility of households with a weak economic position (Musterd, 2005).

Current mixing programs are based on assumptions that are not sufficiently tested and empirical research reveals that these programmes show only limited results (Cassiers & Kesteloot, 2012). In order to shed light on the impact of mixing strategies, quantitative studies and longitudinal studies have been undertaken but qualitative studies are still scarce. When looking at the role of ethnicity in mixing strategies, it has become clear that such mixing strategies, generally in the form of the provision of middle-class housing within poorer precincts, are problematic. An important negative

CRITICAL MASS Critical mass is discussed as the antithesis to mixing strategies but not as a conscious movement in planning. In this section critical mass refers to immigrant enclaves, areas in which a community is primarily composed of an ethnic minority group from the same country of origin. Unlike segregated zones, immigrant enclaves tend to form through the choice of co-ethnic individuals to live in proximity, where systematic exclusion is less dominant disregarding the average household income level, as these enclaves could also be found in rich neighbourhoods. The concept of choice is also stressed by the residential preference model, which asserts that some members of the immigrant group ‘prefer’ to reside with their co-ethnics and to remain spatially segregated, even when they have the financial means or the social status that would enable them to move elsewhere (Freeman, 2000). There are many benefits to be gained due to such spatial behaviour. To newcomers, the community’s social network would provide not only emotional, social and cultural support, but also other vital ‘resources’, such as information and housing (Hagan, 1998). To all other members, the community represents the stronghold of their own cultural identity (Skouras & Arvanitidis).

4.2 Inclusive Planning

Furthermore, the network theory claims that social networks foster geographical clustering by lowering the costs of gathering information about job opportunities and by reducing the risks associated with residence changes and because clustering encourages social interactions and facilitates integration of foreigners in the host country (Maza, Villaverde, & Hierroa, 2013).

Businesses within commonly employ co-ethnic workers and serve coethnic customers, but several ethnic actors become â&#x20AC;&#x153;middleman minoritiesâ&#x20AC;? between white elites and other minorities. Chinese immigrants, for example, commonly operate small businesses in lower-class communities, filling a niche considered socially undesirable or unprofitable by white businesses and corporations (Portes & Manning, 1986).

Other benefits gained by members of immigrant enclaves are survival strategies, which are more easily developed in segregated milieus; moreover, segregation is seen as a mitigating force in society which creates a safeguard for newcomers. The spatial concentration of people with the same background enables self-organisation and thus political agenda-setting. (Cassiers & Kesteloot, 2012)

The contradiction is that immigrant enclaves offer opportunity for some ethnic people through the exploitation of co-ethnic others. Ethnic enclaves offer a kind of protection by hiring immigrants who may be undocumented or lack the hosting country language skills (Portes & Manning, 1986).

As previously mentioned, the clustering of co-ethnics leads to the emergence of an ethnic enclave economy which has three prerequisites, first, the presence of a substantial number of immigrants with business experience acquired in the sending country; second, the availability of sources of capital; and third, the availability of sources of labour (Portes & Manning, 1986).

Physical concentration of enclaves underlies their final characteristic. Once an enclave economy has fully developed, it is possible for a newcomer to live his life entirely within the confines of the community. Work, education, and access to health care, recreation, and a variety of other services can be found without leaving the bounds of the ethnic economy. This institutional completeness is what enables new immigrants to move ahead economically, despite very limited knowledge of the host culture and language. Supporting empirical evidence comes from studies showing low levels of English knowledge among enclave minorities and the absence of a net effect of knowledge of English on their average income levels (Portes & Manning, 1986).

Services

Jobs

Markets pop ups

Services

Stores Offices Banks

Agricultural Industrial

Affordable Rent

Social Housing Informal Education

Park Universities Schools

Education

Com.Center Caffe/Bar Plaza

Third Places

4.3

INCLUSIVE URBAN DESIGN ARCHITECTURE 4.3.1 Inclusive Urban Design and Architecture The focus of the following section is role of design and architecture in creating inclusive cities for immigrants. The main idea to be taken from this section is the significance of awareness, seeking knowledge, and communication in the design process. As Sandercock has repeatedly discussed talking and working with the concerned stockholders is a crucial step for multicultural planning. Communication is not limited to participatory design but includes going and talking to those who live in and near a site, the people who visit and use it, the community around it. Design includes considering those with less power and being aware of oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s own power. Architecture fits within a greater political, economic and social system, and innovation in the field of social design is urgently necessary. As Ash Amin (2002) cautions: â&#x20AC;&#x153;My point is to caution against raised expectations from the uses of public space for inter-cultural dialogue and understanding, for even in the most carefully designed and inclusive spaces, the marginalised and the prejudiced stay away, while many of those who participate carry the deeper imprint of personal experience that can include negative racial attitudes. . . In the hands of urban planners and designers, the public domain is all too easily reduced to public spaces, with modest achievements in changing race and ethnic relations.â&#x20AC;?

THIRD PLACES In 1989 Ray Oldenburg celebrated virtues of the ‘third places’ that lie between work and home, such as coffee shops, post offices, barber shops, bars, and public institutions. Generally, these places are inclusive and local (Wood & Landry, 2008). The serve as gather spaces for social bonding and creating a sense of community. In terms in interculturalism, these places of opportunity where a chance encounter with someone of another race could lead to something more substantial. As highlighted by Madanipour (2006, 187), “In the context of spatial fragmentation and dispersal of cities, any place or activity that can physically attract a diverse range of people and can house them in the same place can have a positive effect on social integration”. And To facilitate the construction of a shared future, the urban form should play a role in terms of organizing outdoor activities and establishing “contact points with the outside world because life between buildings has been phased out”. (Vita, Trillo, & Martinez-Perez, 2016) While studies of public places conclude that groups have the tendency to self-segregate, the same studies point to certain elements of the built environment where divisions dissolve and people naturally come together. Public markets, playgrounds, boardwalks, streets, and beaches are arguably the most successful types of “multicultural places” because they can foster the kind of organic interaction between people that placemakers, social scientists, and cultural theorists consider so critical to the development of community across social divides (Knapp, 2008). The social interaction

of diverse groups can be maintained and enhanced by providing safe, spatially adequate territories for everyone within the larger space of the overall site. Other strategies of third places which allow for interethnic interactions include creation of congenial living conditions by integrating functions to public spaces; ensure mixite of functions to prevent isolation and segregation; support a certain degree of urban density to avoid oversized and abandoned open spaces, raising the profile of common areas; highlight the territoriality carefully to an open space on a human scale and with clear hierarchy of uses; and finally support an attractive appearance of the physical spaces taking care of the colors, materials, lighting and street furniture. (Alessandria, 2016) Furthermore some third places may predominantly serve an ethnic group of a community as cultural needs take more organized forms. Mosques, temples, cricket fields, parades and fairs, employment equity or heritage language classes, signage, etc, are examples of the institutions and services that ethno-racial communities seek (Qadeer, 2008). Accordingly, third places which target specific ethnic groups are not places of constant interaction between different ethnic backgrounds but provide educational opportunities for other ethnic communities and promote the social cohesion of minority groups. In addition, these places should be accounted for when designing in a multicultural city.

4.3.1 Inclusive Urban Design and Architecture

CONNECTIONS AND EDGES The discourse of connections and edges is very tied to the boundaries of segregation discussed earlier. In terms of design connection and edges are one of the most defining features of public space and greatly influence the perception of both building and city. Ann legeby (2010) in a description for Space Syntax wrote “Space is not seen as a neutral background to human activity, but as an intrinsic aspect of everything human beings do. Urban form in itself seems to have a promising potential to facilitate integration processes. Space is not just about properties of individual spaces, but about interrelations between the many spaces that make up the spatial layout. This indicates that when studying social segregation, spatial analysis needs to consider both the comprehensive level and the local level. Such approach captures a neighbourhood’s spatial position in a wider context, and in addition, it makes a relevant comparison possible between different neighbourhoods regarding spatial conditions. Design and planning decisions have often had some unexpected effects on problems such as social isolation and economic segregation.” Firstly, Connections are defined as paths, streets, alleys, and visual openness. Other than facilitating accessibility through clear inputs the settlement-district along with a road system that does not cause disorientation, allows alternative motion solutions, and connects unused spaces (Alessandria, 2016) (Cellucci & Sivo, 2017), the character of these connections plays a role in inclusivity.

These connections are best described by (Paba, Democratic Streets (and Cities), 2016) as they are not simply liveable, pedestrian or good but feature a complex blend of social, economic and ecological qualities. They reflect the neighbourhood and city’s history, local identity, but also the neighbourhood’s economic and social diversity; they are spatially and socially ‘just’, healthy, ecological and environmentally acceptable. They are (relatively) safe and comfortable, transmit a feeling of wellbeing in the open air, and in the city. They are also open, accessible, permeable, linked to the neighbourhood, city and the rest of the world. Democratic streets are not frozen, predictable or boring; on the contrary, they challenge their users and the people who live there, encourage active behaviour, surprise us, invite us to make discoveries. They are the chosen dominion of serendipity, we could say. Secondly edges refer to transition from one space to another. Edges are considered exclusive when they are synonyms to boundary, wall, fence and in association with segregated neighbourhoods and derelict lands. Edges could also be inclusive when they are defined by paths and act as meeting line or porous border between spaces. (Vita, Trillo, & MartinezPerez, 2016) Edges can act as third places of interaction between different communities, where specific shared activities are programmed. (Sennett).

4.3.1 Inclusive Urban Design and Architecture

BUILDINGS AND HOMES Some of the concepts which relate to inclusive building design are sustainability, social housing, affordable rent, adaptive reuse, and innovation in construction and design methods, but the defining character is adaptability. In addition to the premises for the design and construction of flexible spaces, there is also the active participation of users during the phase of design, the creation of multifunctional environments and the need to provide for scenarios of development within pre-established periods of time. Buildings and homes should be able to adapt to new lifestyles (Kronenburg, 2007)). Given that basic cultural elements (religious practices, speaking a specific dialect, eating habits, etc.) are both domestic and ethnic in the sense that cultural practices inside the home reinforce an otherwise difficult to grasp ethnic identity. Accordingly Cellucci & Sivo (2017)proposed a system of Identification, Internal-external correlation, and Technological flexibility which describes the ability to recognize the space/object system as an expression of one’s culture, through the “inert adaptability” of dwelling units and the “potential adaptability” of adjustable furniture, the ability to have a space/ object system suitable for individual or collective housing, through a flexible threshold between interior/ exterior to render the home suitable to diverse ways of using/inhabiting exterior space by those of different ethnic backgrounds, and any structure built to be used in multiple ways though an easy modifiability of its components to adapt it to the changing requirements of the users (Fitch, 1980). Beyond the use of movable internal partitions,

space customization and adaptability solutions are added, through the study of the ergonomic optimization of space to the users’ needs, according to an idea of self-help building (Cellucci & Sivo, 2017) Another form of adaptivity is incomplete form of light architecture, meaning an architecture planned so that it can be added to, or more importantly, revised internally in the course of time as the needs of habitation change, the antidote to the over-determined. Form and function need to be lightly connected if not actually divorced. the challenge is using new technologies to make building both simpler and more flexible in operation. Once we break the strangle-hold of function on form, once buildings are less tightly fit for- purpose, they can become living, evolving structures (Sennett).

4.3.2 Inclusion Case Studies SUPERKILEN – COPENHAGEN, DENMARK Designer: Bjarke Ingels Group and Topotek1 Superkilen is a half-mile-long landscaped urban space located in Nørrebro, one of Denmark’s most ethnically diverse and socially challenging neighbourhoods. It was conceived as a giant exhibition of urban best practice and employs a collection of objects from 60 home countries of the people inhabiting the area surrounding it. The conceptual starting point is division of the park into three zones and colours – the Red Square, the Black Market, and the Green Park. The surfaces and colours are integrated to form dynamic surroundings for the everyday objects. The desire for more nature is met through a significant increase of vegetation and plants throughout the neighbourhood. Trees are arranged as small islands of diverse varieties, blossom periods, and colours—as well as origin, matching that of the surrounding objects. By the large facade towards Nørrebrogade, the city’s principal shopping street, is an elevated open space that enables visitors to enjoy the view in the afternoon sun. Mimers Plads plaza is the heart of the Superkilen master plan. This is where the locals meet around the Moroccan fountain, on the Turkish bench, or under the Japanese cherry trees as the extension of the area’s patio. On weekdays, permanent tables, benches, and grills serve as an urban living room for backgammon, chess, and other activities. Sports facilities are also an important feature of the park that creates a natural gathering spot for local young people.

4.3.2 Inclusion Case Studies

ORTO ALTO AND CASA OZANAM – TURIN, ITALY The site is located on one of the main buildings of Casa Ozanam, a former industrial building in the heart of the Borgo Vittoria district, which today hosts numerous activities for the inhabitants conducted by associations and social cooperatives. Established as a SIMBI sheet press in 1938 and later becoming Casa Ozanam, owned by the City of Turin and used as a guest-student quarters, the complex consists of several buildings and adjoining courtyards that are arranged within a triangular lot. Created by the Bulgarian architect Nicolaj Diulgheroff, the shipmachine building is an interesting example of the architecture of the second Italian Futurism. At the center of the main courtyard, the social cooperative Meeting Service runs a cooking school and the restaurant “Le Fonderie Ozanam”. The restaurant specifically employs immigrants from different backgrounds to prepare genuine and original dishes, with locally produced ingredients, km0 and fair trade. The Le Fonderie Ozanam vegetable garden is right above the restaurant. The garden is was conceived through participatory design and self build initiatives. It also hosts a number of educational programs.

4.3.2 Inclusion Case Studies

CASAZERA â&#x20AC;&#x201C; TURIN, ITALY Designer: TRA, DE.GA, Golder Associates, T.I., ONLECO, DENER - Politecnico di Torino, comfortAre, Habicher CasaZera is a research project related to the conception of a high environmental performance ecological industrialized building system and low cost for social housing and the residential market. Starting from the theme of industrial areas, the research project aims at an urban and building recycling approach of industrial heritage through an open construction system, based on entrusting to the existing functions of the supporting structure and partially of housing, with the integration of a new wood based technology enclosure with high thermal performance. The CasaZera project is configured as an energy-sustainable system capable of intercepting the growing market demand for new lifestyles and new typological configurations together with the growing need for conservation of industrial buildings, executive speed and authorization speed. The overarching approach is the creation of minimally invasive techniques of adaptive reuse, which could also be personalized and adapted to the structures, individuals, and families.

Original Art by: Kyrahm and Julius Kaiser

ANALYZING EXCLUSION

5.1

IMMIGRANTS AND ASYLUM SEEKERS IN ITALY 5.1.1 History of Migration in Italy Immigration in Italy is a relatively recent phenomenon since the date of the unity of 1861, which began to reach significant dimensions around the seventies, and then became a phenomenon characterizing the demography of Italy in the early years of the third millennium (Caritas Roma). The Italian emigration is an emigration phenomenon on a large scale aimed expatriation affecting the Italian population. First it concerned northern Italy and then, after 1880, Southern Italy. Italy has also experienced consistent internal migratory phenomena, that is, included between the geographical boundaries of the country (Santillo, 2010). Italy, for most of its history from the unity onwards, was a country of emigration and it is estimated that between 1876 and 1976 over 24 million people left (ISTAT). Throughout this period, the phenomenon of immigration had been practically non-existent, where migration due to the consequences of the Second World War was excluded. Italy tended to remain a country with a negative migration balance; the phenomenon of emigration began to weaken decidedly only starting from the sixties, after the years of the economic miracle (Baldi & Azevedo, 2005). Particularly in 1973, Italy had for the first time a very slight positive migration balance, a characteristic that would become constant, amplifying itself in the years to come. The flow of foreigners began to take shape only towards the end of the seventies, both for the â&#x20AC;&#x153;open door policyâ&#x20AC;? practiced by Italy, and for more restrictive policies adopted by other countries (Baldi & Azevedo, 2005).

19 70

WWII 18 61

19 20

SLOW THE FLOW

L’EMIGRAZIONE EUROPEA

Unification of Italy

Wide discrimination and hostility towards Italian

Economic Growth of European Countries

LA GRANDE EMIGRAZIONE Unprofitable distribution of land Aversion to anarchists Rise of organized crime

Families moving aboard Initiatives to curb Emigration by fascist regime

Overpopulation

US: the Emergency Quota Act of 1921

Poverty

The Immigration Act of 1924

WWI Destination: to North/South America, Europe, Africa

source: Storia d’Italia. Annali 24. Migrazioni, Fondazione Ismu, ISTAT

ISTRIAN-DALMATIAN EXODUS

Switzerland and Belgium first destination

Forced emigration of ethnic and Italian-speaking citizens from Venezia Giulia and Dalmatia

1955 emigration pact with Germany

Return of Italians from the former African colonies

Temporary labor arrangements

Return of Some Italians

Some Permanent Emigration

COMING HOME

Despite oil crisis and gli anni di piombo, Return of some Italians which have previously emigrated Open door Policy

5.1.1 History of Migration in Italy

19 80

19 90

20 00

20 10 LA NUOVA EMIGRAZIONE La Grande Recessione

CENSUS AND REGULATION

1981The first Istat census of 321,000 foreigners 1982The first regularization program for undocumented immigrants 1986The first law enacted to guarantee to non-EU workers the same rights 1989Collapse of Eastern bloc

MEDITERRANEAN WAVE

Immigrants from the Mediterranean region (Libya, Tunisia, Egypt,Turkey and Greece) Bilateral agreements Turco-Napolitano law, centers for temporary stay of illegal immigrants Peaks of disembarkation in 1999 (49.999 arrivals)

CRISIS AND AGREEMENTS Romanian diaspora 2007 Romania integrated EU 2008 Another wave of immigration to Italy to escape poverty 2009 Agreements with Libya to reduce the flow of immigration at sea

La Fuga di Cervelli Scarcity of resources

THE ARAB SPRING

Lack of job opportunities

2011Syrian Civil War

Lack of technological innovations

2014Libyan second civil war

Competition of Global Cities Includes Naturalized Citizens

2018Lack of regulation along Mediterranean Sea borders Reactivation of the 2008 Italian-Libyan friendship treaty

Mass migration from Albania

ASYLUM SEEKER DISTRIBUTION 177.558 year 2018

source: Ministry of Internal Affairs

1130

Other 17%

Nigeria 19%

Other 17% Uc r a Iraq ina 2 3% % A fghanista n 2% Uc Iraq raina Bangladesh 3% 6% Afghanis tan

Nigeria 19%

2% 2%

Senegal 6%

Italy

547.090

2%S So om m Tun alia Tun alia isia isia 4% G uine G uine a a 4% Eritrea Eritrea

2% 2%

Mali Senegal 6% 7%

5% 5% rio rio vo vo d' A d' A sta sta 4% 4% Co Co na na G ha

Pakistan 10%

Gambia 7% Mali 7% G ha

Bangladesh 6%Pakistan 10%

Gambia 7%

Asylum Seekers App. 2010-2018

source: Ministry of Internal Affairs

5.144.440 Foreigners 2018 source: ISTAT

Romania 23,1% Other 36,1%

Romania 23,1%

Other 36,1%

3,3% Ind Ind Filipp ia Filip ia pine ine

3,0 %

% 2,6

Marocco 8,1%

2,3%

3,3%

Ucraina 4,6%

% 2,6

China 5,7%

Marocco 8,1%

a av old M

% 2,6

China 5,7%

% ypt Eg2,3

h es lad ng Ba

Albania Ucraina 8,6% 4,6%

Egypt

% 2,6

h es lad ng Ba

a av old M

8,5%

Albania 8,6%

5.1.2 Asylum Seeker Protection In Italy The reception system operates on two levels: first reception, which includes hot-spots and first reception centers, and second reception, which includes the Protection system for holders of international protection and for unaccompanied foreign minors. The first reception is intended to guarantee migrants first aid, proceed with their identification and initiate procedures for applying for international protection. In theory these are fast procedures, to then assign asylum seekers to SPRAR projects. The SPRAR program needs the adhesion of the municipalities. Many municipalities have never given their support, despite the fact that the projects were paid with money from the State. For this reason, the CAS, a hybrid that formally falls under the first reception, was introduced in 2015 but practically gives a long-term reception as happens in the second reception. CAS (Centers of Extraordinary Accommodation) are the main issue to inclusion. Due to the shortage of public housing in Italy and the desire for defused accommodation, each province has to accommodate a prescribed number of refugees. This has put pressure on the provinces to create agreements with building owners, mostly hotels, and cooperatives to host refugees for the protection period. These centers operate under cooperatives, which are supposed to provide the basic necessities and host activities and educational programs of integration. Unfortunately, the quality of integration is very dependent of the work of the COOPs, which in many cases do not prioritize integration efforts. (CESVI & ISPI, 2018)

2402

08,2%

12,3%

1821 19127

FOREIGNERS year 2018

363

07,0%

3466

817

1188

08,2%

04,8% 09,0%

302

130

06,1%

640

504

555

10,5%

07,6%

09,1%

289

152

04,4%

04,9%

ASYLUM SEEKERS year 2018

source: Comune di Rimini

07,7%

09,4%

58 151

03,3%

728

11,7%

10,1%

06,7%

136

2005

709

08,1%

09,9% 08,9%

713

06,8%

source: ISTAT

12,8%

10,9%

05,8%

Romania 23,1%

5.2

Other 36,1%

Albania 8,6%

5.2.1 Foreigner and Asylum Seekers in the Province

Ind Filipp ia ine

2,3%

3,3%

Marocco 8,1%

% 2,6

3,0 %

a av old M

China 5,7%

Ucraina 4,6%

Egypt

% 2,6

sh de gla n Ba

Province of Rimini

It is clearly shown in the in the distribution maps that both foreigners and asylum seekers are not equally present throughout the province both in terms of numbers and percentage in comparison to the overall population.

Foreigners 2018

In terms of foreigners, the majority are located along sea cost cities, with varies percentages in relation to the resident population. The percentages range from 3.3% in Casteldelci to 12,8% in Rimini, indicating difference in attraction of the different cities and towns. The Province of Rimini also has a considerably higher percentage of foreigners from Europe with 67% of the foreign population as apposed to 50% in Emila Romagna.

36.444 source: ISTAT

Albania 19,3%

other 22,5%

5 ,9

Tunisia Se negal co r oc Ma

Romania 16,1%

C hi na Ru 2 ,9 % s Mace sia donia 3,9% Moldava

4,5%

Ucraina 13,4%

On the other hand, the distribution of asylum seekers reflects the reluctance of the individual municipalities to accommodate refugees, and how the capital Rimini is host to more than half the number of refugees.

2 ,8

2,2%

6, 5%

Other 22,3%

Marocco 4,2% Senegal 4,9% desh gla an %B China 2,9 7,2%

Ru acedossia nia Moldova

10,8%

POSITIONING: IMMIGRANTS IN RIMINI

Albania 16,7%

Romania 16,3%

Ucraina 14,4%

HISTORIC AND TOURISTIC CITY year 1909

5.2.2 The City Context: Welcoming Rimini Rimini (is located on the Adriatic Sea, on the coast between the rivers Marecchia (the ancient Ariminus) and Ausa (ancient Aprusa). It is one of the most famous seaside resorts in Europe. Founded by the Romans in 268 BC, throughout their period of rule, Rimini was a key communications link between the north and south of the peninsula, and Roman emperors erected monuments like the Arch of Augustus and the Tiberius Bridge that mark the beginning and the end of the Decumanus of Rimini. The roman form can be seen in the parallel street pattern along Corso d’Augusto, and the city’s historic roman wall. During the medieval period, Rimini served as a merchant city, which can be marked by the Gothic popular architecture of Piazza Cavour, from the municipality building to the fish market. During the Renaissance, the city benefited from the court of the House of Malatesta, which hosted artists like Leonardo da Vinci and produced works such as the Tempio Malatestiano. The city was transformed after the 1843, by the founding of the first bathing establishment. In just a few years the seafront underwent considerable development work making Rimini ‘the city of small villas’. At the beginning of the 20th century, The Grand Hotel, the city’s first major accommodation facility, was built near the beach. As tourism continued to flourish, the city expanded along the coast, with hotels dominating the area between the railway and the sea.

Tiberio Italia in miniatura

Viserba

Fiera

Tawhid

Rimini

Roman Pal

Parks Surface water Historic buildings Buildings Study area Canals Rail ways Highway Historic City Wall

lacongressi

Ospedale Infermi Le Befane

Fablandia

Miramara

Rimini Airport

Beach Village

Riccione

5.2.2 The City Context: Welcoming Rimini

scale: 1:30000

FOREIGNERS THROUGH DISTRICTS year 2018

4521

source: Comune di Rimini

3571

3288 2173 3736

2190

other 22,5%

4,5%

6, 5%

5 ,9

Tunisia Se negal co r oc Ma

2 ,8 C hi % na Ru 2 ,9 % Mace s sia donia 3,9% Moldava

2,2%

Albania 19,3%

Romania 16,1%

Ucraina 13,4%

5.2.3 Foreigner and Asylum Seekers in the City

City of Rimini

19.127 Foreigners 2018

source: ISTAT

Other 22,3%

3,0 % 3,1% M Rus acedo sia nia 5,1% Moldova

12,8%

Marocco 4,2% Senegal 4,9% desh gla an %B China 2,9 7,2%

Albania 16,7%

Romania 16,3%

Ucraina 14,4%

Rimini has the 22nd largest number of foreigners in comparison to other Italian cities, even though this number makes up only 12,8% of the overall resident population. The spatial distribution of foreigners uneven through out the city, with most of the concentration along the coast. To better describe this concentration, a mapping system inspired by the work of Jane Addams was used to identify the major ethnic presence in neighborhoods. By comparing the latest data of 2010 census and the distribution of foreigners in 2018 in Rimini, some indicators of foreigner concentration emerge. These patterns are more evident when looking at residents from African and Asian origins as these continents are tied to the latest wave of immigration in relation to the economic crisis of 2008 and the Arab Spring. Four zones were identified as having roots for later settlement of immigrant from Africa and Asia. The zones are in Miramare, the city center, and an industrial center west of the city center. On the streets, these concentrations are evident with the opening of a mosque in the city center and the growth of ethnic food store in Miramare and the center.

THE ORIGINS year 2010 source: ISTAT

5.2.3 Foreigner and asylum seekers in the city

12-19% 20-29% 30-49% 50-100%

From Asia

From Africa

15-29% 30-50% 50-100%

All nations

They stay outside

The apartment where I live is very over crowded No there are no common areas in this structure

Miramare is the dumping ground of Rimini

THEY DONâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;T TAKE CARE OF THE BUILDING

5.2.4 Field Work and Interviews After identifying the zones of concentrations, Further research was conducted to identify the CAS in the city of Rimini and the responsible Cooperatives. Initially, interviews were conducted in Miramare, a zone known for criminality associated with ethnic minorities. These interviews gave a clear indication that racial tension in the zone was due to concentration of asylum seekers in a hotel structure and many homeless immigrants occupying the abandoned colonies nearby. The structure of contempt, has been altered by the cooperatives to obscure the ground floor in order to provide â&#x20AC;&#x153;privacyâ&#x20AC;? in the common area. Accordingly, Coop. Metis was contacted and interviewed in a hosting structure north of Rimini, to better understand the living conditions and confrontations of cultures in public space. Below is the Transcript of the interviews conducted prior to the definition of the issue of exclusion in Rimini, and devising a plan of intervention:

24-12-2018 Location: Seaside of Miramare Station Italian profumeria owner Introduced my self and said that I am working on study for the integration of immigrants within the urban fabric. Me: Owner:

What are the problems of the zones? And does he have any recommendations for how they could be improved. I am a voluntary provincial consultant, and I have been working for improving the situation in the zone.

Me: Is the zone dangerous? Owner: Ummm. yes. In terms of immigrants, there are 3 hotels in the zone which act as shelters for immigrants â&#x20AC;&#x153;refugeesâ&#x20AC;?. One of the problems in drug dealing. Miramare actually has less crimes than Rivazzurra. It is very beautiful and well organized, but the media report the crimes in Rivazzurra as though they happened in Miramare. Miramare is the rubbish dump of Rimini. Other than the refugees and immigrants there are so many people under home arrest. The comune is planning to regenerate lungomare in this zone but this will not benefit the community and it is all a money grab.

Two Female Police officers On duty for car removal from pedestrian street Viale Oliveti. Me: Officer 1: Officer 2:

What do you think of the immigration situation. I am not the right person to ask because if it was up to me I would set them on fire. I think they need to attend courses which explain to them the norms of our culture and the rules.

Me: The law must be followed by all. Do you think that through language courses, immigrants could be introduced to the Italian culture. Officer 2: No I mean special courses so they could understand what is culturally acceptable and not. We are not the ones who have to accommodate their culture it is them that have to adjust to ours. I mean they can not hang meet on terraces We donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t do that so they can not. Indicated to one of the hotels accommodating some immigrants. Immigrant hotel. Entrance for authorized personal only. Looks degraded from the exterior.

5.2.4 Fieldwork and Interviews

Syed from Bangladesh entering Evelyne hotel Does not speak Italian or English very well. Me: Small introduction. Where are you from? How long in Italy,in Rimini? Do you work? Do you have a permesso or residency permit? Syed: I have been in Italy for 1 year and 8 months. Bologna 2 months at first. I cant find work and I would like to do a wall painter. I live here. There are 4 other guys from Bangladesh, the other are African. Owner of hotel beside Evelyne hotel Me: Owner:

How is the situation in the zone? very bad, I just want them (the immigrants) to go away. I have been running my hotel for 50 years and I lost most of my long-term clients, I have to close it down.

Me: Owner:

Why? They threatened me because I complained about some of their actions that were not okey with me.

Me: Owner:

What did they do? Where can I start?

Me: Owner:

The drug dealing? Some months go the police came with drug dogs and they checked the building and found drugs. They were using our bathrooms, for this motives the immigrants think that we are the ones who reported them.

Me: Owner: Me: Owner:

have you seen or heard any violence? Violence NO. To be honest. The other issue is molestation. The families which came to the hotel during the summer complained that ladies were being stared at by the immigrants. They also did not feel safe. The situation here is particularity bad because the hotel there is a stop construction site where some immigrants sleep and sell drugs. At the beginning they would hide coming in and out but now, like that guy, they just move in and out without caring about being seen. It is difficult to have compassion when they stay here and do not work and get paW. They are well-dressed with their phones all day and cause problems. Do you think the situation would improve, if they were not concentrated in one zone and evenly distributed in the city. I donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t know but they shouldnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have put them in the touristic zone beside the sea. They should have put them in the rural areas where they cannot be seen and disturb the tourists. I have become very bad.

05.01.2019 Location: Rivazzura Coast New Manager of hotel panda Manager: Me: Manager:

yes this was a center for immgrants until the summer of 2017 but since i started managing in 2018 we have not applied to renew the contract for the reception centre. why is that? There are new hotels in the zones with tourists and many complaints were filed against the hotel, previous management, and refugees. I think they were a center for about 1 to 2 years. That’s all I know about the situations.

Hotel Manager of L’Hotel Me: Manager:

We heard that hotel Brennero beside you was a reception center. How was your experience and did you have any issues or concerns? Honestly I cant think of any issues that happened with the immigrants. We had more issues from our Italian clients than any immigrant neighbor. The only thing that I can remember is that one time a lady complained to us that she got scared because there was an African man standing outside, but she didn’t say that he did anything. The one thing I can note is that the owner of that hotel was very

present and even though some immigrants were staying and hanging outside we did not see them very often.

Me: Manager:

Did having the center affect your business in anyway. No, they did not cause any disturbance. I haven’t noticed any drug dealing. People from all races do bad things. Neighbour of hotel Brennero.

Employee of minimarket Me: Employee:

Where are you from? And how long have you been in Italy and working in this store. I have been in Italy for 2.5 years. First I was in bologna then they sent me to Rimini. I have been in this store for 6 months.

Me: (seeing that his Italian was bad) did you take any Italian courses? And where do you live, are you still in a reception center? Employee: I took Italian classes in bologna. I live 3 stops north of here in an apartment with many people. Me: Employee:

how do you pay rent? The owner of this store who is also from Bangladesh pays for

5.2.4 Fieldwork and Interviews

the apartment. We are 6 in a room. The owner has been in Italy for maybe max 30 years. Very long.

Me: Employee:

Do you have any Italian friends? No

Me: Employee:

What is your plan, do you want to stay it Italy, do you have family here or in Europe. yes I want to stay in Italy even though I donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have family here. After renew my permesso, I will go to live in Venice with the friend and find work there.

Two men which live in rivazzura Man 1: Man 2:

we donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have any problems with them specifically. The problems of robbery and small crimes are done here by all races. Especially in the summer where there are many tourists. The missing bikes are norm. during the winter we hear of people going and stealing from the closed hotels. yah I agree. I donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t see any new immigrants committing crimes, I hear that the Moroccans and Tunisians are the ones selling drugs, but I mean the Italians do that as well.

Location: Listening Center of Church Miramare. Female Volunteer Volunteer:

the situation in the zone is bad especially in the evening. There are groups of immigrants who I think are coming from the near hotel Evelyn that sit on the benches at the end of via Oliveti, that drink and disturb ladies, girls, and people.

Me: How are they being disturbing? Volunteer: well I finish work and that you pass that way to go home. They say insults and I have to walk very carefully with my head in the ground. When they are in a group I get scared. I mean not all immigrants are like that we have some 1 or 2 that help us out in the garden and the priests gives them some money. Me: do any immigrants come to mass and to the church? Volunteer: yes few come regularly and one is very nice. Some of the immigrants also live in the old abandoned buildings like the colonies on the sea. And last year one dies because of the cold. Me: To what extent do you interact with foreigners? Volunteer: The ones that behave well, I welcome with open arms, I give them money and they even say thank you mom. But the problem are the ones that behave badly.

09.01.2019 Location: Viserba Maxime Residence, Hotel owner and METIS Rep Me: How is the situation in the residence the zone? Owner: Good no problems. The problems are more from the neighbours than from the refugees. They are being racist for no reason. Me: how many refugees are there in residence, where do they come from and how long have you been hosting a reception center? Owner: now there are 33 people 2 of which are girls. Most of them are from Nigeria, some other countries are Ghana, Bangladesh, Mali and others. Mostly from Africa. I have been hosting the reception center for 4 years. At first I was called by “Rimini reservation” to accommodate 12 immigrants for at least 6 months. My initial idea was host them in combination with maintaining my Italian clients. This is when I started to see that the issue was acceptance of the clients. Some of them didn’t even want to take out their baggage from the car when they found out about the immigrants. So I decided to turn the entire structure into a reception center. Despite the nearby hotels confirming that there was no harm to their businesses, some neighbours continue to complain, arguing that the reception center has

decreased the value of their homes to which they have no proof. The period of Ramadan we get some complaints due to noise because they stay up very late and eat very late. In this neighbourhood the only hotek that had a real problem and now does not host a reception center is tre serene. They had a small number of immigrants about 12. Members of casa bound forza nuova were coming to film the immgrants that were only hanging out outside and upload films online saying look at these immigrants that do nothing all day and are being paid by your government. I mean at some point we were thinking of installing cameras and finger print at the entrance of the residence but were not able to due to privacy laws. I don’t understand how these people thought they had the right to film harmless people.

Me: what is the typical day of the center, and what are the local regulations? Owner: The coop is the one incharge of helping the immigrants, by providing food, and taking care of documents and doctor appointments. In this structure there is always a representative of the coop on ground and during the night there are guards. To get the permission of host immigrants many certificates needs to be provided both from ASL , the fire, and the police departments. ASL come to check about

5.2.4 Fieldwork and Interviews

every 2 months to make sure all is with in regulation, even though it is a new building from 2004. One time we got a ticket because all the staff needed to have a fire safety certificate. Cleaning is a sensitive topic, the coop has not managed to convince to clean their individual apartments, and sometime must organize for cleaning services.

Me: Metis rep: Owner:

what activities are planned for the refugees, do they attend language courses, or other activities? currently we donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t plan activities. We are around here to help and we strongly encourage them to go to language classes which are in the center or rimini which are 2 classes a week. As this structure is a residence and not a hotel, each monolocale has a kitchen. We are responsible of buying the food and distributing it to the guests. At first there was a lot of food waste. Some guys put a jar of yogurt as a door stop and it went bad, I also saw 5kg of pasta thrown in the garbage. But with time we learned to communicate and understand that most the foreigners we guested here preferred rice, and now they also inform us if there is something in particular that they need.

Me: Metis rep:

so cooking for them is not a problem. I donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t think so, most seem to cook all day.

Me: Metis rep:

we talked to an employee of a mini market who was from Bangladesh, and he told us that at first, he was in bologna, what is the reason? In bologna there is APA which the centre from which the asylum seekers get dispersed throughout Emilia Romagna.

Me: Metis rep:

Are some of the immigrants in the structure working? Yes, but mostly during the summer. They do manual jobs such as dishwashing in the hotels and some agricultural work. But during the winter it is difficult to find a job.

Me: Metis rep:

their jobs are regular, and do they talk about any skills or jobs they had in their countries? The regular jobs and regular payment is a problem actually, many work illegally. This is also due to the fact that the permesso they have is not recognized as an identity card so many are not able to open a bank account, we help some by recommending prepaid card which have a IBAN.

Me: Metis rep:

How do they find jobs, does the coop help? Not really, it is usually by word of mouth. One guy goes to work and the manager asks him if he knows of any others looking for work.

5.2.4 Fieldwork and Interviews

Owner: (laughing) see how he is coming out with the short sleeves in the winter. Then they ask us to increase the heat. Me: it is a different habit in Canada during the winter, I stay with short sleeves because the heating system is always on and is different. Owner: Metis rep:

but isnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t it wasteful? People from Bangladesh and Pakistan usually go to work for other conational that have been in Italy for a long time.

Me: how is the social structure, and do they have Italian relationships? Owner: At the beginning the permesso was for a much longer time. Now it usually lasts for 1.5years with renewal every 6 months. At the beginning it was easier to create bonds and many even see them go out but now that is rare. They tend to form friendships with others from the same country of origin, Eventhough many speak English or French other than their native language. Me: Do you have any idea about where they go after the protection period? Owner: I think many of them go to north Europe. To be with family or friends and where they think there are better job opportunities.

Manager of Hotel Corallo Nord Me: Manager:

How are things going with the center. Well I think. We have not had problems. Our hotel hosts only females, there are 20. A mom and her children are going to leave soon , the church found them a place to stay, and another girl who has been in Italy for 5 years, finally got all of her paper work done will be moving to an apparent which the coop helped her find.

Me: Manager:

are they working? some yes especially in the summer as dishwashers. But in the winter there is no work, which is a problem for many in this zone. I donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t know what can be done about the lack of jobs in Italy.

Me: Manager:

how is cooking and food managed here? I am the on cooking for everybody. Because this is a hotel and there are not kitchens in the rooms. I try to cook things that they would like spicy also.

Me: Manager:

Do the ladies help in cooking and cleaning? I am generally the only one cooking due to sanitary regulation, and I ask then what they want to eat. As for the cleaning, they keep their rooms clean. The Coop responsible of the rest is called Eucrante

AB03: The Murri Colony 1911

100

AB39: The Dalmine Colony, Later Hotel Le Conchiglie

5.3 According to the initial research conducted in Rimini, the quest was to identify architectonic solutions to ensure the inclusive accommodation of new and old immigrants and provide a sustainable life style. In reference to the interviews and the over all form of the city, it became apparent that the zone of Miramare is socially and spatially segregated. The segregation can be traced back to the expansion of the city; this periurban location is fragmented and disconnected. Visualizing the fragmentation and disconnection was done through the preparation of an abandonment map. The map identifies derelict lands and buildings, zones of parking, remnant agricultural land, and the few underpasses which provide access points along the rail way tracks. The abandonment map makes evident the scale and number of unused and derelict buildings, most of which are marine colonies. In conjunction with the surrounding land, these colonies appeared to have an opportunity for the creation of a living, working, gathering, and learning system, one which can accommodate immigrants. The Marine colonies originated as centers to cure and treat scrofula, a disease which during the eighteenth century was thought to be treated by sea water and the heat of the sun, in another term â&#x20AC;&#x153;thalassotherapy.â&#x20AC;?In 1928, thanks to the Red Cross, the colonies were managed by the National Opera for Maternity and Childhood, and also took the function of structures dedicated to children who, during the summer, attend them to strengthen themselves and play with peers.

OPPORTUNITY FOR INCLUSION

In the Fascist era, the colonies grew enormously, in line with the fascist policy of supporting less well-off families, greater education, and control of future generations. In this period, on the initiative of the P.N.F., of big industries, of the Federations of the local Fasci or of the National Balilla Opera, enormous structures were built, which can accommodate more than a thousand children. Among the best known in Rimini are the Murri Colony (AB03) built in 1911, the Bolognese Marine Colony (AB29) built in 1934, with 2000 beds, the Novarese (AB27) built in 1933 by the architect Giuseppe Peverelli,with 900 beds. Some colonies were destroyed during the Second World War and others were no longer in use, but those which remained in service were frequented by all classes, even by the children of the workers of those companies who built new ones. At the end of the economic boom their attendance decreased, this type of vacation for children disappeared. By this period the municipality had mangaed to acquire most of the colonies. In the 80s and 90s the colonies were abandoned and under went great degradation. Some efforts for re-qualification have been made through private enterprises, but due to the economic crisis and lack of organization most of these efforts have failed. (Tomasetti & Turchini, 1990)

101

MAP OF ABANDONMENT AXO 2

AB03 AB01

AB04

AB13

AB05

AB02 AB14

AB06 AB07

AB53

AB08

Fablandia

Ospedale Infermi

AB09

AB10

AB11

AB12

102

Le Befane

AB1

80BA80BA80BA 80BA

riaMramariM

AXO 1

AB29

AB30 AB31

AB20

aa idFnalbaiFdnalbaF aidnaalbidanFalb

AB33 AB34

Beach Village

AB47

AB32

AB19

AB41

AB35

AB27

AB39

AB37 AB25

AB38

AB26

AB42

AB36

AB43

AB44 AB40

AB48

AB49

AB50

AB51 AB45

AB46

AB28

AB51 AB52

AB18

Miramara

A61BA61BA 61BA

AB23 AB21

AB24

AB22

01BA01BA01BA 01BA

90BA90BA90BA 90BA

AB17

11BA11BA11BA 11BA

AB16

Abandoned Building

Agricultural Plot

Building

Semi Public Area

Railway Tracks

Abandoned Plot

Technical Space

Rapid Transit Line

Impermeable Parking Lot

Permeable Parking Lot

Pedestrian cycle lane

Park

Surface Water

Canal

21BA21BA21BA 21BA

Automobile/Ped. Underpass Pedestrian Underpass

scale: 1:10000

103

Original Art by: Ahmed Shahabuddin, artist from Bangladesh

WELCOME TO RIMINI The System of Inclusion

Social Cohesion

106

Self-Build

Adaptive Reuse

Public Private People Partnership

Peri-urban Production

6.1

SCOPE OF THE SYSTEM 6.1.1 Concepts and Goals Social Cohesion: Creation of social networks through cooperatives and social promotion association and the creation of meeting points to use the project for the promotion of integration and living with difference. Self Build: Cooperatives and social promotion association to enable at risk groups and immigrants of own property, or provide accommodation at affordable rent. Adaptive Reuse: Adapting abandoned buildings and colonies for new uses and standard according to program. Public Private People Partnership: Create opportunities for investment of active stakeholders to ensure economic sustainability. Peri-urban Production: Incorporating sustainable economic activities such as urban agriculture and light industries to empower stakeholders, and utilize voids.

107

Diffusion

Critical and Complimentary Mass

Voids

Connections and Nodes

Phasing

Boundary

108

Border and Third Places

a. Make a statement

b. Integration edges

6.1.2 System Design Strategy Diffusion to Critical and Complimentary Mass Currently asylum seekers, and new immigrants from Africa and Asia are diffused through out the territory. The project aims to create a network with zones of critical mass for homes and specialized services accompanied by complimentary structures of homes and services, which are in direct communication with the other parts of the system. Voids to Connections and Nodes The mapped voids are to be turned into a system of open space acting as connections and providing gathering locations, which ensures the inclusivity and integration of the system within the larger urban context. Boundaries to Borders and Third-places The boundaries and barriers identified will be made more permeable and suitable ground floor will act and gathering and connection points. Phasing: a. Make a Statement: the projects are to reflect the identity of stakeholders involved, in an effort to open dialog. b. Integration Edges: the edges of the system are to house common services and activities to encourage the interaction between old residents and new ethnic minorities.

109

Storage

Roof 2 Storage Zones

AB03 MURRI COLONY PROGRAM

Office

No light Studio

Office Quite Room Co-working Storage

Pantry

Meeting Room Studio

Toilets

3 2Bedroom App.

Office

Co-working Printing Office Toilets Pantry

2 Studio App.

Storage

Common Zone

Co-working

Meeting Room Toilets Auditorium Library Recep. Cafe Restaurant

1Bedroom App.

Office Meeting Room Lockers

Co-working Management

3 1Bedroom App.

Studio 2 2Bedroom App. Small Event

Toilets

Toilets Pantry

Common Zone

2 Labs

Lab Shops

2 1Bedroom App.

Exhibition Space

5 1Bedroom App. 3 Studio App.

Management Toilets

Coat Room

Reception

Lounge Immigrant Help

2 Class Rooms Kids Zone

Entrance Toilets

110

Niche Shops

Kitch-

Cafeteria or Event space Toilets

Ethnic Food

364,5 m2

Due to roof height not meeting livable spa

Second Floor

1980,0 m2

Organized as an extension of first flo

2 Studio Apartments 4 1Bedroom Apartments 3 2 Bedroom Apartments Residential Storage

30-40 m2 / 2 ppl. Or Couple 40-55 m2 / 4 ppl. Or Couple 55-70 m2 / 3 families 230,8 m2 No natural light due to facade protection

Studio Large Meeting Room Large Private Office Pantry Toilet Private Office 4 Private Office 5 Quite Room No light Studio

88,7 m2 44,8 m2 51,3 m2 21,6 m2 12,7 m2 19,9 m2 24,7 m2 24,5 m2 250,0 m2

First Floor

2650 m2

Divided in two, Co-working spaces for Generation, and living area for immig

3 Studio Apartments 7 1 Bedroom Apartments 2 2 Bedroom Apartments Common Residential Lounge Common Residential pantry Common Residential toilet Small Residential Event Space

30-40 m2 / 3 ppl. Or Couple 40-55 m2 / 7ppl. Or Couple 55-70 m2 / 2 families 197,6 m2 22,0 m2 12,4 m2 76,0 m2

With combined kitchen, dining and living a Designated spaces With max 2 kids Common Space for lounging and meeting To support host small gatherings in small e To support host small gatherings in small e By booking for small gathering and caterin

Studio Large Meeting Room Private Office 1 Private Office 2 Locker Room Toilets Co-working Space 1 Co-working Space 2 Printing Room Private Office 3 Pantry Co-working Common Area Small Meeting Room

88,7 m2 44,8 m2 17,9 m2 18,5 m2 19,5 m2 37,2 m2 / 10-14 ppl. 242,0 m2 / 28 ppl. 250,0 m2 / 24 ppl. 24,7 m2 19,9 m2 22,1 m2 197,6 m2 21,6 m2

Dance practice or photography shoots by

Ground Floor

2650 m2

A permeable Zone open to the Public Place for immigrants and Italians

Building Reception Coat Room Entrance Lounge Immigrant Help Office 1 Immigrant Help Office 2

18,5 m2 19,5 m2 88,7 m2 15,1 m2 / 2-3 ppl. 27,9 m2 / 3-5 ppl.

Building Management Office 1 Building Management Office 2 Classroom 1 Classroom 2 Kids Zone Kids Toilet Niche Shop 1 Niche Shop 2 Toilets Lab Space 1 Lab Space 2 Lab Shop 1 Lab Shop 2 Ethnic Food Shop Cafeteria Kitchen Cafeteria / flexible Event

15,1 m2 / 2-3 ppl. 27,9 m2 / 3-5 ppl. 48,6 m2 / 12 ppl. 48,6 m2 / 12 ppl. 137,8 m2 22,0 m2 44,3 m2 44,3 m2 74 m2 / 18 ppl. 48,6 m2 / 10 ppl. 48,6 m2 / 10 ppl. 44,3 m2 44,3 m2 61,3 m2 24,6 m2 245,3 m2 / 100-160 ppl.

Exhibition Space

177,1 m2

First information desk to direct visitors tow Temporary Storage for Cultural Center Vis Waiting space and small art display Work finding agency Services offered to both building inhabitan Immigrants Organization of building management Head of project organization and initiative Language classes, other academic topic Business management classes, and theore Monitored Kids learning and playing area. Suitable for supervised kids use and diape Specialized Shop as per renter/owner desi Specialized Shop as per renter/owner desi Public Toilets Space for applying handcraft skills Space for Art and creativity In-connection with work made through the In-connection with work made through the Space for imperishable ethnic food goods With work and training encouraged to imm A space which can be used as a cafeteria Events. Open to all with special agreemen Programmed Art exhibitions with concentr Ethnic minority countries Organized by cultural center or booked by Organization Small book collection in a variety of langua of classes and labs For checking out books and resource sear Open to all

Auditorium

76,8 m2 / 50-60 ppl.

Library

121,6 m2

Library Reception Cafe/ Restaurant

44,9 m2 92,0 m2

Dance practice or photography shoots by

Common area as an alternative to the libr Space which can be used to storage or sp

For co-working members Open desk spaces Open desk spaces

For lunch breaks of Coworkers Relaxed working and eating space

6.2

FUNCTIONAL PROGRAM

6.2.1 Sample Building Program Despite the variation of building sizes, the standard defined by the general functional program of inclusitivity is mixing of uses where possible and using the ground floors as third places. The Murri Colony (AB03) was chosen as a sample building to inform the standards of the functional program and act as a guide for the division of area of other buildings with in the system. Ground Floor CULTURE A permeable zone open to the public. The meeting place for immigrants and Italians 1st Floor CO-WORKING RESIDENTIAL Divided in two, Co-working spaces for income generation, and living area for immigrants 2nd Floor CO-WORKING RESIDENTIAL Designed as extension of First Floor Attic TECHNICAL Due to hight restrictions revered for technical plants and storage

111

Name Ground Floor Building Reception Coat Room Entrance Lounge Immigrant Help Office 1 Immigrant Help Office 2 Building Management Office 1 Building Management Office 2 Classroom 1 Classroom 2 kids Zone Kids Toilet Niche Shop 1 Niche Shop 2 Toilets Lab Space 1 Lab Space 2 Lab Shop 1 Lab Shop 2 Ethnic Food Shop Cafeteria Kitchen Cafeteria / flexible Event Exhibition Space

Area m2 2650 18,5 19,5 88,7 15,1 27,9 15,1 27,9 48,6 48,6 137,8 22 44,3 44,3 74 48,6 48,6 44,3 44,3 61,3 24,6 245,3 177,1

People

Auditorium Library Library Reception Cafe/ Restaurant

76,8 121,6 44,9 92

50-60 ppl.

First Floor 3 Studio Apartments 7 1 Bedroom Apartments 2 2 Bedroom Apartments Common Residential Lounge

2650 30-40 40-55 55-70 197,6

112

2-3 ppl. 3-5 ppl. 2-3 ppl. 3-5 ppl. 12 ppl. 12 ppl.

18 ppl. 10 ppl. 10 ppl.

100-160 ppl.

3 ppl. Or Cp. 7ppl. Or Cp. 2 families

Description A permeable Zone open to the Public. The meeting place for immigrants and Italians First information desk to direct visitors towards desired activity Temporary Storage for Cultural Centre Visitors Waiting space and small art display Work finding agency Services offered to both building inhabitants and visiting immigrants Organization of building management Head of project organization and initiative Language classes, other academic topic Business management classes, and theoretical skills Monitored kids learning and playing area. Day care. Suitable for supervised kids use and diaper changing facilities Specialized Shop as per renter/owner desire Specialized Shop as per renter/owner desire Public Toilets Space for applying handcraft skills Space for Art and creativity In connection with work made through the offered laboratories In connection with work made through the offered laboratories Space for imperishable ethnic food goods With work and training encouraged to immigrants A space which can be used as a cafeteria or rented for special events. Programmed Art exhibitions with concentration on art from ethnic minority countries Organized by cultural centre or booked by coworking organization Small book collection in a variety of languages and in support of classes and labs For checking out books and resource search Open to all Divided in two, Coworking spaces for income generation, and living area for immigrants With combined kitchen, dining and living area Designated spaces with max 2 kids Common Space for lounging and meeting people

Common Residential pantry Common Residential toilet Small Residential Event Space Studio Large Meeting Room Private Office 1 Private Office 2 Locker Room Toilets Coworking Space 1 Coworking Space 2 Printing Room Private Office 3 Pantry Coworking Common Area Small Meeting Room

22 12,4 76 88,7 44,8 17,9 18,5 19,5 37,2 242 250 24,7 19,9 22,1 197,6 21,6

Second Floor 2 Studio Apartments 4 1Bedroom Apartments 3 2 Bedroom Apartments Residential Storage Studio Large Meeting Room Large Private Office Pantry Toilet Private Office 4 Private Office 5 Quite Room No light Studio Coworking Space 3

1980 30-40 40-55 55-70 230,8 88,7 44,8 51,3 21,6 12,7 19,9 24,7 24,5 250 242

Third Floor 2 Storage Zones

364,5

To support host small gatherings in small event Space To support host small gatherings in small event Space By booking for small gathering and catering Dance practice or photography shoots by booking

6.2.1 Sample Building Program

For coworking members 10-14 ppl. 48 ppl. 55 ppl.

Open desk spaces Open desk spaces

For lunch breaks of Co-workers Relaxed working and eating space

Organized as an extension of first floor 2 ppl. Or Cp. 4 ppl. Or Cp. 3 families No natural light due to facade protection Dance practice or photography shoots by booking

Common area as an alternative to the library for co-workers space which can be used to storage or special photo shoots 48 ppl.

Due to roof height not meeting livible space requirements

113

114

6.2.2 System Buildings Program and Abacus

53 Buildings

Following the standards defined by the sample building program, each individual building highlighted in the abandonment map was studied.

cultural commercial eatery industry offices

42% of Area is

Residential 35254m2 of 83379m2

Apartments

355-642

The study looked at the form and area of the building to establish suitable functions in terms of adaptability and surrounding location. It must be noted that due to large variation in form and size, the smaller builing had a limited scope of functions, while the largest buildings house the most variety of uses. For the areas defined as residential the guide in the division of space is below, with the studio and 2 bedroom apartment defined as the maximum and minimum number of apartment. Studio Apartment

30-40 sqm

1 person or Couple

1 Bedroom Apartment 40-55 sqm

1 person, couple, or new family

2 Bedroom Apartments 55-70 sqm

2-4 person family

The abacus below outlines the area, and current and proposed program of each building which are categorized as: Adapt: intends that the function of the building will change from the original. Renovate: the function to stay the same as original but requires renovation. Recognize: the condition of the building is not suitable for renovation, as a result can serve as a monument.

115

AB01

AB03

AB02

previous program: offices for colony previous program: offices for colony covered area: 242 + 114 sqm covered area: 242 + 114 sqm floors: 2 floors: 2 total area: 598 total area: 598 10800 action: adapt action: adapt program: 4-6 apt. offices, eatery 10400 program: 4-6 apt. offices, small commercial 10000 9600 9200 8800 8400 8000 7600 previous program: hotel covered area: 288 sqm 7200 floors: 5 6800 total area: 1097 sqm action: adapt 6400 program: 6-12 apt. eatery, hospitality 6000 commercial 5600 5200 4800 4400 4000 3600 3200 2800 2400 2000 1600 1200 116 800 400 0 356 598 242 356 598 242 2654 9964 969 AB01 AB02 AB03

previous program: colony covered area: 2654 sqm floors: 4 total area: 9664 sqm action: adapt program: 21 apt. commercial, eatery, cultural

ground area

total area

apt area

AB07

198

198 AB04

469

469 AB05

106

192 AB06

288

previous program: colony pavilion covered area: 469 sqm floors: 1 total area: 469 sqm action: adapt program: cultural

AB05 AB04

previous program: technical space covered area: 198 sqm floors: 1 total area: 198 sqm action: adapt, program: commercial

AB06

previous program: residential covered area: 106 sqm floors: 2 total area: 192 sqm action: adapt program: 1-2 apt. offices

AB08

previous program: residential covered area: 240 sqm floors: 2 total area: 378 sqm action: Renovate program: 4-8 apt. farm house with shed

AB09

AB10

previous program: shed covered area: 67 sqm floors: 1 total area: 67 sqm action: adapt program: commercial

previous program: farm house covered area: 278 sqm floors: 2 total area: 555 sqm action: adapt program: 4-6 apt. commercial, eatery

previous program: residential covered area: 282 sqm floors: 2 total area: 563 sqm action: renovate program: 8-16 apt. farm house

AB11 117

1097 AB07

454

240

378 AB08

275

282

563 AB09

563

67 AB10

278

555 AB11

278

104

104 AB12

1950 5227 1646 AB13

AB13

previous program: colony and offices covered area: 1950 sqm floors: 4 total area: 5227 sqm action: adapt program: 36-18 apt. commercial, cultural offices, eatery

previous program: shed covered area: 104 sqm floors: 1 total area: 104 sqm action: adapt program: 1-2 apt. eatery,cultural

AB12

118 113

113 AB14

273

446 AB15

173

237

366 AB16

129

262

405 AB17

142

351

2109 1404 AB18

90 AB19

929

3252 23 AB20

326

AB14

previous program: parking structure covered area: 113 sqm floors: 1 total area: 113 sqm action: adapt program: commercial

AB53

previous program: hospitality covered area: 232 sqm floors: 3 total area: 695 sqm action: adapt program: 6-12 apt. offices

119 616

2462 1232 AB21

105

210 AB22

120

144 AB23

101 AB24

101

347

347 AB25

347

347 AB26

1999

AB15

previous program: residential covered area: 273 sqm floors: 2 total area: 446 sqm action: adapt program: 2-4 apt. cultural, eatery, commercial

AB19

previous program: residential covered area: 90 sqm floors: 1 total area: 90 sqm action: renovate program: 1-2 apt.

AB18

previous program: hospitality covered area: 351 sqm floors: 6 total area: 2109 sqm action: adapt program: 12-24 apt. hospitality, commercial, eatery, cultural

previous program: residential covered area: 237 sqm floors: 2 total area: 366 sqm action: adapt program:2-3 apt. commercial, eatery

120 8427 5510 AB27

AB17

previous program: cantoniera house covered area: 262 sqm floors: 2 total area: 405 sqm action: adapt program: 2-3 apt. commercial, eatery, cultural

AB16 243

486 AB28

243

3571 10712 3571 AB29

253

506 AB30

448

896 AB31

135

135 AB32

158

316 AB33

316

previous program: colony covered area: 1999 sqm floors: 5 total area: 8427 sqm action: adapt, program: 38-76 apt. commercial, eatery, offices, cultural

AB27 AB20

previous program: residential, colony covered area: 929 sqm floors: 4 total area: 3252 sqm action: adapt program: 26-36 apt. commercial, eatery, offices

AB25-AB26

previous program: colony pavilion covered area: 347x2 sqm floors: 1 total area: 347x2 sqm action: adapt program: light industry, cultural

AB21

previous program: mixed covered area: 616 sqm floors: 4 total area: 2462 sqm action: adapt, program:16-32 apt. commercial, offices,cultural

121 1527 2313 AB34

786

522

1556 1034 AB35

836

2202 1366 AB36

62 AB37

495

1484 AB38

990

3497 8022 2036 AB39

793

3172 237 AB40

previous program: colony pav. covered area: 158 sqm floors: 2 total area: 316 sqm action: adapt program: 4-6 apt.

previous program: colony pavilion covered area: 253 sqm floors: 2 total area: 506 sqm action: adapt program: cultural

AB33

AB30

AB29

previous program: colony pav. covered area: 135 sqm floors: 1 total area: 135 sqm action: adapt program: eatery

AB32

AB34

AB39

AB31

previous program: colony covered area: 3571 sqm floors: 3 total area: 10712 sqm action: adapt program: 24-40 apt. eatery, commercial, offices

previous program: colony pavilion covered area: 448sqm floors: 2 total area: 896 sqm action: adapt program: commercial

AB36-AB37

previous program: colony, pavilion covered area: 836+62 sqm floors: 3, total area: 2264 sqm action: adapt program:10-24 apt. offices, commercial, eatery, cultural

AB35 AB28

previous program: colony covered area: 522 sqm floors: 4 total area: 1556 sqm action: adapt program: 12-24 apt. eatery, commercial

previous program: farm house covered area: 243 sqm floors: 2 total area: 486 sqm action: renovate program: 2-5 apt. commercial, eatery

AB38

previous program: colony covered area: 495 sqm floors: 3 total area: 1484 sqm action: adapt program: 12-24 apt. light industry

previous program: farm house covered area: 72 sqm floors: 2 total area: 144 sqm action: recognize program: ruin cultural

previous program: residential covered area: 105 sqm floors: 2 total area: 210 sqm action: renovate program: 2-3 apt.

AB40

previous program: hospitality covered area: 793 sqm floors: 4 total area: 3172 sqm action: adapt program: 20-30 apt. commercial, offices

previous program: residential covered area: 51 sqm floors: 2 total area: 101 sqm action: renovate program: 1-2 apt.

AB24

AB23

AB22

122 1441 1441 1441 AB41

previous program: colony covered area: 1527 sqm previous program: colony, hospitality floors: 2 covered area: 3497 sqm total area: 2313 sqm floors: 5 action: adapt total area: 8022 sqm program: 9-18 apt. action: adapt commercial, eatery, program: 32-40 apt. ofcultural, offices fices, commercial, eatery, cultural, hospitality

862

2645 1622 AB42

1005 3048 1323 AB43

291

776 AB44

485

137 AB45

209

209 AB46

316

previous program: colony covered area: 1441 sqm floors: 3 total area: 4324 sqm action: recognize program: ruin cultural

previous program: colony covered area: 316 sqm floors: 4 total area: 838 sqm action: adapt program: cultural

AB41

previous program: colony covered area: 548 sqm floors: 4 total area: 2109 sqm action: adapt program: 12-30 apt. offices, eatery

previous program: hut covered area: 214 sqm floors: 2 total area: 375 sqm action: adapt program: commercial

AB47

AB48

AB49

AB42

previous program: colony covered area: 862 sqm floors: 4 total area: 2645 sqm action: adapt program: 15-35 apt. commercial, cultural, light industry previous program: pavilion covered area: 68 sqm floors: 2 total area: 137 sqm action: recognize program: ruin cultural

AB50

previous program: pavilion covered area: 61 sqm floors: 1 total area: 61 sqm action: renovate program: technical

AB45 AB43

AB44

AB46

previous program: colony cov.area: 1005 sqm floors: 4 total area: 3048 sqm action: adapt program: 15-35 apt. commercial, cultural, light industry

previous program covered area: 291 sqm floors: 4 total area: 776 sqm action: adapt program: 6-12 apt. offices, eatery

AB51

previous program: pavilion covered area: 209 sqm floors: 1 total area: 209 sqm action: adapt program: eatery, cultural

previous program covered area: 106 sqm floors: 2 total area: 212 sqm action: renovate program: 2-6 apt.

AB52

previous program: residential covered area: 35 sqm floors: 2 total area: 70 sqm action: renovate program: 1-2 apt.

123 838 AB47

214

375 AB48

548

2109 AB49

928

61 AB50

106

212 AB51

212

70 AB52

232

695 AB53

464

TYPES OF SELF-BUILD

Dynamo Bologna Salvacicilisti

SELF-RENOVATION APS Construction APS Volunteers Municipality

l’Ecovillaggio Corricelli Cantagallo, Prato Associazione Corricelli

124

FAMILIAR SELF- BUILD

ASSISTED SELF-BUILD

APS Construction APS Volunteers

COOP Construction COOP Municipality

“Le mani, per vivere insieme” Senigallia

6.3

INCLUSION THROUGH SELF-RENOVATION

6.3.1 Defining Self-construction and Self Renovation In dealing with the topic in the architectural field, the definition of self-construction provided by Massimiliano Bertoni and Andrea Cantini is: “one speaks of self-construction when a house is built by the same people who will live there.” There are characters that distinguish self-construction from the conventional practice of construction. First the client does not delegate the construction of his own home to a specialized external body (a construction company), but he works to build it himself. Therefore in a construction site in self-construction, those who take part are people who work for free, helping the client in the construction. The second aspect concerns the spontaneity that characterizes self-construction, it is a practice accessible to anyone, even by those who have no experience in the construction world. Therefore it is not assumed that the self-builder must necessarily be a professional (architect, engineer, carpenter), but may simply be an individual who carries out a profession completely alien to the field of construction. The model of self construction could also be applied to self renovation. In order to understand the correlation, the different types of self construction and renovation were studied to devise an inclusive system of self renovation following the principles discovered. Associated and Assisted Self-construction This form of self-construction is characterized by the presence of two main actors: the cooperative of self-builders and the body for assisted selfconstruction. The cooperative of self-builders is made up of a certain number of families who together decide to build their own home in self-construction.

The cooperative is born through the stipulation of the so-called “associative pact” with which relations between the policyholders are regulated, the objectives to be achieved, the roles, the duration of the construction site, the hours of work that everyone must guarantee, the conditions of withdrawal. Familiar Self-construction The definition of family self-construction provided by the Tuscan Network for the self-construction and self-recovery: “The” family “selfconstruction or recovery consists in the construction of one or more real estate units, thanks to the work of the “client” family (the one who will live there) assisted by a group of friends-volunteers. This style of self-construction differs from “assisted and organized” self-construction, which is based on workers-members of a formally constituted cooperative, which is aimed at interventions on rather large scale. Familiar Self-construction gives the possibility, to small groups of people, to be able to build or renovate, mainly thanks to their work and that of friends-volunteers, their home. “ Self Renovation Once the land or structure is under the ownership of the self-builder/ renovator, the types discussed above could be applied, but self renovation could also apply to public private and public property, with agreements made between the different parties to ensure mutual benefit. Lastly, it is important to highlight that all the forms of self construction place a great deal of responsibility on the self builders. Accordingly, the scope of each project must be fully defined and well understood.

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‘‘Un tetto per tutti’’ Casalmaggiore

Self-construction Type: Associated and Assisted Number of Apartments:19 Duration: 4 years (2007-2011) Stakeholders: Municipality of Casalmaggiore: a. Promoter of the project b. Donor of land c. Main decision maker NGO Alisei: a. Defined the details of project b. The financial plan c. Technical expertise d. Project management e. On-site guidance Sottoiltetto (‘‘Under the roof’’) a social enterprise specialized in associated and assisted selfbuilding which replaced Alisei. COOP ‘‘Un tetto per tutti’’ 18-12 families :6 from Ghana, 1 from Albania, 1 from Morocco, 1 from Algeria and 3 from Italy Banca Prossima Non-profit bank, for loan

126

Number. of hours: weekends Finance: Municipality contributed 20% Final cost: 50% less than market value Process: 1. Promotion by municipality through public assembly and two public calls. 2. Selection of NGO Alisei by municipality. 3. Definition the project and the preliminary budget. 4. Selection of Families from 59 applicants. 5. A series of meetings to explain the project, the features of the apartments and the implication in terms of work commitment. 6. Alisei training was organized before the actual start of the on-site process, while the project was defined in all planning and design details and on this basis the loan with the bank was arranged. Notes: 1. Misunderstanding regarding the actual work involved, particularly among the immigrants 2. There was a flagrant lack of respect for the rules: much less labor was provided and the work on the building site was difficult to organize, resulting in delays and mistakes. 3. Change, decided by the municipality, in the number and consequently in the size of the apartments to be built. 4. Many people withdrew from the project 5. Lack of professional support, coordination and monitoring from Alisei. 6. Work was suspended for lack of building materials due to failure of Alisei.

6.3.2 Self Construction and Renovation Case Studies “Le mani, per vivere insieme” Senigallia

Self-construction Type: Associated and Assisted Number of Apartments:20 Duration: 1 year (2011-2012) Stakeholders: Municipality of Senigallia and Province of Ancona: a. Promoter of the project b. Donor of land c. Main decision maker Il Consorzio Solidarietà ed il Consorzio ABN: a. Defined the details of project b. The financial plan c. Technical expertise d. Project management e. On-site guidance Corinzi 13 A social enterprise specialized in associated and assisted selfbuilding managed the site. COOP of Self-builders 9 Italian,1 polish, 1 Chinese, 1 Iranian, 5 Albanian, 1 Algerian e 2 Ukrainian families Banca Etica Financial Partner for loan

Number. of hours: 900 hours per family Finance: Municipality contributed 12,600 euro per apartment. Total Cost:3,005,600 euro Process: 1. Promotion by municipality through public assembly and two public calls. 2. Selection of il Consorzio Solidarietà ed il Consorzio ABN by municipality. 3. Definition the project and the preliminary budget. 4. Selection of Families from applicants. 5. A series of meetings to explain the project, the features of the apartments and the implication in terms of work commitment. 6. Consorzi training was organized before the actual start of the on-site process, while the project was defined in all planning and design details and on this basis the loan with the bank was arranged. Notes: 1. The project was completed within a reasonable time frame and is seen as a success. 2. Project was open to families who have resided in Italy for a long period.

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l’Ecovillaggio Corricelli Cantagallo, Prato

Self-construction Type: Familiar self-build and self-renovation Duration: 2001-ongoing Stakeholders: Comunità Montana Alta Valle del Bisenzio: Sellers of the property under Tuscany Region law, 9th of ‘97, which reads: “The idea to sell a few hundred farmhouses and other agricultural buildings currently in a state of neglect Rete associativa dell’autocostruzione e l’autorecupero: a. Course provision b. Project management c. Technical expertise d. On site guidance Associazione Basilico and Associazione Corricelli a. Owners of the site b. Soci and volunteer for self-build and renovation

128

Finance: municipality did not directly contribute. Funds were a combination of income from personal funds, perma-culture, and donations Process: 1. A group of friends buy a piece of land with abandoned buildings 2. They create a APS (social promotion association) to start permaculture, construction of small shelters, and renovate the buildings. 3. They contact Rete associativa dell’autocostruzione e l’autorecupero to learn about self-build. 4. The network gives guidance for the technical aspects, and procedure with municipality. 5. Volunteers and the association start to build small wood and straw shelters. 6. Later they start to renovate the abandoned stone buildings Notes: The context of the ongoing project revolves around a self sustaining community in a rural mountainous setting, which is a life style not applicable to all.

6.3.2 Self Construction and Renovation Case Studies

Dynamo Bologna

Self-construction Type: Assisted self renovation Duration: 1(2015-2016) Stakeholders: Municipality of Bologna: a. Investor b. Owner of building c. Creator of public tender Ass. Salvacicilisti: a. Defined the details of project b. The financial plan c. Technical expertise d. Project management e. On-site guidance f. Management of building Volunteers and users End use a bicycle hub

Finance: 60,000 euro from municipality Process: 1. The Ass. Salvacicilisti presents the municipality with the project for the requalification of the building 2. The municipality creates a tender for the re-qualification â&#x20AC;&#x153; Incredibolâ&#x20AC;? 3. The ass. Wins th tender for the management of the building for 4 years 4. A sum of 60,000 euro is given to the ass. for the first re-qualification phase. 5. Involvement of the ass and volunteers for the renovation 6. Creation of a bicycle parking area in the underground building with repair services Notes: Due to the minor modifications to the building site and the good condition of the building, the over all project was successful.

129

Selection

Activation and Analysis

Stakeholders Building COOP and APS New Asylum Seekers

Immigrants

At Risk Groups

Search for interested parties

Private Investors and Banks Other Citizens

130

Realization

Refine selection and identify Courses for auto-construction suitable sites for project and find and beginning of guidance in investors materials

Management and Use

Technical Support and cultural mediation guidance with material procurement

Complete Italian Course and apply

apply to program

Experts and Professionals

Municipality of Rimini

Design

Attending construction courses and participatory design Defining Group and individual needs Creation of COOP or APS and identifying investors

Ethnic minority experts are consulted to study feasibility

General approval and possible partner

Material procurement, construction, renovation, security courses responsibility

Design with stakeholders present to municipality

Consultation and defining scope

Private Investors to define business and Banks to provide loan options

Provide Building Permits

Offer modification if required

Work, use, habitat,manage and offer support to other immigrants

Intermittent checkups

Regular security controls and final living permits

Assessment of project

Private Investors involved in design

Partial responsibility of construction and banks

Partial management and profit

Consulted during design

Possibility to volunteer in construction

Common commercial and Cultural hubs

6.3.3 Scheme of Self-renovation As the condition, size, ownership type, and form of the identified buildings varies, the following scheme is a general overview of the process and actors of the self renovation project. There are some factors which better define the suitable type of self construction system. 1. The number of individuals involved is dependent on the building program, and the interested parties. Higher numbers of apartments would lean towards the associated and assisted self construction. 2. For private properties, alternative to ownership could be defined, such as the right to use for certain periods of time. 3. The level of involvement by public actors such as municipalities, plays an important role in defining the success of bigger projects. 4. The assessment of the buildings and feasibility study are the first stepping stones. 5. Activation of such projects can be done through volunteer professionals, but would be very difficult without the support and promotion of the municipality. 6. The scale of the project will inform the type of assisted constriction coop. or consorzio as they tend to specialize self construction types. 7. The allocation of responsibility of security, safety, and conformation to regulation varies according of self construction type.

131

-08

New Pedestrian and bike lane

Cycle lane

Proposed Automobile Connection

Automobile Connection

Proposed Urban Agricultural

Existing Agricultural

Specialized sports

Sport Courts

Park

Programmed space

Beach

AB08

Ecological corridor

Total covered area: 21318 sqm Total built area: 56156 sqm Total residential area: 26638 sqm

AB06

AB05 AB04 21

-21

AB03

SYSTEM AXO 1 cultural commercial eatery industry offices

132

-06

06 AB02 04

-06 AB07

23% 40 - 54

AB01

Total covered area:4734 sqm Total built area: 13566 sqm Total residential area: 3125 sqm

-12

cultural commercial eatery industry offices

47% 240 - 443

-02

01 02

6.4

-06

AB52 12

-30 AB51

URBAN APPLICATION OF THE SYSTEM

AB50 AB49

-02

-06

02 AB52 12

-30 AB51 AB50

AB48 AB49

AB47 AB46 AB48

-35

AB45 AB46 -35

AB43

AB41

Sport Courts

New Pedestrian and bike lane

Cycle lane

Park

Proposed Automobile Connection

Automobile Connection

Beach

Proposed Urban Agricultural

Existing Agricultural

Programmed space

AB47

Specialized sports

-12

Ecological corridor

-12

AB45

AB44

-35

AB42

AB41

-30

AB43

AB44

-35

-30

-40

AB42

cultural commercial eatery industry offices

Total covered area: 21318 sqm Total built area: 56156 sqm Total residential area: 26638 sqm

47% 240 - 443

-40

AB40

-24

AB39 -24 AB38

AB39 10 09

-18

-24 AB38

AB34

AB37

-04

AB28 AB35 AB32

AB33

AB28

AB31

AB34

-06

AB37 -06

-24

AB36

-24

AB36 04

AB35

AB30

AB32

AB29

-40 AB26

AB33

SYSTEM AXO 2

AB31 AB30

AB25

AB29 04

-08

-76

AB27

-40

-24

cultural commercial eatery industry offices

47%

AB27

AB08

240 - 443

-12

AB26

-76

38 AB20

AB25

Total covered area: 21318 sqm Total built area: 56156 sqm Total residential area: 26638 sqm

-24 08

-12

133

AB06

AB20 AB05 AB04 21

-21

Original Art by: Nike Davies Okundaye, artist from Nigeria

INCLUDING MURRI PARK

136

7.1

THE MURRI COLONY AND PARK

7.1.1 History of The Murri Colony The Colonia Murri was part of the therapeutic initiatives similar to other Marine Colonies. It was is carried out by the Pie Works of Bologna and Imola in 1911, according to the project of the clear engineer Giulio Marcovigi; Augusto Murri (1847-1932), the famous pathologist of the University of Bologna. The Colonia Murri was widely used throughout the period between the two wars, initially to house and treat children with scrofula, a disease that easily contracted in very poor contexts and caused the appearance of bulge in the vicinity of the main nodes of the system lymphatic. The building was badly damaged by the bombings connected to the battles of breakthrough of the Gothic line and from the post-war period onwards it remains as a wound to the territory. Below is the chronological list of interventions and re-qualification efforts which took place: 1978: the building of the former colony Murri, in a state of neglect and of growing degradation since the end of the Second World War, is purchased by the Municipality of Rimini; 1979: the Municipality of Rimini entrusts the arch. V. Viganò the preliminary project for the design of the “Green Marine Environmental System - Murri Bellariva”; The project involved the recovery of the area and not that of the Colony. The architect Viganò considered the area to be more important than the building. Numerous intellectuals and environmentalists lined up against the demolition of the colony. The project was stopped.

1982-1989: period during which the Municipal Administration urges a wide debate to enrich the project idea. The proposal of the Soc. Valdadige S.p.A. the most complete and structured one was recognized; 1989: with City Council resolution the municipality of Rimini approves the project for the restructuring of the ex-Colonia Murri and the Mediterranean Seaside Park, included in the area adjacent to the former Murri colony, according to the law n. 92 of 03/21/1988 (“Carraro” law or world-wide of the 1990s) a decree of the Ministry of Tourism and Entertainment approves the aforementioned project; April 26, 1991: an agreement was signed between the Municipality of Rimini and the Rimini & Rimini Company for the restructuring of the “ex Colonia Murri” with the establishment of surface rights for ninety years. 10 April 1992: opening of the construction site in the former colony following the release of the building permit; June 8, 1993: the Regional Council with Del. 1993/2491 cancels the building permit because it was stated that the Del. C.C. of 1989 it was not suitable to constitute variant to the PRG, for which the jobs were immediately suspended; August 7, 2007: the municipal interest agreement scheme is approved, the convention agreement modifying the agreement form for the sale of surface rights. 2008 is the beginning of the international crisis. The actuators of the project are no longer in a position to proceed with the completion of the recovery of the Murri colony.The “Rimini & Rimini” was declared bankrupt by the Court of Rimini on 4 March 2015.

137

138

7.1.2 The Current Condition of the Building and Park Due to the multiple interventions on the Murri Colony in an effort for re-qualification, the building is in good structural condition. In the last intervention, the structure of the building has been reinforced to meet seismic standards, and the roof have been renovated and skylights have been added. Despite this, the building lacks all finishes, mechanical and electrical plants, fixtures, internal division walls, and thermal insulation. The building is also inaccessible to the public. On the other hand, the park is open to the public, but lacks amenities. The current play structures and out door furniture are degraded and uninviting. The park today is used as a passage rather than a location for congregation. The two small pavilions in the park are very degraded. They are closed of with fences, and invaded with creeping plants.

139

Red for storage, Blue for usable space

140

7.2

FEASIBILITY OF SELF-RENOVATION AT MURRI COLONY 7.2.1 Comparative Synthetic Estimate

In a system which involves the physical mental and financial input of “at risk groups”, the feasibility of a project becomes of highest priority. Accordingly, the project includes a hypothetical scenario of funding and costs to establish some parameters, which would render the project financially feasible. The proposed scenario has taken into consideration the information gathered from the previously described self- build systems, current Italian legislation, and information about construction from the Revenue Agency “Agenzia dell Entrate” and the Chamber of Commerce “Camere di Commercio”. The process to assess the financial feasibility of the Murri building self-renovation includes the comparative synthetic estimate of the acquisition and the renovation of the building and later the proposal of a hypothetical financial system which would allow the participants of the association or cooperative to gain partial ownership of the project. The Comparative Synthetic Estimate was chosen for a variety of reasons. It is suitable for existing buildings and follows the cardinal principle of comparison, which signifies confronting a chosen building with a similar reference building in the same location. Another motive is to create a scientific assessment which is logical and rational; and given the conceptual scope of the project the comparative synthetic estimate would allow for the use of one parameter of comparison, which in this project would be the square meter m2.

A. Firstly the area of the building was calculated according to law D.P.R. 23 marzo 1998, n. 138, allegato C in reference to “Manuale della Banca Dati Quotazioni dell’Osservatorio del Mercato Immobiliare, Istruzioni tecniche per la formazione della Banca Dati Quotazioni OMI” which assumes the square meter of cadastral area as a unit of measurement of the consistency of ordinary urban buildings. In which, The commercial area is equal to the sum of: the surface of the main compartments and of the direct accessories, including the amount of surfaces occupied by the internal and perimeter walls; and the homogenized surface of the appurtenances of exclusive use: ornament (terraces, balconies, patios and gardens); or service (cellars, covered and uncovered parking spaces, garages, etc.). It is also outline that storage spaces which are not directly connected to a commercial unit are to be calculated as 25% of their original area. Accordingly, the cadastral consistency of the building is as follows: Usable Commercial Area “superficie Utile”: 6941m2 Storage and technical Area “Magazzino”: 3594m2 x 25% = 899m2 Total cadastral area: 7839 m2

141

Current value of the building

The current market value of the Murri Building was estimated through the value comparison of similar colonies and buildings sold in the same zone. The value was later adapted to suit the specifics of the building which is unfinished and required a great deal of renovation to become liveable. The main renovation items include finishes (pavements, doors and windows etc.), and technical plants. Accordingly, the value per square meter indicated is 600 Euro.

As a result, the market value for purchasing the Murri building in its current state is: Current Market Value: 4.703.562 Euroâ&#x20AC;&#x192;

142

7839 m2 x 600 Euro =

7.2.1 Comparative Synthetic Estimate

Cost of Renovation

The first amount deducted is the 10% of profit for the financing organization, which is justified by the end users, financing the project and the involvement of the municipality as an end user or stake holder.

The cost of renovation for the over all building was calculated by comparing the typical cost of renovation for similar buildings in a similar state of construction and typology and later deducting amounts which could The Second amount deducted is 10% which typically goes to the be saved using the self renovation system explained previously. organization of the contracting company. The original amount outlined by the Chamber of Commerce is 15%, but only 10% was deducted as some Considering the requirements for liveability, the Murri Colony lacks level of organization would still be required in the project. the following: Finally for the renovation cost the amount of 6.271.416 Euros was a. Technical plants reduced by 20%, which would conclude the renovation cost at: b. Finishes including windows, doors, pavements, paint etc. Accordingly the amount required for renovation in a traditional construction system would be 800 Euro per m2.

5.017.133 Euros â&#x20AC;&#x192;

This amount applied to the building equals: 6.271.416 Euros Furthermore, in reference to the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Prezzi Informativi delle Opere Ediliâ&#x20AC;? offered by the Chamber of Commerce of Rimini two amount where decucted from the overall renovation costs as saving due the self renovation system.

143

In reference to the case studies of self building systems, the financial feasibility of a project is dependent on several factors. The first would be the financial involvement of the municipality in projects with self building cooperatives in offering funds, and or donating the land or site. The second is the rate offered by banks to the self builders to pay the loans, which in the case of ‘‘Un tetto per tutti’’ Casalmaggiore were equal to 20-25% of the families’ disposable income. In ‘‘Un tetto per tutti’’ the average cost per unit was 87.000 Euros , while in “Le mani, per vivere insieme” Senigallia the average cost per unit was 150.280 Euro. As the adaptive reuse project of the Murri building is not limited to residential units, the financial scenario proposed, and the adapted typology of the building offer an opportunity to explore new systems of financing self build or renovation projects. As previously shown by the program of the building, the municipality could be involved and use some of the offices and spaces provided on the ground floor, and private investors or business owners could contribute and gain profit from the co working spaces provided. Considering the above, it must be noted that the acquisition cost of 4.703.562 Euro is a key factor to determining the feasibility of the project. As building is currently within the process of the owners bankruptcy procedure, the future owner is unpredictable. For the proposed financial scenario it is assumed that the building will be rebought by the municipality, and donated to the self builders for renovation, or that an agreement could be reached with the future owner, which does not influence the loan to be

144

7.2.2 Hypothetical Financial Scenario taken by the self builders.

Total Renovation Cost: 5.017.133 Euros

In the hypothetical scenario proposed the financial stake holders are the self builders, public institutions, bank, and private investors. Each is assigned with costs and benefits.

50% Self Builder Society: 2.508.566 Euros

The self builders and banks will take on 50% of the renovation cost. The bank will assign a loan to the builders and future owners, with rates which consider the economic situation and stability of the self building society and its members. The self builder will benefit by having access to affordable rates for housing, commercial spaces, and 50% of the shares of the co-working business.

25%

Public funding and other funds by European and Italian agencies concerned with culture and integration will play a fundamental role in financing this project. The feasibility will depend on 25% of the costs being funded publicly, in return, the municipality and other agency can utilize the spaces provide for the public. Lastly, the role of the private investor or investors, would be the financing of the remaining 25% of the renovation cost, which would provide them with 50% of Coworking shares. If specialized the investors could be involved in the management of the coworking business, and accordingly no rental fees.

25 % Public Institutions: 1.254.283 Euros Private Investors: 1.254.283 Euros

Taking a closer look at the loan of the self builder Society, the chart below outlines the duration and subsequent rate per month. The average amount was calculated by the dividing the loan equally to the number of units provided for residential and commercial use, which are 21 small to medium apartments and 8 shops. Loan required Units Average loan Rate in Euros 15 y. 20 y. 25 y. 2.508.566 29 86.502 481 360 288 To be noted, the average cost per unit is not limited to the individual unit but also includes a share of the co-working business and other cultural activities. Furthermore, the ownership of the unit is tied to the society, and those unable to fulfill the loan, would be able to sell it back to the society at a greatly discounted price.

145

LANDSCAPE SYSTEM scale: 1:4000

AB05 AB01

AB02

AB03

AB04

AB06

AB07

AB08

Community Garden

Pedestrian Connection

Programmed Space

Automobile Connection

Proposed Urban Agriculture

Underground Canal

Existing Gravel Parking

Existing Automobile path

Building

Auto-Underpass

Building Adjacent to Park

Pedestrian Underpass

Street

Railway track

Transit Corridor Railway and Bus

Car entrance node

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Abandoned Building

Pedestrian Node

Urban Forest

Proposed Node

7.3

MURRI PARK LANDSCAPE SYSTEM

In order to demonstrate the design strategies more in detail, the zone surrounding Murri Park was selected to show an example of inclusive design and act as the stepping stone for further projects to come. The spaces and buildings identified in the abandonment map are assigned with functions and a system of connections is added to ensure integration. The program took into consideration the surrounding land uses. Parks and programed areas were introduced to residential zones, and community gardens added to smaller more intimate locations, such as back of house areas. An unused industrial underpass was identified and serves as an additional pedestrian access, which connects the parks on either side of the railway. Entrance nodes as displayed and to be incorporated into the final design.

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7.4

PARTICIPATORY DESIGN AND FOLLOW UP INTERVIEWS 7.4.1 Participatory Design Session Follow up interviews and a participatory design workshop were conducted before the design phase and after the collection of sufficient information in regards to the self renovation system. The goal was to assess the feasibility and interest in the proposed system and gather information about the desires of the potential self builders. The design session informed the program of the project and inspired the design concept. The participants and coop representatives critiqued both technical and design systems in order to adapt the project to their needs and discussed habits and recreational activities. The participates in the participatory design session answered a series of questions in regards to migration story, current skills, and interest in the project. One of the participants is from Nigeria, while the other was from Pakistan. Both Spoke English fluently. After demonstrating pictures of outdoor activities and sports, we discussed potential activities and design ideas. Ejaz expressed the need for flexible hall which can be used during Muslim Holidays for prayer, while

from left: Ogebeide from Nigeria, thesis candidate, Ejaz from Pakistan

Ogebeide noted that having a location for performances and traditional dances would be suitable.

Due to the low number of participants, it became evident that talking to the COOP Representatives would give a more general perspective of the project.

149

Interview with Stefano Matinini, Representative of Coop Ardea The project was presented and explained.

could turn it into a no go zone.

Questions asked during presentation.

Me: I understand what you are saying. My other concern is not only about the immigrants but also about the concentration of people with low income, but as I was developing the project and calculating the number of apartments, it became apparent that a project of this nature will take many years to complete and will be done gradually, which is why ownership is key. In this way the forces of the real-estate market can take some roll as the residents may decide to move or rent. Another aspect would be that this project is not merely a housing projects but includes other programs which need support from a greater community to succeed.

Matinini: I think the project is interesting, but I am not sure about getting the immigrants involved. What do you propose? Me: my idea was to get the cooperatives involved, once an expert like an architect or an engineer has identified a suitable building, the coops could be contacted and later the interested immigrant could contact their friends. Matinini: if they are working on this project then they can not do other work to generate income? They already have a hard time finding work? Me: in the examples of self-building I presented, they were working only on the weekends. But or this project I think that the timing of the work will need to adapt to the group of interested people. There will also be opportunities for work on the over all project. My goal with this project is to listen. If one of participants has a particular skill they would like to use for income, it could be incorporated in to the project if appropriate. Matinini: I have another concern about the concentration in the Miramare colony area. As you see here in Evelyn Hotel there are 50 asylum seekers and we have already encountered issues with the neighbouring hotels. Locating a huge number of immigrants into the Miramare colonies

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Questions After the presentation Me: how many asylum seekers refer to you for assistance? Matinini: I would say 9 at the moment, even though this number changes as the coop assigns different locations and refugees move in and out of the system. The number is low because our coop does a dispersed accommodation system. Me: Does the cooperative arrange activities and if so how is the attendance level? Matinini: We arrange both recreational and educational activities. The attendance level tends to vary accordingly, with predictably more people showing up for the recreational activities.

7.4.2 Follow-up Interviews with Representatives

Me: How would generalize the commitment level of the refugees in the accommodation system, and how many plan to stay in Italy.

season. They are new immigrants and unlike the established immigrants who have been in Italy for a long time, it is also difficult for them to network.

Matinini: it is difficult to generalize, I mean some one could ask this question about any group of people. I would say it depends on the person and their priorities.

Me: yah, my concern is that a self-build system would benefit those who are not at higher risk within immigrant groups. I think that would be important to offer some flexible housing and shared housing solutions for those unable to pay a loan.

Me: Do they look for work, find work, and in which fields do they tend to find work? Matinini: Currently, they are having a difficult time in trying to find work. There is also the risk that many will lose the permission or will not receive it. Employees are still hesitant to offer them jobs, I am not sure why, it could be due to the fact that there is maybe some extra paper work and that all must be legal for them to get the permission for work reasons. This is not to say that they do not work, they generally do in black. In the summer it is easier, there are hotels and restaurants which need the extra help for the touristic season. Some also work in agricultural fields to harvest produce. The number of refugees who find a full-time job is very small and tends to be for those with previous experience in desk jobs like the guy from Pakistan you previously talked to. Me: Do you know how much money they earn doing this work, or how much they would be willing to spend on rent or a loan? Matinini: I donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t really know. From what Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ve heard defiantly less than 1000 more around the 600-euro mark, which is only for the summer

Me: are there any particular activities or habits to consider in the design? For example certain sports, gathering events and celebrations. Matinini: most of the people stay within the accommodation system for a year, and after the adjustment period and getting all papers in order the general atmosphere is not very conducive to unorganized activities. I havenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t seen a strong interest in sports maybe a few cricket events. Some Muslims go to the center of Rimini to the mosque during Eid events. I think these habits are better seen in the life of long-term foreigners. Me: what would you say is the major criticism? Matinini:I would say that it is risky especially for recent immigrants. Initially the concept, rules, requirements, and effort must be made very clear to them. What they need to do and what to expect would maybe minimize the risk. I am also not sure about the level of responsibility; the project must be studied very well before real responsibility id assigned to them. Another issue could be preserving the condition of building, so they do not lose value. The design seems nice, I have no comments on that.

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Interview with Ante Dettoteo Representative of COOP METIS The project was presented and explained. Questions during presentation Dettoteo: you said that new immigrants must pass an Italian course to participate. Why is that? Me: the motive that I included that in the process is due to the nature of the project which will require some educational activities for security and safety on site but also to learn how to build certain things. I was thinking of getting experts with foreign back grounds but if the group has mixed nationalities a common language must be found. There is also the aspect of reading and signing important documents. Dettoteo: in the design I see i huge area other than buildings that is renovated. Who will be responsible for that work? Me: It will depend on the program of the plot and owners. So for example if the place in publicly owned as designated as a park then the municipality would be in charge of that. This could also be said to any major roads added. If it is a productive area, then some agreement must be made with the owners about the distribution of profits. Dettoteo: how long will renovating the murri building take? Me: I cannot tell you with certainty, these types to projects take from 1 to 10 years. The successful projects of self-build have taken about 1 year and half. I think about 2 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 3 years after technical paper work.

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7.4.2 Follow-up Interviews with Representatives

Dettoteo: that is not a short time. Who will manage the extra programs in the buildings? Me: I think it could be a mix between private investors, with priority to the self-building coop for jobs if they donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t have Questions Me: Does the cooperative arrange activities and if so how is the attendance level? Dettoteo: to be honest we donâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t arrange activities, in this structure there isnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t a common area. the general thing which the immigrants attend are Italian courses. I could say that those who want to stay in Italy attend them. They are offered by the commune but the level of the Italian is low. Me: How would generalize the commitment level of the refugees in the accommodation system, and how many plan to stay in Italy. Dettoteo: for the commitment level I cant say. As for staying in Italy, I would say that many want to go to other parts of Europe, but the majority stay here. Me: Do they look for work, find work, and in which fields do they tend to find work? Dettoteo: we have talked about this in our last discussion. I think its great that you have included agricultural fields in the project were they can work and earn a living. Many of them are also interested in working in the

construction field and have a some experience. Me: Do you know how much money they earn doing this work, or how much they would be willing to spend on rent or a loan? Dettoteo: I think they make a good amount in the summer, the issue becomes the other seasons. This is the business cycle in Rimini and it can be difficult for the new immigrants, who are not able to move to different zones with the seasons. I think per individual the maximum would be around 300 but this is a maximum. Me: are there any particular activities or habits to consider in the design? For example certain sports , gathering events and celebrations. Dettoteo: We spoke about ramadan previously, when the Muslims turn to night owls and cook at late times. The guys from Nigeria told me about their wedding ceremonies. Me: what would you say id the major criticism you could give to the project? Dettoteo: the initial part to gather a group of interested and committed people will be difficult, especially with the new troubles they are having with the permesso di soggiorniro. I think offering them to work and property as a compensation is a good idea, but how about the other people in need. A mix would be a better option than only recent immigrant.

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C C

B B

A scale: 1:2500

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7.5

WELCOME TO MURRI PARK 7.5.1 Concept Design The main concept of the forms chosen is the weaving of the of the prosed design into the existing forms and connections to create an integrated space with active edges which invite all people citizens and foreigners to enjoy and use the site.

Existing Forms

Light Connecting Interventions and nodes

The area around the Murri Building is designed to ensure the permeability of the building and enhance accessibility. Another horizontal axis is added to activate the center of the site by enhancing connectivity and providing rest locations. 2 plazas are included one dedicated to the outdoor theater, while the other is open and guides towards the beach. The interventions are inspired by African and south west Asian fabric designs. They follow the north south axis and are arranged to invite visitors into the site.

S African and Asian Fabrics

Weaving all Together

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Public Beach

Sea Front

Outdoor Theater

Ramp

Picnic Area

Permeable Parking Existing Hill

Playground

AB03 The Murri Colony

Accessible Entrance

Alley Entrance Church Plaza

scale: 1:1000

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Viale Regina Margherita

Murri Park

7.5.2 Park Master Plan Sea Front

Beach Plaza

AB05 Existing Paths

B04

Viale Regina Margherita

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Church Plaza Chiesa Parrocchiale del Cuore Immacolato di Maria

Alley Entrance

scale: 1:1500

158

Flexible Space

7.5.3 Alley Master Plan

AB06 Raised Boardwalk

Alley Entrance Park Plaza

Pedestrian Underpass

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160

7.5.4 Long Section A

Scale 1:500

161

Section B Scale 1:1000

Alley

Section C Scale 1:1000

Pedestrian Underpass

Section D Scale 1:1000

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Football Field

Slope Seating

Street front

Entrance to Alley

Picnic and Boardwalk

Church Plaza

Street front

Flexible Space

Street front

7.5.5 Vertical Sections

Outdoor Theater

Sea Front

Picnic Area

Sea Front

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164

Alley Perspective 1

7.5.6 Perspectives

165

166

Theater Perspective 2

167

168

Plaza Perspective 3

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