2015
연구보고서 모음집 자율연구
2권
서울시 에너지전환을 위한 도시형 적정기술의 가능성과 활용방안 연구 에너지기후정책연구소 + 작은손적정기술협동조합
사회적경제 활성화를 위한 실전형 협동조합 창업교육 모델 개발 쿠피협동조합
노동자협동조합 비즈니스모델 및 플랫폼 사례연구 대안노동자협동조합연합회
연구보고서 모음집 자율연구
서울시 에너지전환을 위한 도시형 적정기술의 가능성과 활용방안 연구 에너지기후정책연구소 + 작은손적정기술협동조합
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연구보고서 모음집 자율연구
사회적경제 활성화를 위한 실전형 협동조합 창업교육 모델 개발 쿠피협동조합
칺헏몋헪컿읊퓒 킲헒솧혾�펓묞퓯졶셆맪짪펾묺쫂몮컪
킲헒솧혾�펓묞퓯졶셆맪짪펾묺헪펆
핳킇뭚 밎킮 밎컮 풞홓
Ӫ 샎캫짝�뼒�픦솧혾�펓컿읊퓒컪쁢앪슪 5" 졶셆펞믾짦묞퓯옪믆앶샎푢 앪슪 5" 졶셆픒믾짦픊옪컿뫃샎묞�펓핓줆짝킲헪쿦펓픒�핂옪믆앶핂�펓몋핂펔쁢묻픦샎 캫짝�뼒�픦�펓몋칾픒퓒컪쁢퓮푷옪믆앶핒핂멎흫쇶 �펓펞뫎킺핂핖쁢샎캫뫊�뼒슲핂뫃솧�펓픒훎찒쌚킲헪칺펓픒풂폏쫂쁢몋픒��펓펞샎핂읊뽠 핂몮헒줆컿픒�슫빦많쁢섾뫊헏핒 묻캏펞재멚 5" 졶셆픒픟푷펺훟몮캫픒샎캏픊옪묞퓯픒샎맒삲졂 핳믾헏픊옪솧혾캫�몒칾픒퓒 믾짦픒혾컿쁢섾솒퓮푷쿦핖픚 ̔ 솧혾�펓묞퓯픒칾믾퓒컪쁢 5" 졶셆픒핂쁢쿧엶쇪��읊퍟컿쁢멑핂킪믗뫊헪핒
Ӫ 칺헏몋헪폏펻픦킲줂핞읊샎캏픊옪칺펓믾펻얗픒�푾믾퓒컪쁢�푾잚핺삶픦 1&7 옪믆앶솒핓푢 앪슪 5FBN "DBEFNJB픦몋푾컿핆샎캏옪믆앶솒풂폏몮핖픊빦 헒줆��많쭎핺캏펞컪펓픦킪믗줆헪 읊멾몮핞쁢묻픦칺헏몋헪폏펻킲줂핞샎캏묞퓯펞쁢헏힎팘픒멑픊옪폖캏쇶 묻칺헏몋헪폏펻픦핳킲줂핞슲픎찒흖삖큲몋핂잜힎팘몮 �몒헏핆몋폏묞퓯픒짩힎팘픎몋푾많샎쭎쭒핂젾 쿦솧헏핆묞퓯짷킫펞핃쿧혆핖쁢캏픊옪홎섢졓많핂슪많핖쁢묞퓯핂푢킲헣핒 묞퓯샎캏핞픦힣픒몮엲쌚 �픦헏핂몮 킮헏핆칺몮읊푢묺젾 픟푷엳픒짪컪킲퍊쁢 5"졶셆픒믆샎 옪헏푷쁢멑쫂삲쁢핺많힎몮핖쁢줆헪픦킫픒찒흖삖큲뫎헞펞컪�몒헏픊옪헣읺훒쿦핖쁢�푾잚핺삶픦 1&7 옪믆앶핂섢퓮푷멑픊옪삶쇶 퓮핗잲읺폶�푾잚 &XJOH .BSJPO ,BVNBO 펞픦 뼒펞컲잋쇪�푾잚핺삶픎펾묺 묞퓯 젦�잏 �핞펾멾 슿픦홓헏핆�펓힎풞픒쁢핺삶픊옪�핞칾핂 혾 �펃풞 뼒믾훎 펞삺젾믾펓많헣킮퓯컿뫎엶켆몒�샎뮪 졶픦찒폏읺쩣핆핒 �슿캫 .JOJ 4PDJFUZ 훟캫 .BLJOH B +PC 몮슿캫 &OUSF1SFQ 슿픦삲퍟펾옇샎읊퓒옪 믆앶픒맪짪컪풂폏훟핂젾 1&7 춞잚팒삖않 /FX7FOUVSF 5FDI7FOUVSF (SPXUI7FOUVSF 슿픦컿핆샎캏옪믆앶핂핖 픊젾 펺컿뫊큲삖퀺 쩮핂찒쭎젆켆샎슿픦샎캏쪒쇪옪믆앶솒맪짪몮핖픚 1&7 1MBOOJOH UIF &OUSFQSFOFVSJBM 7FOUVSF 옪믆앶픎 훊뫊헣픊옪킪빦읺폲짷킫픒푷�몒헏핂젾헒줆헏픊옪 칺펓몒컪읊핟컿쫊쿦핖솒옫졶슖쇪옪믆앶핒 칺펓믾뫊헣펞컪몋폏헒줆쭒퍊헒짦픒짦폏솒옫묺컿쇦펂퐒컿솒뽠픎칺펓몒컪읊핟컿쿦핖픚 1&7옪믆앶픒 �컪칺펓믾펞샎맪핆펻얗픒맣쁢멑핂많쁳 1&7옪믆앶픎쿦짿핂힎픦풚�쭏픊옪묺컿쇦펂핖펂 풚� 쭏픦킪빦읺폲펞싾않컪킃핞슲핂줆픒핟컿몮킃핞슲맒펞�옮픒�뺂푷픒묺�몮킺킪�쁢뫊헣핒 캏샎 헏픊옪��쁢옪믆앶픦뺂푷뫊몋폏힎킫잚�쭒쿧힎몮핖삲졂옪믆앶픒힒믾쁢펂옃힎팘픚
,BVNBO 핺삶픦 1&7 옪믆앶묺컿 쭒윦
$PODFQU "OBMZTJT
#VTJOFTT 1MBOOJOH
헪졷
믾펓많헣킮�묺#FDPNJOH BO &OUSFQSFOFVS
찒흖삖큲믾핆킫 3FDPHOJ[JOH 0QQPSUVOJUJFT
찒흖삖큲맪뼞헣픦 %FOJOH B #VTJOFTT $PODFQU
졶셆�샇컿�큲.PEFM 'FBTJCJMJUZ $IFDLMJTU
헪 컪찒큲믾 1SPEVDU 4FSWJDF 1MBOOJOH
몋폏뫊혾힏믾.BOBHFNFOU 0SHBOJ[BUJPO 1MBOOJOH
킪핳믾 칾펓 몋햏.BSLFU 1MBOOJOH *OEVTUSZ $PNQFUJUJPO
킪핳믾 킪핳쭒컫.BSLFU 1MBOOJOH .BSLFU "OBMZTJT
킪핳믾 힒핓.BSLFU 1MBOOJOH 1FOFUSBUJPO
킪핳믾 많멷컲헣.BSLFU 1MBOOJOH 1SJDJOH
핺줂믾 'JOBODJBM 1MBOOJOH 'JOBODJBM 5FSNT 4UBSU VQ $PTUT
풂폏찒푷 잲 킮0QFSBUJOH &YQFOTFT 4BMFT *OWFOUPSZ
믖힎� 쫂$BTI 0VUMBZT 4PVSDFT
핺줂핺 'JOBODJBM 4UBUFNFOUT
칺펓몒퐒컿'JOBMJ[JOH UIF #VTJOFTT 1MBO
핞욚�� ,BVNBO '"4553"$ ջ1MBOOJOH UIF &OUSFQSFOFVSJBMռ
̔ 앪슪 5"졶셆픒믾짦픊옪쁢묞퓯옪믆앶뫊�푾잚핺삶픦 1&7 옪믆앶픒풂폏믾퓒컪쁢숞옪믆앶픒힒 쿦핖쁢헒줆핆엳핂짦슪킪푢젾 핆엳퍟컿픒퓒펾묺많줂펕쫂삲컮쇦펂퍊
Ӫ 칺헏몋헪폏펻픦킲줂핞읊샎캏픊옪칺펓믾펻얗픒�푾믾퓒컪쁢�푾잚핺삶픦 1&7 옪믆앶솒핓푢 칺헏몋헪혾힏풂폏짝힏핳몋핂핖쁢컿핆픒샎캏픊옪��퍟컿옪믆앶픒풂폏믾헒펞��퍟컿옪믆앶맪짪 픒퓒펾묺많푢캏핒 앪슪 5" ��퍟컿옪믆앶뫊�푾잚픦 1&7 옪믆앶펞샎힟훟헏핆펾묺읊�맏옪믆앶픦묞퓯�짝묞퓯 뺂푷뫊짷쩣픒팓몮 앪슪퐎짆묻핳펾쿦읊�핂슲픦묞퓯뺂푷펞샎홎섢반핂핖쁢핂짝엳뫎몒읊묺� 푢많핖픚 묻픦칺헏몋헪폏펻픦캏펞재멚숞옪믆앶픒졶숞풂폏쿦핖쁢��퍟컿옪믆앶픒맪짪 졶셆맪짪핂핂욶펂힒펞��퍟컿옪믆앶펞�펺�많핞읊졶힟 묞퓯 삶몒 앪슪 5" 졶셆짝�푾잚픦 1&7 옪믆앶펞샎핂옮헏짾몋짝킃짷쩣펞샎핂옮묞퓯힒 묞퓯 삶몒 앪슪 5" 옪믆앶픒믾짦픊옪맪짪쇪컿뫃샎샎묞�펓핓줆짝킲헪쿦펓픒���킲킃힒 �푾잚 1&7 옪믆앶펞�펺칺헏몋헪폏펻킲줂핞읊졶힟몮핂슲픒샎캏픊옪��킲킃픒힒 묞퓯핂퐒욚쇪펞쁢삲퍟폏펻펞컪칺헏몋헪폏펻픦앪슪 5" 졶셆뫊�푾잚 1&7 옪믆앶픦묞퓯��옪솧
��퍟컿픒퓒묞퓯졶셆맪짪짝킪쩢풂폏몒 묺쭒
칺펓뺂푷
캏켆뺂푷
삶몒
��퍟컿옪믆앶졶셆맪짪 맪풢
앪슪 5"��퍟컿옪믆앶뫊�푾잚 1&7 옪 믆앶읺쮾 맪풢
앪슪퐎짆묻핳펾쿦힒 맪풢 ��퍟컿묞퓯�읺�엊맪짪 맪풢
삶몒
��퍟컿옪믆앶킪쩢풂폏 맪풢
핆풞졶힟 맪풢 핂옮읺쮾 맪풢 핳킲킃 맪풢 앪슪 5" 믾짦옪믆앶뫊� 푾잚 1&7 옪믆앶솧킪풂폏
Ӫ 칺헏몋헪폏펻픦�펓짝칺펓컿읊퓒컪쁢팒앦픦켆많힎옪믆앶핂솧킪펞힒쇦펂퍊
샎캏
샎캫짝�뼒
킲줂핞짝몋엳핞
��많쇦몮핞쁢컿핆
묞퓯졶셆
앪슪 5" 졶셆 맪묻 졓
�푾잚핺삶 1&7옪믆앶 맪묻 펺믾뫎 잚졓
��퍟컿옪믆앶 앪슪 5" 졶셆 �푾잚 1&7 졶셆
묞퓯뺂푷
팒핂싢펂읊칺펓픊옪 묺쁢뫊헣펞컪 맪핆뫊킃픒�슫
믾쇪킪빦읺폲펞싾않 킃핞픦몋핂빦힎킫픒 짦폏칺펓믾컪읊 퐒컿쁢뫊헣
솧혾�펓묞퓯픒퓒 ��퍟컿 앪슪 5" 졶셆뫊�푾잚 1&7 졶셆픒졶숞풂폏 쿦핖쁢��퍟컿
묞퓯뫊헣
훊 _ 뼒
훊
훊 킲킃 훊
묞퓯삶몒
솧혾�펓핓줆 ̔ 솧혾�펓킲헪
1&7 ̔ /FX7FOUVSF 5FDI7FOUVSF (SPXUI7FOUVSF
��퍟컿뫊헣
묞퓯힣
핳믾짦킃 킲킃
풚�킪픦킪빦읺폲펞 싾않칺펓몒묺컿
핂옮킃 핳킲킃
맣헞
킲헪킲픒��펓펞샎 힏헟헏핆킃많쁳 큲큲옪킃쿦핖쁢 펻얗퍟
핺찒흖삖큲짝�펓킪 헏푷쿦핖쁢헒줆헏핆 칺펓몒묺컿많쁳
묻캏펞재멚옪믆앶픒 묺컿몮쿦펓픒힒 쿦핖쁢��퓯컿많쁳
̔ 칺헏몋헪캫�몒읊컿믾퓒컪쁢칺헏몋헪폏펻픦컿뫊킃핞픦펻얗뫊삖흖읊몮엲헒줆쇪옪믆앶 픒킪믗펾묺맪짪펺묞퓯픒샎킪�빦맖푢많핖픚
contents
졷�
˺ 컪옮 퐪솧혾�펓묞퓯핂푢많
08
칺펓힒맪푢 10
˻ 킃뫊킲킃 �켊멚픦킃혾힏
12
뽆빦밚픦힎킫�혾 14 킲킃 "DUJPO -FBSOJOH 15 솧혾�펓묞퓯뫊헣픦킃짷 16
˼ �펓묞퓯칺옎 앎슪 5&". "$"%&.*" 18 졺슪않몲 .5" .POESBHPO 5FBN "DBEFNZ 21
˽ 컿뫃샎�펓쿦펓뫊쭒컫 쿦펓컿멷 23 쿦펓힒뫊헣 23 쿦펓뫊 23 믆푆많
25
˾ 솧혾�펓묞퓯묞퓯뫊헣맪짪 졷헏 26 쿦펓묺컿짷 26 묞뫊뺂푷@솧혾�펓핓줆 26 묞뫊뺂푷@솧혾�펓킲헪 44 ��많핂슪 44 많짷킫짝퍟킫 44 솓컪졷옫 49
˿ 멾옮 53
�몮핞욚 57
�몮줆 66
˺ 컪옮 퐪솧혾�펓묞퓯핂푢많 믎옪쩚믖픃퓒믾핂몋믾��많힎콛쇦몮핖쁢묻몋헪캏펞컪몮푷펺멂펻킪펂엲풂캏핂삲 �몒�핞욚펞싾읂 졂 뼒 풢핺헒�킲펓핞쿦쁢 잚졓 킲펓윮 픒뻦펂컾픊젾 핂훟펞컪솒�뼒킲펓핞 켆_ 켆핂 쁢 잚졓 킲펓윮 핂캏픊옪핂쁢 뼒믾옫�뼒킲펓윮 핂많핳뽠픎쿦�핂삲 뼒핂 쿦훎픒 퓮힎섦�뼒킲펓윮픎 뼒쭎� 읊뻦펂컪졂컪헒�킲펓윮샎찒�뼒킲펓윮픦찒훟핂헞��힎몮핖삲 뼒 풢�몒�몮푷솧혾칺펞싾읂졂x 묺힏믾맒핂 맪풢핂캏핆킲펓핞쁢 졓픊옪힎빪맧픎삺쫂삲 졓 쁦펂빪멑픊옪힟몒쇞삲 핂쁢헒�킲펓핞 졓 픦 펞삺�뼒킲펓픦줆헪많몮�쇦쁢몋밚힎빦�빦 몮핖삲 쏞 믆빦잖�픚픊옪힏핳픒펉쁢�뼒�펓핞슲많풂섾 졓 쁢 뼒핂픦몒퍋힏펞믊줂쁢멑픊 옪빦�빦핊핞읺픦힖펞솒킺맏줆헪많빦�빦몮핖쁢캏핂삲q
킲펓윮�핂 삶퓒
�뼒킲펓윮 헒�킲펓윮
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핞욚�� �몒� 잲뼒 풢믾훎
x묻몋헪 뼒 풢 핊믾칺 q묻핊쫂 뼒 풢 핊핞믾칺 멶옎킮줆 뼒 풢 핊핞믾칺
08
핂펞헣쭎펞컪쁢캖옪풂컪찒큲퐎캏픒킪핳펞헪킪펺몋헪헒�펞엳픒쭖펂뻱몮핊핞읺��핂핊펂빮쿦핖솒옫 �펓컿헒얃픒헏믇헏픊옪�힒몮핖삲 퍟쫗 핂얺풎힏핒픎묻뺂춞잚팒삖않짆묻뫊 &6 슿펞컪솒솧핊 멚빦�빦몮핖픊젾 몋헪��옪핆킲펓콚퐎킮뮪몮푷��픒퓒멾�픊옪믾펓많헣킮퍟짝�펓�힒픒퓒 칺몋헪헏믾짦픒혾컿엲쁢킪솒많헒켆몒헏픊옪빦�빦몮핖삲 짣�쿦 핂얺칺헏쭒퓒믾펞싾않핺샎짊 묻펞컪쁢�펓빪펞킪삺읺쁢 샎퐎혾믾�힏핊픒퍊쁢 샎많킮뮪�펓펞헏믇헏픊옪빦컪졂컪 킮뮪쩣핆컲잋픒 훊솒몮핖쁢캏핂삲 뼒캏짦믾킮컲쩣핆픎퍋 맪옪 뼒핂�샎�읊믾옫몮핖몮핖픊젾 핂훟펞 샎픦�펓찒퓶핂 샎픦�펓찒퓶핂 읊믾옫졂컪헖짦핂캏픒�힎몮핖삲 힎잚�펓믾펓픦 뼒 캫홂윮픎 0&$% �퓒뭚 픊옪 뫁훟펞 뫁픎 뼒핂팖쇦컪펓몮핖픊젾 뼒핂캏힎콛몮핖쁢뫁픎 뫁훟펞 뫁핂삲 r 헣쭎펞컪쁢킲펓�몒�픦핊픊옪�펓픒핳엲몮핖힎잚캫홂윮펞컪솒슪얺빦슽핂�펓픦힖픎잲푾빼픎 픊옪빦�빦몮핖삲 쏞 핂슲픎샎쭎쭒힒핓핳쪋핂빼픎솒콚잲 쿧짣펓펞힒�쁢몋푾많잜몮 샎믾펓엚�핂흖퐎 믆 읺몮맧픎핞폏펓핞슲빊읺픦몋햏펞컪짎엲빦몮핖삲 핂쁢콚슫앋픊옪빦�빦몮핖픊젾 뼒 샎핞폏펓핞픦뮮 콚슫픎 잚풞픊옪핒믖믊옪핞 잚풞 픦 쿦훎핂펖힎잚 뼒펞쁢 쿦훎 핒믖믊옪핞 잚풞v핞폏펓핞 잚풞 픊옪썶펂혚삲 핺샎짊묻펞컪쁢믾쿮힟퍋헏핂몮 힒핓핳쪛핂뽠픎�펓쫂삲쁢맪핆핂푷쿦핖쁢핞쫆픊 옪큋멚�펓쿦핖쁢밆픒컮�쁢몋푾많잜몮 헣쭎펞컪솒�펓펞삲퍟힎풞뫊폖칾픒튾몮핖힎잚�펓픦힖픒뽠펺 섢폲앦캫홂쿦핖쁢믾읊헪뫃몮핖힎쁢좉몮핖쁢캏핂삲 쫆펾묺픦솧혾�펓묞퓯픎�펓픦힖픒뽠펺힎콛많쁳멚믾퓒묞퓯픦핊픊옪펺얺칺앚핂벦졶펺솧혾 �픦칺펓픒졶캗몮벦풂폏쫂졂컪�펓픒몋멚쁢멑픒졷옪삲 �펓핂컿뫃믾퓒컪쁢칺앚 믾 쿮 핞쫆픦푢콚많헪펻픒퍊삲 쫆뫊헣픎칺앚슲핂삲읆칺앚슲뫊벦�펓픒킲졂컪컿�몮 쪎몮 컿 핳쁢멑핂뭏믇헏졷헏핂삲 �펓핂컿뫃믾퓒컪쁢푆쭎헏핆몋솒훟푢힎잚�펓픒핂븚펂맖칺앚슲픦컿핳뫊 엳핂헒헪쇦힎팘몮쁢펂옃삲 핂얺퓒푢콚읊훒핊쿦핖쁢짷쩣픊옪쫆펾묺펞컪쁢솧혾�픦�펓짷킫펞훊 졷몮핖삲 믾홂픦헒삺맣픦묞퓯뫊쁢삲읂멚�펓묞퓯졶셆픎맪핆킃뫊킃핂벦핂욶펂힖쿦핖솒옫묞뫊뫊헣픒묺컿 몮핖픊젾 핳펞컪힏헟헏핆킲픒�컪킃뫊읊뽠핂솒옫풂폏쇦몮핖삲 쫆펾묺펞컪쁢핺앪슪퐎큲핆졺슪 않몲펞컪힒쇦몮핖쁢�펓묞퓯졶셆픒믾짦픊옪솧혾�펓묞퓯졶셆픒맪짪묻칺�펓묞퓯픦힖픒뽠핂몮 칺헏몋헪폏펻픦�펓컿짝캫�몒컿핳펞믾펺몮핞삲 핂믎픎삲픚믆잊뫊맧핂묺컿쇪삲
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킪큲�칺몮쁢캏픦맪쪒쭎쭒핂팒삖않헒�읊쫂몮삶쁢멑픒잞삲 믾펓솧픒찒옽펺얺많힎핆맒픦솧픎 빦픦킪큲�핂삲 뿖펞쫂핂힎쁢팘힎잚힏줊픦틶킲뫊빮킲�엊컪옪밂짎멚펾멾쇦펂핖삲 믆얺빦푾읺핞킮핂힏줊 킪큲� 픦핊쭎핂믾쌚줆펞헒�헏핆쪎읊쫂쁢멑핂펂옃몮맪쪒삶졂펞힟훟졂컪믊쫆줆헪픦멾�픒�믾많펂엲 풚힒삲 헒�읊쫆삲쁢멑픎칺줊핞�쫂삲쁢칺줊칺핂픦뫎몒읊쫂몮 헣힎쇪핳졂쫂삲쁢쪎픦퓮픒쫂쁢멑픒잞삲 흗 킪큲�칺몮앎멗픊옪슪얺빪캏춞잚팒삖않믆핂졂픦묺혾헏�졂픒핂몮 헒�펞콛쭎쭒슲맒픦쿪헏핆뫊 뫎몒 쪎픦잳앋픒짢않쫊쿦핖쁢칺몮픒잞삲 맪핆헏쿧엶 1FSTPOBM .BTUFSZ
맪핆헏쿧엶픎맪핆픦펻얗픒핳쁢짷쩣픒킃몮묺컿풞슲핂핞킮픒맪짪쿦핖솒옫혾힏픦펺멂픒혾컿쁢멑핂 삲 혾힏픦묺컿풞핆맪핆픦킃핂펔핂쁢혾힏킃핂핊펂빮쿦펔믾쌚줆펞맪핆슲픦쿧엶핂훟푢삲 맪핆헏쿧엶픎맪 핆핂핞킮픦찒헒픒졓몮 핂읊삺컿믾퓒펞뻖힎읊힟훟젾핆뺂킺픒믾읂몮킲픒맫뫎헏픊옪쫂솒옫쁢멑 핂삲 핂쌚 찒헒뫊킲픦�핂쁢 ˎ�혾헏밂핳ˏ픊옪컪찒헒픒많쁢펞뻖힎많쇮쿦핖삲 맪핆헏쿧엶픒퓒뽆엳쁢 펂읆픎잜힎팘삲 핞킮핂짢않쁢캄픒폏퓒엲졂헣잞옪훟푢멑핂줂펕핆많읊졓쁢섾컪맪핆헏쿧엶픎킪핟쇪삲 칺몮졶 .FOUBM .PEFM
칺몮졶핂앎켆캏픒핂몮솧쁢짷킫펞폏픒짆�쁢푾읺팖펞반핂맏핆쇪많헣 핊짦 킺캏핂빦핂짆힎슿픒 잞삲 칺몮졶픎헣힒빦픦핂팒삖않켆몒읊핆킫쁢컪옪삲읆뫎헞슲핂믾쌚줆펞맏맏픦혾힏묺컿풞슲핂컪옪 삲읆칺몮졶픒많힖쿦핖삲 핂쿦엶픦졷쁢혾힏묺컿풞슲픦칺몮졶픦핊�많팒삖않칺몮졶핂큲큲옪픦솧뫊멾 헣펞짆�쁢폏픒밶삹멚몮믆펞샎컿�픒�쪎읊잚슲펂뺂쁢멑핂삲 칺몮졶뫊뫎엶킃픎핞킮픦잖픚 콛펞많힎몮핖쁢켆캏펞샎핂짆힎읊�팒뺂몮멗픊옪슪얺뺂컪쭒컫쁢쩣픒짾푾쁢멑핂삲
12
뫃퓮찒헒 4IBSFE 7JTJPO
뫃퓮찒헒픎혾힏묺컿풞슲핂혾힏픒 ˎ뺂혾힏ˏ픊옪캫맏멚몮픟힟엳픒많힖쿦핖멚쁢멑핂삲 뫃퓮찒헒픎혾힏픦힎 솒핞펞픦컪컮쇦먾빦힎킪쇮쿦핖쁢멑핂팒삖않묺컿풞슲핂힒킲옪픦쿦핖몮졾핓쇮쿦핖쁢멑핂펂퍊삲 뫃 퓮찒헒픎맪핆픦찒헒픊옪쭎��짪삲 믆멑픎맪핆픦찒헒핂펔쁢묺컿풞펞멚혾힏픦찒헒픎�핆픦찒헒핊춞핂믾쌚줆핂 삲 흗 뫃퓮찒헒픎맪핆픦뫎킺칺 많� 폂잫펞춚읺읊숢삲 뫃퓮찒헒픒잚슲몮핞쁢혾힏뫊힎솒핞쁢묺컿풞슲핂맪핆픦 찒헒픒맪짪쿦핖솒옫힎풞몮 맪핆픦찒헒핂뫃퓮찒헒펞짦폏쇦솒옫 뫃퓮찒헒핂맪핆픦찒헒핂쇦솒옫핂븚펂퍊삲 킃 5FBN -FBSOJOH
킃픎핂핊픒핂욶펂뫃�픦힎픒잚슲몮맪맪핆픦펞뻖힎많혾읊핂웆픊옪턶짪캫쁢킪뻖힎읊�펓 쁳엳픒�푾쁢멑픊옪맪핆픦힎쁳픒뻦펂컪쁢힟삶픦힎쁳픒짪쁢멑핂삲 풞킃픒퓒컪쁢픦묺컿풞슲핂 찒헒픒뫃퓮쁢멑핂훟푢삲 찒헒픦뫃퓮쁢읺섢픦찒헒픒삲읆묺컿풞슲핂싾않많쁢멑핂팒삖않묺컿풞슲픦찒 헒픒픦찒헒픊옪헒퍊삲 믆얺쌚픦묺컿풞슲픎픦뫃퓮찒헒픒퓒컪핞킮픦펞뻖힎읊톭픊젾킮헏픊 옪솧쿦핖삲 픦묺컿풞슲픎핞킮픦찒헒픒헏믇헏픊옪맪짪몮핞킮픦찒헒핂픦찒헒핂쇮쿦핖솒옫찒헒픒컿 핳킪�쿦핖삲 찒헒픎펂썲젙힒줆묺옪잚슲펂힒멑핂팒삖않픦묺컿풞슲픦잖픚콛펞홂핺젾삲벦킲몮핞 쁢멑핂삲 칺앚슲핂핞킮핂힎쁢많�퐎킲헪캄펞컪캫옪슪얺뺂쁢많�많핊�힎팘쁢몋푾많잜삲 힎뫊캄픦 핊�쁢맪핆픦킃뫊쭎삶뽆엳픒�컪솒삺쿦핖삲 흗 킃픎찒헒픦뫃퓮퐎맪핆픦킃핂�샎많쇮쌚힟삶 힎컿픊옪묺쇪삲 킃픎픊옪졶펺핖삲몮컪핂욶펂힎쁢멑픎팒삖삲 맪핆킃픎킃픦�샎많쇦힎잚 쏟쏟맪핆핂졶펺핖삲 몮컪쏟쏟핂쇦쁢멑픎팒삖삲 킃픎믾쫆헏픊옪뫃솧킃핂삲 킃픎삲쿦펞맪핆핂뭂쫃쁢 ˎ힟삶칺 몮ˏ많팒삖않 ˎ힟삶힎컿ˏ픒��쁢멑핂삲 핂읊퓒컪쁢엶핂푢삲 4FOHF쁢 %BWJE #PIN픦핂옮픒� ˎ샎 %JBMPHVF ˏ퐎 ˎ�옮 %JTDVTTJPO ˏ픦�핂읊컲졓몮킃펞컪샎픦훟푢컿픒맣혾삲 샎쁢 %JBMPHVF픦믆읺큲펂 펂풞펞컪칺앚뫊칺앚칺핂읊읂쁢핞퓮옪풂픦짆픦읒핂않쁢픦짆읊매쁢삲 샎읊�힟삶핂맪핆픦뽆엳픊옪쁢헟 믊힎좉쁢섢� ˎ뫃�픦픦짆혾ˏ펞헟믊삲몮삲 샎펞컪쁢핂믾엲몮쁢칺앚핂펔몮 졶숞킇핞많쇮쿦핖삲 흗 칺앚슲픎캏핟푷픒�뫃�픦짆픦맪짪핂않쁢캖옪풂홓윦픦힎컿픒맪짪쁢멑핂삲 샎쁢�픚쭎�픦많팒삖 않쫃핯칺팖픒섢반핂핖멚핂쁢멑픒�묺삲 �옮 %JTDVTTJPO픦믆읺큲펂펂풞픎�솚 �솚펞픦�멷핂않몮 삲 �옮픎�펺핞슲핂뫃솧픦핂많멆읾줆헪읊삲퍟뫎헞펞컪쭒컫삲 �옮픦졷헏픎킇읺핂젾 킇읺쁢핞킮픦뫎 헞픒힟삶핂짩팒슲핂쁢멑픒픦짆삲 �옮픎�많핞많컪옪삲읆뫎헞픒헪킪몮짷펂젾 펂썲멾옮픒뺂쁢뫊헣핂삲 킃픎핂얺샎퐎�옮핂푢펞싾않폲많솒옫펾킃픒삲 엶픒퓒컪샎픦힒뫊헣픒�힒몮솣쁢칺앚 �힒핞 핂핖삲졂샎많�옮픊옪믾풆펂힎먾빦읒핂븘펂힎힎팘솒옫졂컪샎픦잳픒핯팒빦맖쿦핖삲 �펓묞퓯뫊 헣펞컪��많핂펻픒멚쇪삲 폂잫픒�푾몮 컿�헏샎읊짪헒킪�몮 쫃핯컿픒핂쁢쁳엳픎픦킺킃쁳 엳핂삲 믆잊픊옪빦�뺂졂삲픚뫊맧픎섾켙훟빦픦삲읺않솒펔픊졂픦핞쁢컪핖픒쿦많펔삲
믆잊 @픦킺킃쁳엳
핞욚�� 1 4FOHF ջ5IF 'JGUI %JTDJQMJOFռ
13
힎킫�혾 뽆빦� 쁢힎킫픒킫힎퐎팢줃힎옪묺쭒삲 킫힎쁢묺�헏핆펆펂옪컲졓핂많쁳젾줆쩣헏핆힒쿮 쿦헏 뮪멷 잲쁂펊 뫊뫃킫슿킲�많홂핺쁢힎킫픒픦짆삲 팢줃힎쁢묺�헏핆펆펂옪컲졓믾슮힎킫 흗맪핆헏핆 킮뼞 캫맏 많��몒 뽆푾 힏맞 폏맞슿픦줂픦힎킫픒픦짆삲 팢줃힎쁢맪핆헏핆멑핂젾뫃킫믾솒슲몮삲읆 칺앚슲뫊묞먾빦뫃퓮믾솒펂옃삲 팢줃힎쁢믾쿮 믾쁳 뽆푾슿픦믾쿮헏핆쭒퍊퐎솒킫 헣킮헏졶셆 킮뼞핆킫슿 픊옪묺컿쇪핆킫옮헏쭒퍊옪묺쭒쇪삲 팢줃힎퐎킫힎쁢캏쫂퐒헏픊옪캫컿쇦몮짪헒쇦젾헒쇪삲 힎킫핂�혾쇦쁢 뫊헣픒캂쫂졂 많힎�픦힎킫헒뫊헣픒먾�삲슺펂힎몮맪컮쇦쁢뫊헣핂삲 팢줃힎퐎킫힎쁢펾콛�핂젾훊뫎컿 뫊맫뫎컿맒픦븘핒펔쁢퐣쫃풂솧핂삲 힎킫핂헒쁢 삶몒쁢빦컮픊옪캏킇삲 맪핆펞컪맪핆픊옪 뫃퓮 맪핆펞컪힟삶픊옪 � 힟삶펞컪혾힏픊옪 펾멾 혾힏펞컪삲킪맪핆픊옪 뺂졂 솚팒폲쁢핊캏픦뫊헣펞컪힎킫핂빦컮픊옪�힒삲
믆잊 @힎킫�혾욶
핞욚�� *LVKJSP /POBLB BOE )JSP 5BLFVDIJ ջ5IF ,OPXMFEHF $SFBUJOH $PNQBOZռ
뫃퓮 팢줃힎 ̔ 팢줃힎
힏헟헏핆몋픒�헣킮졶셆핂빦믾쿮슿픦팢줃헏힎킫픒뫃퓮몮�혾쁢뫊헣핂삲 훊�많맫�퐎빦많쇦펂쏟 맧픎몋픦켆몒옪슲펂많뫃맞샎읊컿쁢뫊헣픊옪 훊�많많혚섦믾홂픦짍픚픒쩒읺쁢뫊헣핂삲 폖읊슲펂핳핆픦 펆펂옪쁢쿦펔쁢좆펞쩮펂핖쁢믾쿮픒짾푾믾퓒컪솧픒싾않몮뺂뺂젾힎킫픒킃슫쁢뫊헣핂삲 핂삶 몒펞컪쁢킲픒핖쁢믆샎옪쫂믾퓒믾홂픦훊�픦많�뫎뫊팒핂싢펂펞헪솧픒멆펂숞몮 킮 짪멺 솧슿픒�삲 읆칺앚뫊힎킫픒뫃퓮삲 � 팢줃힎 ̔ 킫힎
팢줃힎읊묺�헏핆맪뼞픊옪쁢뫊헣핂삲 픎퓮빦퓮�읊푷펺맪핆쏞쁢혾힏핂쫂퓮팢줃힎읊헣읺쇪줆컪 �옪묺컿쁢뫊헣핂삲 젆읺콛펞팢줃헏픊옪쫂퓮힎킫픒묺�헏핂몮졓삶펂옪쁢섾잜픎펂엲풎핂핖힎잚 힎킫헒픦 많힎뫊헣훟펞컪많핳킺헏핆푢콚핂젾힎킫픒쁢뫊헣펞컪믾홂힎킫펞샎캖옪풂짪멺픒많쁳컿 핂뽠삲 픦짆핖쁢샎빦힟삶헏핆칺몮솧픒�힎킫픒�젾핂뫊헣펞컪캖옪풂힎킫핂�혾쇮쿦핖삲
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펾멾 킫힎 ̔ 킫힎
킫힎읊�몒펺힎킫�몒옪헒쁢뫊헣핂삲 삲퍟퓮픦킫힎읊쭒윦몮�많몮멾쁢짷쩣픒푷 펺믾홂펞쫂퓮헣쫂읊핺묺컿몮핂읊�캖옪풂힎킫픒�혾쁢삶몒핂삲 핂뫊헣픒�컪헪컲몒 믾펓찒헒픒 칺펓핂빦헪펞헏푷킪�쁢켆쭒슿�몒헏힎킫픒캫컿멚쇪삲 맏홓줆컪핟컿슿핂핂펞샇쇪삲 뺂졂 킫힎 ̔ 팢줃힎
킫힎옪묺�쇪힎킫픒맪맪핆픦킃픒�맪핆픦핞칾픊옪쿦쁢뫊헣핂삲 솧뫊쿧몮읊�킫헏힎킫픒 킲�픒�캖옻멚짾푾몮킃슫펺맪핆픦힎킫픊옪뺂졂삲
킲킃 "DUJPO -FBSOJOH
킲킃 .BSRVBSEU 픎킲헪캏펞컪킲헪줆헪읊멾몮솧픒�젾 믆뫊헣펞컪킃삲쁢맪뼞핂 삲 핂얺킲뫊헣픒�맪핆 믆읺몮혾힏핂킃픒쁢멑핂삲 킲킃픦믾쫆푢콚쁢줆헪 믆웇 힖줆 킲 킃 ��픦펺컽많힎삲
믆잊 @킲킃픦묺컿푢콚
핞욚�� . + .BSRVBSEU ջ"DUJPO -FBSOJOH JO "DUJPOռ
줆헪 옪헫 솒헒 믾 핂큖 쏞쁢뫊헪
줆헪쁢훟푢몮밂믗퍊젾믆멑픒멾쁢�핒핂펞핖펂퍊삲 줆헪픦컮헣믾훎픎삲픚뫊맧삲 많캏픦줆헪많팒삖않킲힖헏핂몮짦슪킪멾퍊잚쁢줆헪 킲많쁳줆헪 �많핞슲핂힒헣픊옪뫎킺픒매쁢줆헪 쿦쿦벦빊많팒삚킲홂픦줆헪 킃픦믾많쇦펂퍊젾혾힏픦삲읆쭎줆펞솒헏푷핂많쁳줆헪 칺뺂펺얺쭎컪펞뫎엶쇦펂핖쁢쫃핯줆헪 푆쭎헒줆많픦훎쇪멾짷쩣픊옪멾믾펂엲풂뫊헪 픦칺멾헣핂팒힏뺂엲힎힎팘픎줆헪 쫆힖펞핖펂컪믾쿮헏핂않믾쫂삲쁢쫆힖헏핆줆헪
15
킲킃믆웇쏞쁢 킲킃픎 _ 졓픊옪묺컿젾 졓멾팖핂큋멚빦폲힎팘쁢혾힏픦줆헪읊펾묺삲 묺컿풞픦짾몋뫊몋픎삲 퍟멑핂홙픎섾 삲퍟뫎헞픒솒�몮캖옪풂킪맏픒핂븚펂뺂퍊믾쌚줆핂삲 컿�헏힖줆뫊몋�뫊헣 킲킃픎힖줆픒�줆헪픦쫆힖픒핂몮핮핺헏멾팖픒킺칺쿧몮펺솒� 솧픒�쁢옪켆큲읊매쁢 삲 윻힖줆픎윻멾팖픒많힎몮핖삲 힖줆픒�픦픦멺묞뫊픟힟엳핂�힒쇦몮킮헏핂몮핓�헏핆칺 몮많컿쇦졂컪킃뫊많캏쇪삲 킲 킲킃픎줆헪읊핺묺컿몮졷읊켆풂삲픚 헒얃픒켆푾몮솧픒�쁢옪켆큲읊매쁢삲 펂썲팒핂싢펂빦몒 핂뫊헏핆힎쁢킲헪옪킲픒쫞퍊팚쿦핖삲 킃 킲킃픎줆헪멾핞�쫂삲쁢맪핆뫊픦맪짪뫊킃핂핳믾헏픊옪훟푢삲 픦묺컿풞슲핂졓힖쿦옫픦칺멾 헣픦콛솒퐎킲쁳엳픎섢찶않힖쿦핖삲 �� 줆헪멾춞잚팒삖않킃펞힟훟믾퓒컪쁢��많짦슪킪핖펂퍊삲 ��쁢묺컿풞슲핂줂펕픒짾푾젾펂쎉멚줆 헪읊멾쁢힎컿�쁢섾솒풎픒훎삲 ��쁢힖줆픒�컪픦묺컿풞슲핂캏샎픦잞픒몋�쁢짷쩣 줆헪읊핺묺 컿쁢짷쩣 슪짿쁢짷쩣 몒픒켆푾쁢짷쩣 묺컿풞슲핂많힎쁢킮뼞뫊솧픦헒헪쁢줂펕핆힎펞샎컿�쿦핖 멚솒풎픒훎삲
솧혾�펓묞퓯뫊헣픦킃짷 솧혾�펓묞퓯뫊헣픦킃픎킃 핂옮 킲킃픦켆많힎옪핂욶펂힒삲 킃픎묺컿풞슲뫊샎퐎핟펓픒 쿦젾캖옪풂힎킫픒잚슲펂뺆삲 핂쌚��쁢샎�힒핞옪컪묺컿풞슲핂킃헒줆많많쇮쿦핖솒옫��삲 � �픦펻픎힎킫픒헒삺쁢멑핂팒삖않묺컿풞슲핂킃픦읒픒핯솒옫퓮솒몮힖줆픒�힎킫픒묺컿쿦핖솒 옫솒풎픒훎삲 킃핞슲픎� 폏캏핞욚슿픒�컪캖옪풂캫맏픒펉몮핂읊킲�펞짦폏펺핂옮핂젆읺펞잚핖쁢멑핂 팒삖않킲헪펞헏푷쇮쿦핖솒옫삲 핂뫊헣픒�컪핂옮픎섢푿뫃몮힒삲 킲킃픊옪킲헪믾펓픒잚슲펂컪칺 펓픒쿦삲 �펓핂앎젙힒팒핂싢펂잚픊옪많쁳멑핂팒삖믾쌚줆펞 믾펓픦풂폏뫊헣펞컪빦�빦쁢삲퍟줆헪슲 몮 맫뫊펂쎉멚잚빦몮몮맫펞멚펂썲헪뫊컪찒큲읊헪뫃힎슿픦킲픒�컪�펓픒킃삲 핂쌚 ��쁢묺컿풞 슲핂칺펓솧펞쿧엶쇮쿦핖솒옫��삲 ��쁢묺컿풞슲픦믾펓풂폏뫊헣펞컪힎콛헏핆힖줆픒�묺컿풞슲 핂쫂힎좉쁢헞픒핊밶풚훊졂컪컿�멚삲
16
@솧혾�펓묞퓯뫊헣픦킃짷쩣 핂옮
킃 뺂푷
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킃짷쩣뫊 솒묺
킲킃
샎읊� 묺컿풞슲뫊벦킃 캖옪풂힎킫캫칾
�슿픦핞욚읊핋몮 캖옪풂팒핂싢펂컿�
믾펓풂푷픒� 킲헪옪헫
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킲�펞핂옮픒 헏푷쁢멑픒힎힎
칺펓솧헒줆많��
샎 믆웇핟펓 맣픦 켆짆빦
솓컪 펞켆핂튾믾
옪헫옪킲킃 옪헫펞샎 칺헒칺쫂몮컪
핞욚�� 1"3564 ջ$SFBUJOH 5FBN &OUSFQSFOFVSTռ
핂킃뫊헣픎 믆잊 퐎맧핂묺컿쇪삲 킃픎묺컿풞슲칺핂펞캖옪풂캫맏픒뫃퓮 칾멚젾핂멑픎맪핆픦 컿핳 펻얗캏뫊컿뫃 픊옪핂펂힒삲 킃픦뫊헣펞컪맪핆픦컿핳뫊캖옪풂킲� 멾뫊솒�픎삶킪맒펞빦�빮쿦펔픊 젾힎펾핂핖픒쿦핖삲 헒�짪헒컪�픒핂몮힎펾픒핂멚쇦졂 삶믾맒픦컿뫊쫂삲쁢묺컿풞뫊픦힒헣컿 핳뫊컿뫊읊믾샎쿦핖픒멑핂삲
믆잊 @킃뫊헣픦짪헒컪�
핞욚�� 1"3564 ջ$SFBUJOH 5FBN &OUSFQSFOFVSTռ
17
*** 솧혾�펓묞퓯픒퓒칺옎펾묺x 앎슪 5&". "$"%&.*" 앎슪픦 5&". "$"%&.*" 5" 쁢 뼒 +PIBOOFT 1BSUBOFO펞픦맪짪쇪 +ZWBTLZMB 6OJWFSTJUZ PG "QQMJFE 4DJFOD FT픦칺퓒뫊헣핂삲 뼒폖칾픎 퓮옪 퍋 펃풞 핂힎잚앎슪픦묞퓯�몒캏 헣쭎픦힎풞픒짩팒컪풂 폏쇦몮핖삲 5"쁢솓잋쇪솧혾혾힏픊옪풂폏쇦몮핖픊젾 뼒솧팖 맪픊옪칺뫊헣펞�펺멚쇦젾 뼒픦 헣풞픎 졓픊옪� 졓헣솒많핺핺훟핂몮 핊짦핆샎캏픊옪쁢�펓묞퓯믾뫎 1BSUVT읊잚슲펂컪 졓핂캏핂묞 퓯펞�펺훟핂삲 앎슪픦 5"쁢핺밚힎 졓핂캏픦칺퓒캫픒짾�픊젾 홆펓캫 많 뼒팖펞칺읊�펓 펺풂폏훟펞핖삲 &6 뮮 _ 퓒뫊헣훟펞 맪픦칺많�펓쇦펂컪핺풂폏훟핂젾 펾잲� 짿잚퓮옪 퍋 펃 읊믾옫몮핖삲 핺5"펞컪쁢 맪많뻦쁢킲헪옪헫많힒쇦몮핖픊젾 킮헏킃짷쩣뫊믾펓많헣킮맪짪 펞샎컪묻헪헏픊옪삲쿦픦캏픒쿦캏삲 핺 맪묻 졓핂캏픦��슲핂 5" 짷쩣옮픒푷묞퓯픒힒몮핖 픊젾 맪묻 졓핂캏픦칺앚슲핂 5" 짷쩣옮펞�펺훟핂삲 5"펞컪쁢 믾펓많읊 묞퓯믾 퓒컪 1BSUVT .FUIPET않몮 쭎읂쁢 묞쿦쩣픒 푷몮 핖픊젾 믗힒헏 칺묺컿훊픦 펞믾�뫊헣훟킺픦킃짷쩣핂삲 킃픎핂옮뫃쭎퐎��펞픦컪핂욶펂힎젾 킃 5FBN -FBSOJOH 뫊킲펞 픦킃 -FBSOJOH CZ EPJOH �캗헏킃 &YQMPSBUPSZ MFBSOJOH 샎 EJBMPHVF 솧욚펞픦힎힎 QFFS TVQQPSU UP JOEJWJEVBMT 읊킺맪뼞픊옪젾킲헪줆헪퐎킲헪옪헫읊킲헪콚찒핞읊샎졂컪멾빦맒삲쁢힣픒많힎몮핖 삲 1BSUVT .FUIPET쁢5"춞잚팒삖않헣쭎믾뫎 힏펓묞 헪 켇�펞컪솒푷쇦몮핖픊젾 헒�헏핆묞묞퓯짷쩣픒샎 �쁢묞쿦쩣핂삲 1BSUVT .FUIPET쁢믾펓많헣킮픒컿믾퓒컪읺섢킻 �� 킃핂않쁢 많힎�졂펞컪 묞퓯픒힒젾 맪핆핂팒삚삶퓒픦�펓픒�풞뫊픦삲핂펊옪믆읊�킃엶픒믾짦픊옪캫슲핂힏헟솧 혾픒잚슲펂컪콚퓮몮풂폏쁢팯켦얺삫픒힒젾 솓컪읊�맪핆�풞픦힎킫픒슫몮뫎엶뺂푷픒풞슲 뫊뫃퓮멚쇪삲
믆잊 @5"졶셆펞컪픦 많힎킃짷쩣
핞욚�� 1"3564 ջ$SFBUJOH 5FBN &OUSFQSFOFVSTռ
x묻뺂푆�펓묞퓯짝칺헏몋헪�펓묞퓯뫊뫎엶칺옎읊헒짦헏픊옪혾칺폎픊빦뺂푷묺컿캏앎슪퐎졺슪않몲졶셆 픒훟킺픊옪믾쿮폎픊젾 믆푆칺옎쁢�몮핞욚옪핂�픦잖힎잗펞�쭎폎삲
18
졓픦캫픎핓펻�큲 #FMCJO UFTU 읊먾�컪 졓틷 맪믾펓 UFBN DPNQBOJFT 픊옪컿쇪삲 믾 펓픎솧혾�옪풂폏쇦쁢솓잋쇪혾힏핂젾쫂� _ 졓헣솒픦캫슲핂�펺삲 졶슮찒쁢헣쭎펞컪힎풞픒짩 픊젾픦욚쫂솒묻많펞컪헪뫃쇪삲 졶슮칺펓펞샎찒푷픎믾펓핞�헏픊옪멾퍊삲 풞슲픎핞퓮옻멚펻픒 짢붆젾홆펓킪밚힎 핆샇 _ 맪픦옪헫읊힒멚쇦젾 졶슮믾펓픎큲큲옪옪헫읊�팒컪몋폏멚쇪삲 캫슲픎 훊핊펞 킪맒틷 �옎펞멆�컪��퐎픦엖핂삫켇켦펞�펺젾팒�섾짆팒픦쯚앪슪읊틆쿦핖멚훎삲 옪헫쁢 _ 졓핂�펺쁢 _ 퓮옪쿦훎픦옪헫솒핖힎잚 졓핂캏핂�펺쁢 퓮옪쿦훎픦옪 헫솒힒쇦몮핖삲 �얾큲맪� 뫟몮헪핟 잖�혾칺 묞퓯옪믆앶쿦 �킮 샎핆잲 펺 싢핞핆슿핂많핳샎 헏핆옪헫핂삲 옪헫픦몮맫�솒��잚쪒핂펂컪샎믾펓핂빦콚믾펓픒샎캏픊옪쁢몋푾솒핖몮헪 켇�혾힏 핂빦묞 핊짦콚찒핞읊샎캏픊옪힒쇦쁢몋푾솒홂핺삲 5"펞컪쁢컿�뫊엶픒퓒삲퍟킃솒묺슲픒푷몮핖쁢섾 킃핂킪핟쇦믾헒펞큲큲옪핞킮픦뫊먾퐎핺 짆 앦픦뫎헞펞컪킃픦졷읊컲헣쁢킃몒퍋컪 -FBSOJOH $POUSBDU 읊핟컿젾 킃뫊헣핂힒쇦쁢솧팖펞쁢핞킮픦 캫맏뫊밶삺픚픒믾옫쁢엶핊믾 5SBJOJOH %JSBSZ 읊핟컿삲 쏞 5"펞컪헪뫃쁢솒컪졷옫픒쫂몮핞킮핂핋픒�픒 컮헣솓컪몒픒켆푾몮솓컪킲헪칺펓펞헏푷짷쩣펞샎핞킮픦캫맏픒헣읺펞켆핂읊핟컿삲 핂퐎쁢쪒솒옪 헣믾헏픊옪맪핆픦킃몋펞샎컿�쫂몮컪 3FFDUJPO QBQFS 솒핟컿젾 엶핂힒쇦쁢훟펞쁢쿦킪옪삲핂펊옪 믆켆켦픒폂펂컪솧욚슲픦핂퍊믾읊몋�몮홂훟몮핆뺂몮믾삲읺젾쌚옪쁢핞킮픦핂퍊믾읊쁢킪맒픒매믾솒 삲 킃믾맒솧팖캫칾졶슮줆컪쁢읺폲옪묺컿쇦펂헣믾헏픊옪펓섾핂쇦젾 ��짝솧욚캫슲뫊핊뼒펞졕� 옎틷멎�삲 쏞 핂얺멾뫊줊슲핂빦핞킮픦캫맏픒삲읆칺앚슲팬펞컪몮뫃퓮쁢 #JSUI (JWJOH핂않쁢킪맒픒 �컪삶쿪읺헮�핂켦핂팒삖않졶숞많�펺쁢캏헏핆킃픒힒믾솒젾 믾펓맒픦힎킫믾짦픒핳몮 핞삲읆픦삲핂펊옪믆켆켦펞�펺쫂쁢맒픦 $SPTT 'FSUJMJ[BUJPO픒힒믾솒삲 옪헫읊힒쁢뫊헣펞컪 쁢옪헫뺂푷펞샎컪 1SF NPUPSPMB쫂몮컪퐎 1PTU NPUPSPMB쫂몮컪읊핟컿졂컪칺헒훎찒퐎칺컿�픒힒젾 핂푆펞솒캫슲핂핞퓮옻멚킃솧팒읺읊컿컪헣믾헏픊옪졶핒픒매쁢 -FBSOJOH 4FU핂빦맏홓엊핂폂읺믾솒삲 5"펞컪쁢 뼒픦킪맒픒헒줆많옪턶픦헣�컿픒짪헒킪�빦많쁢뫊헣픊옪쫂몮핖픊젾 펾�쪒옪킃훊헪읊삺읺졂컪 �읺�엊픒힒삲 믾쫆쿦펓 헞 픎폲읺펢�핂켦픒�쥲삖�핂켦 펆펂슿픦헪맒쿦펓 헞 뫊옪�졶 셆픦킃옪켆큲펞싾읆 5"믾쫆쿦펓 헞 픊옪묺컿쇦젾헒줆쿦펓 헞 픎옪�졶셆픦 맪졶슖펞샎쿦헒 줆쿦펓 헞 뫊잖� 몒 킮슿펞샎쪒옪믆앶핂빦킲헪옪헫읊쿦쁢컮�쿦펓 헞 픊옪묺컿 쇪삲 핂푆펞 맪픦훊헪쪒졶슖픒힒쁢킲헪엶 헞 뫊칺뽊줆 헞 핟컿짝홆펓킪픒먾�멚쇪삲 5"픦 헒�묞퓯뫊헣픎옪�졶셆 5IF 3PDLFU .PEFM 옪묺쇪삲
19
믆잊 @5"졶셆픦�펓많퍟컿옪켆큲
핞욚�� +PIBOOFT 1BSUBOFO ջ5IF 5FBN $PBDIˏT #FTU 5PPMTռ 5"펞컪킃핞슲픎킃핞 읺섢 �펓많옪턶픦맏맏 맪틷� 맪픦펻얗픒맪짪멚쇦젾 솒삲졂많 핞 믾많 솧욚많 ��많 몮맫많 읊�핞킮픦펻얗픒멎�짩멚쇪삲 5" 펞컪픦많쁢슿믗픒잲믾믾퓒멑핂팒삖 킃핞픦펻얗뫊몋픒헞멎믾퓒솒묺펞쭖뫊젾많픦멾뫊핞�쫂삲쁢많멾뫊펞샎�옮뫊샎많섢훟푢 삲 5"펞컪픦킃픎팢줃힎헏핆뺂푷픒몮핖믾쌚줆펞몋핂않쁢쭎쭒솒많픦훟푢몮엲푢콚핂삲 5" 펞컪쁢 핆맒뫎몒퐎킲킃픒�킲헪헏쁳엳 믾펓많헣킮 킮헏핆팒핂싢펂칾� 킃펺슿픒훟푢많�옪캫맏젾 짾풂삲 5"픦묺컿풞슲픎 5"않쁢�믆잊픒핂몮힎콛헏픊옪컿뫊읊핂욶펂빦많쁢핟픎킪솒슲픒킪쁢멑픒풞�픊 옪몮핖삲 큲큲옪펉밆풞쁢팒핂싢펂펞샎컪쁢삲읆칺앚펞멚핂퍊믾몮짦슪킪킪젾 졶슮묺컿풞슲픎캖옪풂 힎킫픒�혾몮헒�혾힏뫊뫃퓮몮힎콛헏픊옪킃펞샎컪많쁢멑픒풞�픊옪삲 쏞 5"픦�잋핞핆+PIBOOFT 1BSUBOFO픎 5"픦짷쩣픒푷컿핆묞퓯픒킲킪믾퓒컪 뼒��헒줆묞퓯믾뫎 핆 1BSUVT -UE읊컲잋삲 1BSUVT -UE쁢��묞퓯춞잚팒삖않컿핆묞퓯솒벦힒몮핖쁢믾펓픊옪잲뼒 졓 뼒 핂��묞퓯펞�펺몮핖픊젾 뼒펞쁢 잚퓮옪픦잲�픒믾옫믾솒삲 핺쁢 맪묻펞컪옪믆앶핂헒 쇦펂 5JJNJBLBUFNJB -FBSOJOH /FUXPSL옪풂폏쇦몮 핂뫁펞컪 5"퐎뫎엶쇪졶슮캏뭚픒콚퓮몮핖삲 1BSUVT -UE펞 컪쁢 삶몒픦��퍟퓯옪믆앶픒풂폏훟핂젾 묞퐎믾펓 뫃뫃믾뫎펞컪폶 맪묻픦 졓핂뻦쁢칺앚슲핂묞퓯뫊헣 픒쿦욚삲 쏞 앎슪묞퓯� 5IF 'JOOJTI /BUJPOBM #PBSE PG &EVDBUJPO 픦힎풞픒짩팒컪컿핆묞퓯옪믆앶픒풂폏 훟핂젾 뼒밚힎 졓픦칺앚슲핂묞퓯펞�펺몮 �믾믾펓많읊퓒 *HOJUJOH )FBSUT SFTPVMT 킲줂몋폏힒픒퓒 #MB[JOH 5PSDI SFUPSDI 헪맪짪픒퓒 *OOPWBUPSˏT 8PSLTIPQ뫊폏펓픒퓒 4BMFT 1SPHSBN 슿핂풂폏쇦몮핖삲
20
믆잊 @��삶몒쩚묞퓯뫊헣
핞욚�� 1BSUVT 뫃킫핂힎 IUUQ XXX UJJNJBLBUFNJB DPN
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졺슪않몲픦 .5" .POESBHPO 5FBN "DBEFNZ
졺슪않몲샎픎킮헏핆몋폏묞퓯짷쩣픊옪 뼒앎슪픦 5"졶셆픒솒핓펺힎폎삲 핺쁢 .5" .POESBH PO 5FBN "DBEFNZ 않쁢솓잋쇪솧혾픒잚슲펂컪 쭎캫슲픒샎캏픊옪쁢�펓묞퓯옪믆앶 -&*//뫊킲줂핞슲픦 칺뺂믾펓많펻얗맪짪픒퓒묞퓯옪믆앶 .*//픒훟킺픊옪풂폏몮핖픊젾��퍟퓯옪믆앶 5.*//퐎힎펻킲펓 핞줆헪멾픒퓒묞퓯옪믆앶 &,*// 슿픒풂폏몮핖삲 -&*// 옪믆앶픎 뼒뫊헣픊옪퓮엋뺂 맪힎펻 졓핂 캏핂묞퓯펞�펺훟핂젾 홆펓퓮엋뫃솧칺퓒읊쿦펺짩멚쇪삲 -&*//픦묞퓯뫊헣픎믾쫆헏픊옪 5"픦옪�졶셆픒 믾짦픊옪잚슲펂혚픊젾 묻헪않쁢앪슪퐎졺슪않몲픦칺펓헒얃픒짦폏폲읆�빮맪옪믎옪쩚킪짊픦킫픒퓒킃펺 뫊펆펂묞퓯픒 푊�빮맪옪헒줆옪믆앶뫊풚�쿛핂않쁢뫊헣픒�많삲 -&*//픦묞퓯�읺�엊픎믾훟픦쿦펓슲 픦힒짷킫픎앎슪 5"퐎솧핊젾짷믾맒훟캫슲빊읺앎슪 뼒� 훟묻 PS 핆솒 뼒� 캚앎큲� 뼒� 옪 슪잋픒힒젾믾쫆찒푷핂푆픦졶슮펺몋찒쁢큲큲옪�샇삲 -&*//픦홆펓캫픎 믾밚힎짾�쇞픊젾핂훟 많�펓 많�펓 많힒픒픊젾 헣솒많믾�옪쭒윦쇦몮핖삲 뼒믾훎
21
믆잊 @졺슪않몲 .5"픦옪�졶셆
핞욚�� -V[BSSBHB ջ.5" 5IF QPXFS PG 5FBN FOUSFQSFOFVSTռ
.5"픦킲줂핞펻얗맣묞퓯옪믆앶핆 .*//픎 뼒뫊헣픊옪헒켆몒 맪힎펻펞컪 졓핂캏핂�펺훟핂젾 홆펓 졺슪않몲샎컫칺퓒읊쿦펺짩멚쇪삲 � 맪픦졶슖픒앎슪펞컪킪핟컪 잖슪읺슪 팢큲�읂샂 �읺삖팒 훟 묻 핆솒 쩮읊읾슿픦켆몒읊솚졂컪힒삲 졶슖픦묺컿뫊짷줆힎펻픎힎캏펞싾않컪쪎몋쇪삲 킮헏핆옪헫 읊퓒찒흖삖큲헒줆컿뫊믾펓많헣킮픒맪짪믾퓒옪믆앶픊옪 �많핞슲픎엶옪믆앶픦맪짪뫊벦믾펓펞컪 픦헣옪헫읊쪟쿦핖멚쇪삲 �믊 .5"쁢팒킪팒힎펻펞 .*// 옪믆앶픒솒핓믾킪핟픊젾 뼒 풢 펞훟묻캏핂 풢펞핆솒뻲펞컪묞퓯핂킪핟쇦펖삲 훟묻펞컪쁢훊옪핂짆칺펓픒몮핖쁢믾펓많퐎�펓�컲� 슲핂훊옪옪믆앶펞�펺몮핖픊젾 솧혾픦풞�뫊짷킫픒맣혾믾쫂삲쁢캖옪풂킮헏핆몋폏묞퓯짷킫픊옪 힎켢삫몮핖삲 뼒쭎�쁢훟묻펞컪솒��퍟퓯옪믆앶핆 5.*//핂킪핟쇮폖헣핂젾 � 맪풢펞멆�컪 졓픦 캫슲핂헒켆몒읊솚졂컪묞퓯핂힒쇪삲 � 맪픦졶슖옪묺컿쇦젾맏졶슖픎 _ 핊풚�쿛�옪 5FBN .BTUFSZ퐎솧 핊멚힒쇦젾 졶슖맒펞쁢�쭒킲킃믾맒 맪풢뺂푆 픒숞몮핂빦맪쪒뫊헪 솓컪 짆켦슿 읊쿦멚쇪삲 �많핞 슲픎졶슖맒펞킲킃믾맒솧팖졶슖펞컪짾풂뺂푷픒핞킮픦칺펓�펞헏푷쫂몮믆멾뫊읊캫슲뫊뫃퓮멚쇦젾 묞퓯 쿦욚킪졺슪않몲 .5"퐎앎슪 5"픦 5FBN .BTUFSZ뫊헣펞샎쿦욚흫픒솧킪펞쿦펺짩멚쇪삲
믆잊 @.*// $IJOB 옪믆앶묞퓯뫊헣
핞욚�� .5" .*// $IJOB 옪믆앶콚맪핞욚힟
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˽ 컿뫃샎�펓쿦펓뫊쭒컫 쿦펓컿멷 핂쿦펓픎픒믾짦픊옪칺펓픒쿦젾킃뫊맪핆킃핂핂욶펂힎쁢킲킃핂삲 킲힖헏핆�펓쫂삲쁢핟픎뮪 졶픦칺펓픒킲졂컪�펓픒퓒믾�읊핂쁢뫊헣픊옪믾 훊쿦펓픊옪묺컿쇦펖삲
쿦펓힒뫊헣 졓픦캫뫊 졓픦�� 졓픦묞쿦많쿦펓펞�펺폎삲 쿦펓픎 ˎ캫슲픦킃몒컪핟컿 ˊ 묺컿 ˊ 칺펓몒쿦 잋 ˊ 칺펓쿦 ˊ 칺펓멾뫊짪ˏ픦�픊옪핂욶펂혚삲 핂얺힒뫊헣펞컪맏슲픎잲훊픦칺펓힒캏픒짪 폎픊젾��슲픎칺펓몒짝칺펓쿦픒퓒뫊헣뫊뫎엶��픒폎삲 픦킲헪칺펓픎핟픎뮪졶픦 잲칺 펓픊옪힒쇦펖삲 칺펓킲헒밚힎픦칺펓몒픒켆푾몮��슲뫊삲읆픦솧욚슲옪쭎�슪짿픒짩팒쿦헣쁢뫊 헣픒짦쫃폎삲 쏞 칺펓힒픒퓒잖�짝쫂 쿦핓뫊힎�펞샎폖칾뫊멾칾 핺욚묺핓 잲읊퓒묺�헏 몒슿픒켆푾몮��픒짩몮쿦폎삲 맪쪒캫슲픎핞킮슲핂칺펓쿦뫊헣펞컪짾푾쁢헞뫊펂엲풂헞슿픒샂픎 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺읊잲훊핟컿펺��슲펞멚헪�폎몮��슲픎핂펞샎슪짿픒쿦폎삲 캫슲픎칺펓펞샎 핂읊뽠핂믾퓒솓컪뫊헪읊 펞멆�쿦폎삲 쁢펞컪뽊픦펺멾헣�픒묺컿풞슲핂벦핋몮짪 폎픊젾 숞쩖ퟆ펞쁢캫슲핂맪쪒헏픊옪컮헣�픒핋몮맪쪒헏픊옪짪폎삲 믆푆펞�펓뫃졶헒펞솒헒쫆몋핂 핖쁢캫슲픦몋픒슱몮 컮짾픦�펓몋픒슱쁢킪맒솒많혚펖삲
쿦펓뫊 쿦펓펞샎캫슲픦많쁢 ˎ핊짷헏핆맣픦퐎쁢삲읂멚캫슲핂힏헟�펺쁢쿦펓픊옪컪핺짆핖펖픊젾 샎펞컪믾 샎섦쿦펓핂펖삲ˏ쁢많많훊읊핂욶펖삲 힎잚 _ 졓픦캫슲픎삶퓒픦콚�픒훟킪졂컪묺�헏맣픦읊힒 힎팘픎헞픒쿦펓픦쭎혿헞픊옪봋믾솒폎삲 핂쿦펓픦졷쁢핞믾컿�킃픦핂 킃짷쩣킃슫 칺펓쿦핂 펖삲 핂켆힎헞펞컪캫슲픎줂펕픒쁞볖몮 펉펖쁢힎 줂펕핂쭎혿삲몮캫맏폎쁢힎읊훟킺픊옪쿦펓뫊컿픒컪쿮 몮핞삲 캫슲픦캫맏픎캫슲핂잲훊헪�엖핂삫삲핂펂읺퐎쿦펓킪맒훟픦풚�컃슿픒�컪짪캫맏슲 픒핞욚옪펺헣읺폎삲
핞믾컿�킃픦핂 핞믾컿�킃픎큲큲옪많줂펕픒졶읂쁢힎 팚팒퍊멑핂줂펕핆힎읊밶삹쁢뫊헣픒�컪킃핞많킃픦푢컿픒 쁞빊몮 킃몒픒켆풚킃쁢멑픒잞삲 핞믾컿�픦뫊헣픎훊옪엖핂삫삲핂펂읺읊�컪쿦쇦펖삲 엖핂삫 삲핂펂읺쁢킃핞맪핆핂맪핆뫊솧픦훊맒픦몒 쿦뫊헣 믆뫊헣펞컪짾풂헞 펂엲풮섦헞픒믾옫젾핞킮픒 컿�쁢믾옫핂삲 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺픦핟컿픎쿦펓�믾펞쁢캫슲펞멚잲푾펂엲풂빦픦 ˎ뫊헪ˏ옪삲많맢삲 샎쭎쭒 픦캫핂킫헏픊옪헪�폎몮 헪�힎팘쁢캫슲솒핖펖삲 ��슲픎엖핂삫삲핂펂읺펞샎캫슲픦핂읊솣 몮핞믾컿�픒핂킪�믾퓒풚�컃픒폂펖삲 핂풚�컃픎엖핂삫삲핂펂읺펞샎캫슲픦핂펞헒픒많혆퐢삲
ˑ숦ퟆ옪펉픎멑픎엖핂삫삲핂펂읺읊�캫맏픒헣읺몮핂읊믎옪튾쁢멑핂펖킃삖삲 삲읆캫슲솒믆앺멮힎잚� 픚펢엖핂삫삲핂펂읺읊펂쎉멚헏펂퍊힎슮헞솒핖펖힎잚핂펞샎풚�쿛픒힒몮퍟킫픒힎�힎팘픎쉲옪쁢 묗핳잜픎솒풎핂쇦펖킃삖삲 맣픦펞컪짾풂뺂푷픒삲킪쩖헣읺몮믆펞샎빦픦캫맏픒컪쿮쁢멑픎헎펞멚짾 풂뺂푷픒헣읺몮캏믾킪�훒춞팒삖않삲퍟캫맏픒멚잚슲펖킃삖삲 혾 : ˒ ˑ믆솧팖핟컿폲섦엖핂삫삲핂펂읺펞샎뭏믖흫뫊픦줆픒멾쿦핖쁢킪맒핂펖킃삖삲 핂쿦펓픒믾헞픊옪쿦펓 뫊킃픒짢않쫂쁢킪맏픒뻡몮삲읆뫊풞슲픦졶킃뫊핂퍊믾펞솒뮎믾풆핂몮핂읊엖핂삫삲핂펂읺펞짦폏많 쁢몒믾많쇦펖킃삖삲 혾 + ˒ ˑ핂풚�쿛픒�펺헎쁢젢졶픦훟푢컿픒밶삺팦몮 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺읊봊봊멚튾믾킪핟킃삖삲 엖핂삫삲 핂펂읺읊묺�헏픊옪핟컿졂컪핞킮핂믆훊펞짾풮섦멑 밶삺팦섦멑슲픒삲킪쩖슪짿픒쿦핖펂컪삲픚쿦펓쌚 캏짪헒졶킃픊옪핒폎섦멑맧킃삖삲 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺쁢헣잞핞팒컿�펞쿦헏핆멑맧킃삖삲 혾 4 ˒
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풚�쿛픒�컪캫슲뫊��슲픎엖핂삫삲핂펂읺픦푢컿픒뫃퓮폎몮 핟컿뫊뫎엶펺믾홂펞��슲핂헪킪 폎섦 핂쩖훊몒 힒뫊헣 짾풂뺂푷 �펺 픒핂푷먾빦픒쩥펂빦컪핞퓮옻멚핟컿쿦핖픚픒픦폎삲 핂 캫슲픦엖핂삫삲핂펂읺쁢홎섢쭎혚몮 핞믾컿�핂샂믾멚쇦펖삲 쏞 캫슲픎핂풚�쿛픒 ˎ캫슲핂쿦펓 펞�펺쁢�펓픦힣픒많핳핦빦�뺆칺멂ˏ픊옪믾펃몮핖삲
킃짷쩣킃슫 훊 킪맒틷픦쿦펓픒�컪캫슲핂킃짷쩣픒킃슫믾펞쁢펂엲풂헞핂핖펖삲 킃핂픊옪졶핆삲몮컪 헎헖옪핂욶펂힎쁢멑픎팒삖믾쌚줆핂삲 풞슲핂뫃솧픦찒헒픒많힎몮핖몮 찒헒픒킲믾퓒맪핆킃픒쿦젾 풞슲빊읺샎퐎�옮핂않쁢쿦엶뫊헣픒�컪묺컿풞슲픦뮮힎쁳핂캏픦힎쁳픒짪퍊쁢섾 믆얺쿦엶 픒벦믾펞쁢킪맒핂�쭒힎팘팦삲 힎잚 캫슲픎핂펂썲픦짆읊많힎쁢힎 뺂펞컪맪핆핂펂썮펻픒 펺퍊쁢힎 픦컿뫊읊퓒컪쁢줂펕핂푢힎펞샎컪팚멚쇦펖삲 핂멑픎훊옪맪핆맒픦몋햏픒믾쫆픊옪묞퓯쁢 푾읺픦묞퓯�펞컪캫슲핂맪쪒뫊헪퐎맪쪒킃펞핃쿧핖쁢캏펞컪잲푾픦짆핖쁢힎헞핂삲
ˑ핂쩖�펓핓줆쿦펓픒�샎옪픎펂쎉멚힒쇦펂퍊쁢힎펞샎잜핂짾풮몮 콚뮪졶솧혾픒몋킃삖삲 헎 픦��삦픎팒킪멮힎잚헎쁢�펓핓줆픦��믾킪헖펞픊옪쁢칺펓솧펞핖펂컪헏픟픒핦좉몮혾퓶쁢 쩣픒핦졾않쭖잚핂잜팦킃삖삲 믆앦컪밚힎폼밆몮짊픒폎킃삖삲 힎잚킪맒핂힎빦몮펂쎉멚졂풞슲뫊픦멺혾 퓶픒핦몮칺펓펞핖펂컪솒핂앎�많�핂옪풆쌚많잜묺빦않쁢멑픒헞�핂쿦펓픒�펉픎멑맧킃삖삲 헎쁢 ˎ ˏ 핂않쁢삶펂펞샎짾풂멑핂헎픦팬픊옪픦쫂펞�잜픎솒풎픒훒멑핂않몮캫맏삖삲 혾 " ˒ ˑ많핳믾�헏핆쭎쭒핂섢홙픎컿뫊읊뺂믾퓒푢쭎쭒핂않몮캫맏킃삖삲 믆앦컪벦훎찒몮픦뽊쁢킪맒픒 섢매몮컪옪픦픦멺뫊캫맏픒뫃퓮섢않졂쁢팒퀺풎핂핖펖킃삖삲 믆읺몮핞킮핂쿦펓�믾펞풞섦쭒퍊픦칺펓짷 핂팒삖섢않솒벦헣몮킪핟잚�핂쿦펓솧팖픎잯픎핊펞샎�핒픦킫픒매몮퍋콛픒힎�젾풞졶숞많�펺 섢않졂펂엲풂캏펞컪않솒슲읺힎팘몮펓줂많쁴�힎쁢쭎쭒픒샎�쿦핖펖픒멑핂않캫맏삖삲 혾 + ˒
칺펓쿦 캫슲픎졶숞펞콛컪빦쏞쁢숞맪픦칺펓픒쿦폎삲 칺펓픒힒쁢뫊헣펞샎맣픦펔핂 캫슲큲큲옪 칺펓픒퓒팒핂싢펂읊잚슲몮칺펓몒픒켆풚빦맢삲 핂펞샎펺핊쭎캫슲픎묺�헏맣픦많펔쁢멑펞샎펺줆헪읊 헪믾믾솒폎힎잚 샎쭎쭒픦캫슲픎믆뫊헣펞컪짾풎픒펉펖픚픒짫몮핖삲 핂쁢캫슲핂핂헒픦킃 믆읺몮 핺벦짩몮핖쁢쿦펓슿픒�컪많힎몮핖쁢힎킫픒짢�픊옪켆풂칺펓몒 핂펞샎��슲픦��뫊헣 킲헪칺펓 픦쿦핂묺�헏힎킫킃슫픊옪캫슲펞멚삲많맢믾쌚줆핂삲 핟픎칺펓핂펖힎잚킲픒�컪핊짷픦맣픦쫂삲섢잜 픎묺�헏핆힎킫픒킃멑핂삲
ˑ��삦솒팒핂�컮헣뫊쿦얗혾헖쫂삲쁢줆헪많캏픦힖뫊캏픦맣헞펞샎펂픒헪샎옪힎좉멑팒삖뺞쁢 힎헏픒켶삲 믆읺몮빶픎멑픊옪쩖섢팒쫂졂펂썮뺞쁢헪팖솒켶삲 킲힎잚핂킲칺옎 몋픒�섢 빦픎칺펓픒힒쿦핖픒멑핂않캫맏삲 킲펻쭒샂핂푢삲쁢멑픒 혾픦칺펓멾칾짪읊슲픊젾쏞삲킪 쁞볖삲 혾 ) ˒ ˑ핂쩖훊�핳칺읊쫂졂컪잜픎멑픒밶삺팦킃삖삲 핂얺핟픎쭎큲읊풂폏잲쁢멑솒빦픦�펓핂않쁢멑픒 짾풮킃삖삲 핂얺핟픎쭎큲픦핳칺읊훎찒쁢섾펞솒잖� 캫칾 몒 믾슿�펓펞푢푢콚슲핂푢킃삖삲 핂훟빦않솒펕빦맒삲졂칺펓핂킲삲쁢멑솒짾풮킃삖삲 팒줂읺홙픎팒핂�픒컮헣솒헪혾펞컪�폲많핖픊졂 잲많펂엲풆멑핂몮 잖�핂핦팖핂웒힎졂팒줂읺홙픎헪혾읊펺솒캂칺앚핂펔삲쁢멑 쏞몒많핦좉쇦졂칺펓� 펞핞쫆뫎읺많팖쇦펂킲멑핂않쁢헞 믾핂핦팖쇦졂칺펓픎킪핟솒좉쇪삲쁢헞핂쩖핟픎칺펓픒�잜핂짾풮 킃삖삲 팬픊옪헪많칺펓픒힎 헒줆힏픒홓칺힎칺앚핊픎졶읓삖삲 힎잚핂쩖핊픒�컪삲픚솒헒펞쁢혾믖핂않 솒솒풎핂쇦힎팘픒밚캫맏삖삲 힎믖밚힎칺펓픒킪핟믾퓒팒핂싢펂쿦펓 칺펓몒컪쿦펓슿펞잚많�읊숞펖섦 멑핂쇷삖삲 힏헟 핊솧팖칺펓픒쫂삖킪핟믾밚힎솒훟푢힎잚킪핟몮빦컪많섢훟푢쿦핖삲쁢멑픒쳖헎 읺멚쁞볖킃삖삲 혾 " ˒
24
믆푆많 ��픦펻 잜픎캫슲핂��픦펻핂홎섢묺�헏픊옪뫊멾멑픒푢묺폎삲 믆얺푢묺쁢쿦펓훟맒펞쁢빦�빦힎팘팦 쁢섾 잖힎잗많읊쁢핞읺 잖힎잗엖핂삫삲핂펂읺펞컪헪믾쇦펖삲
ˑ삲잚콚쿦펓쌚헎슲빊읺잚픦읊쁢멑핂팒삖않��삦슲핂펞슲펂폲켢컪퍦믾읊빦뿒펖픊졂홎섢묺�헏픊 옪슪짿핂쇞픒멑맧킃삖삲 혾 # ˒ ˑ헎쁢맪핆헏픊옪��삦슲뫊캫슲픦콚�핂혾믖팒퀺풮킃삖삲 �펓핓줆픎묺컿풞핂벦잚슲펂많쁢쿦펓핂않캫 맏삖삲 믆얾섾쿦펓핂힒쇦쁢뫊헣펞컪캫슲픦픦멺핂�쭒짦폏쇦펖쁢많쏞묞쿦삦핂빦��삦슲핂쿦펓픒� 캫슲펞멚헒삺몮핞섦짢읊�쭒헒삺쁢많읊캫맏졂팒퀺풎핂슻삖삲 혾 : ˒ ˑ믆앦솒쿦펓펞컪�펓펞샎믾�헣쫂빦힎킫 믾펓펞컪팚팒퍊쭎쭒 QQU픦묺컿뫊짪짷쩣슿펞샎쭎쭒픒핞켆 삲욶펂훊켶픊졂몮핂쭎쭒픒삲픚펞맪컲쇮쿦펓펞컪쫂퐒훊켶픊졂삖삲 혾 + ˒ ˑ칺킲픎��삦슲핂쿦펓픒핂븚펂빦많킲쌚헎픦핂퍊믾펞�멺픒잜핂훊켶픊졂쁢짢앶핂핖킃삖삲 줊옮짷컿 픎헪킪읊훊킪몮솒풎쇮헞솒헪킪읊훊킪힎잚 힎믖줆헪많쇦몮핖쁢쭎쭒슲 삶멚핂퍊믾읊훊켶픊졂홙멮킃 삖삲 믆읺몮핂옮헏픊옪푢멑슲맣픦킫픊옪힒픊졂홙멮킃삖삲 혾 . ˒ 핂쿦펓펞컪��슲픎�믾펞쁢픦졶핒펞멾폎힎잚 ��슲핂벦핖쁢핞읺펞컪캫슲핂핞퓮옻멚짪펆믾읊벊 엲몮��슲픒펂엲풚삲쁢많읊졂컪캫슲픦졶핒펞멾힎팘팦삲 샎킮펞��슲픎엖핂삫삲핂펂읺펞 샎슪짿픒잲훊힒폎몮 캫슲픦칺펓몒뫊칺펓쿦펞샎짪킪펞헒�펞샎컪묺�헏핆��픒쿦 폎삲 캫슲핂핂얺많읊섾펞쁢푾컮픎맣픦킫쿦펓픒�핞쇪힎킫킃슫펞핃쿧핖믾쌚줆핂않몮쿦 핖픒멑핂삲 쏞 캫슲빊읺줂펆많읊핞짪헏픊옪멾헣몮힟쁢멑펞샎숞엲풎핂핖픒쿦솒핖삲 푾읺빦않픦줆 헏핆쭒퓒믾 흗 빦핂펞싾읆퓒몒 힎퓒펞싾읆퓒몒많홂핺쁢캏펞컪��슲핂캫슲뫊핞펾큲엋멚펞컪콚�쿦 핖쁢짷쩣펞샎몮엲많홎섢푢삲
솓컪뫊헪 �픚쿦펓픒킪핟쌚졶슮캫슲픎솓컪뫊헪읊쭎샂큲얺풚삲 핂쿦펓핂킲헪칺펓픒쿦퍊몮믆얺믾퓒컪잲 훊졶핒픒퍊픊젾 잲훊엖핂삫삲핂펂읺솒헪�퍊믾쌚줆펞뫊헪많뻖줂잜삲쁢멑핂핂퓮폎삲 믆앦컪 옪 몒쇦펂핖섦솓컪뫊헪읊 옪훒핂몮�샎킮펞�펓뫊뫎엶폏캏솒많쁳멚픊젾 훟 쁢핂벦쁢멑픊 옪펺캫슲픦쭎샂픒훒펺훊믾옪폎삲 힎잚 킲헪솓컪뫊헪읊쿦펞캫슲픦짦픟픎 ˎ쭎샂큲엋삲믾쫂삲쁢솓 컪뫊헪읊쿦섣쭒펞몋멑픒핂옮헏픊옪섢졓핂쿦핖펖삲 믆읺몮킲헪칺펓펞헏푷쫊쿦핖쁢뺂푷핂 펖삲ˏ쁢믛헣헏핆많폎삲 솓컪뫊헪읊헏헖쿦훎펞컪캫슲뫊벦삲졂캫슲핂풞쁢핂옮헏핆 맣픦짷킫픦힎킫 줆헪읊멾젾핞짪헏핆킃픦헣솒읊뽠핊쿦핖픒멑핂삲
ˑ큲�펓펞뫎�픒컮헣몮�펞컪삲욶쁢뺂푷픒컲졓훊쁢폏캏픒벦쫂몮훎찒졂컪삶쿪솓컪짪많팒 삚칺펓뫊펾뫎킪�캫맏쫂몮짪헒짷픒졶캗쫊쿦핖펖섦�픒�킃뫊헏푷픦핳헞픒쁞빒쿦핖펖킃삖삲 믆앦 컪핆힎솓컪칺펓핂빦삲읆졶셆펞헏푷쫂몮�펞샎뺂푷픒헣읺쁢뫊헪빦쿦펓핂섢잜핂핖펖픊졂쁢팒퀺풎 핂핖펖킃삖삲 혾 + ˒ ˑ�펓펞뫎�픒핋픚픊옪턶 팒�쏞 혾칺펓 읊믾헒펞핂�픒핋펖섢않졂섢핦쿦핖펖픒�섾않쁢캫맏픒잜핂 펖킃삖삲 혾 4 ˒ ˑ줂펕쫂삲믾홂픦픒쩥펂빪멑핂묗핳홙팦킃삖삲 줊옮�픒핋쁢멑솒홙힎잚 폏캏핂않쁢짆싢펂잲�읊�쁞빎 헞픒풞슲뫊흞멏멚뫃퓮졂컪쏞맏핞픦펻픒빦뿒몮 QQU읊�짪짷킫핂팒삚믇픒컪 쏞쁢핆�쮾짷킫픊옪짪 쫂쁢멑픎캗삲읆몋핂펖킃삖삲 혾 - ˒
25
˾ 솧혾�펓묞퓯묞퓯뫊헣맪짪 졷헏 픃쫃헏믾짦�펓묞퓯옪믆앶픦솒핓픊옪믾홂픦�펓묞퓯픦몒읊뻦펂솧혾�펓묞퓯픒컮솒빦맖컮힒� 펓묞퓯쩣픒맪짪삲 칺헏몋헪혾힏뫊픦칾엳픒�핳몋믾헪뫃짝�펓픒�힒삲 �혾컿뫊솒헒헣킮 엳쁢핆컿픒매�믎옪쩚�펓믾펓많읊퍟컿삲 칺헏몋헪뫎엶�펓묞퓯픊옪솧혾�펓밚힎�몒헏픊옪펾몒쁢�뼒�펓캫�몒혾컿펞믾펺삲
쿦펓묺컿짷 뫊졷졓
솧혾�펓핓줆
솧혾�펓킲헪
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샎 _ 뼒
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맪핆킃 ̔ 킃 �펓픦믾�읊핂
헒뫃쿦펓픦킃뺂푷픒 헏푷펺킃뫊캏킇
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핓줆쿦펓쫂삲쁢뺂푷뫊킲픦빪핂솒읊 뽠펺킲헪�펓픒쁢뫊헣
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몋폏짝�펓헒뫃묞쿦 몋뫊펻얗픒매��� _ 졓
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묞뫊뺂푷@솧혾�펓핓줆 졷 핞믾컿�헏킃픒핂삲 킃짷쩣픒짾풂삲 잲�픒짪캫킪�쁢칺펓픒쿦삲
쿦펓짷쩣 맪푢 픒믾짦픊옪맪핆킃뫊킃픒쿦삲 짷킫 맣픦 솓컪 �옮 칺펓픒힒삲 믾핞핺 � 묞퓯믾핞핺읊푷삲
26
맣픦몒컪
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싢핞핆팋��멎�짝푷짷팖뽊픦혾칺몒짪 칺펓묺캏픒퓒팒핂싢펂픦 <뫊헪> 싢핞핆팋��픒푷펺팒핂싢펂묺�짝몮맫혾칺 <뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪�
훊쪒힒솒@
< �솓컪짪>싢핞핆팋��픒푷칺펓팒핂싢펂헪� 읾�쩒큲풚�쿛 <뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒옪킲헪힒칺펓몒컪핟컿
훊쪒힒솒@
쪒칺펓몒컪짪 쪒칺펓힒캏뽊픦 <��> 칺펓몒컪슪짿 <뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒칺펓몒컪쿦헣짝묺�
훊쪒힒솒@
맣 ˊ 솧혾�펓핂앎줂펕핆많 쪒칺펓몒컪묺� 읺큲 폖칾컪 킲몒컪 펓줂쭒핳 폏펓 쫂몒슿 칺펓힒캏뽊픦 <뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒칺펓킲훎찒짝킲
27
28
훊쪒힒솒@
쪒칺펓킲훎찒 핳콚 훎찒줊 펓줂쭒핳 쫂퐎잖�슿 쪒칺펓킲 핂쩖훊뺂펞헏헖빮픒컮�
<뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒칺펓멾뫊쫂몮컪핟컿
훊쪒힒솒@
�칺펓멾뫊짪 힎�뺂펻컪 몒샎찒킲펺쭎핆 킃몒컪멎�짝쿦헣 �많컪핟컿 맪핆많 많 핺묺컿 헪찒촟믾 <뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪�
훊쪒힒솒@
< �칺펓훎찒> 펓홓픒짢붆먾빦 칺펓픦빪핂솒읊뽠핂솒옫푢묺 읾�쩒큲풚�쿛 칺펓팒핂싢펂묺�헏뽊픦 <뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒칺펓몒컪훎찒짝헪�
훊쪒힒솒@
쪒칺펓몒컪짪 쪒칺펓힒캏뽊픦 <��> 칺펓몒컪슪짿 <뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒칺펓몒컪쿦헣짝묺�
훊쪒힒솒@
쪒칺펓몒컪묺� 읺큲 폖칾컪 킲몒컪 펓줂쭒핳 폏펓 쫂몒슿 칺펓힒캏뽊픦 <뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> �솓컪짪 맪핆쪒�핋몮짪핞욚핟컿
훊쪒힒솒@
< �솓컪짪> 맪핆쪒핟컿짪 <뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪�
훊쪒힒솒@
쪒칺펓몒컪묺� 읺큲 폖칾컪 킲몒컪 펓줂쭒핳 폏펓 쫂몒슿 칺펓힒캏뽊픦 < �칺펓킲잖맞> <뫊헪> 쿦펓많펞뫎엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪�
훊쪒힒솒@
칺펓 �멾뫊짪 헒�맣픦많 삲졂많컪핟컿 맪핆 풞많 졷쪒옪쿦펓읺쮾짝많힒
훊쪒힒솒@
많슪짿 맪핆쪒헞쿦짝풞많헞쿦 많헞쿦슿뫃맪
훊�쪒힒켆쭎뺂푷 훊� 폲읺펢�핂켦 쭒
�캏픒풞픊옪숦얺팗솒옫퓮솒삲 맣픦몒컪읊짾펞쿦펓졷 쿦펓짷킫 훊� 쪒맣픦뺂푷 많짷킫 뫊헪슿펞샎컪컲졓몮힖 픦픟샃픒힒삲 ��콚맪짝��펻팖뺂 쭒
��핂읒 핂엳슿펞샎컪캏켆멚콚맪삲 쿦펓솧팖��많쁢펻펞샎컪팖뺂삲 ��쪒펾앋� 헒쩖퐎핂젢핊훊콚 읊뫃맪삲 킃핞핞믾콚맪 킪맒
솚팒많졂컪뫊 핂읒 뼒 쿦펓컮�핂퓮펞샎컪핂퍊믾삲 찚싷옪믆앶 폔칺앚픒핆�쮾펺콚맪믾 킪맒
폔칺앚픦젆읺쁢펂썲캫맏픊옪�핖몮 많킂픎줂펕펞샎폂헣픊옪쓶먾푾젾 콞픎줂펕픒믾읊홙팒몮 짪픎펂싢 읊몮핖쁢힎읊팓삲 헒�킃핞슲핂솚팒많졂컪폔칺앚픒핆�쮾뺂푷픒짪삲 <��> ��솒벦�펺펺핆�쮾읊힒몮짪삲
훊� 폲읺펢�핂켦 쭒
맪핆쪒킃몒컪핟컿쩣팖뺂 맪핆쪒킃몒컪쁢킃핞많�펺쁢쿦펓펞컪줂펕픒뫃쭎멑핆힎읊몒몮몒뺂푷픒쿦멑픒퍋콛쁢 핊홓픦킃몒퍋컪핂삲 킃핞많뫃쭎폶뫊헣픒쇦솚팒쫂몮핺핞킮픦퓒�읊핆젾짆앦픦졷읊퓒컪뫃쭎 졷읊큲큲옪켆푾몮�헣쿦핖쁢힎읊컲헣삲 솧혾�펓묞퓯뫊헣픎묞쿦많훊솒쁢맣픦옪핂욶펂힎쁢쿦펓 핂팒삖않킃핞슲핂큲큲옪짾풎픒혾힏퍊믾쌚줆펞킃핞픦킃몒컪핟컿픎잲푾훟푢삲 킃몒컪읊 훊� 펞짪쁢멑솒킃핞슲핂쿦펓픦짷펞샎핂읊짢�픊옪킃몒컪읊켆풆쿦핖솒옫믾퓒핂삲 맪핆쪒킃몒컪쁢 킃핞픦몒쏞쁢몮탄픎핊픦졷옫픒핟컿쁢멑핂팒삖않킃핞많��짝솧욚슲뫊쟈쁢킃퍋콛핂삲 �칺펓펞쿦헣몮솧욚짝��슲뫊멎�삲 핳믾헏핆졷퐎삶믾헏핆졷읊컲헣쿦핖힎잚 핂쿦펓펞컪펉몮핞쁢졷읊졓켆풂삲 졷삺컿픒�헣쿦핖쁢�솒짝힎읊벦컲헣삲 맪핆쪒킃몒컪핟컿짷쩣 핂쿦펓펞폲믾헒밚힎펂썲뫃쭎읊펂쎉멚퐢쁢힎빦픦킃펻칺읊믾옫삲 뺂많핂쿦펓펞컪펉몮핞쁢졷많줂펕핆힎묺�헏픊옪믾쿮삲 뺂많컲헣쿦펓픦졷읊삺컿믾퓒짷쩣픒묺�헏픊옪샂쁢삲 뺂많졷펞솒삺쁢힎읊팚쿦핖쁢힎짝�솒읊헪킪삲
29
킃몒컪 퍟킫
뫊խխ խ խ խ խ խ խ 쩖խխ խ խ խ խ խ խ 핂읒խխ խ խ խ խ խ խ
빦쁢펂쎉멚캂팒퐢쁢많 킃핞픦뫎헞
빦픦펻칺
빦쁢힎믖펂싢펞핖쁢많 줂펕픒뫃쭎몮 퐪뫃쭎쁢많
빦픦핺
빦픦졷쁢줂펕핂젾 핂쿦펓픦졷쁢줂펕핆많 빦픦짆앦
빦픦졷삺컿픒퓒컪줂펕픒퍊빦 빦픦짷쩣
빦픦졷삺컿픒펂쎉멚많쿦핖픒밚 빦픦 많힎
30
<��> 맪핆쪒킃몒컪핟컿픒�컪킃핞맪핆핂펂썲퓒�펞핖픊젾쿦펓펞컪펉몮핞쁢짢많줂펕핆힎팚쿦핖삲 쏞 킃핞많졷퐎짷쩣슲 힎슿픒헪킪믾쌚줆펞킃핞많킃몒컪읊핦핂쿦핖멚믾퓒��많펂썲펻 픒퍊힎읊팚쿦핖삲 킃몒컪많핂얺펻픒쿦쿦핖믾퓒컪쁢킃몒컪핟컿핂잲푾훟푢섾 킃 핞슲훟펞컪킃몒컪읊�캏헏픊옪핟컿먾빦젊짆앦픦졷읊켆푾쁢몋푾많핖삲 싾않컪 킃몒컪펞샂멶퍊뺂 푷핂줂펕핆힎펂쎉멚핟컿퍊쁢힎펞샎컪묺�헏핂몮캏켆멚컲졓퍊삲 쏞 쩖픦핟컿뫊짪옪잖줂읺 힎팘몮 킃핞펞싾않컪쭎혿쭎쭒핂핖삲졂몒콛쿦헣펺킃몒컪픦퐒컿솒읊뽠핊쿦핖솒옫팖뺂펺퍊삲 졷컲헣픒묺�헏픊옪쿦핖솒옫퓮솒퍊삲 헒�헏픊옪쁢 �칺펓힒펞핞킮픦킃몒컪읊멎�몮쿦 헣쭎쭒핂핖삲졂쿦헣펺킃몒컪많핂쇮쿦핖솒옫핂븚펂퍊삲 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺핟컿쩣팖뺂 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺쁢킃핞많킃뫊헣펞컪핞킮핂줂펕픒짾푾몮핖쁢힎읊큲큲옪컿�쁢뫊헣픒잲훊믾옫쁢멑핂 삲 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺쁢킃핞많핞킮픦킃몒컪짝삶퓒픦칺펓몒컪펞싾않컪잲훊읊몒몮몒픦킲펺쭎 퐎믆뫊헣펞컪짾풂헞핂줂펕핆힎읊믾옫삲 핂얺엖핂삫삲핂펂읺픦핟컿뫊헣픎킃핞슲핂핞킮픦킃픦짷픒 뽡�힎팘멚솒풆멑핂삲 쏞 ��슲핂킃핞많핞킮픦킃몒픒삺컿쁢섾핖펂컪솒풎픒훊먾빦팖뺂쭎쭒핂줂펕 핆힎읊팚쿦핖멚삲 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺쁢잲훊핟컿펺��펞멚헪�젾��쁢핂펞샎헏헖슪짿픒헪뫃삲 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺핟컿픎 맪쪒킃몒 믆읺몮쪒칺펓몒컪펞싾읆잲훊픦몒픒샂쁢삲 퓒몒샎찒킲헪힒캏픒묺�헏픊옪믾쿮삲 킃핞맪핆픦킃뫊픦칺펓힒뫊헣 쿦펓펞컪삲읆픦짪 ��픦슪짿슿픒�컪킃뺂푷픒컪쿮삲 픦졶핒뫊칺펓힒뫊헣펞컪킃핞많펂쎉멚�펺몮핖쁢힎 �펺뫊헣펞컪짾풂헞뫊펂엲풂헞픎줂펕핆힎슿픒믾쿮삲 헣힒퍟킫펞재�펂핟컿솒쇦몮 핞퓮옻멚핟컿솒쇪삲 뺂픦 맖슿뫎몒많슪얺빮쿦핖믾쌚줆펞��픦맪핆젢핊옪헪�삲 <��> 잲훊엖핂삫삲핂펂읺읊핟컿쁢멑핂킃핞슲펞멚퀺풂핊픎팒삖삲 킃핞핞킮핂힏헟몋몮쁞빊몮짾풂멑픒 믾옫쁢멑핂즎옪 쭒뺂푆펞틆쿦핖힎잚 잲훊핟컿퍊삲쁢멑펞킃핞슲픎쭎샂픒쁞빎삲 킃핞슲핂엖핂삫 삲핂펂읺읊폂킺튾멚믾퓒컪쁢��픦헏헖슪짿핂훟푢삲 ��쁢킃핞슲핂엖핂삫삲핂펂읺읊�컪 킃뫊칺펓 솧펞컪줂펕픒짾푾몮핖픊젾펂쎉멚컿핳몮핖쁢힎읊밶삺픒쿦핖솒옫헏헖슪짿픒잲훊훊펂 퍊삲 쏞 킃핞많펂엲풚먾빦슲펂쁢쭎쭒 킃핞많홎섢킮몋픒턶컪퍊핊슿펞샎컪솒팖뺂훒 푢많핖삲 잚퍋엖핂삫삲핂펂읺핟컿핂헪샎옪핂욶펂힎힎팘쁢삲졂 쿦펓뫊헣훟펞엖핂삫삲핂펂읺핟컿펞샎콚맞픒킃핞 슲뫊벦빦뿒쁢멑핂푢삲 펂썲힎헞펞컪펂엲풎픒쁞빊쁢힎읊팓몮 킃핞슲핂믆줆헪읊멾쿦핖솒옫헒 �헏픊옪�옮쁢킪맒픒많혆퍊삲 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺핟컿픒핦솒옫믾퓒컪��쁢 콚쿦펓킪맒펞쿦펓뺂푷픒젢졶쁢킃뫎픒맣혾삲 ��픦슪 짿 삲읆펞컪훊쁢픦멺 핞킮핂헪킪픦멺슿픒젢졶몮믆멑픒 삲핂펂읺펞짦폏멚퍊삲 킃핞많�펺몮핖쁢펞뫎뺂푷춞팒삖않 삲읆픦힒캏 뫊뺂푷슿펞샎컪쁢힟훟펺삲읆칺펓힒뫊헣픒�컪 솒킃쿦핖솒옫퓮솒몮 믆쏞엖핂삫삲핂펂읺펞짦폏쇮 쿦핖솒옫팖뺂퍊삲
31
엖핂삫삲핂펂읺 퍟킫
뫊խխ խ խ խ խ խ խ 쩖խխ խ խ խ խ խ խ 핂읒խխ խ խ խ խ խ խ
핂쩖훊펞삶퓒 맪핆삶퓒옪몒섦핊픒헏펂훊켆푢 핂쩖훊 몒
칺펓힒캏뫊맪핆삶퓒킃힒캏픒헏펂훊켆푢
힒칺
��펞멚짩픎슪짿뫊삶퓒퐎맪핆삶퓒펞컪짾풂뺂푷픒헏펂훊켆푢
짾풂뺂푷
�펺뫊헣펞컪믛헣헏핆쭎쭒뫊펂엲풮섦쭎쭒픒컿�헏픊옪믾쿮켆푢
�펺
32
솓컪짪팖뺂 솓컪쁢킃핞슲핂핞킮픦펻얗픒�풆쿦핖멚믾퓒멑핂삲 솓컪쁢솧혾�펓뫊풂폏픒퓒컪푢핂옮헏믾 짦픒컿몮맪짪쁢섾솒풎픒훒쿦핖삲 쿦펓펞컪힒쁢칺펓뫊뫎엶쇪팒핂싢펂쏞쁢솒헒뫊헪퐎뫎엶쇪솓컪쁢 킃핞슲픦짆읊퓮짪쿦핖픊젾핞킮슲핂힒쁢칺펓펞컪�픎묞뫊힎킫픒핳몮뫃몮쁢섾솒풎픒훒쿦핖 삲 솓컪뫊헪쁢�픒핋픒멑픒뭚핳힎잚�핂푆픦짆싢펂 폏 삲�젦�읺 퓮쯚맣픦슿 읊삲 쿦펓펞컪뫃킫헏핆솓컪뫊헪쁢 읊헪킪삲 쁢핂맧픎�픒핋몮뫃솧짪읊삲 짪짷킫픎�펞컪펉픎묞 폏맞 팒핂싢펂슿픒캏믇 ힵ픎폏캏슿펺얺많힎짷쩣픒�컪쁢멑핂삲 핂쌚 짪짷킫픒삲퍟몮킃 핞슲픦짷킫픒핳믾퓒컪쁢믾홂픦읺헮�핂켦짷킫픒헪푆쿦솒핖삲 쁢킃핞슲핂맪쪒옪�픒컮헣 몮핋몮짪쁢짷킫핂삲 맪핆짪쁢 " 핳쭒얗픦콚맞줆픒핟컿펺짪삲 핂쌚 콚맞줆픎삶쿪멚�픦뺂 푷픒푢퍋쁢멑픒뻦펂컪�펞컪펉픎폏맞핂빦팒핂싢펂읊핺픦칺펓쏞쁢짆앦픦칺펓졶뫊멾컪핟컿퍊삲 짪쁢 쭒핂뺂옪킪맒픒펒쿦멚삲 헣힒킪맒뺂펞읺헮�핂켦픒쁢멑픒펾킃쁢뫊헣핂삲 믆읺몮짪 펞쁢삲읆칺앚슲핂힖줆멚펺 핞킮픦짪읊캖옪풂뫎헞펞컪캫맏쫊쿦핖쁢믾읊훎삲 믆읺몮벦쿦펓픒슱쁢 핂슲핂힟삶킃핂쇦솒옫삲 킃핞슲핂�펓픒쁢뫊헣펞솒풎핂쇮잚솓컪읺큲읊쪒솒옪헪킪삲 쫆쫂몮컪슅쭎쭒펞�쭎줆컪 ˑ솒컪졷 옫˒픒�몮삲 쿦펓많짷킫팖뺂 쿦펓많짷킫픎졷� ˑ 많짷킫짝퍟킫˒ 픒�몮삲 칺펓�힒핊헣짝짷쩣팖뺂 쫆쿦펓픎솖픒쩒쁢칺펓픒�콚 핂캏힒쁢멑픒졷옪삲 킃핞큲큲옪칺펓픦팒핂�픒헣몮 킲짝찒푷 몒칾슿픒힒삲 믆읺몮칺펓픒퓒�핞퍊쁢솖솒킃핞슲큲큲옪잖엶퍊삲 킃핞큲큲옪�핞믖픒잖엶 솒옫쁢핂퓮쁢쫆핆핂�핞읊먾빦푆쭎펞컪찚엲폲쁢핞믖픦�핒픒몋솒옫믾퓒핂삲 쫆쿦펓픦칺펓킲픎 �콚 핂캏힒삲 칺펓펞푢핞믖픎펞컪힏헟멾삲 칺펓펞컪핂핃핂짪캫킪뺂픦픦읊�쭒짾삲 칺펓픦콞많짪캫킪뺂펞컪�핒힒삲 샇픎퓒픦칺픒몮엲펺칺펓픒몒몮킲퍊삲 Ӫ 묺컿짝힎켦헣믾 옪헫킲훎찒 킪맒 묺컿픎�콚 핆핂캏픊옪삲 핂쁢솧혾핂�콚 핆핂캏핂졶펺퍊많쁳믾쌚줆핂삲 픒묺컿쌚쁢삲퍟컿픒 몮엲삲 믆읺몮 �칺펓핂븫빦몮빦컪픒짢붆멚펺 캖옪풂펞컪캖옪풂칺앚슲뫊칺펓믾읊매쁢삲 뫊쪒옪삲읆캗픦홓핂읊훎찒삲 삲읆캗픦홓핂펞쿦펞재�컪쩖읊헏쁢삲 � 핂졂맧픎캗홓핂펞맏맏 쿹핞읊헏펂컪맧픎헒뫃캫슲핂벦졶핂힎팘솒옫삲 샇뫊펞샇쇦쁢캗픦홓핂읊촟솒옫삲 핂헣힎졂쪒졶핒픒매쁢삲
33
졶핒킪맒펞��퐎벦 컪옪핆칺읊빦뿖삲 헒뫃 뼒 핂읒슿픒콚맪삲 샇픦��솒핞믾콚맪읊몮핞펾큲엋멚컪옪읊팚팒많쁢쭒퓒믾읊퓮솒삲 쿦펓펞뫎뭏믖칺픒줊펂쫂몮샎샃쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 몮탄픎칺펓핂핖펖쁢힎읊힖줆젾핞펾큲엋멚샎읊쿦핖솒옫삲 Ӫ 뫃졶헒�펺칺옎짪 킪맒
쿦펓펞�펺쁢킃핞훟펞뫃졶헒펞�펺몋핂핖쁢캫슲픦칺펓몒컪읊짪쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 핂쁢킃핞슲 핂�펓쏞쁢칺펓몒뫊뫎엶컪펂썮몋픒매몮핖쁢힎읊컪옪컪옪팓솒옫몮 킃핞픦핞풞뫊펻얗픒헏믇 푷솒옫믾퓒핂삲 믆읺몮킃핞캏맒펞힎헏핞믇픒훊몮짩픒쿦핖픒멑핂삲 Ӫ 쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
맪핆쪒킃몒컪핟컿 쿦펓욶헒펞묺믎솓큲픦샇섢펞킃몒컪읊폺엲뽡팒컪��슲핂킃몒컪읊칺헒펞쫂몮폺쿦핖솒옫삲
훊� 맪핆쪒킃몒컪짪 킪맒짦
헒훊�펞헪킪많핂슪펞싾않핟컿폶킃 몒컪읊 짪삲 킃몒컪읊 짪쁢 멑픎 맧핂 쿦펓펞 �펺쁢 킃핞슲펞멚 빦읊 컲졓 쁢멑핂믾솒젾 핂슲팬펞컪빦픦킃몒픒퍋 콛쁢킪맒핂믾솒삲 믆읺몮삲읆킃핞픦 킃몒컪읊 슲픊졂컪 믆슲픦 펻칺퐎 몒픒 � 핞킮픒솚팒쫂쁢킪맒핂삲 칺헒훎찒 묺믎슪않핂쯚섢읊폂몮 115 졂펞씒풂삲 맪핆쪒킃몒컪읊짪삲 <��> 맏핞짪킪맒픎 쭒 힖픦픟샃 쭒픊옪� 쭒뺂푆옪묺컿삲 삲읆킃핞슲핂푾컮힖줆쿦핖쁢믾읊훊몮 ��슲픎쇦솒옫빦훟펞힖줆픒삲 <��> 짪킪맒픒�헎멚펒쿦픊옪턶헣힒킪맒펞핞킮픦캫맏픒솒옫엶삲 <��> 슪짿픎킃몒컪읊홎섢묺�헏픊옪핟컿몮 몒핂킲쿦핖쁢짷픊옪퓮솒삲 쪒칺펓팒핂싢펂픦 킪맒 쭒
킃핞슲핂쪒옪졶펺컪힒몮핞쁢칺펓팒핂싢펂펞샎컪�옮쁢킪맒핂삲 쪒옪졶펺�옮쿦핖솒옫�캏퓒�읊혾헣삲 �쩖ퟆ칺펓픒킲믾퓒팒핂싢펂묺캏픒퓒풚짛펓킪맒픒매쁢삲 <��> 칺펓픒킲펺솖픒쩒쁢멑핂훟푢컿픒맣혾삲 칺펓픒퓒핞믖�핞쁢킃핞슲큲큲옪많쭎샂솒옫팖뺂삲 <��> 팒핂싢펂많핞퓮옻멚빦폲몮컪옪많팖멚팒핂싢펂읊뺊쿦핖쁢쭒퓒믾읊컿삲
34
쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪�팖뺂 믾맒픒헣컪헪�솒옫몮핂펞뺆킃핞쁢핆헣힎팘쁢삲 컿헏펞폏픒짆�삲쁢멑픒헣멚뫃힎삲 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺쁢샂샇��픦핂젢핊옪헪�삲 믖푢핊펞쁢픦줂헏픊옪��슲픎삲핂펂읺읊슪짿삲 <뫊헪> 맪핆쪒킃몒컪쿦헣 쿦헣킃몒컪쁢쿦펓욶헒펞묺믎솓큲픦샇섢펞폺엲뽡팒컪��슲핂킃몒컪읊칺헒펞쫂몮폺쿦핖솒옫 삲 헎뼏킫칺 묺컿핂��짝킃핞슲맒픦�졷픒솒졶쁢핞읺옪컪 킃핞슲맒펞 믆읺몮킃핞퐎��슲맒픦�쥲삖�핂켦 픒풞멚믾퓒핞읺핂삲
훊� 싢핞핆팋�짷쩣옮멎�짝푷짷팖뽊픦혾칺몒짪 킪맒 쭒
믎옪쩚컮솒싢핞핆믾펓 *%&0펞컪맪짪 ջ)$% 핆맒훟킺싢핞핆�ռ픎칺앚슲픦푣묺읊�쁢멑펞컪�짪핮핺 헏핆많쁳컿픒힎콛많쁳짪헒졶셆옪잚슲펂뺂쁢짷쩣픒�헖멚컲졓몮핖삲 칺푷핞픦삖흖펞컪�짪컪믾쿮뫊찒 흖삖큲읊펾멾쁢�픊옪 핆맒훟킺핂쇦쁢칺펓픒믾퓒헪 켆몒픦솧몋뫊칺펓픒맪짪믾퓒짷쩣옮핂샂 밂�핂삲 ��슲픎칺헒펞 ջ)$% 핆맒훟킺싢핞핆�ռ픦뺂푷픒쿧힎삲 쪒옪샎쿦핖솒옫졶펺팗쁢삲 ��슲픎풞슲뫊싢핞핆팋��픦맪푢퐎졷�읊벦멎�삲 졷�읊멎�쌚풞슲픎펂썮뺂푷핂샂멶핖픒 힎캏캏몮샎삲 픦칺펓팒핂싢펂읊묺�킪�믾퓒컪 ջ)$% 핆맒훟킺싢핞핆�ռ 펂쎉멚푷쿦핖픒힎몮짊멚몮 풞슲 빊읺묺�헏핆몒픒핟컿몮핂짪솒옫삲 풞슲펞멚 킪맒헣솒픦킪맒픒훊몮�픦뺂푷픒섢핞켆멚캂쫂몮 칺펓몒펞짦폏몒픒묺캏솒옫킪맒픒팮 삲 맏픎몒몮핖쁢뺂푷픒삲읆팬펞컪짪삲 칺펓묺캏픒퓒팒핂싢펂픦 킪맒 쭒
힎빪킪맒펞빦폶칺펓몒팒핂싢펂 ջ)$% 핆맒훟킺싢핞핆�ռ픒쫂졂컪썮폲읆팒핂싢펂읊묺�믾퓒킪맒픒매 쁢삲 쿦펓맣픦킲펞컪픦읊힒솒쇦몮 맣픦킲픒쩥펂빦몮맫슲픒잚빦졂컪칺펓몒픒묺�쁢킪맒픒많혆솒쇪삲 쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> 핆맒훟킺싢핞핆�픒푷펺팒핂싢펂묺�짝몮맫혾칺 <뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺핟컿
35
훊� < �솓컪짪> 싢핞핆팋�짷쩣픒푷칺펓팒핂싢펂헪� 킪맒
ջ)$% 핆맒훟킺싢핞핆�ռ펞컪핋몮�몮뺂푷픒짢�픊옪쪒옪칺펓팒핂싢펂읊묺캏몮핂읊짪삲 삲읆 픦힖줆뫊샃쪎픒�뫃솧�킃핂핂욶펂힎쁢몋픒매쁢삲 115빦믎옪믾쫂삲쁢�픦헏핆짷쩣픒푷펺짪솒옫퓮솒삲 쪒옪 쭒헣솒짪읊몮 쭒힖픦픟샃픒삲 짪읊쌚쁢졶슮풞핂빦퐎컪솒옫삲 <��>팒핂싢펂읊묺캏믾퓒컪뿒묺읊잚빦몮샎읊쁢힎읊힖줆삲 읾�쩒큲풚�쿛 킪맒
<훎찒줊> 쪒옪헒힎퐎큲핕뫊픒훎찒삲 쪒옪졶펺컪맏핞캫맏믾펞멾퍊쁢칺줆헪짝핊캏픦줆헪읊핞퓮옻멚핂퍊믾몮헏펂쫂솒옫삲 쭒 펆믗쇪펺얺많힎줆헪슲훟펞쪒픦읊�컪 맪픦줆헪읊컮�삲 쭒 핂줆헪많짪캫삲컽많힎픦핂퓮읊헏몮짪삲 쭒 핂줆헪읊멾믾퓒믛헣헏핆멾짷쩣 1PTJUJWF 4PMVUJPO 많힎퐎핂줆헪읊섢푿팓킪�쁢쭎헣헏핆멾짷쩣 /FHBUJWF 4PMVUJPO 많힎읊헏펂쫆삲 쭒 믛헣헏핆멾짷쩣픊옪헏픎멑픎펔팮쩒읺몮 줆헪읊섢푿팓킪�쁢쭎헣헏핆멾짷쩣훟펞빦읊몮읆삲 핂팖펞컪멾짷쩣픒졶캗삲 쭒 핂읊읾�쩒큲읊푷컪칺펓몒픒묺캏쫆삲 쭒 읾�쩒큲졶퍟샎옪헒힎펞믆엲컪졷픒��멚�풚쫆삲 헒힎읊슲몮빦퐎컪짪삲 쭒 짪많삲븫빦몮숳믆얾풞픒잚슲펂힒뺂푷펞샎콚맞픒뫃퓮삲 쭒
믆잊 @읾�쩒큲졶셆
핞욚�� .BVSZB 3VOOJOH -FBO
36
쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒옪킲헪힒칺펓펞샎칺펓몒컪핟컿
훊� 쪒칺펓몒컪짪 쪒옪킲몮핞쁢칺펓픦몒컪읊짪삲 칺펓짪읊�킃핞슲핂졶숞칺펓풂폏픦많쁳컿뫊킲컿픒헞 멎몮 칺펓픒묺�빦맒삲 쪒옪묺믎펞펓옪슪뽡픎칺펓몒컪읊폂펂컪짪삲 삲읆펞컪칺펓몒펞샎컪힖줆삲 ��슲픎삲읆풞슲픦힖줆핂븫빦졂힖줆쇦힎팘픎뺂푷슲픒힖줆삲 칺펓몒픒킲헪헏픊옪킲펞묺쿦핖쁢힎퐎 폖캏쇦쁢펂엲풎픎줂펕핆힎읊팓몮힖줆삲 뽊픦쇪뺂푷픒뺂펞컪믾옫펺핂펞짦폏쇮쿦핖솒옫삲 짪쁢쇦솒옫핂졂픦잜픎칺앚슲핂빦퐎컪쿦핖솒옫삲 쪒칺펓힒캏뽊픦 팬킪맒펞짪펞폲몮맒뺂푷픒쪒옪졶펺컪삲킪핆삲 펂썮뺂푷슲핂폲몮맢쁢힎읊팓몮 펂썮 멾짷팖핂핖픒힎읊맧핂몮짊쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 ��쁢멾짷팖픒헪킪쁢멑핂팒삖않 풞슲핂슪짿뺂푷픒헣 멚핆힎솒옫힖줆몮 큲큲옪멾짷팖픒졶캗쿦핖솒옫퓮솒삲 ��쁢펂썮슪짿픒짩팦쁢힎힖줆삲 팬펞컪빦폶힖줆픒멾믾퓒짷쩣픒�믊�믊졶캗쫆삲 졶캗쫆짷팖픒펂쎉멚칺펓몒컪펞샂팒컪묺� 힎뽊픦쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒옪칺펓몒컪쿦헣짝묺�
훊� 맣 ˊ 솧혾�펓핂앎줂펕핆많 킪맒 쭒
솧혾픊옪 �펓쁢 �쁢 삲퍟삲 뽆솧핞 솧혾 콚찒핞솧혾 칺펓핞솧혾 픦욚캫 삲훟핂뫎몒핞솧혾 슿 솧혾픦 퓮뫊 �펓 픦칺옎읊푆쭎헒줆많읊�찧펺짾푾쁢킪맒픒매 쁢삲 솧혾�펓헒줆많읊�찧삲 솧혾픦삲퍟퓮뫊�펓칺옎읊짾풂삲 힖픦픟샃힒삲
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쪒칺펓몒컪짪 킪맒
힎빪킪맒펞짩픎슪짿픒짢�픊옪묺�헏픊옪핟컿칺펓몒컪읊짪몮�옮쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 킲헪칺펓픒풂폏 믾퓒읺큲픦묺컿 칺펓킲픒퓒폖칾컪픦핟컿 칺펓킲몒컪 뺂픦펻쭒샂짝킪맒쪒펓줂짾� 칺 펓칾픒퓒폏펓짷쩣 칺헒펞칺펓픒퓒쫂짝잖�몒슿펞샎컪봊봊멚훎찒쿦핖솒옫힖줆삲 킃핞 슲픎쪒옪힖줆펞샎샃쪎픒몮 샎뺂푷픒핞켆멚믾옫펺핂칺펓펞짦폏쿦핖솒옫퓮솒삲 칺펓힒캏뽊픦 쭒
짪뫊헣펞컪뽊픦쇪뺂푷픒짢�픊옪칺펓픒힒쌚훟헞헏픊옪몮엲퍊쁢쭎쭒펞샎컪삲킪쩖핆몮 펂 쎉멚쿦헣빦많퍊힎뽊픦쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 삲픚훊펞칺펓픒킲퍊믾쌚줆펞칺펓픒풞힒쁢멑펞� 헞픒재�펂뽊픦읊힒빦맒삲 쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒옪칺펓킲훎찒짝킲
훊� 쪒칺펓킲훎찒 킪맒
힎빪킪맒펞짩픎슪짿픒짢�픊옪킲헪칺펓픒힒쁢헒뫊헣픒짪삲 핂뫊헣픎삲읆픦훎찒펞솒솒풎핂쇮쿦 핖솒옫졶슮뺂푷픒뫃퓮삲 훎찒줊 핳콚 칺푷찒푷 쫂퐎잖�뫊헣픦싢핞핆킪팖슿픒봊봊멚뫃퓮몮핂펞뫎 삲읆킃핞슲뫊��슲옪쭎�힖줆뫊슪짿픒슱쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 헒�짪펞쁢쪒옪졶펺컪��퐎벦힒쇦쁢뺂푷픒쩖섢핆몮��쁢쇦솒옫묺�헏픊옪칺펓픒훎찒 쿦핖솒옫뽡�쭎쭒핂펔쁢힎읊핆몮핂펞샎힖줆펺큲큲옪멾짷팖픒졶캗쿦핖솒옫솣쁢삲 쪒칺펓킲훊맒팖뺂 쭒
핂쩖훊뺂펞쿦펓킪맒푆펞헏헖킪맒픒컮�펺칺펓픒킲삲 폶않핆픊옪칺펓픒풂폏쁢몋푾펞쁢핂쩖훊뺂밚 힎 �헏픊옪칺펓픒퐒욚솒옫팖뺂삲 폲않핆펞컪칺펓픦힒핊헣픎큲큲옪헣멚삲 칺펓힒픦헒뫊헣픒�킲멚믾옫펺 핂읊멾뫊쫂몮컪펞묺�헏픊옪샂쁢삲 쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒옪칺펓멾뫊쫂몮컪핟컿
훊� �칺펓멾뫊짪 킪맒 쭒
쪒칺펓힒펞뫎멾뫊쫂몮컪읊짪삲 칺펓힎�뺂펻컪 몒샎찒킲펺쭎많펂쎉멚삺않혚쁢힎읊핆삲 멾뫊쫂몮읊쁢뫊헣쏞킃픦핊픊옪컿뫃쭎쭒뫊킲쭎쭒픦뺂푷펞샎컪헣멚핆힎솒옫힖줆삲 짪많븫빪펞쁢쪒옪��퐎벦�옮픒힒삲 멾뫊쫂몮컪펞컪짩픎슪짿핂줂펕핆힎삲킪쩖핆펺 킃뫊읊뽠핆삲
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킃몒컪멎�짝쿦헣 킪맒
맪쪒킃핞슲픎��퐎벦쿦펓�믾펞핟컿맪핆쪒킃몒컪읊삲킪폂펂컪 쿦헣퍊쭎쭒핂펔쁢힎읊캏픦 삲 �삲졂많컪핟컿 풞픒묞�믾헒펞맪핆많 �핆많 많 �많컪읊핟컿삲 ��슲픎많컪읊�펺핟컿뺂푷픒믾 옫삲 핂믾옫픎잖힎잗많퐎벦�펺샇졷쪒옪 픦찒퓶옪헞쿦펞짦폏삲 핺묺컿 쪒옪삲읆캗픦홓핂읊칺앚쿦잚�훎찒삲 맧픎캗홓핂맏맏펞픦쿦잚�쩖읊헏쁢삲 핂쁢쇦솒옫맧픎픦 칺앚슲핂벦풞핂쇦힎팘솒옫믾퓒픊옪 삲읆풞슲뫊몶몮욶핂컬핂솒옫삲 맧픎쩖읊촟픎칺앚슲핂맧핂핂쇪삲 삲픚칺펓픎캖옪풂풞슲뫊벦훎찒펺 삲퍟칺앚슲뫊칺펓픒쁢몋 픒매솒옫삲 쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪�
훊� �칺펓픒홓멾몮 �칺펓훎찒쁢�쩖ퟆ쿦펓핂삲 �칺펓뫊펓홓픒삺읺먾빦칺펓픦빪핂솒읊뽠핂솒옫푢 묺삲 읾�쩒큲풚�쿛 킪맒 팬컪펆믗뺂푷�몮 핂쩖훊뺂펞쿦펓킪맒푆펞헏헖킪맒픒컮�펺칺 펓픒킲삲 폶않핆픊옪칺펓픒풂폏쁢몋푾펞쁢핂 쩖훊 뺂밚힎 �헏픊옪 칺펓픒 퐒욚솒옫 팖뺂삲 폲 않핆펞컪칺펓픦힒핊헣픎큲큲옪헣멚삲 칺펓힒픦헒뫊헣픒�킲멚믾옫펺 핂읊멾뫊쫂 몮컪펞묺�헏픊옪샂쁢삲 칺펓팒핂싢펂묺�헏뽊픦 킃핞슲픎쪒옪졶펺컪힒몮핞쁢칺펓팒핂싢펂펞샎컪�옮쁢킪맒핂삲 쪒옪졶펺�옮쿦핖솒옫�캏퓒�읊혾헣삲 숞쩖ퟆ칺펓픒킲믾퓒팒핂싢펂묺캏픒퓒풚짛펓킪맒픒매쁢삲 <��> 쩖킲몋핂핖믾쌚줆펞힎빪칺펓쫂삲쁢홎섢짪헒쇪�옪칺펓핂킲쇦펂퍊픒팖뺂삲 <��> 팒핂싢펂많핞퓮옻멚빦폲몮컪옪많팖멚팒핂싢펂읊뺊쿦핖쁢쭒퓒믾읊컿삲 쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒칺펓몒컪훎찒짝헪� 쿦펓헒펞묺믎솓큲펞칺펓몒컪읊펓옪슪삲
39
훊� 쪒칺펓몒컪짪 쪒옪킲몮핞쁢칺펓픦몒컪읊짪삲 칺펓짪읊�킃핞슲핂졶숞칺펓풂폏픦많쁳컿뫊킲컿픒헞 멎몮 칺펓픒묺�빦맒삲 쪒옪묺믎펞펓옪슪뽡픎칺펓몒컪읊폂펂컪짪삲 삲읆펞컪칺펓몒펞샎컪힖줆삲 ��슲픎삲읆풞슲픦힖줆핂븫빦졂힖줆쇦힎팘픎뺂푷슲픒힖줆삲 칺펓몒픒킲헪헏픊옪킲펞묺쿦핖쁢힎퐎 폖캏쇦쁢펂엲풎픎줂펕핆힎읊팓몮힖줆삲 뽊픦쇪뺂푷픒뺂펞컪믾옫펺핂펞짦폏쇮쿦핖솒옫삲 짪쁢쇦솒옫핂졂픦잜픎칺앚슲핂빦퐎컪쿦핖솒옫삲 쪒칺펓힒캏뽊픦 팬킪맒펞짪펞폲몮맒뺂푷픒쪒옪졶펺컪삲킪핆삲 펂썮뺂푷슲핂폲몮맢쁢힎읊팓몮 펂썮 쪒짷팖핂핖픒힎읊맧핂몮짊쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 ��쁢멾짷팖픒헪킪쁢멑핂팒삖않 풞슲핂슪짿뺂푷픒헣 멚핆힎솒옫힖줆몮 큲큲옪멾짷팖픒졶캗쿦핖솒옫퓮솒삲 ��쁢펂썮슪짿픒짩팦쁢힎힖줆삲 팬펞컪빦폶힖줆픒멾믾퓒짷쩣픒�믊�믊졶캗쫆삲 졶캗쫆짷팖픒펂쎉멚칺펓몒컪펞샂팒컪묺� 힎뽊픦쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> 쪒옪칺펓몒컪쿦헣짝묺�
훊� 쪒칺펓몒컪짪 킪맒
힎빪킪맒펞짩픎슪짿픒짢�픊옪묺�헏픊옪핟컿칺펓몒컪읊짪몮�옮쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 킲헪칺펓픒풂폏 믾퓒읺큲픦묺컿 칺펓킲픒퓒폖칾컪픦핟컿 칺펓킲몒컪 뺂픦펻쭒샂짝킪맒쪒펓줂짾� 칺 펓칾픒퓒폏펓짷쩣 칺헒펞칺펓픒퓒쫂짝잖�몒슿펞샎컪봊봊멚훎찒쿦핖솒옫힖줆삲 킃핞 슲픎쪒옪힖줆펞샎샃쪎픒몮 샎뺂푷픒핞켆멚믾옫펺핂칺펓펞짦폏쿦핖솒옫퓮솒삲 쪒칺펓힒캏뽊픦 킪맒
짪뫊헣펞컪뽊픦쇪뺂푷픒짢�픊옪칺펓픒힒쌚훟헞헏픊옪몮엲퍊쁢쭎쭒펞샎컪삲킪쩖핆몮 펂 쎉멚쿦헣빦많퍊힎뽊픦쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 삲픚훊펞칺펓픒킲퍊믾쌚줆펞칺펓픒풞힒쁢멑펞� 헞픒재�펂뽊픦읊힒빦맒삲 쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� <뫊헪> �솓컪짪 맪핆쪒�쏞쁢폏캏픒쫂몮짪훎찒
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훊� < �솓컪짪> 맪핆쪒핟컿짪 킪맒
쿦펓펞컪힒쁢칺펓뫊뫎엶쇪팒핂싢펂쏞쁢솒헒뫊헪퐎뫎엶쇪솓컪쁢킃핞슲픦짆읊퓮짪쿦핖픊젾핞킮슲 핂힒쁢칺펓펞컪�픎묞뫊힎킫픒핳몮뫃몮쁢섾솒풎픒훒쿦핖삲 솓컪뫊헪쁢�픒핋픒멑픒뭚핳힎 잚�핂푆픦짆싢펂 폏 삲�젦�읺 퓮쯚맣픦슿 읊삲 쁢킃핞슲핂맪쪒옪�쏞쁢폏캏픒컮헣몮쫂몮짪쁢짷킫핂삲 맪핆짪쁢 " 핳쭒얗픦콚맞줆픒핟컿 펺짪삲 핂쌚 콚맞줆픎삶쿪멚�픦뺂푷픒푢퍋쁢멑픒뻦펂컪�펞컪펉픎폏맞핂빦팒핂싢펂읊핺픦칺펓쏞 쁢짆앦픦칺펓졶뫊멾컪핟컿퍊삲 짪쁢 쭒핂뺂옪킪맒픒펒쿦삲 헣힒킪맒뺂펞읺헮�핂켦픒쁢멑픒펾킃쁢뫊헣핂삲 믆읺몮짪펞쁢 삲읆칺앚슲핂힖줆멚펺 핞킮픦짪읊캖옪풂뫎헞펞컪캫맏쫊쿦핖쁢믾읊훎삲 믆읺몮벦쿦펓픒슱쁢핂슲 핂힟삶킃핂쇦솒옫삲 킃핞슲핂�펓픒쁢뫊헣펞솒풎핂쇮잚솓컪읺큲읊쪒솒옪헪킪삲 펾묺쫂몮컪슅펞솓컪졷옫픒�몮삲 칺펓힒캏헞멎 쪒옪졶펺컪��퐎벦칺펓힒캏픒헞멎삲 힎빪훊펞핂펂펓섾핂쇪뺂푷픎줂펕핂젾 멾믾펂엲풂쭎 쭒픎줂펕핆힎읊슱몮 펂쎉멚멾졂홙픒힎읊벦뽊픦맒삲 ��쁢샃픒헪킪믾쫂삲쁢풞슲픦샎읊슱몮 큲 큲옪짷팖픒�팒맖쿦핖솒옫킲읺�핂�펻픒삲 쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> 엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪�
훊� 쪒칺펓몒컪묺� 힎빪킪맒펞짩픎슪짿픒짢�픊옪묺�헏픊옪핟컿칺펓몒컪읊짪몮�옮쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 킲헪칺펓픒풂폏 믾퓒읺큲픦묺컿 칺펓킲픒퓒폖칾컪픦핟컿 칺펓킲몒컪 뺂픦펻쭒샂짝킪맒쪒펓줂짾� 칺 펓칾픒퓒폏펓짷쩣 칺헒펞칺펓픒퓒쫂짝잖�몒슿펞샎컪봊봊멚훎찒쿦핖솒옫힖줆삲 킃핞 슲픎쪒옪힖줆펞샎샃쪎픒몮 샎뺂푷픒핞켆멚믾옫펺핂칺펓펞짦폏쿦핖솒옫퓮솒삲 칺펓힒캏뽊픦 쭒
짪뫊헣펞컪뽊픦쇪뺂푷픒짢�픊옪칺펓픒힒쌚훟헞헏픊옪몮엲퍊쁢쭎쭒펞샎컪삲킪쩖핆몮 펂쎉 멚쿦헣빦많퍊힎뽊픦쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲 삲픚훊펞칺펓픒킲퍊믾쌚줆펞칺펓픒풞힒쁢멑펞�헞 픒재�펂뽊픦읊힒빦맒삲 쿦펓홓욚헒뫊헪팖뺂 쭒
<뫊헪> �칺펓킲잖맞 <뫊헪> 쿦펓많펞뫎엖핂삫삲핂펂읺헪� 헒�쿦펓펞뫎엖핂삫삲핂펂읺읊헪�솒옫팖뺂삲 핞퓮옪풂퍟킫펞팒앦샇뺂푷펞샎컪핟컿솒옫팖뺂삲 킃핞많핟컿킃몒컪읊쫂몮 핞킮핂쿦펓펞컪줂펕픒펉펖쁢힎펞샎컪많삲 Ύ 믾솧팖힒쇪쿦펓켆쭎솧슲펞샎핞킮픦픦멺픒헪킪삲 슅졂픦쿦펓힒뺂푷픒�몮훊켆푢
41
˟쿦펓킪맒펞힒뺂푷 v킃몒컪핟컿짝짪 v팒핂싢펂짪캏쩣 읾�쩒큲믆엲쫂믾 싢핞핆팋�킲킃
v쪒칺펓몒컪핟컿짝짪믾 v솧욚퐎��픦슪짿픒짩팒컪칺펓몒컪쿦헣믾 v쪒솓컪뫊헪짪믾 v �쪒 칺펓힒믾 vˑ엖핂삫삲핂펂읺읊펂쎉멚핟컿쁢많 ˒펞샎컪벦핂퍊믾쫂믾 v�펓뫃졶헒�펺칺옎짪믾 v솧혾맣 v맪핆솓컪뫊헪짪믾 v �칺펓힒믾 v묞� v쪒킲헪칺펓힒뺂푷펞샎멾뫊쫂몮컪핟컿믾
Ώ 풞슲뫊벦옪헫읊힒졂컪 핂섢홙픎컿뫊읊뺂믾퓒섢푢섦쭎쭒핂줂펕핆힎헏펂쫆삲 ΐ ��슲픦힎솒짷쩣펞샎핞킮픦픦멺픒헏몮 쫂퐒뺂푷펞샎픦멺픒헏쁢삲
훊� �칺펓멾뫊짪 킪맒
쪒칺펓힒펞뫎멾뫊쫂몮컪읊짪삲 칺펓힎�뺂펻컪 몒샎찒킲펺쭎많펂쎉멚삺않혚쁢힎읊핆삲 멾뫊쫂몮읊쁢뫊헣쏞킃픦핊픊옪컿뫃쭎쭒뫊킲쭎쭒픦뺂푷펞샎컪헣멚핆힎솒옫힖줆삲 짪많븫빪펞쁢쪒옪��퐎벦�옮픒힒삲 멾뫊쫂몮컪펞컪짩픎슪짿핂줂펕핆힎삲킪쩖핆펺 킃뫊읊뽠핆삲 헒�맣픦많 킪맒 쭒
킃핞많핟컿킃몒컪읊쫂몮 핞킮핂쿦펓펞컪줂펕픒펉펖쁢힎펞샎컪많삲 Ύ 믾솧팖힒쇪쿦펓켆쭎솧슲펞샎핞킮픦픦멺픒헪킪삲 삶픦쿦펓힒뺂푷�몮
Ώ 풞슲뫊벦옪헫읊힒졂컪 핂섢홙픎컿뫊읊뺂믾퓒섢푢섦쭎쭒핂줂펕핆힎헏펂쫆삲 ΐ ��슲픦힎솒짷쩣펞샎핞킮픦픦멺픒헏몮 쫂퐒뺂푷펞샎픦멺픒헏쁢삲 삲졂많컪핟컿 맪핆 풞많 쭒
졷� ˑ 많짷킫짝퍟킫˒ 펞핖쁢삲졂많퍟킫픒푷펺 맪핆쪒많컪읊핟컿솒옫팖뺂삲 �많펞핂펂힒 쁢 �많옪 캖옻멚묺컿쇪풞슲뫊펞샎많삲
42
훊� 많슪짿 맪핆쪒헞쿦짝풞많헞쿦 많헞쿦슿헒�헞쿦읊뫃맪삲 헒�헞쿦읊뫃맪쇦핂읒픎킲졓픊옪힎팘쁢삲 헒�헏픊옪많많펂쎉멚핂욶펂혚몮 많헞쿦펞싾않컪헞쿦많펂쎉멚�헣쇦펖쁢힎읊핆멚삲 헞쿦읊쫂펺훊몮많펞샎슪짿픒슱쁢킪맒픒매쁢삲
@캫많헞쿦폖킪
43
묞뫊뺂푷@솧혾�펓킲헪 솧혾�펓킲헪쿦펓픎�펓핓줆쿦펓뫊힒뫊헣뫊킫펞컪�멚삲읂힎팘삲 삲잚 핂핳픦 쿦펓픦묺컿짷펞컪 짫슽핂졕많힎�핂읊많힎쁢섾 믆�핂쁢삲픚뫊맧삲 쿦펓샎캏 뼒캫 쿦펓헒얃펞핖펂컪헒뫃뫊헣픦뺂푷픒�펓쿦펓펞헏푷쿦핖삲 폖읊슲졂 몋폏픒헒뫃쁢캫픦몋푾잖� 핺줂 몒슿픦핂옮픒킲헪몮맫픟샎짝칺펓풂폏펞헏푷쿦핖삲 쏞 삲읆헒뫃픦캫픦몋푾헒뫃픦힎킫픒칺펓팒핂싢펂 쿦핖삲 싾않컪 핓줆쿦펓펞찒뺂푷뫊킲펞컪빪핂솒읊뽠펺킲헪�펓픊옪핂펂힖쿦핖솒옫쿦펓졷읊뽠핊쿦핖삲 핂얺�핂읊쿦펓펞짦폏쁢멑픎��픦펻얗핂홚푾삲 펺믾컪쁢�펓킲헪쿦펓픦뫊헣픒�펓핓줆픒�몮펺힒 멑픒헪킪삲 �몮옪��퍟컿뫊뫎엶핳믾헏뫊헪읊멾옮펞컪삲욺삲
��많핂슪 짆�앎헲옪픦짢�컿샇�핳픦�힎�혾쁢짆�앎헲옪퐎벦 졓픦핂믆읾멑핂삲 ��많펔삲졂뽠픎젊 큲읊뺂쁢핂켆캏펞�펂빮쿦펔삲 ��쁢픦뺂쭎맖슿펞맪핓쿦펔몮 맪쪒헏핆젲쩒슲픒퓒�않큲빦맪 핆�풂켎얺옪솒쫗칺쿦펔삲 ��쁢캏헒�뫊헒�혾힏픒퓒킮쁢홂핺펺퍊삲 Ӫ ��픦풞� 뽠픎젊큲읊뺂쁢픎��많펔삲졂�캫쿦펔삲 믆얺빦��큲�픎졕뼒펞멆�몋뫊얺삫뻲풚�읊� 짾풆쿦핖삲 ��쁢핞킮픦맪컿픒�퍊삲 ��핞킮픦맪컿픎많핳훟푢핂삲 줂맪핓풞�펞싾않 ��쁢컿핳뫊헣펞컪펆헪솧몮맪핓힎 힎잞팒퍊힎읊팚팒퍊잚삲 ��많풞쁢쌚맪 핓힎잞몮 ��많맪핓엲쁢픦힎읊많힎힎잞팒퍊쌚읊밶삺팒퍊삲 ��옪컪캏헏밶삺픚핂푢삲 � �쁢젲쩒많팒삖않쁢멑픒캏믾펃퍊삲 젊큲많뽠픎픎잲푾슪줊삲 �몮픦캏�쁢 맪훟펞 맪핂젊큲많뽠픎엖쩶펞솒삺쁢멑핂삲 믆얺빦 ��픒핦삲쁢멑픎 졶슮핂믆슲픦짆켦펞�쭒솒삺쁢삶몒 (PPE -FWFM 펞핂읂쁢멑핂삲 ��많 맪픦뽠픎 젊큲픒몋밆풞삲졂 헏펂솒 맪픦펞��옪솧퍊삲 큲�펞컪 ��많픒��쁢멑픎삲 믆얺빦찒흖삖큲않핂펞컪쁢삲읆컿핳삶몒펞핖쁢펺얺픒�� 퍊몮 찮읂멚컿뫃헏핆픊옪잚슪쁢쁳엳픒푢묺삲 빦픦컿�많��읊잖큲�옪잚슲힎쁢팘쁢삲 ��쁢펺얺쩖 �몮픦컿�읊짦쫃픒쌚잖큲�많쇮쿦핖삲 ��쁢캏찒헒 짆켦 믆읺몮많�펞뫎픦캫맏픒븚펂뺊푢많핖삲 핂얺멑슲픎��많펔삲졂�혾믾펂옃 삲 캫맏픒핂븚펂뺂쁢멑픎픦펞뻖힎읊뫃퓮쇪졷옪쿦핖솒옫삲 픎샎옪캂팒맒삲 킮왾많펔핂쁢샎솒펔삲 뫊벦 ��쁢킮왾픦쭒퓒믾읊잚슲펂퍊삲 삲퍟컿픎훟푢솒헒핂삲 ��쁢젲쩒슲픦삲읆맪컿뫊�핂읊핞풞픊옪칺푷퍊삲 핆뺂킺픒많혆퍊삲 픎핞�픦킇읺퐎킲읊�핞킮픦밆픒펺퍊삲 컿뫃뫊킲숦삲픦컿핳뫊헣펞콛 삲 ��쁢픦컿핳삶몒퐎솧펞짊맞퍊삲 멾묻��쁢핂줂펕픒쿦핖쁢힎읊팚팒퍊삲 맖슿픎캏��슲펞멚쁢믾핂삲 픎맖슿픒�짪헒삲 졶슮쿦펓잖삲킃핞슲펞멚짪믾읊훊젾 쇦솒옫잜픎핂슲핂짪읊쿦핖솒옫퓮솒삲 킃핞슲핂쿦펓픒� �쥲삖�핂켦펻얗뫊읺헮�핂켦펻얗픒캏킪�솒옫솣쁢삲
많짷킫짝퍟킫 솧혾�펓묞퓯픦많짷쩣픎삲졂많짷킫픊옪묺컿삲 쿦펓픒힒쁢�� 쿦펓펞�펺쁢�펺핞쫆핆 벦 픒핂욶펂칺펓픒힒쁢풞 믆읺몮삲읆밚힎많펞삲 삲졂많읊힒쁢핂퓮쁢쫆핆큲큲옪펞샎 많퐎삲읆풞픒많졂컪큲큲옪읊컿�솒옫퓮솒젾 핞킮핂콛뫊�픒많졂컪펺얺많힎캏픒몮엲 펺많솒옫퓮솒쁢멑핂삲 흗많쏞킃픦핊픊옪많읊졂컪솒킃핂핂욶펂힎솒옫퓮솒삲
44
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핞믾많퐎솧욚많졷픎쫆킃픒�핂욶몮핞쁢쭎쭒픒켆쭎졷펞믾쿮펺졷쪒옪펂쁞잚�삺컿쁢힎 읊큲큲옪많멚삲 �쥲삖�핂켦펻얗픦캏 킃쁢짷쩣픦핂 줆헪멾짷쩣픦핂 �픦컿 훊솒컿 읺섢큋 픦펻얗픒많몮 칺펓픒풂폏쁢섾푢몒 잖� 뻲풚�슿픦펻얗픒많삲 솧욚많졷솒퓮칺멚묺 컿펺 캏샎짷픒많젾빦픦펻얗픒찒묞컪삶쫊쿦핖솒옫묺컿삲 많쁢캏훟옪묺컿몮 캏픎 헞 훟픎 헞 쁢 헞픊옪�헞삲
45
솧욚핂읒
많묺컿 핞믾많
캏
훟
솧욚많
<�쥲삖�핂켦> 빦픦캫맏픒잞뫊믎옪 쁢쁳엳핂캏쇦펖삲
<�쥲삖�핂켦> کک픎캫맏픒잞뫊믎옪 쁢쁳엳핂캏쇦펖삲
<킃> 빦쁢큲큲옪킃쁢짷쩣펞샎몒 픒켆푾쁢쁳엳핂캏쇦펖삲
<힎킫킃슫> کک픎줆헪멾픒퓒푢 힎킫픒킃슫쁢짷쩣픒팚팦삲
<핞팒컿�> 킃핞옪턶 빦픦 맣헞뫊 퍋헞픒 팚팦삲
<�픦컿> کک픎삲읆칺앚슲뫊벦�픦헏 핆 팒핂싢펂읊 뺊 쿦 핖쁢 쁳엳핂 캏쇦펖 몮 팒핂싢펂퐎묺�헏핆멾짷쩣픒 쿦핖멚쇦펖삲
<�픦컿> 빦쁢핞쏞쁢삲읆칺앚슲뫊벦 �픦헏핆팒핂싢펂읊뺊쿦핖쁢쁳엳핂캏 쇦펖몮 빦픦팒핂싢펂퐎묺�헏핆멾짷쩣 픒쿦핖멚쇦펖삲
<옪헫 읺싷> کک픎 픊옪 옪헫읊 몒몮킲쁢쁳엳핂캏쇦펖삲
<훊솒컿> 빦쁢 폂헣헏픊옪 쿦펓펞 �펺폎 픊젾 솧욚슲핂 쿦펓펞 �킲 �펺솒옫 멷엲폎삲
<읺섢킻> کک픎풚�픦믾쫆픒팚팦삲 펻 삲퍟컿 졷컲헣픦훟푢컿 뮪�픦 뫃퓮슿
<켎읺섢킻> 빦쁢큲큲옪핊픒몒몮킲 쁢쁳엳핂캏쇦펖삲
<읺섢킻> کک픎팖펞컪펻뫊핊픒핂 몮�킲쿦삲
<옪헫읺싷> 빦쁢픊옪옪헫읊몒 몮킲쁢쁳엳핂캏쇦펖삲
<졷> کک픎핂쿦펓픦졷읊핂몮 졷 읊삺컿믾퓒컪뽆엳삲
<읺섢킻> 빦쁢풚�픦믾쫆픒팚팦삲 펻 삲퍟컿 졷컲헣픦훟푢컿 뮪�픦 뫃퓮슿
<솒섣컿> 펻픒 믾 퓒컪 풞슲 뫊핞킮픒콛핂힎팘팦삲
46
캏
훟
<읺섢킻> 빦쁢팖펞컪빦픦펻뫊핊픒 핂몮�킲쿦삲
<�쥲삖�핂켦> 풞슲뫊 칺펓픒 쿦믾 퓒헏믇헏픊옪콚�삲
<졷> 빦쁢핂쿦펓픦졷읊핂몮 졷 읊삺컿믾퓒컪뽆엳삲
<몮맫> 칺펓픒�컪몮맫컪찒큲 캏쁳 엳 잲믾쿮픦믾쫆풞읺읊핂삲
<솒섣컿> 펻픒 믾 퓒컪 풞슲 뫊빦핞킮픒콛핂힎팘팦삲
<몒> 칺펓픒�컪쿦핓뫊힎� 풞많몒 칾펞샎믾쫆풞읺읊핂삲
<몮맫> 칺펓픒�컪몮맫컪찒큲 캏쁳 엳 잲믾쿮픦믾쫆풞읺읊핂삲
<잖�> 칺펓픒�컪잖� 캏믾 퓮� 많멷�헣 뫟몮퐎쫂 헒얃쿦잋 줊 혾삺 몮맫 삖흖 팓 쿦핃�� 펞 샎 믾쫆풞읺읊핂삲
<몒> 칺펓픒�컪쿦핓뫊힎� 풞많몒 칾펞샎믾쫆풞읺읊핂삲
<뻲풚�> 핂쿦펓픒�컪뻲풚� 맪핆 푆쭎 컿픦푢컿픒핂삲
<잖�> 칺펓픒�컪잖� 캏믾 퓮� 많멷�헣 뫟몮퐎쫂 헒얃쿦잋 줊 혾삺 몮맫 삖흖 팓 쿦핃�� 펞 샎 믾쫆풞읺읊핂삲
<믾펓많헣킮> 믾홂픦헪쇪칺몮픒밶몮 캖옪풂핊펞솒헒쿦핖쁢푷믾읊펉펖삲
<뻲풚�> 핂쿦펓픒�컪뻲풚� 맪핆 푆쭎 컿픦푢컿픒핂삲 <믾펓많헣킮>믾홂픦헪쇪칺몮픒밶몮 캖옪풂핊펞솒헒쿦핖쁢푷믾읊펉펖삲
47
Ӫ 삲졂많퍟킫@핞믾많퐎�많졷 핞믾많푆펞삲읆픦많읊힒픊옪턶픒믾짦픊옪칺펓픒풂폏쁢쿦펓핒픒쩖섢핆킫멚삲 핞믾 많킪펞쁢풞슲칺핂픦헣쫂묞윦 맖슿픦풞멾 펻쭒샂픦헏헖컿픒큲큲옪많멚몮 �많펞컪쁢� 픦칺펓쿦쁳엳춞팒삖않쿦펓픦믾펺솒읊많졂컪핂얺쭎쭒핂훟푢멑핒픒핆힎멚삲 많짾헞픎캏 훟 옪묺컿몮캏픎 헞 훟픎 헞 쁢 헞픊옪�헣펺칾삲
핂읒
많묺컿 핞믾많
캏
훟
�많
<칺펓몒> �펓픦뫊헣픒핂쿦핖쁢칺 펓몒픒쿦잋폎삲
<칺펓몒> �펓뫊헣픒핂쿦핖쁢칺펓 몒픒쿦잋폎삲
<�픦컿짝솒헒> 푾읺픦칺펓몒픎�픦 헏핂젾 캖옪풂킪솒폎삲몮캫맏삲
<�픦컿짝솒헒> 픦칺펓몒픎�픦헏핂 젾 캖옪풂킪솒폎삲몮캫맏삲
<칺펓훎찒> 칺펓픦컿멷짝핊헣픒몮엲펺 �킲멚훎찒폎삲
<칺펓훎찒> 칺펓픦컿멷짝핊헣픒몮엲펺 �킲멚훎찒폎삲
<칺펓킲> 핳 캏펞 쁳솧헏픊옪 샎� 픊젾 헒줆컿핖멚칺펓픒풂폏폎삲
<칺펓킲> 핳 캏펞 쁳솧헏픊옪 샎� 픊젾 헒줆컿핖멚칺펓픒풂폏폎삲
<멾뫊쫂몮> 몒 킲 많픦헒뫊헣픒핦 핂쿦핖솒옫묺삲
<멾뫊쫂몮> 몒 킲 많픦헒뫊헣픒핦 핂쿦핖솒옫묺삲
<슪짿> ��짝�픦슪짿픒헏믇헏픊 옪짦폏펺칺펓픒쿦폎삲
<슪짿> ��짝�픦슪짿픒헏믇헏픊 옪짦폏펺칺펓픒쿦폎삲
48
캏
훟
<픦칺멾헣> 풞슲픦 픦멺핂 짊훊헏픊옪 짦 폏쇦펖삲
<솓컪짪> 픦 솓컪짪읊 � 캖옪풂 힎킫픒펉픒쿦핖펖삲
<맖슿멾> 뺂픦 맖슿픒 콢힏멚 슪얺뺂 몮멾믾퓒뽆엳삲
<헣쫂 뫃퓮> �픦 칺펓 쿦픦 뫊헣픒 � 푾읺펞 솒풎핂 쇦쁢 캖옪풂 힎킫픒 펉 픒쿦핖펖삲
<펻쭒샂> 헣핆펞 펻핂 �푾�힎 팘몮 컪옪픦펻얗픒몮엲펺펓줂읊쭒샂폎삲
<쿦펓믾펺솒> 삲읆픦 칺펓쿦펞 솒풎핂 쇦솒옫헏믇헏픊옪�펺삲
솓컪졷옫 Ӫ 벦뫃쭎쁢쩣 맪핆킃 킃 혾힏킃픒핂쁢멑픎훟푢삲 푾읺졶숞쁢맏핞픦솓킃짷쩣픒많힎몮핖쁢섾 킃펞쁢켆 많힎픦훟푢풞�핂핖삲 �ퟆ 맪쪒킃핞핞킮픦힎킫픒묺�퍊삲 숦ퟆ 힎킫픎캏픦핊쭎쭒픊옪킃핞슲픎많쁳찮읂멚힎킫픒솧펞헏푷퍊삲 켙ퟆ 킃몋픎푾읺많핂헒펞팚몮핖섦멑쫂삲틺섢훟푢삲 킃픦믾쫆풞�픒핂픊옪턶킃콛솒읊뽠핊 쿦핖삲 큲졶섦픒삲욶쁢먾픦졶슮�슲픎뫃솧�픦훟푢컿픒맣혾삲 킃짝뫃솧�킃픎맪핆킃쫂삲섢뫊헏핂 젾흞먾풎픒훎삲 푾읺쁢칺헏솧줊핂삲 먾샎뫃솧�픦핊쭎쭒핆칺앚슲픦뻲풚�읊졶숞벦퓮힎쁢헟�헪쁢킮 왾핞쫆핂삲 삲픚펞콚맪쇦쁢�슲픎킮왾 핆맒뫎몒 킃쩣 벦킃쁢쩣펞샎�슲핂삲 +PIBOOFT 1BSUBOFO 몮슮슪않핂슮 핺삩쫂큲 %SZEFO 7PT 킃졓 5IF -FBSOJOH 3FWPMVUJPO 헖 짆핂�켊짆핂 $TJLTHFOUNJIBMZJ 졾핓 짆�솒옫쫃빦읊잚빪삲 'MPX 5IF 1TZDIPMPHZ PG 0QUJNBM &YQFSJFODF �큲� 5BQTDPUU 싢힎�뻲핂쯚펻칺캏많핳쏟쏟켆샎많풎힏핂쁢캖옪풂켆캏 (SPXO 6Q %JHJUBM )PX UIF /FU (FOFSBUJPO JT $IBOHJOH UIF XPSME 않핊읺 3JMFZ 컿뫃쁢혾힏픦풚�잚슲믾 5IF XJOOFS XJUIJO 혾켗젆 .VSQIZ 혾켗젆핮핺픦킫픦 5IF 1PXFS PG :PVS 4VCDPOTDJPVT .JOE 샎삖펊� 2VJOO 몮잂않핂큲잖펦 *TINBFM 잖핂�잖� .BSRVBSEU 팯켦얺삫픦 "DUJPO -FBSOJOH �켊멚 4FOHF 킃쁢혾힏 5IF 'JGUI %JTDJQMJOF 잖핂�잖� .BSRVBSEU �킃혾힏묺�쩣 #VJMEJOH UIF -FBSOJOH 0SHBOJ[BUJPO 헖
49
읺짊�쩒믆 .JOU[CFSH .#"많칺읊잫�삲 5IF 8JTEPN PG 4USBUFHJD -FBSOJOH 잞옪졶멂 .PSHBO 줂�젢킪힎 .VUBOU .FTTBHF %PXO 6OEFS 퓚읺펒팒핂핟큲 *TBBDT 샎픦핺짪멺 섢쭖펂캫맏몮짦컿쁢짷쩣 %JBMPHVF 힒잋젊 쯢욶젦 옲슪엖찥 -JQNBO #MVNFO -FBWJUU 믆웇 )PU (SPVQT 홂 3 ��짢� 섢믎않큲 , 큲짆큲 ,BU[FOCBDI 4NJUI 픒핂븒쁢풞� 5IF %JTDJQMJOF PG 5FBNT 홂 3 ��짢� ,BU[FOCBDI 폂헣�삖 1FBL 1FSGPSNBODF 헖 펦뻲쩮읂뻖 8FOHFS 킲�뫃솧� $PNNVOJUJFT PG 1SBDUJDF 팒핂핟큶 *TBBDTPO 4UFWF +PCT 큲쯚핯큲
Ӫ �펓많헣킮 &OUSFQSFOVFSTIJQ
팒�섾짆픦짷쩣옮픎믾펓픒잚슲믾읊풞쁢칺앚슲픒힎풞몮��훊믾퓒컪칺푷쇪삲 믾펓픎킪맒핂힎빶펞 싾않헞�헏픊옪켆캏픦졶슮삲읆믾펓슲�엊맪맪핆픦킃픒퓒솒묺픦펻픒삲 믾펓많헣킮펞샎솒컪슲픎믾펓 픒섢핦핂쁢섾솒풎핂쇦젾 솒묺슲픎뫊헏핆믾펓픒잚슪쁢섾푢삲 믾펓많헣킮펞샎컮헣쇪�슲픎펓줂읊 쿦믾퓒헏헖솒묺읊짪멺쁢섾솒풎픒훒멑핂삲 펂찧큲� 4UPOF 읂뻲캏큲핆짆�앎헲옪 캏 훟 5IF "HPOZ BOE UIF &DTUBTZ 헖 홂�� ,PUUFS 잖튾킪�픦읺섢킻 .BUTVTIJUB -FBEFSTIJQ 헖 힞�읾큲 $PMMJOT 컿뫃쁢믾펓슲픦 많힎킃뫎 #VJME UP MBTU 팒삖�옪싣 3PEEJDL 폏헏핆찒흖삖큲 #VTJOFTT BT VTVBM 짆핂�켊짆핂 졾핓픦몋폏 (PPE CVTJOFTT 팒읺슪핂큲 %F(FVT 캂팒핖쁢믾펓 5IF MJWJOH DPNQBOZ 헖 $ , 않않슪 몋햏픦짆앦 UIF GVUVSF PG DPNQFUJUJPO �슪얺� 믾펓많헣킮 JOOPWBUJPO &OUSFQSFOFVSTIJQ 읺�읂솒켆즖얺 켖�큲�읺 5IF TFWFO EBZ XFFLFOE 핂빦졶읺많흖폲 칺핳픦솒읺 헪읺 쿶멶힒 IJEEFO WBMVF
Ӫ �픦컿뫊킮 킮픦훟푢컿픎�믊 뼒맒헞�헏픊옪흫샎쇦몮핖삲 줂펆많�픚짪멺컪킮픊옪핂펂힎쁢섾쁢졕뼒픦킪맒핂멆 읾삲 폲쁦빮푾읺쁢짆킪헏핂몮믾몒헏핆멑쫂삲쁢뫊헣뫊짷쩣 칺앚펞샎칺헏킮핂푢삲 팒�섾짆픦짷쩣 픎 ˑ짆킪헏핆킮˒픒쫃헏핆솒묺핂삲 푾읺쁢 뼒맒핟펓픒퐢몮 핂�슲픎짪멺픒캖옪풂킮픊옪잚슪쁢섾 잜픎팒핂싢펂퐎폏맞픒훊펖삲 힞�읾큲 $PMMJOT 홙픎믾펓픒뻦펂퓒샎믾펓픊옪 (PPE UP HSFBU 얺섢큲엂얺 뽆폲큲옺 /PSTUSPN 3JEEFSTUSBMF �혾헏묂많켆캏픒풎힏핆삲 %BSJOH UP CF EJFSFOU JO B DPQZDBU XPSME �짪흖 잲뻚 )JNBOFO 싢힎�킪샎픦핳핆슲 5IF )BDLFS FUIJD �읺큲�큶 $ISJTUFOTFO 킮믾펓픦싪엖잖 5IF JOOPWBUJPSˏT %JMFNNB 뽆빦�핂�힎옪 �혾헏욶 밎� 쯢욶폲켦헒얃 #MVF PDFBO TUSBUFHZ 7+ 몮찖삲않핢 (PWJOEBSBKBO 읺쩒큲핂뽆쩮핂켦 3FWFSTF JOOPWBUJPO 멚읺젪 )BNFM 몋폏픦짆앦 UIF GVUVSF PG NBOBHFNFOU 펞읻큖짆 4DINJEU 묺믎픎펂쎉멚핊쁢많 )PX (PPMHMF XPSLT 헪핞짢큲 +BSWJT 묺믎뽆짇큲짆앦몋헪쁢묺믎짷킫핂힎짾삲 8IBU 8PVME HPPHMF EP 앎큲푢큶 +PIBOTTPO 젢싢�뫊 5IF .FEJDJ FFDU �옪찖큶 3PCJOTPO 뺂팖픦�픦엳픒밶푾쁢핊몿많힎쩣� PVU PG PVS .JOET
50
않않슪 �읺큖빪 1SBIBMBE ,SJTIOBO 캖옪풂킮픦킪샎삶 졓픦몮맫픒퓒믎옪쩚핞풞픒푷않 5IF /FX BHF PG *OOPWBUJPO 빦킺삖�않큲�엖쯚 5BMFC 쯢앧큲퐒 5IF #MBDL TXBO 퓚읺펒잳솒뻖 .D%POPVHI #SBVOHBSU 푢앚펞컪푢앚픊옪 $SBEMF UP $SBEMF 슪쫂뽆 %F #POP 캫맏핂콢콢펺컽캗밢졶핞 4JY UIJOLJOH IBUT 헣짊 삲칾컮캫힎킫몋폏쩣 쯚않풂 #SPXO 싢핞핆펞힟훟않 (FOJVT OPU SFRVJSFE 옪헎잖 .BSUJO 싢핞핆팋� UIF EFTJHO PG CVTJOFTT 많엖튾졶멂 .PSHBO �혾몋폏 *NBHJOJ[BUJPO 팒핂싢폲 *%&0 *%&0 핆맒훟킺싢핞핆� 폲큲�퐖섢 0TUFSXBMEFS 찒흖삖큲졶셆픦�캫 큲�숦엖핂 %PPSMFZ 젢핂�큲핂큲 NBLF TQBDF
Ӫ 핞믾컿� ˑ뻖핞킮픒팚않 ˒ 푾읺쁢캂팒많쁢솧팖핞믾핞킮펞샎�묺퍊삲 잚퍋킮핂캂빮픒�쭒훎삲졂 칺앚핂큲큲옪 픦퐒헒밶삺픚펞솒삺쁢쌚쁢 켆핊멑핂않몮삲 �펓많슲뫊��슲픎헒줆많옪 헒핆헏핆맒픊옪컿핳믾퓒 캏캏엳 � 캖옪풂칺몮짷킫픒핃퍊삲 핂�슲픎캖옪풂켆캏픒뿖쓶믾퓒펂쎉멚뺂헏뫎헞픒�묺퍊 쁢힎팚엲훎삲 캲읂잖 4IBSNB 빦읊짪멺웉짲핆캫쿦펓 5IF .POL 8IP 4PME )JT 'FSSBSJ 찓�읂 & 앻� 'SBOLM 훋픚픦쿦푷콚펞컪 .BOˏT 4FBSDI GPS .FBOJOH 읺�슪짢� #BDI 맖잲믾픦붖 +POBUIBO -JWJOHTUPO 4FBHVMM 팲콚삖슪젪옪 %F .FMMP 밶펂빦킻킪폲 "XBSFOFTT 삺않핂않잖 %BMBJ -BNB 삺않핂않잖픦쫃옮 5IF "SU PG )BQQJOFTT 풆옪�펦욚 $PFMIP 펾믖쿮칺 "MDIFNJTU 팲콚삖슪젪옪 %F .FMMP 퓮�밶삺픚 4POH PG UIE #JSE 혾켗핞쫂읂큲� +BXPSTLJ 읺섢앎줂펕핆많 4ZODISPOJDJUZ UIF JOOFS QBUI PG MFBEFSTIJQ 찚쯚않핂큶 #SZTPO 먾픦졶슮멑픦펻칺 " 4IPSU )JTUPSZ PG /FBSMZ &WFSZUIJOH
Ӫ 읺섢킻 혾힏핂쿦헏핊쿦옫믆혾힏펞멚쁢섢잜픎읺섢킻핂푢삲 핂멑픎잲푾펻컲헏핆섾샇킮핂큲큲옪읊혾힏 TFMG PS HBOJ[JOH 몮큲큲옪몋폏믾읊풞졂풞쿦옫섢잜픎읺섢킻픒푢옪멚쇪삲 쿦헏핆혾힏펞컪읺슪쁢멑뫊싾 읂쁢멑픎쩖맖팒핂욶펂힒삲 믆엕믾쌚줆펞혾힏픒핂욶쁢맏맏픦묺컿풞슲픎읺섢킻핂줂펕핆힎믆읺몮펂쎉멚삲읆칺앚 픒싾읊멑핆힎펞샎컪볻핂퍊잚삲 읺섢킻픦킺픎칺앚슲핂짷픒�몮섢빦팒힖쿦핖솒옫솣쁢슿샎퐎맧픎 펻픒쁢멑핂삲 홙픎읺섢펞멚쁢쿦삶뫊믾쿮솒푢삲 �슪얺� %SVLFS �슪얺�픦짆앦몋폏 5IF &TTFOUJBM %SVLFS 큲쯞�찒 $PWFZ 콚훟멑픒젊헎않 'JSTU 5IJOHT 'JSTU 홂�� ,PUUFS 믾펓핂풞쁢믾펓픦읺섢 -FBEJOH $IBOHF 많엖큲졶멂 .PSHBO 혾힏픦 많힎핂짆힎 *NBHFT PG 0SHBOJ[BUJPO 읺짊�쩒믆 .JO[CFSH 헒얃칺읺 4USBUFHZ 4BGBSJ �슪얺� %SVLFS �슪얺�픦핞믾몋폏뽆 5IF &FDUJWF &YFDVUJWF 핂핺 쫃픦읺섢킻 ,#4큲켪 빦읊쫃멚읺섢쁢뿒묺핆많 큲쯞�찒 DPWFZ 컿뫃쁢칺앚슲픦 많힎킃뫎 IBCJU PG IJHIMZ FFDUJWF QFPQMF
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Ӫ 잖� �슪얺�쁢칺픦숞많힎믾쁳픊옪잖�뫊킮픒펆믗삲 핂멑픎잲�픒짪캫멚쁢믾쁳핂삲 칺쁢푾읺많 캂몮핖쁢칺 칺헏졷헏 읊�혾몮퓮힎쁢펻픒삲 뭏믇헏픊옪 졶슮칺쁢콚찒핞슲펞멚컪찒큲 4FSWJDF 믾퓒홂핺삲 팒앦픦��솒컪쁢콚찒핞 잲 잖��쥲삖�핂켦 쯚앪슪퐎핂짆힎찚싷펞뫎�잖읊삲 헪읺힎�젆 (JUPNFS 찒흖삖큲쁢킮왾삲 -JUUMF UFBM CPPL PG USVTU 헪읺힎�젆 (JUPNFS 힎팘몮칺멚잚슪쁢잲풞� -JUUMF (SFFO #PPL PG (FUUJOH :PVS 8BZ 홂큲큲않 4QPFMTUSB 펞큲�졶펞멚펊픚픒팒않 *DF UP UIF &TLJNPT )PX UP .BSLFU B 1SPEVDU /PCPEZ 8BOUT 헖
팚읺큲 3JFT 핻않푾 5SPVU 힎켢삫 1PTJUJPOJOH �잖큲많슪 (BE 찒흖삖큲 %/"픦짪멺 % 쯚앪싷 켆믾옿얾쯚앪슪읊퓒 �풞쯚앪싷옪헫 헪핒큲 ) 밆졶펂 (JMNPSF # 혾힎핆 켆 1JOF ˻ �픦몋헪 찒흖삖큲쁢잖픚픒�쁢펾믇핂삲 5IF &YQFSJFODF &DPOPNZ �옪�읂않핂퓮 3BQBJMMF ���슪 켆캏픦졶슮핆맒뫊찒흖삖큲읊펺쁢폂쾮 5IF $VMUVSF $PEF "O *OHFOJPVT 8BZ UP 6OEFSTUBOE 8IZ 1FPQMF "SPVOE UIF 8PSME -JWF BOE #VZ BT 5IFZ %P 읺�슪삖큲쪁 /JTCFUU 캫맏픦힎솒 솧퍟뫊컪퍟 켆캏픒짢않쫂쁢컪옪삲읆킪컮 5IF (FPHSBQIZ PG 5IPVHIU 잖�펊큲 &BSM 슪킪핳픒풎힏핂쁢먾샎 )FSE 헪엂슪핦젊 ;BMUNBO 콚찒핞픦쿶픎킺읺읊핋펂않 )PX $VTUPNFST 5IJOL )08 $6450.&34 5)*/, 홂큲 4UFFM � 1FSGFDU 1JUDI 잞�믎엖슪풾 (MBEXFMM 핆핟픎팒핂싢펂읊찓엚슪옪잚슪쁢 5IF 5JQQJOH 1PJOU �읺줂삖 삖�옲읾큲 .PPOFZ 3PMMJOT 폲쯚앪슪 5IF 0QFO CSBOE 잋�얺 짪섾잖읂� ,PUMFS 1SPFSUTDI # # 쯚앪슪잖� # # #SBOE .BOBHFNFOU
Ӫ 칺킮뫊칺헏믾펓 4PDJBM *OOPWBUJPO &OUFSQSBJTF
삖�않팒핞읂 /JDPMBT )B[BSE 핒찒흖삖큲 $BQJUBMJTNF QPVS UPVT FOUSFQSJTFT RVJ TBVWFOU MF NPOEF FU MF DBQJUBMJTN 헪젎멂 (FP .VMHBO 칺킮핂앎줂펕핂젾 퐪푢젾 펂쎉멚�힒쁢많 4PDJBM *OOPWBUJPO 헒쪟밆 밎픎� 칺킮찒흖삖큲 짣풞쿪 폺읺쩒쁢펂쎉멚켆캏픒푢읺밚 짣풞쿪 켆캏픒짢붆쁢�맪픦힏펓 핳욶핂않찚 캖몒킪샎픦캖옪풂쫃힎 5IF 5IJSE 4FDUPS JO &VSPQF 쫂핞많 슪읂삖 $"3-0 #03;"(" + %FGPVSOZ 칺헏믾펓 5IF FNFSHFODF PG TPDJBM FOUFSQSJTF 빦핂켊큲 ."35)& /:44&/4 칺헏믾펓 4PDJBM &OUFSQSJTF "U UIF $SPTTSPBET PG .BSLFU 1VCMJD 1PMJDJFT BOE $JWJM 4PDJFUZ 혾폏쫃 칺헏믾펓팒읒삲풂몋폏핂퍊믾 Ӫ 칺헏몋헪퐎솧혾 4PDJBM &DPOPNZ $P PQFSBUJWF
&#4않핒 핞쫆훊픦 혾믊 칺읊묺쁢몋헪 � 5IPNBT 1JLFUUZ 켆믾핞쫆 $BQJUBM JO UIF 5XFOUZ 'JSTU $FOUVSZ �않삖 ,BSM 1PMBOZ 먾샎헒 5IF (SFBU 5SBOTGPSNBUJPO �엖 ,BMFUTLZ 핞쫆훊픦 $BQJUBMJTN 잋�얺 ,PUMFS 잖� .BSLFU 헪엖짆읺� +FSNZ 3JGLJO 몒찒푷헪옪칺 5IF ;FSP .BSHJOBM $PTU 4PDJFUZ �옪� ,SPQPULJO 잚줊픎컪옪솣쁢삲 .VUVBM "JE 많많퐎솒푢� 푾팮픦몋헪
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�펓졶셆칾픒퓒��퍟컿푢 앎슪픦 5"졶셆뫊졺슪않몲픦 .5"졶셆픎샎펞컪풂폏쁢헣뮪묞뫊뫊헣픊옪컪믾홂픦맣픦킲펞컪섦�펓묞퓯뫊 쁢삲읂멚컿�헏킃픦많쁳컿뫊킲픊옪턶픦킃핂많힎쁢킃뫊읊핦쫂펺훊몮핖삲 줂펕쫂삲솒맪핆킃춞잚팒 삖않킃픒�컪킃쁳엳핂펂쎉멚짾많쇦쁢힎 믆읺몮�펓픒�컪펂쎉멚칺펓핂힎콛많쁳힖쿦핖쁢힎읊 핦쫂펺훊몮핖삲 컿뫃샎펞컪킲�펓핓줆뫊킲헪쿦펓픎믾않쁢삶믾맒펞핂욶펂혚힎잚 믾홂픦맣픦킫�펓쿦펓뫊삲읂멚 캫슲핂삶퓒옪힏헟칺펓픒쁢킲킃픊옪힒졂컪 앎슪픦 5"졶셆뫊졺슪않몲픦 .5" 졶셆픦뫊컿픒힏헟 멎흫폎삲 묻픦몋햏묞퓯�퐎맣픦킫쿦펓짷킫슿펞핃쿧캫슲핂힎잚킃뫊킲킃펞헏믇헏픊옪�펺 젾캖옪풂쿦펓졶셆픒��펓픦킲헪읊�슫폎삲 핂얺펾묺뫊헣픒�컪 푾읺펾묺픎�펓졶셆핂�펓몋 핂펔쁢묻픦샎캫짝�뼒�펞멚�펓묞퓯픒믾펞퓮푷옪믆앶핂않쁢멑픒핆폎삲 샎캫짝�뼒� �엊핂옮헏힎킫잚픒많힎몮핖쁢몋푾펞 킲헪칺펓픒풂폏쫂쁢몋픒��펓펞샎핂읊뽠핂몮헒줆컿픒�슫 쁢섾뫊헏핆묞퓯뫊헣핂삲 �펓졶셆픒칾킪�쁢섾컪빦컪쁢푾컮뫊헪쁢��픦퍟컿핂삲 믆멑픎�펓졶셆핂 묺혾쇦펂핖쁢묞퓯뫊헣픒많 힎몮핖힎팘몮캫슲픦�펺읊�삶퓒픦킲킃픒믾쫆픊옪힒쇦쁢묞뫊뫊헣핂믾쌚줆핂삲 핂묞뫊뫊헣픦풂폏 펞컪쁢캫슲픦솧픒핞믇몮솓엲젾킃짷픒헪킪쁢��픦펻얗핂잲푾훟푢멚헪믾쇪삲 �펓졶셆픦 풞혾핆 5"쁢샎펞컪캫슲픦�펓묞뫊뫊헣픊옪풂폏쇦쁢옪믆앶 1BSUVT -UE펞컪풂폏쇦쁢컿핆묞퓯옪믆앶뫊�� 퍟컿옪믆앶픊옪묺컿쇦펂핖삲 ��퍟컿옪믆앶픎 삶몒옪묺컿쇦펂핖픊젾 믾쫆 맪풢뫊헣픒킪핟픊옪 맪풢뫊헣 _ 맪풢뫊헣슿헒줆헏핆��많쇦쁢섾펞쁢캏샇묞퓯픒푢옪몮핖삲 핂얺��퍟컿뫊헣픎 5"뫊헣펞컪 ��픦펻핂믆잚�훟푢픒쫂펺훎삲 푾읺빦않펞컪��퍟컿펻킪 5"퐎잖�많힎옪헒줆헏핆뫊헣픒퓒�몒헏핆퍟컿묞퓯뫊헣핂푢힎잚 푾컮믾쫆펻 얗픒매���퍟컿픒졷옪펺삲픚뫊맧픎��퍟컿뫊헣픒헪킪삲 앪슪 5" ��퍟컿옪믆앶뫊헣펾묺 맪풢
묞퓯 삶몒 앪슪 5"졶셆펞샎핂옮헏짾몋짝킃짷쩣펞샎핂옮묞퓯 맪풢
묞퓯 삶몒 앪슪 5" 옪믆앶픒믾짦픊옪맪짪쇪컿뫃샎샎묞�펓핓줆짝킲헪쿦펓픒���킲킃힒 맪풢
묞퓯퐒욚펞쁢�펓졶셆��옪솧
53
컿핆묞퓯짝칺헏몋헪�펓묞퓯픒퓒�푾잚핺삶픦 1&7 옪믆앶솒핓푢 푾읺쁢�펓졶셆픒컿핆�펓묞퓯짝칺헏몋헪픦�펓뫊칺펓컿읊퓒묞퓯뫊헣픊옪샎믾퓒펾묺읊 벦힒폎삲 칺헏몋헪폏펻픦�펓묞퓯픒캂쫂졂 칺헏몋헪�펓뫊�펓묞퓯펞샎쿦푢많흫많몮핖픊빦 핊짦�펓묞퓯펞찒컪뫎엶핆않빦켆쭎���많쭎혿캏픊옪칺헏몋헪폏펻펞쇪헒줆컿슿펞컪쫂퐒핂 푢삲 맣픦킫짷킫픒�믾퓒킪솒슲핂핖힎잚핺헣힎풞슿핂쭎혿펺삶믾뫊헣픊옪풂폏쇦쁢몋푾많잜팒믆뫊 읊핆힎좉몮핖삲 믆읺몮펾묺힎풞핂쭎혿펺���맪짪옪핂펂힎힎좉몮핖쁢캏핂삲 쏞 칺헏몋헪픦 �뫊믆컿픒핆힎몮묞퓯뫊헣펞짦폏쿦핖쁢헒줆많�핂잲푾헣헏핂펂컪솧핊맣칺힒핂퓮칺묞퓯옪믆 앶픊옪묞퓯펻얗픒콚힒킪�몮핖삲 솧혾쩣헪헣핂솧혾�펓펞샎푢묺많흫쇦몮핖픊빦잜픎�펓묞퓯슲 픎칺헏믾펓슿픦 핆�펓퓒훊옪힒쇦몮핖삲 멾옮헏픊옪 쫆펾묺쁢�펓졶셆핂컿핆짝칺헏�펓묞퓯뫊컿읊퓒묞퓯펞컪졕많힎몒읊많힒삲쁢멑픒짪 멺폎삲 믆멑픎�ퟆ 컿핆슲픎샎쭎쭒캫몒�펓핞옪컪 맪풢핂캏픒킲킃픒졂컪�펓묞퓯픒짩믾펞킲헏핆펂 엲풎핂핖삲쁢멑핂삲 숦ퟆ 칺몋핂빦�펓몋핂헒줂캫슲뫊삺읺삲퍟몋픒많힒컿핆슲펞멚�펓졶셆픎 믆픦솒퐎삲읂멚킫캏멚삲많맖쿦핖삲쁢헞핂삲 쿦솧헏핆묞퓯짷킫펞핂짆핃쿧혆쩒읾컿핆슲펞멚줂헣픦묞 퓯짷킫픒�묞퓯픎밂킪맒픒푢옪쁢섾 캫몒�펓핞슲펞멚핳믾맒픦묞퓯픎킲헏픊옪펂옃삲 켙ퟆ 칺헏몋 헪폏펻픦�펓묞퓯펻킪팬픦줆헪헞픒졂컪 핺풂폏훟핆칺펓�픦컿쏞푢묺쇦몮핖삲 묻칺헏몋헪 폏펻픦핳킲줂핞슲픎찒흖삖큲몋핂잜힎팘몮 �몒헏핆몋폏묞퓯픒짩힎팘픎몋푾많샎쭎쭒픊옪컪홎섢졓많 핂슪많핖쁢묞퓯핂푢삲 쫆펾묺쁢푾읺픦칺짝묞퓯킲펞컪�펓졶셆핂매쁢몒읊쫂퐒옪믆앶픊옪�푾잚핺삶픦 1&7 1MBOOJOH UIF &OUSFQSFOFVSJBM 7FOUVSF 옪믆앶픦솒핓픒헪팖삲 1&7옪믆앶픎킪빦읺폲짷킫픒푷 훊맒칺펓몒컪읊큲큲옪핟컿솒옫쁢졶슖쇪옪믆앶핂삲 핂옪믆 앶픦핳헞픎�몒헏픊옪칺펓믾펞샎헒짦픒몋쿦핖픊젾 삶믾헏픊옪퐒컿솒뽠픎칺펓몒컪읊핟컿쿦핖삲 쁢멑핂삲 핊짦�펓픒풞쁢컿핆짝칺헏몋헪폏펻픦묞퓯샎캏핞슲픦컿픒몮엲픒쌚 �헏픊옪 1&7옪믆앶픒 �컪칺펓믾펞샎맪핆펻얗픒맣펞앪슪픦 5"졶셆뫊맧픎핞퓶헏핂몮믾짦픊옪풂폏쇦쁢솧혾�펓 묞퓯옪믆앶펞�펺멚삲졂섢뫊헏핊멑픊옪삶쇪삲 핂묞퓯뫊헣펻킪묞퓯픒힒쿦핖쁢��퍟컿핂컮 쇦펂퍊젾 퍟컿뫊헣픎 핳펞컪헪킪�펓졶셆��퍟컿뫊헣뫊벦힒쿦핖삲 1&7옪믆앶픒팒앦펞맒삶 멚콚맪삲 Ӫ �푾잚핺삶픦 1&7 1MBOOJOH UIF &OUSFQSFOFVSJBM 7FOUVSF 옪믆앶 핺 묻�뼒믾펓많헣킮핺삶펞컪쁢�푾잚핺삶 ,BVNBO 'PVOEBUJPO 픦믾펓많헣킮헒줆옪믆앶핆 1&7 1MBOOJOH UIF &OUSFQSFOFVSJBM 7FOUVSF 뫊헣픒 뼒쭎�솒핓컪풂폏훟펞핖삲 퓮핗잲읺폶�푾잚 &XJOH .BSJPO ,BV NBO 펞픦컪 뼒컲잋쇪�푾잚핺삶픎펾묺 묞퓯 젦�잏 �핞펾멾슿픦홓헏핆�펓힎풞픒헒줆픊옪쁢핺삶 픊옪�핞칾핂 혾 �펃풞 뼒믾훎 펞삺젾믾펓많헣킮퓯컿뫊뫎엶컪쁢켆몒�샎뮪졶픦찒폏읺쩣핆핂삲 뼒읺섢킻켊�읊컲잋컪폖찒믾펓많슿픒샎캏픊옪믾펓많헣킮묞퓯픒쿦몮핖몮 �슿캫 .JOJ 4PDJFUZ 훟캫 .BLJOH B +PC 몮슿캫 &OUSF1SFQ 슿픦삲퍟펾옇샎퐎�멭픒퓒옪믆앶픒맪짪컪풂폏훟핂젾 풢싢흖삖칺 퐎쁢뫃솧픊옪 )PU 4IPU #VTJOFTT않쁢폶않핆킪쥺엖핂켦멚핒칺핂읊풂폏몮핖삲 샎캫픒샎캏픊옪쁢 ,BVNBO $BNQVT *OJUJBUJWF옪믆앶픒�컪쁢 맪샎펞 잚삺얺읊힎풞졂컪샎�뫊잲�슪읊핂븚펂뺂� 펃삺 얺픦�핞뫊읊��믾솒삲 핂푆펞솒헒켆몒 맪묻 잚졓픦�뼒슲핂�펺쁢 ˎ묻헪믾펓많헣킮훊맒 (&8 ˏ칺 읊뫃솧픊옪맪�몮핖픊젾 펢헲�핞많묞퓯핺삶컲잋 쩲�헒줆많퍟컿픒퓒 ,BVNBO 'FMMPXT 1SPHSBN 풂폏 �푾잚믾펓많솧힎쿦짪슿픦킮�펓픒힎풞쁢삲퍟솧픒헒맪몮핖삲 �푾잚핺삶펞컪쁢 뼒쭎� -" 빶많훊샎 6OJW PG 4PVUIFSO $BMJGPSOJB 펞컪킪핟쇪믾펓많헣킮묞퓯옪믆앶픒묺 핓 뼒쭎� 'BTU5SBD핂않쁢핂읒픊옪핊짦핆픒샎캏픊옪헒묻헏픊옪묞퓯픒샎퐢삲 핺쁢 맪묻픦 펺믾뫎 펞컪 'BTU5SBD픦묞퓯���읊푷몮핖픊젾핺밚힎퍋 잚졓픦묞퓯핂쿦핞읊짾�삲 뼒쭎� 'BTU5SBD픎쪒솒 찒폏잋쩣핆픊옪풂폏쇦몮핖픊젾 1&7 1MBOOJOH UIF &OUSFQSFOFVSJBM 7FOUVSF 춞잚팒삖않 /FX7FOUVSF 5FDI7FOUVSF (SPXUI7FOUVSF 슿픊옪옪믆앶픒샎빦많몮핖몮 펺컿뫊큲삖퀺 쩮핂찒쭎젆켆샎슿픦쿦�멭픒퓒옪믆앶 슲솒�많옪맪짪몮핖삲 1&7픎쭎캫뫊샎풞캫슲핂컿뫃헏핆�펓픒킪핟쿦핖솒옫쿦믾쫆힎킫픒헪뫃쁢�펓묞 퓯뫊헣픊옪 5JN핂않쁢많캏픦핆줊픒슿핳킪�컪�펓뫊뫎엶쇪킪빦읺폲읊헒맪빦많젾킃핞많핞킮픦몋핂빦힎킫픒 짦폏 5JN픒�컲훊쁢솧킪쁢핞킮픦칺펓픒맪짪빦맖쿦핖솒옫힒쇪삲 킲헪�펓픒믾쁢핊엶픦뫊헣픒� 쿦핖멚훊젾 솧킪펞쿦펓핂홓욚쇦펖픒쌚쁢핞킮잚픦칺펓믾컪많퐒컿쇮쿦핖솒옫� 훊옪믆앶픊옪묺컿쇦펂핖삲
54
@,BVNBO 핺삶픦 1&7 옪믆앶묺컿 쭒윦
$PODFQU "OBMZTJT
#VTJOFTT 1MBOOJOH
헪졷
믾펓많헣킮�묺#FDPNJOH BO &OUSFQSFOFVS
찒흖삖큲믾핆킫 3FDPHOJ[JOH 0QQPSUVOJUJFT
찒흖삖큲맪뼞헣픦 %FOJOH B #VTJOFTT $PODFQU
졶셆�샇컿�큲.PEFM 'FBTJCJMJUZ $IFDLMJTU
헪 컪찒큲믾 1SPEVDU 4FSWJDF 1MBOOJOH
몋폏뫊혾힏믾.BOBHFNFOU 0SHBOJ[BUJPO 1MBOOJOH
킪핳믾 칾펓 몋햏.BSLFU 1MBOOJOH *OEVTUSZ $PNQFUJUJPO
킪핳믾 킪핳쭒컫.BSLFU 1MBOOJOH .BSLFU "OBMZTJT
킪핳믾 힒핓.BSLFU 1MBOOJOH 1FOFUSBUJPO
킪핳믾 많멷컲헣.BSLFU 1MBOOJOH 1SJDJOH
핺줂믾 'JOBODJBM 1MBOOJOH 'JOBODJBM 5FSNT 4UBSU VQ $PTUT
풂폏찒푷 잲 킮0QFSBUJOH &YQFOTFT 4BMFT *OWFOUPSZ
믖힎� 쫂$BTI 0VUMBZT 4PVSDFT
핺줂핺 'JOBODJBM 4UBUFNFOUT
칺펓몒퐒컿'JOBMJ[JOH UIF #VTJOFTT 1MBO 핞욚�� .BVSZB 3VOOJOH -FBO
멾옮 칺헏몋헪컿읊퓒�펓묞퓯뫊헣 퓒뽊픦읊푢퍋펺�펓뫊 1&7묞퓯픒퓒��퍟컿 샎캫짝�뼒 컿핆 믾홂칺헏몋헪믾펓픒샎캏픊옪쁢� 펓묞퓯뫊헣픒퐎맧핂헪팖삲
��퍟컿픒퓒묞퓯졶셆맪짪짝킪쩢풂폏몒 묺쭒
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캏켆뺂푷
삶몒
��퍟컿옪믆앶졶셆맪짪 맪풢
앪슪 5"��퍟컿옪믆앶뫊�푾잚 1&7 옪믆앶읺쮾 맪풢
앪슪퐎짆묻핳펾쿦힒 맪풢 ��퍟컿묞퓯�읺�엊맪짪 맪풢
삶몒
��퍟컿옪믆앶킪쩢풂폏 맪풢
핆풞졶힟 맪풢 핂옮읺쮾 맪풢 핳킲킃 맪풢 앪슪 5" 믾짦옪믆앶뫊� 푾잚 1&7 옪믆앶솧킪풂폏
55
샎캏쪒�펓묞퓯졶셆
56
샎캏
샎캫짝�뼒
킲줂핞짝몋엳핞
��많쇦몮핞쁢컿핆
묞퓯졶셆
앪슪 5" 졶셆 맪묻 졓
�푾잚핺삶 1&7옪믆앶 맪묻 펺믾뫎 잚졓
��퍟컿옪믆앶 앪슪 5" 졶셆 �푾잚 1&7 졶셆
묞퓯뺂푷
팒핂싢펂읊칺펓픊옪 묺쁢뫊헣펞컪 맪핆뫊킃픒�슫
믾쇪킪빦읺폲펞싾않 킃핞픦몋핂빦힎킫픒 짦폏칺펓믾컪읊 퐒컿쁢뫊헣
솧혾�펓묞퓯픒퓒 ��퍟컿 앪슪 5" 졶셆뫊�푾잚 1&7 졶셆픒졶숞풂폏 쿦핖쁢��퍟컿
묞퓯뫊헣
훊 _ 뼒
훊
훊 킲킃 훊
묞퓯삶몒
솧혾�펓핓줆 ̔ 솧혾�펓킲헪
1&7 ̔ /FX7FOUVSF 5FDI7FOUVSF (SPXUI7FOUVSF
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묞퓯힣
핳믾짦킃 킲킃
풚�킪픦킪빦읺폲펞 싾않칺펓몒묺컿
핂옮킃 핳킲킃
맣헞
킲헪킲픒��펓펞샎 힏헟헏핆킃많쁳 큲큲옪킃쿦핖쁢 펻얗퍟
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57
� 훟 몮�펓묞퓯옪믆앶 핺�콚뼒픒샎캏픊옪쁢�펓묞퓯옪믆앶픎훟콚믾펓�펞컪힒쁢 찒흖� #J[DPPM 뫊컪풆킪펞컪 뼒쭎 �킪핟쁢 �콚뼒캫맏짾풎 칺펓핂핖픊젾 짊맒�풞펞컪쁢 /'5& ,03&"퐎팒핂착펾묺콚펞컪힒쁢옪믆앶 � 짝� 묞짷줆묞퓯 묞쿦펾쿦슿픊옪묺컿 핂핖삲 뼒 맪묞펞컪킪핟찒흖�픎��믾컿몮빦잖핂큲� 몮픦�펓힎풞옪믆앶퓒훊옪힒쇦펖픊빦 헞�핆줆몒몮슿묞춞잚팒삖않�슿묞퐎훟묞밚힎믆쩢퓒많쇦졂컪 핊짦�펓묞퓯뫊�펓폏핺묞퓯픒쪟컪힒몮핖삲 뼒짣믊헣쭎펞슲펂퐎컪쁢 훟슿삶몒믾쿮�펓묞퓯 �힎 칺펓픒�컪헣뮪묞퓯뫊헣뫊짷뫊옪믆앶펞�펓뫎엶묞퓯솒힒쇦몮핖삲 짦졂 폺컪풆킪펞컪�픚킪핟 쁢 �콚뼒캫맏짾풎 칺펓픦몋푾펞쁢샇핳픦�펓쫂삲쁢캫슲큲큲옪캫맏쿦핖쁢펻얗픒짾퍟킪�컪�픦헏짆앦핆 핺퍟컿펞훊졷몮핖픊젾 팒핂착펾묺콚 XXX JWJUU DPN 많헒샂믾뫎픊옪컮헣쇪캏핂삲 찒흖�칺펓펞솒�펺몮핖 쁢팒핂착펾묺콚쁢훊옪펂읾핂퐎�콚뼒픒샎캏픊옪쁢맣킫픦묞짷줆묞퓯픒킲킪퐢픊젾 /'5& ,03&" XXX OGUFLPSFB DPN 픦몋푾펞쁢훊옪�킃퓒훊픦믾펓펞샎핂짝칺펓몒컪핟컿 킮푷뫎읺짝�펓뫊믖픃펞뫎 뺂푷킃 멺슿픦�짝�옪믆앶픒풂폏몮핖삲 뼒쭎� 핺 묻�뼒믾펓많헣킮핺삶픎훟콚믾펓�뫊벦 �슿묞몮뼒쭎�샎묞 _ 뼒밚힎헏푷많쁳 핞믾훊솒헏믾펓많헣킮묞퓯옪믆앶픊옪 " 4 , 졶셆픒믾짦픊옪 & & 핆칺핂풚�쿛픒힒몮핖삲 " 4 , 졶셆픎 "UUJUVEF 4LJMM ,OPXMFEHF픦펻얗믾짦믾펓많헣킮묞퓯졶셆옪 �펓큲�퓒훊픦삶헏묞퓯펞컪�펺칺몮짷킫픦 킮뫊쪎읊핂븚펂뺂쁢잖핆슪퍟훟킺픦맣픦퐎�옮픊옪힒쇪삲 헪핟쇪풚�쭏픎캫�펺읊퓮솒쁢풚�킪 퓒훊옪묺컿쇦펂핖픊젾 묞퓯핞픦픦솒펞싾않푢풚�킪읊컮쪒펺푷핂많쁳삲
" 4 , 졶셆캏켆묺컿
"UUJUVEF
빦펞멚빦읊줉쁢삲 펂썲많�많빦읊핂븒쁢많 컿�픦풞�픎줂펕핆많 빦픦뻲풚�읊믆읺삲 �핆픦뿖픒�빦읊쫂삲 뻲풚�콛칺앚슲핂퍊믾 맪핆슲픦�핂헞픒팚팒쫂삲 줂펕펞뫎킺핂핖빦푢 삲읆칺앚슲픎펂썲멑슲픒뭏믖 밚푢 솒헒헏졷읊켆풚쫂삲 퓒 팚몮훎찒핞 짢앚힏믾펓많픦졶킃픎펂썲멑핊밚 뺂많붖붆쁢짆앦픦졶킃픎펂썶밚 빦잚픦�
4LJMM
캖옪풂졶캗픒퓒슲펺삲쫂믾 쭖픒멾슪잋삖삲 믾홂헪픒맪컮쫊밚푢 4DBNQFS 짾풚쫂믾 컿뫃헪슲픦뫃�헞�믾 쪎픦뫎�픒�팒핂싢펂짪뭂 팒핂싢펂많 잖�픦핂 핺줂픦핂 펓줂옪픦핂 줊윦펞샎핂 믾쿮픦 핂 몮맫뫎읺 싢핞핆픦핂 잲펞샎핂
,OPXMFEHF
믾펓많헣킮쩢훊펞샎핂 푆쭎몋펞샎핂 잖�헒얃픦쿦잋 찒흖삖큲졶셆 쿦잋 칺펓몒컪핟컿믾
58
샎�펓묞퓯옪믆앶 샎픦�펓묞퓯픎 뼒샎짦몋폏픦쭒퍊옪킪핟쇦펂컪 뼒샎짦쭎�믗콛멚컿핳삲 밎훊짆 뼒샎핂펞쁢몋폏픦쭒퍊많팒삚솓잋헏핆헣뮪묞뫊뫊헣픊옪풂폏쇦믾킪핟픊젾 뼒펞쁢 맪샎펞 컪 맪픦맣홚많풂폏쇦몮핖몮 맪샎 맪뫊 펞컪�펓뫊읊솒핓풂폏몮핖픊젾 맪샎펞컪쁢 맪 픦�펓펾몒헒뫃픒풂폏훟펞핖삲 쏞 샎풞뫊헣픊옪쁢 맪샎 맪샎풞 맪뫊헣 컫칺 맪 컫짣칺 맪 핂풂 폏쇦몮핖삲 샎펞컪픦핂얺쪎쁢�펓컮솒샎픊옪컮헣쇦펂�펓뫎엶믾뫎픒컲잋몮헒샂묞쿦읊짾헣샎슲픒 훟킺픊옪핂욶펂힎몮핖삲 핂� �펓컮솒샎슲픎헣뮪묞퓯뫊헣춞잚팒삖않�펓믾캫컮짪 �펓헪솒핓 �펓솧팒읺힎풞슿픦칺풂폏헒짦펞컪솒�펓�헏핆쭒퓒믾많컿쇦솒옫샎많픦쪎읊훊솒몮핖삲 훟콚믾펓 �펞컪힎풞쁢�펓맣홚솒 뼒밚힎쁢핊짦맣홚퐎헒줆맣홚옪묺쭒컪핊짦핆샎캏픊옪풂폏삲많 뼒쭎�쁢샎 맣홚읊훟킺픊옪풂폏쇦믾킪핟픊젾헞�샎픦헣뮪뫊졷픊옪맪컲쇦몮핖쁢캏핂삲 샎�펓맣홚칺펓푆펞솒푾 쿦팒핂�픒쫂퓮�펓솧팒읺읊컮헣팒핂�샇 _ 잚풞픒�슿힎풞쁢�펓솧팒읺힎풞칺펓뫊�펓몋힒샎 컿뫃�펓많슲픦젦�잏옪믆앶핆 :&4읺섢믾펓많헣킮맣 슿핂붆훎풂폏쇦펂퐢픊젾 뼒쭎�쁢 �펓팒 �섾짆 않쁢핂읒픊옪샎뫎엶힎풞칺펓슲뫊핊짦핆샎캏묞퓯 믾쿮�펓묞힎풞칺펓슿핂�풂폏쇦몮핖삲 핂푆펞 솒훟콚믾펓�펞컪쁢 뼒쭎� 맪묞읊컮헣�펓샎풞펞샎힎풞칺펓픒풂폏퐢픊젾 뼒캖옻멚 맪묞 읊컮헣�펓헒줆핆엳퍟컿픒퓒힎풞칺펓픒몒콛컪힒몮핖삲 핂퐎쁢쪒솒옪 컪풆킪펞컪쁢 뼒쭎� 맪 샎픒컮헣샎펞컪픦킲헒�펓맣홚읊힒쁢 �큲$&0퓯컿칺펓 픒힒폲몮핖픊젾 뼒펞쁢 �뼒솒 맪 칺펓픒힒폖헣핂삲
믾��펓묞퓯옪믆앶 컿핆픒샎캏픊옪쁢�펓묞퓯픎 뼒샎훟짦핂쭎�쁢샎묞퓯픒훟킺픊옪샎핂빦믾쿮헒줆묞펞퓒�묞퓯 �옪핂욶펂혚픊빦 �믊펞삲킪핊짦핆픒샎캏픊옪쁢�펓묞퓯옪믆앶핂캫멶빦몮핖삲 훟콚믾펓�펞컪쁢 뼒쭎 �킪삖펂 잚 켆핂캏 픒샎캏픊옪쁢 킪삖펂�펓큲� 픒풂폏믾킪핟픊젾 컪풆킪펞컪쁢홓�펓묞퓯짝힎풞 칺펓핆 컪풆킪�펓큲� 픒힎콛헏픊옪풂폏폲몮핖삲 쏞 컪풆킪펞컪쁢�많헏픊옪 �혾헒줆핆엳퍟컿칺펓 픦핊 픊옪짆앦칺쪎푢묺펞샎픟쁢퓮잫힏펓픒짪뭂몮캖옪풂핊핞읺읊��몮핞칺쪎읊컮솒쁢 맪쭒퍊 칺 컪찒큲 펞뻖힎 *5픃 펞샎묞퓯옪믆앶픒맪짪 뼒쭎�풂폏폖헣핂삲 짦졂 쭎칾샎믾쿮�펓샎풞펞컪쁢 잚 켆핂캏픦킪삖펂�펓핞슲픦몋엳뻲풚�헒줆컿픒푷쭎칾핆믊힎펻펞힟훟쇦펂핖쁢혾컮퍟앪믾핞핺 펓�픦핆엳뫃믗쭎혿줆헪읊멾엲쁢 킪삖펂믾쿮�펓큲� 묞퓯픒킲킪믾솒삲 짻샎픦몋푾펞솒 뼒쭎� �펓팒핂�멎흫옪믆앶 핂뽆읺큲�큲 픒맪짪풂폏훟펞핖픊젾 묞퓯옪믆앶픒헞�킲헒엶퓒훊옪맪컮몮묞 퓯샎캏솒샎캫춞잚팒삖않폖찒�펓핞슲밚힎옪샎빦많몮핖삲
묻뺂�펓묞퓯픦킪칺헞 핺묻뺂�펓뫎엶헣�픎묞퓯쫂삲쁢칺펓힎풞펞�헞핂재�혆핖픊졂컪 �펓묞퓯뫊뫎엶쇪쭎쭒픎훊옪샎픒훟킺 픊옪핂욶펂힎몮핖삲 �콚뼒픒샎캏픊옪쁢묞퓯옪믆앶솒 뼒쭎�힒쇞힎잚 ��믾펞쁢컿몮읊훟킺픊옪힎 풞칺펓픦컿멷핂맣픊젾�믊펞슲펂컪퍊묞퓯샎캏솒�훟몮헒짦픊옪샎몮핊짦�펓뫎엶쇪뺂푷솒힒몮핖삲 컿핆픒샎캏픊옪쁢묞퓯옪믆앶솒샎뫊믾쿮헒줆묞펞퓒�칺펓픊옪힒쇦펂퐢픊젾 �믊슲펂쪒솒픦칺펓픊옪 풂폏쇦믾킪핟삲 팒힏밚힎�펓묞퓯펞샎핆않많쭎혿캏핂믾펞믆솧팖샎픒훟킺픊옪�펓묞퓯핆않묺� 묞퓯핆엳쫂 핞믖힎풞혾삺 헒샂믾묺묺컿 펞힟훟퐢삲졂 펞쁢핂얺묞퓯핆않읊푷묞퓯샎캏펞재 쁢���맪짪펞홎섢뫎킺픒많혆퍊쁢캏핂삲 쏞훟팧쭎� 훟콚믾펓� 묞퓯쭎 몮푷뽆솧쭎 믾핺헣쭎 많�펓 묞퓯뫎엶칺펓픒훊솒몮샎핂핂펞�펺쁢�옪힒쇦삲쫂삖힎풞믖샎캏핞컮헣뫊헣픒�컪헣쭎픦맏홓헣� 픒샎핂쿦푷솒옫퓮솒쁢짷쩣픊옪칺펓핂잜핂힒쇦펂퐢삲 핂얺뫊헣펞컪훟팧쭎�퐎힎핞�쁢킲헏퓒훊옪칺 펓픒풂폏퐢픊젾핂얺많힎 쿦욚캫 �펓핞쿦 슲픎폲엲묞퓯픦힖픒헎킪�몮�펓픦뺂푷쫂삲쁢샇핳�펓 핞쿹핞읊뽠핂쁢섾훊졷쿦짤펞펔솒옫잚슲몮핖삲 핂얺킲헏퓒훊픦칺펓힒픎캖옻몮솓킪솒읊쿦펔멚 잚슲젾 �펓묞퓯펞핖펂컪켆쭎묞퓯���펞샎컿퐎헒줆읊�묺믾쫂삲쁢�핊윮헏픊옪묞퓯픒풂폏쿦 짤펞펔솒옫잚슲몮핖삲
59
쏞�펓묞퓯뫊�펓힎풞칺펓졶숞믾쿮�펓펞힟훟몮핖믾쌚줆펞뫃뫊샎펞훟쇦펂폶�졂핂핖픊젾 핊짦� 펓묞퓯픦몋푾펞쁢헒줆쫂삲쁢묞퍟뫊졷픊옪힒쇪�졂핂홂핺삲 �믊슲펂핂얺줆헪읊멾몮핞픃쫃맪뼞 픦�펓뫊빦�펓펾몒헒뫃슿핂솒핓쇦몮핖믾쁢힎잚 믾쿮�펓핂푆펞쁢묞쪒옪쪒삲읆헒줆빦컿읊힒 힎좉몮핖쁢캏핂삲 묞퓯뺂푷펞핖펂컪솒풚�읊��펓쫂삲쁢맪핆펻얗맪짪픒�맪핆�펓퓒훊옪힒쇦 몮핖삲 쏞 샎쭎쭒픦맣픦많헒줆많슲픦�핂빦칺옎읊슲펂쫂먾빦칺펓팒핂싢펂읊맪짪컪찒흖삖큲졶셆픒잚슲펂 쫂쁢멑펞힟훟몮핖삲 찒흖삖큲�쩒큲빦싢핞핆팋��엊�믊펞퓮몮핖쁢�펓뫎엶믾쩣슲핂빦묻뺂펞컪맪짪쇦몮 핖쁢�펓묞퓯옪믆앶슲 ,1&7 "4, 핂뽆읺큲�큲 픦몋푾펞솒풚�킪읊푷훎쇪옪믆앶펞싾않컪핞킮 픦팒핂싢펂읊�몒헏픊옪헣묞쿦핖솒옫묺컿쇦펂핖삲 팒핂싢펂많킲쇦쁢뫊헣펞샎컪쁢맪핆펻얗펞픦홂 몮핖삲 핂얺쭎쭒펻킪팒힏밚힎�몒헏핆묞퓯엶핂쭎혿캏핂젾 �쫂퐒쇮푢많핖삲
칺헏몋헪뫎엶�펓묞퓯 칺헏몋헪쭒퍊펞컪쁢삲퍟퓮픦묞퓯옪믆앶핂힒쇦몮핖픊빦 샎쭎쭒핂핓줆뫊헣쏞쁢혾힏풂폏뫊뫎엶쇪뺂 푷픊옪풂폏훟펞핖삲 �펓뫊뫎엶쇪헒줆뫊헣픎 맪옪믆앶핂풂폏쇦몮핖픊젾 �펓헒줆뫊헣픎팒삖힎잚�믊펞쁢� 펓픒훟킺픊옪묞퓯핂핂욶펂힎쁢뫊헣슲솒빦�빦몮핖픊젾 �펓묞퓯픦샎쭎쭒픎칺헏믾펓뫊뫎엶쇪맪핆�펓퓒훊픦 옪믆앶픊옪힒쇦몮핖삲
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<켆짆빦> 묻헪맪짪엳뫊칺헏믖픃
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칺헏믾펓컿뫃헒얃
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65
�몮줆 밎훊짆 뭚컮퓲 �혾몋헪킪샎픦�펓묞퓯컿읊퓒헪펆 ,04#* 훟콚믾펓�큲 컪풆 훟콚믾펓펾묺풞 헪 짣�쿦 짣믊헣쭎픦�뼒�펓�힒헒얃 5IF )3% SFWJFX 켆홓 묻힏펓쁳엳맪짪풞 뭚 짣�쿦 �뼒�펓힎풞헣�픦퓶컿맪컮짷팖 켆홓 묻힏펓쁳엳맪짪풞 콞폏 묻뺂�펓캫�몒 컪풆몋헪 컪풆 컪풆펾묺풞 퍟쫗 �뼒�펓캫�몒혾컿짝컿짷팖 컪풆 칾펓펾묺풞 퍟쫗 짣홓쫃 �뼒�펓컿짷팖 컪풆 칾펓펾묺풞 핂� 샎�펓핆않킲�혾칺 샎헒 훟콚믾펓� 1 4FOHF ջ5IF 'JGUI %JTDJQMJOFռ ջ킃쁢혾힏 맣헣펻
*LVKJSP /POBLB BOE )JSP 5BLFVDIJ ջ5IF ,OPXMFEHF $SFBUJOH $PNQBOZռ ջ힎킫�혾믾펓 핳픎폏펻
*.1. ջ*.1. $:$-& ռ ,BVNBO '"4553"$ ջ1MBOOJOH UIF &OUSFQSFOFVSJBMռ -V[BSSBHB ջ.5" 5IF QPXFS PG 5FBN FOUSFQSFOFVSTռ (4&' 짪핞욚힟 .BVSZB ջ3VOOJOH -FBOռ ջ읾큲�펓ռ 퓒컮훊펻
. + .BSRVBSEU ջ0QUJNJ[JOH UIF 1PXFS PG "DUJPO -FBSOJOHռ ջ팯켦얺삫픦ռ 핂�쫃펻
. + .BSRVBSEU ջ"DUJPO -FBSOJOH JO "DUJPOռ ջ�몮픦핆핺읊잚슪쁢믾펓묞퓯옪믆앶 팯켦얺삫ռ 쫗 � 밎홓믊펻
.5" .*// $IJOB 옪믆앶콚맪핞욚힟 1"3564 ջ$SFBUJOH 5FBN &OUSFQSFOFVSTռ +PIBOOFT 1BSUBOFO ջ5IF 5FBN $PBDIˏT #FTU 5PPMTռ +PIBOOFT 1BSUBOFO ջ#PPL PG #PPLTռ +PIBOOFT 1BSUBOFO ջ(MJNQTFT PG *OEJWJEVBM -FBSOJOHռ 5PTFZ %IBMJXBM )BTTJOFO ջ5IF 'JOOJTI 5FBN "DBEFNZ NPEFM *NQMJDBUJPOT GPS NBOBHFNFOU FEVDBUJPOռ
칺헏몋헪컿읊퓒 킲헒솧혾�펓묞퓯졶셆맪짪펾묺쫂몮컪 짪핆 짪� 믾짝믎묺컿 짪핊 핆쾒 훊콚 & NBJM 헒
66
핳킇뭚 $PPQ: 솧혾 밎컮 밎킮 풞홓 뼒 풢 핊 잖핂큲� 컪풆킪묺옪묺펾솧옪 컿뫃샎묞핊잚뫎 " DPPQZ@DPPQ!EBVN OFU
연구보고서 모음집 자율연구
노동자협동조합 비즈니스모델 및 플랫폼 사례연구 대안노동자협동조합연합회
긛쏻땰騬떋덟髛뜯됿긛댴
黧ꅈ듿쎀ꅈ뗟싘 ꮳ뛷ꀷ뀓ꠗꃧ 쉻ꔚ셫 긛ꖯ덟髛
c╇ೃ⤛e ╇ೃ⮜⛛⛧
⟜∴O⒟ጰ⛧㕨ጰ⟇㓀╇㓀㗣 ❬⮜♛☧⛼P
╇
ೃ
☧
∷ⅳ╟O㒳ೄ㕨ጰ 㗣ఔ❳╇㗣⚯ ೄ⛼P
╇
ೃ
☧
┛㕬∴Oೄ❳ጰ⛧㕨ጰ⟇㓀╇ᥐ jpjvwhP
тАл ▌╛тАмрм░ ┬Д ркЩр│д раБ╥Крв▓ ╓втАл╪▓тАмh╥КриКhрвОрж╕ рзЛ╥Е р┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д р│Т█Цр▓м тАл╪итАмрйС╥ЧркБрзм рй╣тАл▌ОтАм
┬Д ╤Р▀╣рвО█╣ раБ╥Крв▓ ╓втАл╪▓тАмрйЧр┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д ра║рлЙтАл╫дтАмрдЭтАл╪Ы▌╜тАм *5@*5╤Р▀КрйЧ р│Р▄╗тАлрв▓█ТтАмр┤Л р┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д рз╗рдзрж╕@ра╢тАл █СтАмржС╥│рй┐ рз╗рдзрж╕@р│праВ╒бтАл▌Г╫ГтАмр▒Яр┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д рз╗рдзрж╕@р│зр│Цра│▌БрлСр┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д ╘╡▀П ╓втАл╪▓тАмрйЧр┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д ра║рлЙтАл╫дтАмрдЭр│Т█Цр▓м р│Т█Цр▓м@4.BSU р│Т█Цр▓м@рвОрж╕╥КриКр┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д $"& р│Т█Цр▓м@рвЪрж╕р┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д
├Ь рм╡╥КрйЧтАл▄РтАм рвЪрж╕р┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д ргЧ╤РрйЧтАл▄РтАм рвОрж╕╥КриКр┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д ргЧ╤РрйЧтАл▄РтАм рвОрж╕╥КриКр┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д р┤Ер┤Я рвОрж╕╥КриКр┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│д ра│тАлргК█╜тАм рдЭ▌Гр▒ЯтАлрйЛрж║▐Ц ╫ЧтАм╨╛ <раБрзорйЧтАл >▄РтАм/PU "MPOF
⟜㓀 ష a ጰ읆ష☀읆 ├ ╇ఛ 㕨ጰ⟇㓀 㑣ᜂ㍓ ጛ⛜❳▗ ❛ᤴ
ઙࠁҊࢲ
ࢎഥ҃ઁোҳਗࢎস ֢زഈزઑ࠺ૉפझ߂؛ݽۖಬࢎ۹োҳ
֢زഈزઑ ࠺ૉפझ߂؛ݽۖಬࢎ۹োҳ
ജ҃߸ച ೧৻ࢎ۹ ਃড ೧৻ࢎ۹ दࢎ ܻ ࢲےഈزઑ ݎ ܻ ࢲےഈزઑ җઁ
ജ ߸
҃ ച
ജ҃߸ച ࠛউ ֢زഛҗ ࢎഥো೧Ѿਃࢿ
ౠࣻҊਊ֢ز h *5ѐߊ h ٣যబஎࢤ ࢎ۹ ࢤࣻױਸझझࣗ۽ਬೞҊةਵز֢۽ೞחܻ ࢲےоҊਊ֢ز әࣘೠૐо
ۖಬ ӝ߈ ҅ ࣗѐ ࠺ૉפझ ഛ য়ఖद *5ѐߊীद ಕबসࣗѐࣗ١
নೠ ࠺ࢲੋझ ࠙ঠ ۽ۖಬ ӝ߈ ҅ ࠺ૉפझ അ ݎ ߓ ҅׳оࢎب҅ ইܰ߄҅١
ۖಬ ۖಬ ࣗਬীѱ ࣗѐܐۖಬࣗਬীѱغҊ ࢚ಿh ࢲ࠺झઁҕחоѺ҃੬߅
ജ҃߸ച ࠛউ ֢زഛҗ ࢎഥো೧Ѿਃࢿ
࢚ಿ h ࢲ࠺झ ઁҕ ب߹ חਬ࠺ਊ ࠗ ۖಬࣻࣻ৻ܐীױࣻࢤبҳੑ࠺ਊ ਤী࠺ೠрࠁ࠺ਊ ݶೲ١ߨѺஂٙ࠺ਊ সҕрਬ࠺ਊ ࢚ಿh ࢲ࠺झഈࣗೣ ࣻੑ߸زૐо١݆ࣻਬ࠺ਊࠗ
ۖಬ ࣗਬ৬ ࣗ࠺ࠛ חউ ֢ زഛী ঐޗਵ ۽ଵৈೞѢա ߑઑ بೞחঋও݅ۖಬࣗਬחܻࠛࢲےউೠਤܳഛदఃחೡ ծоѺਵ࢚ ۽ಿh ࢲ࠺झܳࣗ࠺ೞ࠺ࣗחߑחઑೞחೡࣻ೯
ܻ ࢲےܻী द חېب Ѣझܳ ࣻ হࣁ୶ ח ӝসਯೞ ֢ࢶࢤزೞ Ҋਊਬ࠺ਊࠗ١അपীࢲ ܻ ࢲےܻীഛҊز֢ػदъ۱ೠ߸ച
೧৻ࢎ۹ ਃ ড
೧৻ࢎ۹ ਃ ড Ҵ / P U "MPOF
Ҵ /PU "MPOF ࠛউೠ֢زഛ
ܻۨই 5IF QSFDBSJBU ١ h рࠗޙীࢲ࢚दҊਊ [FSP IPVS DPOUSBDU әࣘೞѱ ഛؽীࠛۄٮউೠ֢ز ഛ ࢜܂ѱࢤѹդਬোೠ ֢ز۱ਸੌஸযܻۨই h ୭ӔҴীࢲоҊਊഋక ֢ز ࣻ݅ חө ৢۄоࢲݶӓਵ۽ૐо h࢚ ݺ ݅ ֙ݒૐо ࢜܂ѱ ࢤѹաੌחܻ ࢚ਸ ର
Ҵ /PU "MPOF ࠛউೠ֢زഛ
ࠂೞҊ নೠ ഋక оҊਊߑध ઓ ੌਊ द স ܻࢲےীܰӝөনೠزӝ݆ܳܲצਬഋоҊਊഋక ֢زٜ Ҵীࢲחড о ੋࢎসਸೞࢎ݀ةחস
ࣁӘ ഥೖݾਸ оҊ Ѣա ࠗب؋ೠ Ҋਊী ೠ ൞ࢤ WT ਬ۽ ۄझఋੌ ୶ҳ оҊਊٜীೠੋधѱفо۽ա ӓࢎױী ੋস৬ܻࢲےоઓ /PU "MPOF ࠁҊࢲחٜীѱೣ
оҊਊߑधਵੌ ۽ೞӝܳ ࢶഐ ߨਵ߉ੋ ۽ӝܳ ਃҳ ٜоҊਊߑधਵੌ۽ೞחѪਸૌӝҊాੋੌܻ۽ഥӈܳ߈٘दਗೞחѪই ש ӒनীӒٜਤоыחਤҗࠁ࢚Ӑഋਸܚਵॄ۽नхਸҊੋҗܳ߉ӡਗೣ
߸ചܳ ਤ೧ࢲ חױਵ ܻܳࣗݾ ࢲ۽ղ חѪ ਃ ࠛউೠ֢زઑѤਸ৮ചೞӝਤ೧ࢲחоҊਊز֢ػٜ߸ചܳਤೠܻܳࣗݾੋױഋࢿೞחѪ ਃ ژೠӒٜਃ۽ೞ࠺ࢲחझܳઁҕೞӝਤೞৈࡅܰѱ೯زೞחѪਃ
Ҵ /PU "MPOF ֢زઑ೧Ѿ
оҊਊܳ Ѿ ߂ ઑ *-0 חژҴઁ56$ܳా೧оҊਊܳѾ߂ઑೞҊ ܳా೧ࠗ৬଼ੑউٜೞաױਵࢲ۽оҊਊٜਸੋधೡࣻѱٜ݅যঠೣ
ઁ بѐࢶਸ ਤ೧ ࠗա ӝসী गઁӝ ֢زઑоъ۱ೞҊࣻੋೡ оҊਊܳਤೞৈҡଳੌܻীೠӝળ ߽ࣻীೠӔ োӘҗױҮࢼഈডਸѐߊೞࢿؘחҕ
ࠁա ߸ഐ ١ ࢲ࠺झ ઁҕ ծ࠺ਊਵࠁ۽ਸઁҕ ޙоҮਭҗള۲۽Ӓ۔ѐߊ ߸ױഐ ֢زѼ߸
୭Ӕীز֢ חઑ оҊਊܳ ਊ ֎؏ ٘ۆझಕੋীࢲоҊਊܳਊ झಕੋ615"࢚ݺ݅ חо֢زਊ оҊਊਊীୡਸز֢ח୶ݏઑాੋઑࠁ؊ࡅܰѱࢿ
Ҵ /PU "MPOF ֢زઑ೧Ѿ
ೖҊਊ ߨਗ पসәৈ ߽оࣻ োӘҗ эഌఖ ઁҕ
োӘ ߽оࣻ ࠁࠁ ߨܫ ઑ ࣁӘ҅ઁҕ ೦ गઁӝ
ࠗ
֢زઑ
೦ गઁӝ
ࣻ ോо١ਸ ઁҕೡ ߨ ޖъઁ
Ҋਊ
Ҵ /PU "MPOF ഈزઑ ࢚ഐഈ۱ ਃ
ҕਬ ػসҕр ܐز ߨ ࢲ࠺झ ١ ਃ ઑ ӒܻҊܐزগ ࣠ࢿҗхةਸನೣೠࢎ࠺ࢲޖझ ߨ ࢚ ҕਬػসҕр ҕਬػ࠺ ծӘܻӘઁҕ ࠁױ ݃ா١оҊਊٜਃ۽ೞחѪ
пઙ ਃࢎ೦ٜ Ѿৈੋ ۽ೠ ߊਵ࠺ ۽ҕध ഈ۱ оҊਊٜਃ۽ೞחѪѾৈغযחѪਃೠग ܳਤ೧݆оҊਊٜ࠺ҕधਵ۽ഈ۱
ࣻਸ חрࠗ࠺ࢲ ޙझ ਊ оҊਊٜਃ۽ೞ࠺ࢲחझחрࠗޙীࢲࣻؼѢաपઁغҊ݅ рࠗޙоҊਊ֢زٜࣻਸ؊ৈߡܻݿࣻחਸୃѹх
ࣻਸ חܻטഈزઑ ߂ ࢚ഐઑ ࢲ࠺झ ਊ ডрৈ࠙ైغѢաҳࢿਗٜࢎীࢲҕਬࣻؼӝޙٸী पਵ۽оҊਊ֢زٜࣻੑਸೱ࢚
Ҵ /PU "MPOF ഈزઑ ࢚ഐ೧Ѿ
࢚ഐ ઁҕ
ৡੋۄ ࢚Ѣې ࢲ࠺झ ઁҕ
ഈزઑ ઁҕ
ਃী ۄٮ оҊਊ৬ ഈزઑ࢜۽ ઑਸ ҕزਵ۽ ହࢸ
য়݃ীࢲѐੋ ഈزઑ ࢚ഐઁҕо ਃ ۽ೞ࠺ࢲחझ ઁҕоמ
оҊਊ
ഈزઑ ҳࢿਗ
Ҵ /PU "MPOF ഈزઑ ࢚ഐ೧Ѿ নೠߑधٜ
ਗ ࢲ࠺झ ઁҕ
࢚ഐࠁ ࢎഥ .(4
h ਬۣীࢲ חഈ۱ೞৈ ࣗਬ ػҳࢿߑधীࢲ חਗࢲ࠺झ ߊ׳ h یझ $"& ߰ӝী 4.BSU
ҕਬ স
h ծ ࠺ਊ ֢ز ࠄҗ ࢎসܳ ࠁ ഐ h ߰ӝী "&$. &6 ѐ Ҵо ੌةی झ ١
h пઙ ӏઁա ࣁӘ ҅ ١ গޛਸ ӓࠂ ೞ חѪ ҙѤ h Ҵ 1PSUMBOE 8PSL 1SPKFDU یझ $"&
h ਬۣী חഈزઑ ೯ नਊઑ زী ӝਗਸ م
नਊઑ
h Ҵ оҊਊ ఖदࢎ नਊઑ ইੌ ٘ےҴ ١
࢚ഐਗઑ ࢚ഐࠁ
ഈزઑ ೯җ ాച
h Ҵоա ӝসীࢲ ࠁ ܐਗਸ ߉ ঋח оҊਊীѱ ઁҕ h ֎؏ ٘ۆ#SFBE 'VOE Ҵ 'SFFMBODFS 6OJPO
h ࢚ੋ ݽ ߑ Ҵҗ ցभ ߊ h Ҵ #SJTUPM 1PVOE #SJYUPO 1PVOE झਤ झ 8*3 ഈزઑ೯ یझ 4P/BUFT
Ҵ /PU "MPOF فоߑधѾ
؊ ծ Әҗ ؊ ੋ ࢎۈٜܖ ۽য оҊਊٜ ܲઑী ࠺೧ ઑ ਃࢿ ؊ ݅ ӝഥ ח؊ ֢زઑҗ ഈزઑ ହੋ ഈ۱ ਃ
֢زઑҗ ഈزઑ Ӑഋ ֢زઑоҊਊܳઑ ೞৈױਵ߉ੋࢲ۽Ҋ ߸ഐ߉ѱೞחೡ ഈزઑ֢زઑઁҕ ೞޅೞ୶חоੋࢲ࠺झ ܳઁҕೞחೡ
ࢎഥ ച ب
ഈ۱ରܳ ҅ਵܻ ۽
ఎܻই یझ١ীࢲ֢ز ઑҗഈزઑ ߑҴр ࢎഥചࢿחҕੋࢎ ഥցभਸՑযն ചࠁػѤदझమਸҴо ੋ֎ਕ۽ഋࢿ ݅ ѐ࢚ੌܻହ
ೱറী֢زઑҗഈزઑ ࢲ࠺झܳҕ҅ࢸزೡࣻ ۞۾بೠഈ۱ରܳ ਗೞӝਤ೧ ೩٘࠘ਵ۽ ҅ਵܻ۽
Ҵ /PU "MPOF فоߑधѾ ϝѭ࣌ଟ
ϝѭ࣌ଟ ɹࢌଛ ʋࢆ
࢟ࢺ ̓ۼվ৹ય ؼଲ ࢼːଙВ ୃѭ࣌ଟࡆی
ϝѭ࣌ଟ ɹ˅ࡅ ʋࢆ
ϝѭ࣌ଟ ʝࢷ ࣌ऍ
ਃҳ ਤ೧ оҊਊ৬ ഈزઑ ೣԋ ࢜۽ ઑ ହࢸ
࢚ഐࠁ
࢚ഐࠁ҅ദ
࢚ഐ ਗࢎޖप
ɹ˅ࡅ ࠆଟୠ ऌࠄ הࢴ ɹ ୃѭ࣌ଟ
ਗ Әઁҕ
ऌ،з˯
ؼଲ̓ ָ̊ծ ଛ ୃѭ࣌ଟ ৱ߲ݡܒ
য়݃ীࢲ оҊਊ৬ ഈزઑ Ӓٜ ਃೞ࠺ࢲ חझ ദٙ
ਗ Әઁҕ
ৡ࢚ ੋۄѢ࠺ࢲېझ ઁҕ
࢚ഐ҅ദ
Ҵ /PU "MPOF ٣ణ ۖಬmഈزઑधࢎ۹
ഈزઑ ۖಬ
ѐੋࣗਬ ۖಬ
& ٘ےOTQJSBM ֎؏ ٘ۆ#VVSU[PSH Ҵ (SFFO 5BYJ
6CFS "JSCOC 'BDFCPPL ١ h ѐੋై ਸ ਤ೧ ز h ҙ۲֢ز ࣗٙ хࣗ h ֢زӝрҗ ઑѤਸ ഛࠁೞӝ ਤೠ ֢ ۱ਸ ডച h ֢ز৬ Ҋё فݽబஎ חഥࢎ ѐੋࣗਬ h ۖಬ ࣗਬо ਃҳೞ חࠄ೦ݾ ର ࣼ߅दࢸ ١ ઁҕ
h߷ হ חഈزઑਸ ా೧ ࢜۽ ੌܻ ହ h ؊ ա ࠁࣻ৬ ઑѤ h ੌܻ ࠁഐ ֢زઑѤ ೱ࢚
٣ణ ۖಬ ೨ब ӝࣿੋ ٣పੌ ই־ ۄפо ࣗਬ೮וջ
Ҵ /PU "MPOF ഈزઑোాܳೠ ো ઁ҃ҳ୷
ো ܳਤഈೞ חࠄ ࢎਊ ߈
࣭ۅೞ ח ҕਸ ਤೠ ҃ઁ ҳ୷
ഈزઑ োా ܳೠ ো ઁ҃ҳ୷
֣࢝҃ઁ ࠙ঠ ߂ ࠺ࢲ ܲझ ࢜۽ ੌܻ ହ
೧৻ࢎ۹ ਃ ড ߰ӝী 4.BSU
߰ӝী 4.BSU ഈز
ޙചࣿੋ স ഝزਸ ذӝ ਤ೧ ֙ ߰ӝীীࢲ ٜ݅য ࠺ܻ ઑ അ ߰ӝীী ѐ ࢎ ࣗޖਵ ݴ ݅ ݺഥਗ ֙ ࠁਬ ݅ ݺҊёਸ ࢚ೣ <4.BSU കಕ>
<4.BSU ࠳>࣊۽
߰ӝী 4.BSU োഄ
֙ েపܰఔ ࣿੋ ӝࣿ ֢زٜਸ ਤೠ ҕઁഥࢎ ۽द ߰ӝীޙചࣿ࠙ঠ ࠂೠ೯ҳઑী
tࣿੋ Ҵ ۖಬ 1MBUGPSNF OBUJPOBMF EFT "SUJTUF 1'/" uਸ ҳ୷ ߨ ઁبѐࢶਵޙ۽ചࣿੋਤೱ࢚ ߂ࢎഥࠁ ӂ١ ହ ഝزউࢿਸъച
֙ t3PHFS 7BO 5IPVNPVU ࢎഥ҃ઁ ࢚u ࢚ࣻ ֙ झ݃ یझ 4.BSU'3 Ѿࢿ റ झ݃ ਬۣਸ ా೧ Ҵઁ ߊ חۄҗઁী пաۄীࢲޙചࣿੋ֢زઑѤਸѐࢶೞҊ ହੋٜҴઁҕઑܳਊೞѱೞݾח
߰ӝী 4.BSU ࢸ݀ݾ
೯ ߨ ܫ ࣁઁ ী ҙೠ ޙҮਭ ࣻઁ ױҕ
ҳੋ উ ઁद
ޙചࣿੋ স ഝزਸ ߨച рࣗച
߰ӝী 4.BSU ഝز
Ċ ߰ӝী ߂ ೧৻ীࢲ ഝزী ਬਊೠ пઙ ࣻ࠺ࢲ ױझ ҳ࢚ ߂ ݃۲
Ċ ѐੋ ױ ࣻਃ ஂ Ċ স ഝزী য ߨ ೯ উਸ ъചೞӝ ਤ೧ ࠗḟউ ઁद
Ċ ࢎഥ ҃ઁ ҙ҅ীࢲ ޙചࣿ ࠙ঠ ઓх ࠁ
Ċ ਬۣ ରਗীࢲ ֢زઑѤ ೱ࢚җ ઑചܳ पഅೞӝ ਤ೧ Ҵઁ ֎ਕ ҳ୷
߰ӝী 4.BSU Ѣߡքझ
୨ഥ
ഥਗਵ۽ ҳࢿػ ࢎഥ
ࢎѾ ର
୨ഥ৬ ࢎഥীࢲ ਵࢎ ۽Ѿ झ݃ ਗ ୨ ݺ ݺӏ
▀░╙ЭрзА 4.BSU ра║рлЙтАл╫дтАмрдЭтАл╪Ы▌╜тАм
╦А▀Ь EQPVTCV ╦Ф╒╢ █нтАл▌Ш┘╡тАм
рнШ╤н CEVKXKVoU ╦Ф╒╢ █нтАл▌Ш┘╡тАм
╙ЩрзИ ргБ╙Ш раБр│╖ ┘б ╥Щ█▓рв▓тАл▀К ▄│▄итАм╙Щр│Ю╥К рлС╙Щри╕▀ЙржЗ╒▓тАл╫ЧтАм тАлра║рв▓рг╜╫▒тАмрдЭ
рдЭ▌Гр▒Ярзм╙ФтАл╥Е█╜тАмржбри╕рй╣ркБтАл█╜тАм ╨┐р┤ЭтАл╫о▌Г╪▓тАм╥Щ█▓тАл╪╗тАм рвОрж╕ра║ рнТ╥│▀В тАл▌╜тАм┘Ър│прй┐рй╕рж╕тАл▐ЦтАм╥Щ▄╗
▀░╙ЭрзА 4.BSU ра║рлЙтАл╫дтАмрдЭтАл╪Ы▌╜тАм
┬ЬрйЛ█▒рк║╤РргЧрзмтАл ▄╗╫│тАм╥К╤Сри╖╥│рйЛрйЧрнУ╨╛ржЗтАл█Д╫дтАм рйЧрдирйЙрйРрджтАлрйМ█╜тАмри╕тАл▌РтАм╙ЭтАл╫ЧтАмрзШрг┐рйЛрйД╥КриК╥Ч╥Щ█▓тАл╪╗тАм тАл▌╜тАм┘Ър│прй┐рв▓ра║рдЭ▄│рнК▄╗р│бтАлрй╕▌╛тАмри╡тАл█╜тАм4.BSU▄│рйЙриК ┬ЬтАл▐ЩтАмр┤ЪрзШрг┐рйЛтАл╪итАмрйЧрдирйДрйМ╤в▄╗тАл╫ЧтАмрлТрй╜▀К╥╖р│г
р┤ериЧ тАл▌А╪йтАмрзШрг┐рйЛ
╙ЩрзИржШркБ╥Х рйРрдж╥КриК ╥Ержб╥Щ▄╗рв▓ра║рдЭ р┤ЭтАл╪▓тАм╥Щ▄╗рв▓ра║рдЭ
4.BSU
р│прй┐рв▓ра║рдЭ
╥К╤С
р┤ериЧ тАл▀Й █╜▄Ррг╗рг╗ ▄│ рйДрн╣▌ТтАмржЗ риНрзФра║тАл╫╝рн╜ █╜тАм ркБ╥Х рв▓ра║рдЭрзА р▓ир│гтАл ╪╗тАм╥Крй┐ра║тАлраБ ╫ЧтАмрлР╙Э╙Ш ркСрв┐рзА р▒ИрйС ╓Щ рж░ ▌Е римтАлрв┐ ра║╪А ╓Щ рн╣▌Т █╜тАмрйв
߰ӝী 4.BSU ࢎসઑ
ହੋ ഈഥ
ױ
೯ ࢎࣗޖ
ഥਗਸ ਤೠ
ઁࢎ
ࠁૐ ӝӘ
েపܰఔ ਸ ਤೠ
ࢎޖҴ
ࡅܲ ࢿী ݏৈ۞ ઑҳઑܳ ы ਃ ߊࢤ ֙ ઑҳઑ ѐಞ റ അ ѐ ઑਵ ۽ҳࢿ
߰ӝী 4.BSU ࢎসઑ
ױ
ହੋ ഈഥ
೯ ࢎࣗޖ
ഥਗਸ ਤೠ
ઁࢎ
ࠁૐ ӝӘ
েపܰఔ ਸ ਤೠ
ࢎޖҴ
झ݃ৈ۞ઑٜਸઑਯೞҊਵ۽ҙܻೞח೨बੋೡࣻ೯ ࢎ ݺҗ ݺഥਗ ࢎ۽ഥ ҳࢿ ࢎੌ࢚ੋ҃ਸ ଼ ഥਗ חହੋഈഥ "1.$ ҙਸߑযೞҊ ࢜۽ࢲ࠺झѐߊ ࣻੋ ױ۱ ݾपഅ Ӓ ܛ୨ੋۚ ࣿੋٜҗҙ҅١ਸ
߰ӝী 4.BSU ࢎসઑ
ହੋ ഈഥ
ױ
೯ ࢎࣗޖ
ഥਗਸ ਤೠ
ઁࢎ
ࠁૐ ӝӘ
েపܰఔ ਸ ਤೠ
ࢎޖҴ
ߡݯٜࢎഥ ҃ઁ೧ܳ߸ೞҊ োਯࢿীӝୡೠ҃ઁ ࣘ ؛ݽীࢲ ହҗ ഝزਫ਼ࢿਸъച
߰ӝী 4.BSU ࢎসઑ ҅ডҙܻ
ױ
ହੋ ഈഥ
೯ ࢎࣗޖ
ഥਗਸ ਤೠ
ઁࢎ
ࠁૐ ӝӘ
েపܰఔ ਸ ਤೠ
ࢎޖҴ
࢚ ࣿ ঈ ޙ ҕো োӓ ޖਊ ١ ݽٚࣿ࠙ঠ ݀ةࣿੋਸ ࢚ਵ۽ ҅ডҙܻ ߨউ ೯ಞ৬рࣗചࢲ࠺झઁҕ ೯ࢎੋߨחࣗޖҊਊ݀ةࢲ۽ࣿੋٜਸद֢ز۽Ҋਊೣ ֢ߨزਊݴغҊਊ ߂ޖҳࢲߊ೯١ীೠ ଼ਸо
߰ӝী 4.BSU ࢎসઑ ഝزҙܻ
ױ
ହੋ ഈഥ
೯ ࢎࣗޖ
ഥਗਸ ਤೠ
ઁࢎ
ࠁૐ ӝӘ
েపܰఔ ਸ ਤೠ
ࢎޖҴ
೯ ҙܻࣻױਸઁҕ೧ ഥਗٜં۽प೯ਸ ਤೠ ഝزਸਗ ഥਗٜनഝزীೠҙܻܳ झ݃ীਤఌೞݶ झ݃חࢲ۽ࢲٓ۽ં۽о೯ݽחغٚ҅ױীࢲ ஶࢸ ഥ҅ ਗزਗ١ਸਗೞৈ ഥਗٜ࠺ܻр݀ࢸܳױೞѢաҙܻೡਃоহ۾بೣ
߰ӝী 4.BSU ࢎসઑ
ױ
ହੋ ഈഥ
೯ ࢎࣗޖ
ഥਗਸ ਤೠ
ઁࢎ
ࠁૐ ӝӘ
েపܰఔ ਸ ਤೠ
ࢎޖҴ
ં۽оഝزೞ۾بೞҊ Ӓٜস࢚ടীೠ೧Ѿ଼ ࢝ݽ ҳੑਸਤೠӘաࢎসѐߊࣗݾঘਸਤೠӝӘ ࣿഝߧزীࢲযࢶ חӘҗࠁઑӘ ١ ݏഋࢲ࠺झഌఖਸઁҕೞחѪݾ
߰ӝী 4.BSU ࢎসઑ
ױ
ହੋ ഈഥ
೯ ࢎࣗޖ
ഥਗਸ ਤೠ
ઁࢎ
ࠁૐ ӝӘ
েపܰఔ ਸ ਤೠ
ࢎޖҴ
ࠁઁҕ ݺ ޙஶࢸఢ৬োѾо ממೱ࢚ള۲ ߮৬ޙо֎ਕ োҳ৬ܐҙܻ Үਭ ߨ࠺ࢲܫझ Әਲ਼ࢲ࠺झ ࠺ৈ ࣗঘࢶחژӘ߂ࠁઑӘ ହં۽ীೠ Ә ۄ٘ಎ٬ ҕр ইҊ ۄഝࣗزѐ৬ҟҊܳਤೠҕࢎز ର ١নೠਗઁҕ
೧৻ࢎ۹ ਃ ড یझ 4.BSU
یझ 4.BSU ߓ҃
֙ ࢎഥ҃ઁো 6OJPO E &DPOPNJF 4PDJBMF חۄӝস ഋకߊ ۽
҃ઁ ં۽ ࣘоמೠ҃ઁ ؛ݽपഅ ҃ઁࢿ݀ة
ࢎഥݾ
ܻࢿ ઁೠ
ଵৈѢߡքझ
ػ ࢎഥ ਃҳীࠗ
ં۽ীೠ ࢲ࠺झীࣻ ై
೧ҙ҅ ࢎѾী ଵৈ
ࢎഥো ઁ҃ӝস ೱ
یझ 4.BSU അട
ઑਗ Ѣ ୌ ݺী ׳ೞࢲݶ ֙ ਘ ࢎഥ҃ઁোীࢲ ҕഈزઑਵ ۽ജ ࠄࠗо ܾ חਸ बਵ ۽ܻ ކಘܻী ܻਊ ݃ܰࣁਬ խ ١ ѐ ࢎف ܳࣗޖҊ ਵ ݴഅ ݺਗ ࢎࣗޖীࢲ Ӕޖ ֙ ഥ҅ࠁҊী ݶܰٮড ݅ ਬ ݒ ۽पഅ ֙ ড ݅ਬ ࠺ ۽ૐо೮݅ ড ݅ ਬ ۽ ֙ ড ݅ਬ۽ী࠺೧Әঘхࣗ
یझ 4.BSU ઑҳࢿ
ѐ ઑਵ ۽ҳࢿ ઑ݃࠺ࢲ झ ઁҕী ਃೠ ࢎসੋо ࠁਬ ࣿੋٜ ӝ ӝস ܳױ חژହ݀ೞѢա ҃ೡ ਃ হ झ݃ ઑীࢲ ઁҕೞ࠺ࢲ חझܳ ਊೞߑ חध
-B /PVWFMMF "WFOUVSF
झ݃ ં۽ࢤഈഥ
झ݃ ҅ডҙܻ ഈഥ
ਬೠ଼ഥࢎഋక ഈزઑ ҕোࢎস ١۾ૐਸࠁਬ ҕোઁࢲ࠺झઁҕ
ઑഋࣿо ചо ઑпо Үਭ ழޭפா࣌١ ࠺ҕো࠙ঠં۽৬ ഝ ࢤزदഥ١ ਗ
Ҋਊীೠ ࢲ࠺झઁҕ
࢜۽ ݽ
یझ 4.BSU ࠺ૉפझ؛ݽ
ଋԸࢽચ RTQLGV ˔ն ۭݘٵ
ޙࢲ۽ࢲٓ۽ചࣿં۽ ҙܻܳਗ ં۽ࢤഈഥ৬࢜۽ݽഈزઑ ࢚ઑ ҕഈزઑ ର ӝҙ ী ೧ ࢲ࠺झઁҕ ࢲ࠺झܳ߉ӝਤ೧١۾ೠ ഥਗ୨ ݺ ֙ ೠ೧ী݅ ݺ١ ݺ ۾पઁഝز ١۾ࣿੋীѱં۽ ࣻ೯ਸ܉ೠѤࣻ ҕҕӝр Ѥ рഥࢎ Ѥ ࢎഥো࠙ઁ҃ঠ Ѥ
ˀߜ EQPVTCV ˔ն ۭݘٵ
֙ ݅ ਬݒ۽ ં۽ࢤ ݅ ਬ ۽ҕো࠙ঠઁ ݅ ਬ۽ ࢲ࠺झܳਊೠࣿੋં۽۽ܐࣻࣻ ܳ ݒә
یझ 4.BSU ࠺ૉפझ؛ݽ
ં۽ࠁਬоਗ߉࠺ࢲחझ
ଋԸࢽચ RTQLGV ˔ն ۭݘٵ
ˀߜ EQPVTCV ˔ն ۭݘٵ
˝ѐ߹ݏഋ ਗ ˞೯ ഥ҅ ҙܻ ˟пਸ ਤೠৡੋۄҙܻ ˠࢎস৮ܐറ ੌ ղੑӘ ˡࢶӘ߂ ࠗоࣁജә ˢәীೠࠁૐӝӘ ˣߨਗ ˤನҚੋࠁࠁ ˥ഈড ҅ড ਊীҙೠޙ
یझ 4.BSU ࠺ૉפझ؛ݽ
ଋԸࢽચ RTQLGV ˔ն ۭݘٵ
ࣿࢤഝزਸೞӝ ਤೞৈӝਵ חژ۽द۽ ߧ֢ܲز েపܰఔ ޖӝೠ҅ড ਬӝೠ҅ড١ ਸ Ҋਊೞחрױ৬ޙചӝসਸ ࢚ਵ۽ೞ࠺ࢲ חझ ֙ ҅ডҙܻࢲ࠺झח۽р ױীࢲ ਊ ҕো بਵ݆۽ਵ࠙ࠗݴਤఌ ҅ডҙܻࢲ࠺झੋ۽ೠݒ ݅ ਬ۽ ֙ী ࠺೧ ૐо
ˀߜ EQPVTCV ˔ն ۭݘٵ
یझ 4.BSU ࠺ૉפझ؛ݽ
<ਤఌ >؛ݽ
ଋԸࢽચ RTQLGV ˔ն ۭݘٵ
Ҋਊҙ۲೯ܻইਓࣗय
р ױәৈঘઁҕ ޙചӝস ࣻࣻܐә
4.BSU
ࢎഥࠁ࠙Ә ઁҕ
ˀߜ EQPVTCV ˔ն ۭݘٵ
नҊӝҙ
Ӕ۽ҙ҅नҊ ࢎഥࠁनҊ ࢎഥࠁ࠙Әժࠗ
Ҋਊҙ҅
ࣿੋ
әৈә Ӕ҅۽ডࢲࢿ೯ әৈҙ۲ࢲܨࢿ
یझ 4.BSU ࠺ૉפझ؛ݽ
<ࠗ࠙ਤఌ >؛ݽ
ଋԸࢽચ RTQLGV ˔ն ۭݘٵ
Ҋਊҙ۲೯ܻইਓࣗय
р ױәৈঘઁҕ ޙചӝস ࣻࣻܐә
ˀߜ EQPVTCV ˔ն ۭݘٵ
4.BSU
Ӕ۽ҙ҅नҊ ࢎഥࠁनҊ
नҊӝҙ
Ҋਊҙ҅
ࣿੋ
әৈә Ӕ҅۽ডࢲࢿ೯ әৈҙ۲ࢲܨࢿ
೧৻ࢎ۹ ਃ ড یझ $ " &
یझ $"& ѐਃ
֢ زҊਊ ࢎস ࣁ о ஏݶਸ ਲ਼ೠ ഄन ഈزઑ ؛ݽ
അࢎഥীࢲ ࣗా͑ࣽജ͑ӝࢤઓೞח ߑध߸ചীܲٮ ࢎসഋకജ
ܻ ز֢ࢲےਯࢿ ࢜۽ઙ ઙрഈস ં۽ࢿӔ ۽ਕఊ झ݃ਕ दрઁ֢ز١ Ҋਊ߂֢ߑزध߸ച
ਯࢿࠁ Ә֢زز֢ࢲ۽ӂࠁ Ӕ҅۽ডਸా೧ࢎഥࠁഌఖਬ न҃ઁഝزਸా೧ߊࢤೞ۽ݒחәৈࣻ۸ ӝҊਊ ࢎসѐߊةࢿ ѐੋࢎসѐߊਤࢿ୭ࣗച ױӝসоन ഈ۱җ࢚ഐࠗઑ
֢زҙ҅ѐ߹ചীࢶݏ ࢤҕزହઑ
р│РтАл█МтАмрдЭ $"& рзЛр┤Д
┬Г
╓Щ ▄╗рзкрзАрв▓ тАл рйД▌║тАм╨╛╒▓ ╤╝рлТтАл ▐ЫтАмрлТ╥Хри╕ ╓втАл╪▓тАмрйЧр┤ИтАл╪▓тАмркСр│дри╡тАл █╜тАмркСрлТ рвЪр┤РраЧркС рйЧрипрв┐ рм╝рйРрв┐рйЙтАл╫Ч█ДтАм╨╛роЦрзА╙Э▀Ир│ЮрзИрвОрж╕╥Ч╥КриК рлСрзЙрйД╓вр│ЮриЛ▄│римрлСр│ЮтАл█╛╪итАм╤╛р│г
┬Г
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नࢎসࣗٙীۄٮәৈࣻ۸ ഈزઑ ਸਤ೧࠙Әժࠗ
ҕాҮਭ ݏഋஶࢸ١ࢎসѐߊਗ ҅ࢲߊә١ݽٚߨ ೯ ೯ਤ ࠙ࢳഥ҅৬ޖҙܻ ࢎഥࠁܻઁҕ
ࢎস١۾হࣗࣘഈزઑਵࢎ ۽স೯ ѐ߹࠳ࢎח٘ےਊо מ
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ࢎসਗ о ੌ߈ഋী ࢎসਗ о ࠺ࢲੋझ ӝসਗ ࢲ࠺झನೣ ࠙ঠী ઙࢎೞҊ חҕੋ "SUJTBO ഝز
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Représenter, défendre l iintérêts les éê d des entreprises i d du C Commerce C Coopératif é if et A Associé ié
Promouvoir, développer le Commerce Coopératif et Associé en France
C Conseiller, ill iinformer f ses groupements membres
Faciliter les échanges d b de bonnes pratiques ti
Apporter des services 89 groupements de commerçants associés membres de la FCA 90% du Commerce Coopératif et Associé fédéré par la FCA
Une équipe de 6 personnes, un réseau p et chefs de centaines d’experts d’entreprises Plus de 50 ans d’expériences dans les réseaux du Commerce Coopératif et Associé
www.commerce-associe.fr
2
PRESENTATION 2015
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PRESENTATIO N
lu{ylwylukylG h|qv|yk˅o|pGˎG ˅
; Commerce : un métier complexe complexe, multi-facettes multi facettes Produits - Gestion - Achats - Merch.- Finance - Marketing - Management - Droit …
; Des D consommateurs t changeants, h t exigeants i t Prix - Marque - Enseigne -Services - Proximité -Technologies - e-commerce …
; Une concurrence plus intense, un risque plus fort Nouveaux acteurs - Puissance de grands groupes - Frilosité bancaire …
; Un monde de réseaux Communauté - Résotage professionnel - Réseaux sociaux …
COMMERCANTS OUI, MAIS EN RESEAU 4
PRESENTATIO N
ZGthuplylzG k˅vynhupzlyG|uGylzlh|G
LES RESEAUX « INTEGRES » L’ensemble des unités appartiennent à la tête de réseaux.
ORGANISATION HIERARCHIQUE
Ä Groupes succursalistes, intégrés, « en propre »
LES RESEAUX « CONTRACTUELS » Contrat par lequel une entreprise accorde à une autre entreprise le droit de commercialiser des types de produits et/ou services, en échange d’une compensation financière.
ORGANISATION VERTICALE
Ä Franchise,, Affiliation,, Concession,, …
LES RESEAUX « COOPERATIFS ET ASSOCIES » La plus ancienne forme de réseau Se regrouper pour être plus forts et construire ensemble un réseau par la mise ORGANISATION HORIZONTALE y en commun des moyens. Ä Groupements, Groupements coopératives, coopératives GIE, associations, … 5
OBSERVATOI RE
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// UNE FORME DE COMMERCE PREPONDERANTE DANS LE COMMERCE DE DETAIL
j G j ï G Gh ï
6
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PRESENTATIO N
DEFINITION
EXEMPLES
Une manière d’organiser des réseaux de points de vente (magasins, agences, hôtels...) à partir de la volonté de plusieurs entrepreneurs indépendants de se regrouper, g de mutualiser leurs moyens, leurs idées, pour construire ensemble un réseau.
FORME Des groupements D t de d commerçants t associés, ié 80% sous forme f coopérative.
SIGNES DISTINCTIFS Des réseaux organisés et constitués d’entrepreneurs indépendants, à la fois membres et actionnaires de leur réseau. réseau
ORIGINE La plus ancienne forme d d’organisation organisation de réseau dans le commerce (1854). 7
jvttlu{ mvuj{pvuulu{ jvttlu{Gmvuj{pvuulu{G PRESENTATIO N
slzGylzlh| Gk|GjvttlyjlGjvvwlyh{pmGl{G hzzvjplGfG LE GROUPEMENT
v
Mutualisent Leurs moyens financiers, techniques, humains, savoir faire, …
La centrale La coopérative La tête de réseau
g , concept, p, Enseignes, produits, opérations commerciales, outils marketing, services, …
S’associent
Participent à l’élaboration de la straté gie, stratégie la valident et contrôlent sa mise en œuvre
Conseille, guide Conseille guide, accompagne
Elisent
démocratiqueme nt les administrateurs
Met à disposition des moyens
b
b
b
b
Gestion, commerce, financement,, implantations, juridique, formation, …
LE RESEAU Les associes - Les adhérents Les coopérateurs - Les sociétaires
8
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PRESENTATIO N
// hjoh{z
// thyrl{punGk thyrl{pun k˅luzlpnulz luzlpnulz
- Négociation fournisseurs - Référencement, centralisation, gros - Garantie de paiement - Activités logistiques, SI. - Assortiments types , MDD, …
- Mise à disposition d’enseignes , de concepts magasins. - Outils marketing, fidélisation, … - Opérations commerciales communes - Communications nationales - Moyens de com., marketing dans le Pdv.
// zly}pjlzGz|wwvy{zGG
// kl}lsvwwltlu{GThupth{pvuG
- Assistance comptable, juridique, … - Informatique magasins, SI, … - Achats non stratégiques - Formation, RH - Financement
- Suivi de réseau et accompagnement ind. - Animation du réseau - Aide au développement - Définition d’une pol. de développement - Sécurisation du front de vente
9
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PRESENTATIO N
n puklwlukhujl s zvspkhyp{l
Indépendants juridiquement et financièrement les associés exploitent leur financièrement, (s) point(s) de vente en toute indépendance dans le respect de règles de vie commune partagées au sein de leur enseigne.
o t|{|hspzh{pvu
Associés ensemble au capital de leur groupement, les associés sont solidaires les uns des autres. Au quotidien, ils s’entraident, se conseillent, se soutiennent parfois même financièrement
Gwhy{hnlG why{hnl
Le fonctionnement des groupements repose sur la mise en commun et le partage des moyens (financiers, humains, savoir-faire, …)) . Responsables de leur groupement, groupement ils en partagent les excédents.
r kltvjyh{plG Au sein des groupements coopératifs, les associés prennent les décisions, élisent leurs dirigeants de manière démocratique selon le principe 1 homme = 1 voix, en Assemblée Générale.
p hj{pvuuhyph{
q ptwspjh{pvu Propriétaires du groupement, les associés sont impliqués dans la gouvernance et la mise en œuvre des actions. actions Ancrés régionalement régionalement, ils sont également très impliqués dans la vie économique locale.
Les groupements appartiennent à leurs membres - les associés garantissant ainsi une stabilité de l’actionnariat et des politiques entreprises
10
PRESENTATIO N
|ulGptwspjh{pvu |ul ptwspjh{pvu klzGhzzvjplzGhG klz hzzvjplz h {v|zGslzGup}lh| GklGkljpzpvu
// hzzltisllGnlulyhslG Rassemble les associés une fois par an, leur permettant de prendre part aux décisions sur le principe 1 homme = 1 voix (pour les sociétés coopératives).
// puz{hujlzGklGnv|}lyuhujlG CONSEIL D’ADMINISTRATION, CONSEIL DE SURVEILLANCE, … Représentants les associés, les administrateurs y décident et contrôlent la mise i en œuvre d des orientations i t ti stratégiques. t té i Le L P Président é id t déti détientt un rôle ôl déterminant.
// puz{hujlzG± vwlyh{pvuulsslz ÁGGRGkpylj{pvuG COMMISSIONS GROUPE DE TRAVAIL COMMISSIONS, TRAVAIL, GEP GEP,+ + EQUIPE CENTRALE Régionalement ou nationalement les associés se réunissent afin de travailler, décider de la mise en place d’actions communes pour certaines fonctions : achats, enseignes, finance, …
// shGuv{pvuGklGipuvtlG
ELIR LES REPRÉSENTANTS VOTER DES ORIENTATIONS STRATÉGIQUES, DE LA VIE DU RESEAU, DES REGLES DEFINIR LA STRATEGIE CONTROLE LA MISE EN ŒUVRE DEFINIR LE BUDGET AGREER / RADIER LE ASSOCIES DEFINIR LE PLAN D’ACTIONS PROPOSER DES ACTIONS METTRE EN ŒUVRE LA STRAT.
Caractéristique du fonctionnement des groupements, elle permet la rencontre de l’expertise « terrain » et de l’expertise « métier » sur l’ensemble des fonctions et activités développées. 11
PRESENTATION 2015
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OBSERVATOI RE
13
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OBSERVATOI RE
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X\Z
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luzlpnulz
luzltislG 89 group group. nationaux + des regroupements locaux mvytl 82% organisés en coopérative klzGyÏzlh| Gw|pzzhu{z 286 points de vente par réseau é ((moyenne))
|ulGmvytlGklGylzlh|G{ylzG |ul mvytl kl ylzlh| {ylz ylwhuk|l [ZG_^W ZXG\^[ X[ZS\G wvpu{zGGGklGGG }lu{lGG
hzzvjplz
t G͐ jopmmylG k˅hmmhpylz k˅hmmhpylzG
klzGwtlGÆG{hpsslGo|thpulG 30% du d 6 salariés l ié / points i d de vente (non al.) commerce de 61 salariés / points de vente détail en ( l) (al.) France ptwshu{h{pvuz ville (centre, bourg) : 65% galerie et centres co. : 6% périphérie ou en zone d’activité commerciale : 19% 60% dans d d des zones d de plus l d de 90 000 h habitants bit t 14
ˎGl{Gwlymvythu{lG OBSERVATOI RE
• Les groupements d’indépendants progressent plus vite que
le marché Croissance annuelle des chiffres d’affaires en % \UZ
\X \UX
[U`
[U\ [UX
ZU` ZU]
ZU\ YU` YU]
ZU]
ZU[ ZUX
YU_
ZUX
YU]
Y[ YU[
Y
XUY WU` WUY 2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
X WX XUWX WU[
W
2009
Commerce associé
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
Commerce de détail
15
s˅ltwsvpGkhuzG slGjvttlyjlGhzzvjpl
OBSERVATOI RE
// PLUS DU QUART DES EFFECTIFS DU COMMERCE DE DETAIL EFFECTIF TOTAL
534 308 salariés
30% de l’effectif total employé dans le commerce de détail Source : Estimation FCA ; Comptes Commerciaux de la Nation
(+3,5%)
// 18 000 EMPLOIS CREES EN 2014 • Croissance C i d des effectifs ff tif de d 3,5% 3 5% en 2014 • Une reprise du recrutement dans les sièges confirmée depuis 2009 • Maintien M i i d de lla création é i d’ d’emplois l i d dans lles points i d de vente (95% d de l’l’effectif ff if total) l)
16
PRESENTATION 2015
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OBSERVATOI RE
// DES ENTREPRENEURS DYNAMIQUES ET PERFORMANTS
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_` nyv|wltlu{zG
AGE
ORIGINE DES PORTEURS DE PROJETS
Associés : 49 ans Créateurs, repreneurs : 40 ans
SEXE 20% de femmes associées
Autres 25%
Enfants 18%
( moyenne)) (en
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MULTI POINTS DE VENTE
Salariés secteurs 16%
18% des associés exploitent plusieurs unités En moyenne 1,3 point de vente 81% : entre 2 et 3 unités 2,5% : plus de 10 unités
Associés 22,5% Salariés du réseau 18,5%
Ä
Une augmentation de la part des candidats « extérieurs » au réseau
Ä
60% des candidats issus du groupement 18
^GyhpzvuzGklGylqvpukylG|uG PRESENTATIO N
ylzlh|Gk|GjvttlyjlGjvvwlyh{pmG l{ hzzvjpl l{Ghzzvjpl n lu{ylwylukylG
t why{pjpwlyG
Devenir son propre patron Exercer un nouveau métier : chef d’entreprises Créer ou reprendre un point de vente
Droit à la parole, démocratie Décider des règles, des projets Maîtriser son avenir
s luGlx|pwlG
g une équipe, q p Intégrer famille Soutien et solidarité
˅ r yvtwylGs˅pzvsltlu{G Echanger ses expériences, réussites, échecs Travailler ensemble sur un projet commun
o puklwlukhu{ Etre autonome Initier, innover
p mvyjlzGk|Gylzlh|G Moyens impossibles à acquérir seul : enseignes, puissance d’achats, marketing, SI, …
zlj|ypzly zvu wyvql{ q zlj|ypzlyGzvuGwyvql{G Accompagner tout au long du projet Co Conseils se s : gest gestion, o , marketing, a et g, achats, … 19
PRESENTATION 2015
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ORGANISATIO N
// mvytlGq|ypkpx|lGklzG{l{lzGklGylzlh| G mvytl q|ypkpx|l klz {l{lz kl ylzlh| • 80% des groupements sont organisés sous
fforme de d SA ou SARL coopérative é ti d de commerçants à capital variable p • Un statut encadré p par des lois p propres • 20% des groupements sont organisés sous un eautre forme (GIE, SA, SAS à capital variable , …)) mais adoptent tout ou partie des principes
et de l’esprit coopératif. // mvytlGq|ypkpx|lGklzGwvpu{zGklG}lu{lG • Liberté entrepreneuriale 21
jvvwlyh{p}lzGaG PRESENTATIO N
klzGzvjpl{lzGx|pGjvtw{lu{GkhuzG s˅ljvuvtplG
// COOPÉRATIVES : PRÉSENCE DANS TOUS LES SECTEURS En France : 21 000 sociétés coopératives
Coopératives agricoles Coopératives maritimes
Coopératives bancaires
Coopératives de production SCOP
ENTREPRISES
Coopératives de consommateurs t
Coopératives Hlm
> 90% des groupements du Commerce Coopératif et Associé utilisent cette forme
À TOUTES LES FAMILLES
MUTUALISATION DEMOCRATIE PROXIMITE
Associés = entrepreneurs
BANQUE Associés = clients
USAGERS
Coopératives de commerçants
// DES VALEURS COMMUNES
4 familles de coopératives
Etc.
Associés = salariés, propriétaires iét i immobiliers, i bili …
CONSOMMATEUR Associés = consommateurs
IMPLICATION PARTAGE SOLIDARITE 22
PRESENTATIO N
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// lu{yllGT zvy{plG
nyv|wltlu{
• Validation technique et humaine (par le Conseil d’Administration ou comité de sélection)
• Sortie / retrait : conditions à respecter (temporelles en général) • Exclusion possible : par l’AG sur justes motifs (grave
SERVICES facturés
et légitime) COTISATIONS
// mvythsp{lzGlujhkyhu{GshGylsh{pvuG
• Souscription de parts sociales • Statuts et règlement intérieur : la base juridique
Excédents stou és ristournés
(Générale ; pub, … )
Participati on au capital
une relation à durée indéterminée
• Contrats (60% des groupements) : enseigne, enseigne
hzzvjpl
approvisionnement, SI, …
• Eventuellement charte (de l’associé, de l’administrateur, …) Î | G G G G GH 23
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3RXUTXRL GHV &$( " Permettre à des porteurs de projet de créer leur activité dans un cadre autonome, coopératif et "sécurisé" Autonome : responsable de son activité et de son développement Coopératif : collaboration et mutualisation, à l’inverse de l’isolement "Sécurisé" : régime du salariat, accompagnement, …
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Le modèle économique de la CAE ĐĐŽŵƉĂŐŶĞŵĞŶƚ ŶŽƵǀĞĂƵdž ĞŶƚƌĂŶƚƐ
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Fonctionnement de la CAE
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ŚĂƌŐĞƐ ĚĞƐ ĞŶƚƌĞƉƌĞŶĞƵƌƐ ŚŝĨĨƌĞ Ě͛ĂĨĨĂŝƌĞƐ ĚĞƐ ĞŶƚƌĞƉƌĞŶĞƵƌƐ ^ĂůĂŝƌĞƐ ĚĞƐ ĞŶƚƌĞƉƌĞŶĞƵƌƐ
Comptes entrepreneur
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Comptes de la coopérative
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Les objectifs de la CG Scop > Un plan de dÊveloppement qualitatif de CAE  Êconomiquement et socialement responsables  Observatoire et Êtudes Mise en place de la rÊvision coopÊrative > La reconnaissance et la sÊcurisation des CAE Reconnaissance lÊgale et sÊcurisation juridique SÊcurisation financière, modèle Êconomique et outils financiers Information, communication et promotion > Le rapprochement et le travail en commun avec les deux rÊseaux CoopÊrer pour Entreprendre et CopÊa et les Unions RÊgionales Scop Convention  CAE  de juillet 2014
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Plus de
100 CAE sur toute la France 15 % par an
6 000 entrepreneurs salariés, un effectif qui croît de
400 professionnels (consultants accompagnateurs, formateurs, comptables…) vous accompagnent dans le développement de votre activité
Elles sont présentes sur tout le territoire sous la dénomination de coopérative d'activités et d'emploi ou coopérative d'activités et d'entrepreneurs.
Il existe plusieurs types de CAE : multi-métiers ou bien spécialisées, rassemblant des savoir-faire ou métiers d’un même secteur d’activité (dans le bâtiment, les services à la personne, la culture, etc).
quelques chiffres
Trouvez la CAE la plus proche de chez vous !
www.copea.fr
Le réseau des Scop et des Scic, coordonné par la Confédération générale, est constitué de 13 unions régionales et de 2 réseaux qui regroupent les coopératives d’activités et d’emploi : Coopérer pour entreprendre et Copéa
www.cooperer.coop
C’est quoi une CAE ? une Scop ? une Scic ?!
(re)-découvrez le 1er film d’animation sur les Sociétés coopératives et participatives ! www.les-scop.coop/CAE
conception : terre-lune* - CG Scop / illustration : Possum Interactive / impression : Le Sillon / photos : Auremar - Shuttertsock / Maxime Bessières / Fotolia
la création d’activité en CAE
entreprendre pour soi, réussir ensemble
COOPÉRATIVES D’ACTIVITÉS ET D’EMPLOI
Vous avez un projet de création d'activité et vous souhaitez : > tester votre activité, avec un accompagnement sur mesure et des services adaptés > entreprendre dans un cadre collectif et sécurisé en devenant salarié > participer à un réseau d’entrepreneurs avec qui développer de nouveaux projets
Devenez entrepreneur salarié !
Scop ou Scic ? Les coopératives d’activités et d’emploi (CAE) sont attachées à un mode de fonctionnement coopératif et à une gouvernance participative et démocratique selon le principe « un(e) associé(e) = une voix ». La répartition des bénéfices va prioritairement à ceux qui génèrent les richesses (les entrepreneurs salariés) et à la consolidation de l'entreprise partagée. Les CAE peuvent choisir le statut juridique de Scop, Société coopérative et participative, ou de Scic, Société coopérative d’intérêt collectif, de forme SA, SARL ou SAS.
1 Du test au développement, un parcours sur mesure Co-entrepreneur de la CAE, vous bénéficiez d'un accompagnement tout au long de votre parcours, du démarrage de votre activité à la gestion administrative en passant par la stratégie commerciale.
Un cadre sécurisé, reconnu par la loi
2
Une entreprise coopérative propice aux synergies entre entrepreneurs
Entrepreneur salarié, vous partagez expériences et savoir-faire. Projets communs et moyens mutualisés sont autant d'occasions de booster votre activité.
Votre activité développée en toute autonomie
SOCIÉTARIAT > Entrée au capital + droit de vote > Inscription de l’activité dans la durée > Participation aux décisions démocratiques
Cette entreprise partagée vous offre un ensemble de services mutualisés et vous permet de vous consacrer à votre cœur de métier en toute autonomie, en conservant l’identité commerciale de votre activité.
CONTRAT D'ENTREPRENEUR SALARIÉ > Consolidation de l’activité > Vie coopérative
4
concrètement ça change quoi ?
Entreprendre au sein d’une CAE,
3
La loi ESS adoptée en 2014 créé le contrat d’entrepreneur salarié : il ouvre droit à la protection sociale des salariés, dont l’assurance chômage. La CAE étant une Scop ou une Scic, vous en devenez associé.
TEST DE L’ACTIVITÉ ÉCONOMIQUE & ACCOMPAGNEMENT > Contractualisation > Première facturation > Suivi, formation et coaching individuel et collectif
Immatriculation (création d'entreprise), réorientation ou abandon
>> UN ACCOMPAGNEMENT PERSONNALISÉ ACCUEIL DES PROJETS > Informations collectives > Diagnostic du projet > Phase de validation
Immatriculation (création d'entreprise), réorientation ou abandon
Montée en puissance du chiffre d’affaires de l’activité individuelle
Immatriculation (création d'entreprise), réorientation ou abandon
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What is
?
SMart JT B OPO QSPÃ¥U PSHBOJTBUJPO DSFBUFE JO #FMHJVN JO XIJDI JT EFWFMPQJOH JUTFMG JO EVSPQFBO DPVOUSJFT WF BJN UP TJNQMJGZ BOE TVQQPSU UIF QSPGFTTJPOBM QBUIT PG DSFBUJWF BOE DVMUVSBM XPSLFST OVS QSJODJQBM HPBM JT UP IFMQ UIF TFMG FNQMPZFE EFWFMPQ UIFJS PXO BDUJWJUZ UISPVHI B TFDVSF TZTUFN WF PGGFS NVMUJQMF TFSWJDFT TVDI BT JOGPSNBUJPO USBJOJOHT MFHBM BEWJDF WBO SFOUBMT TVCTJEJFT B TPDJBM QSPGFTTJPOBM OFUXPSL FUD "MTP BU UIF IFBSU PG SMart ZPV XJMM IBWF BDDFTT UP POMJOF JOWPJDJOH UPPMT
WORKING IN BELGIUM
OUR INVOICING TOOLS
Every worker in Belgium needs to choose between these 3 categories :
You negotiate Xith your client all aspects of your mission (tasLs, the price, dates, etc.), then you declare that assignment on our Xebsite before starting to XorL. To validate that Kob, you Xill have to return your contract to us signed by you and your client. 8e Xill taLe care of the social declaration, Xe Xill pay the different social contributions and expenses to the relevant institutions and Xe Xill pay your salary (7 XorLing days after the assignment is ånished). SMart guarantees the payment of the salary even if your client has not already paid.
SALARIED WORKER Your employer pays around 30% on top of your salary into the social security fund. You as an employee also pay a proportion of your gross salary as social security contributions. This fund is then used to pay social security: health insurance, retirement plan, unemployment beneåt, family alloXance, etc.
INDEPENDENT WORKER The self-employed can also claim social security. Therefore they pay a social contribution thatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s loXer than the Koint contribution of employers and employees, but giWes feXer rights. The self-employed, for eYample, cannot claim unemployment beneÃ¥t. )oXeWer, the self-employed may pay eYtra Woluntary contributions Xhich giWe them additional rights in certain cases. (more information : www.inasti.be)
CIVIL SERVANT (only when employed directly by public administrations)
Responsible publisher : Sandrino Graceffa - SMart - Emile Feronstraat, 70 - B-1060 Brussel
The civil servant gets the best overall social protection. But he cannot beneåt from certain eYtras liLe a group pension funded by the employer, and his XorL environment can be considered as less æeYible.
By choosing to work through SMart, you will be working as a salaried worker employed in very short term contracts and with the particularity of negotiating the details of your assignment directly with your client. SMart will back you for all administrative aspects.
You Xill have access to those tools by becoming a SMart member (more information on www.smartbe.be). SMart also offers a more complete invoicing tool available by SMart for professionals Xho have a more complex XorLfloX (XorLing as a collective, receiving subsidies, invoicing intellectual property rights, having important professional expenses). For more information on the Activity tool, please The SMart management cost attend an informais 6,5 % of your invoiced amount tion session (inscrip(VAT excluded). There is also tion on our Xebsite) a yearly membership fee of 25 â&#x201A;¬ or contact one of our (taLen out of the ærst contract counselors. invoicing more than 150 â&#x201A;¬/day).
HOW MUCH DOES IT COST?
www.smartbe.be
>ꩣ뎳듿@ 1RW $ORQH
Not Alone Trade union and co-operative solutions for self-employed workers
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Not Alone
Acknowledgements This research report and the deliberative inquiry underpinning it have been sponsored jointly by Co operatives UK, the Wales Co-operative Centre and Unity Trust Bank. Additional sponsorship in kind was provided by the TUC for a full day London conference. The researchers are grateful for participation in this deliberative inquiry by many contributors and in particular to those referred to in the report who assisted through telephone interviews and other evidence provided in the workshops at the conference on 17 July 2015 at TUC Congress House. We would also like to thank those who gave written evidence to the work of the inquiry and assisted in the preparation of the final report. This collaboration has been invaluable and we are most grateful to: Michel Bauwens (P2P Foundation); Andrew Bibby; Glenn Bowen (Wales Co operative Centre); Professor Andrew Burke; Bob Cannell (SUMA); Donna Coyle (Wales Cooperative Centre); Ben Dellot (RSA); Matt Dykes (TUC); Kate Elliott (BECTU); Stuart Field (Radical Routes); Madeleine Gabriel (NESTA); Christophe Guene (KreditUnion); Anca Ionescu (RICOL); Elaine Jones (WIEGO); Alan Lean (Equity); Ed Mayo (Co-operatives UK); Professor Robin Murray; Dave Nicholson (Co-operative and Mutual Solutions); Matthew Parson (Altgen); Anna Plowdowski (Greenmarque); Bruno Roelants (CECOP CICOPA - Europe); Cilla Ross (The Co-operative College); Professor Tony Oâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Rourke; Professor Claudia Sanchez Bajo; Derek Walker (Wales Co operative Centre); Erika Watson (Greenwell Consulting) Diane Widdison (Musiciansâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Union). Lastly we would like to thank the other members of our research team, Steve Bendle and Rosemary Foggitt, who assisted with the interviewing work with Business and Enterprise Co operatives (BECs) in France and with translation of material. Their editing work on the final report and assistance with illustrations and with Section 7 has been a major contribution. Pat Conaty, Alex Bird and Philip Ross
Not Alone
Executive summary There are now more self-employed workers than at any time since modern records began. Some 4.6 million people, around 15 per cent of the workforce, are now selfemployed and data from the Office for National Statistics show that two thirds of new jobs in the UK created in recent years are down to self-employment. The number of freelancers is likely to grow further during the tax year from April 2016, reflecting a significant and permanent change in the pattern of work in the economy. Survey research for this report suggests that one in four current employees in medium-sized firms (27%) in the UK would like to go self-employed (22% in small firms). Current projections are that by 2018 the number of people who are self-employed will outnumber those working in the public sector. This report focuses on the needs of people in self-employment who face low income and social and economic insecurity – the ‘self-employed precariat’. Around four out of five people in self-employment (83%) are sole traders with no employees. The selfemployed precariat is reflective of complex and diverse patterns of atypical work that is growing, ranging from casual working to temps, agency staff, own account workers and Uber drivers. The self-employed precariat do not enjoy employment rights and protections at work, or any of the implicit services associated with being an employee, such as payroll or workplace insurance - let alone pension or sick pay. In addition, their potential income is indirectly eroded by other costs such as agency fees. They face additional challenges related to being paid on time and the right to a contract. To compound all this, many of the self-employed are among the lowest-paid workers in the country. There are examples of freelancers coming together to form co-operatives for shared services, in some cases with support from entrepreneurial trade unions who see the opportunity to support members who are self-employed, not just those who are employed: • In Swindon, 50 music teachers have come together to form a coop to market their services to schools, with support from the Musicians Union • In London, interpreters came together in November 2012 in a co-op RICOL after changes in their terms and conditions when the firm Capita took on the contract to provide interpretation services in judicial courts. • In Wales, the Oren Actors Management Co-op allows actors between roles to work as agents for other co-op member actors, marketing their services
3
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However, compared to practice in some countries overseas, these initiatives look to be in their infancy: • The Freelancers Union has been formed for the self-employed in the USA. It has attracted over 280,000 members which is indicative of the potential, but constitutionally it is a mutual and remains separate from mainstream union federations • In the Netherlands and Spain general unions for self-employed workers have emerged and developed since the late 1990s. These provide a range of services as well as representation • In Belgium, SMart is a co-operative with 60,000 members, supporting them by invoicing and collecting debts for them • In France, legislation that came into force in January 2016 recognises the role of 72 business and employment co-operatives, supporting members with accounting and access to the sickness pay and benefits of conventional employees • In India, the Self-employed Women’s Association brings together 1.7 million members and acts as a service co-operative, for example providing microinsurance, and as a trade union fighting for member rights The key findings from examining these initiatives are: • The best services offer back-office support, debt management, contract advice, access to finance, sickness insurance, the shared use of equipment and access to workspace. There is considerable scope for the growth of similar, integrated services here in the UK, reducing the costs of using agencies or being excluded from services • Collective bargaining for the self-employed is complicated by competition law, which seeks to restrict the sharing of sensitive information across businesses, potentially restricting the extent to which groups of self-employed people can work together around general or minimum rates of charges for their work. Where they are members of a co-operative, and not in a position of market dominance, this risk is reduced • Some key services, such as mutual guarantee societies, which help freelancers to leverage low-cost loan funds from banks, have a proven track record in 20 EU countries, but face unintended regulatory barriers in the UK • The release of untapped potential in the UK would be helped by partnership with the trade union movement. Good examples are already found in Equity and the Musicians’ Union, both of which actively work closely with co-ops The report calls for the cousins of the labour movement - co-operatives, trade unions and mutual organisations - once again to come together and help form cohesive institutions to unite the self-employed precariat, as illustrated in the model of a ‘solidarity economy’ partnership.
Not Alone
The four guiding objectives and recommendations for uniting self-employed workers are: Recognition of the growing self-employed workforce, by developing organising strategies for self-employed workers, bringing together trade unions and the co-operative sector and operating with the support of national union centres such as the TUC. The development of organising strategies will involve consideration of key priorities for action, including the: • Primary sectors, such as the creative industries, care services and the green economy • Primary services, such as a credit union for freelancers, provision of microinsurance and related services such as debt collection, tax accounting and legal advice, the scope for platform co-operatives and sources of capital for co-operative business development The interests of self-employed workers are not well represented in national policy-making, with the result that they face unnecessary regulatory burdens and barriers. The Department for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) should identify how to create a voice for self-employed workers at the heart of government, learning from the way in which wider small business has successfully become recognised over time, in business policy, regulatory interventions and commissioning design. Two policy initiatives that are high priority, to unlock the potential for collaboration across self-employed workers, are: the development by the Treasury and Financial Conduct Authority of an appropriate regulatory treatment for Mutual Guarantee Societies; and exploration by the Department for Work and Pensions of the potential for business and employment co-operatives for people on bene³t. The world of work is changing rapidly and in many ways we are returning to older structures when more forms of work were characterised by dispersed day-rate payment and job payment. In the nineteenth century working class self-help organisations included craftsmen’s guilds, co-operatives, friendly societies and the first unions. Together they collaborated and proliferated to improve working conditions, to secure rights and status and to maintain standards of living for workers. In an age of economic insecurity and rapid changes in technology there is now the opportunity to reinvent democratic self-help for the twenty-first century in order to widen participation on a fair basis for all in work.
5
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Contents 1
Introduction Deliberate enquiry remit, report structure and overview
7 8
2
The self-employed workforce Key Findings
11 27
3
Trade unions and self-employed workers Key findings
28 34
4
Co-operative and mutual solutions Key findings
35 49
5
Trade union and co-operative solutions Key findings
52 61
6
Solidarity and digital democracy Key findings
62 73
7
Conclusion: The solidarity economy Summary recommendations
75 83
Appendices
84
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Introduction Over the past decade there has been an extension of precarious work across Europe and in many other countries throughout the world. Professor Guy Standing at University College London has called this new flexible workforce the precariat. In some countries in southern Europe with ballooning national debt, deep cuts and rising austerity, insecure forms of employment have become pervasive. For example, in Greece self-employment is over one third of the workforce,1 twice the EU average. The development economist Simon Kuznets has observed that high levels of self-employment are associated with under-developed economies while, with development, self-employment levels tend to drop steadily. Today, this no longer holds true. First rising in the 1980s, in recent years self-employment has soared to its highest level for more than 40 years, when modern records began. Forms of insecure and precarious work on the rise include casual work, temporary work, self-employment, forms of micro-enterprise, contract labour, outputting/home work, and sole trading - across a wide range of trades. Evidence also points to the fact that the self-employed make a significant contribution to the UK economy, both financially and as a resource enabling small businesses to grow and develop.2 It is also apparent that many of the self-employed in the UK and abroad enjoy working this way and would not necessarily want to return to a traditional job. While this does not disguise their low income and their social and economic insecurity, a key point to take into account is that they do not necessarily want ‘saving’ or ‘rescuing’ from self-employment but instead seek recognition, support, and assurance that the risks and rewards of their status are balanced fairly between them and the organisations they trade with. The focus of this report is on freelancers and self-employed people working on their own account, rather than on precarious casual workers and agency staff. Described as the ’solo’ self-employed, 83 per cent of the self-employed fall into the ‘own account’ worker category. For a long time, policymakers struggled to identify and situate freelance workers. If they did not fit into the traditional tradesperson category, it was assumed that they must be self-employed in order to dodge taxes or alternatively that they were victims of unscrupulous employers who were engaging them as self-employed workers in order to avoid paying taxes and conferring employment rights. Later, the term ‘lifestyle’ became popular to characterise ‘own account’ self-employment. Patterns of work have now changed significantly and it is clear that this terminology is inappropriate. It is also clear that, while some abuse of the system continues for tax and exploitation purposes, there exists between these two extremes a legitimate self-employed and freelancing sector.
1 http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.EMP.SELF.ZS 2 Burke, A.E. (2012), The Role of Freelancers in the 21st Century British Economy, Cranfield University, published by PCG, London
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The Labour Finance and Industry Group report, The Freelancing Agenda (2014), argues for freelancing to be recognised as a legitimate business activity with its own agenda. The DEMOS report Going it Alone and the Royal Society for the Arts and Science (RSA) report The Second Age of Small3 have a similar narrative. All these reports argue for government and policymakers to start focusing on the self-employed as a group. This report provides the findings from an inquiry led by Co-operatives UK and the Wales Co operative Centre into the scale and impact of precarious work in the UK.
Deliberative inquiry remit, report structure and overview The strategic purpose of the study has been to examine creative ways of practical and strategic collaboration to co-develop an economic system which can meet the needs of the own account workers more fully. There is a strong focus on members of the selfemployed precariat who are excluded from existing services. The terms of reference for the deliberative inquiry are found in appendix four. The inquiry engaged with practitioners in order to identify diverse and practical mutual aid solutions to the unmet needs of low income, self-employed workers. The remit of the study was to investigate good practices, both in the UK and abroad, which have been successful in developing ways to improve the circumstances of self-employed workers. A related aim of the inquiry has been to search for ways to integrate, through social dialogue and co-design, a number of existing solutions developed by the co-operative, trade union and social finance movements. The research has been wide-ranging and identified a rich diversity of innovation and best practice examples, both here and abroad. Providers of services for self-employed workers are varied and include trade unions, co-operatives, mutuals and other memberbased organisations. But for most self-employed workers in the UK, service provision is uncoordinated and undeveloped. This is the central issue of the report. Section two provides background and examines trends in relation to the growth of precarious forms of work. In particular, more people are becoming self-employed in the UK and at a faster rate than ever before.4 Mounting evidence suggests this trend is set to continue and while it is beneficial to many professional and skilled workers and supports economic growth, it is also associated with low income and social and economic insecurity. Thus, it is important to differentiate between professional and affluent self-employed workers (iPros), whom IPSE numbers at about 1.77 million5 and those on lower incomes. This self-employed precariat, unlike agency and temporary staff in the UK (who have some employment rights since 2011 following a successful EU-wide campaign) has few rights.6
3 https://www.thersa.org/globalassets/pdfs/reports/rsa_second_age_of_small.pdf 4 https://www.thersa.org/about-us/media/2014/03/numbers-of-self-employed-set-to-outstrip-public-sector-workers-/ 5 IPSE Manifesto 2015 - https://www.ipse.co.uk/sites/default/files/documents/policy/IPSE-Manifesto-v1.pdf 6 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-15115461
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A brief overview of mutual aid solutions in other countries is set out to indicate a number of emergent areas of service provision. The issue of bogus self-employment – a widespread practice in which increasing numbers of workers are forced into adopting self-employed status even though they are essentially working for only one employer – is examined. Section three considers the trade union response in Europe and in the UK to diverse forms of precarious and atypical employment. The argument for a flexible workforce has become part of public policy across the European Union and is justified as a means to advance global competitiveness. Additionally justified by many politicians as the means to create new work, labour market deregulation and a decline in employment protection has become widespread. A range of existing solutions provided by the trade union movement is examined. The analysis looks at what these services are achieving and how. In some countries, including the UK, there are good trade union services for the self-employed in industries such as the media sector. Other countries, like the Netherlands and Spain, have had success in developing general unions for the self-employed. Section four appraises the needs of self-employed workers and examines a wide range of co operative and mutual solutions developed to meet these needs. As part of the inquiry a survey was conducted among a range of co-operatives and social enterprises in the UK to ascertain what services they were providing to the self-employed. These were then compared to a wider range of good practices in the UK and in other countries in order to develop a more effective strategy for meeting the needs of self-employed workers. In some cases forming worker co-operatives is a sound way forward. In other cases a co-operative consortium can release ‘economies of co-operation’ through mutual aid. UK good practice and co-operative and mutual solutions from Italy to the USA are profiled along with examples of co-operatively owned workspace. Major gaps in the UK are identified with two particularly notable examples. The French CAE co-operatives for the self-employed operate in every region in cities and towns. These Business and Employment Co-operatives (BECs) have public policy support and have spread to several other countries in Europe. Co-operative finance, mutual credit money and mutual guarantees are evolving and developing across Europe. Unlike many other EU countries, UK law does not yet allow mutual guarantee societies to be formed to provide the self-employed and co-operatives with access to lower-cost bank loans and other forms of investment. Both the MGS and the BECs are highly successful European innovations and represent major opportunities for co-operative economic development practices to advance in the UK by meeting the needs of the self-employed. Section five highlights that trade unions and co-operatives have the same historical roots in working class self-help and mutual aid. As the International Labour Organisation (ILO), International Co operative Alliance (ICA) and the International TUC recognise, both movements can provide, through partnership, a wider range of services to the self-employed. This section looks at the achievements of joint working on the part of trade unions and co-operatives in the provision of representation and services to the self-employed precariat. The growing international work of WIEGO (Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing) also highlights how organising strategies for self-employed workers can be achieved from the grassroots.
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Evidence of effectiveness ranges from the work of media and entertainment unions in the UK to best practices in Italy in the construction trades. The successful work of Equity and the Musicians’ Union to support the development of co-operatives for their members is highlighted. In most cases this is pursued through a partnership and sometimes a federal structure of closely-linked organisations - which can join up the services of trade unions, co-operatives and other member-based democratic organisations. The survey and fieldwork interviews, conducted in England and Wales, with co-operative and trade union service practitioners uncovered a wide range of creative joint work. Best practices are still somewhat diffuse and undeveloped, but where this joint approach among trade unions and co-operatives can be found the social partnership potential is strong. WIEGO has led work internationally to show how to align complementary memberbased organisations for the self-employed workers (co-operatives and mutual aid networks) with trade union representation. The WIEGO handbook and the ILO SyndiCoop7 handbook produced by the Co-operative College describe in detail these effective organising strategies. Key lessons from the UK are echoed in the joint work by the Musicians’ Union and Co-operatives UK on collaborative organising methods that are documented in a new handbook. Section six examines the threat to self-employed workers from new digital corporation practices. Through the use of platforms corporations like Uber not only profit, but can also comprehensively control the marketplace. Thus, what might feel at first like support becomes a stranglehold. As a solidarity economy alternative, the report examines an emerging model of ‘platform co-operatives’, showing how digital technology can advance new forms of economic democracy to secure social justice. Other economic democracy solutions are explored from the growing solidarity economy, ranging from social co-operatives providing care services, which are well developed in Italy and Japan, to the new Union Co-op model in the USA supported by the United Steelworkers. Section seven offers a number of strategic proposals and recommendations for a way forward. As the leading generator of new jobs today, the self-employed represent the fastest growing sector of the UK workforce and numbers 4.6 million workers. With effective forms of organisation, these workers can have a united voice and become increasingly significant politically and at the ballot box. By 2018 it is predicted that there will be more self-employed workers than those employed in the public sector. The latter has trade unions and unity while the self-employed workforce currently lacks both. Filling this growing gap is the subject of this report.
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The self-employed workforce
2.1 Background - A profile of self-employed workers Research by co-authors of this report in 2008, published by the new economics foundation (NEF), pointed to rising trends in the self-employed sector.8 Since the banking sector collapse in that year, self-employment has soared to 4.6 million and, at about 15 per cent of the workforce, is at its highest level for over 40 years. Self-employment is now double the level in 1979 when it was 7.5 per cent.9 The average figure needs to be seen within the context of a variable picture, with about 30 per cent of self-employment among many immigrant groups.10 Self-employment is also disproportionately high among older people and in a number of rural areas of the UK, where self-employment rates of one in four or higher are common. Workforce data gathered by ONS show that, since 2008, two-thirds of new jobs in the UK have been generated by self-employed people.11 ONS data also show that, since 2008, three in four of the newly self-employed are over the age of 50. Trends revealed by the ONS Labour Force Survey 2014 include the following: • Five in 10 new jobs are created by those going into business for themselves • The number of the self-employed has risen by 732,000 since 2008. Over the same period permanent conventional jobs rose by 339,000 • In the first quarter of 2014 the number of the self-employed rose by 180,000 • Fewer people are leaving self-employment than in the past. The opportunity to work as an employee fell at the onset of the economic downturn, which limited the opportunity for people to move out of self-employment • Self-employment among those aged 65 and over has doubled from 241,000 in 2009 to 428,000 in 2014. In part this is because more people (both those self-employed and those working as employees) are continuing to work beyond the state pension age While income levels alone can be deceptive, low income in the self-employed sector is today the norm. Eighty-three per cent of sole traders earn less than the average income12 and 77 per cent live in poverty.13 According to the ONS, average earnings from self-employment have dropped from £15,000 to £10,400 a year since 2008, which amounts to a median weekly income of £207.14 Moreover, since 2010 the number of self-employed people earning less than the 8 Pat Conaty, Rosemary Foggitt, Steve Bendle and Rumbi Tarusenga (2008) Self-help and Mutual Aid – a mutual for the self-employed for underpinning local economies across Britain, New Economics Foundation 9 http://www.parliament.uk/business/publications/research/key-issues-parliament-2015/work/self-employment/ 10 Ibid 11 ONS Self-employed workers in the UK 2014. Of 1.1 million new jobs created since 2008, 732,000 were produced by the self-employed 12 Charlie Thomas ‘TUC: Self-employed figures are skewing our understanding of unemployment figures’, Huffington Post UK, 23 January 2013 13 http://www.taxresearch.org.uk/Blog/2015/01/30/the-self-employeds-income-new-data-shows-77-are-in-poverty/ 14 Christina Patterson ‘Go-getting isn’t so easy on £200 a week’, The Guardian, 4 October 2014
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“Historically women have made up just over a quarter of self-employed people, but since the 2008 downturn 58 per cent of the self-employed have been female. In the last year, self-employment has started to decline for men, but not for women. In 2014 70 per cent of those becoming selfemployed were women.” Women and Self-Employment within the UK, Erika Watson/Ruth Pearson
tax-free allowance has increased from 20 per cent to 35 per cent.15 IPPR research shows that a typical self-employed worker earns about half the pay of a typical employee. This situation has become markedly worse over the past decade, with earnings of the self-employed in 2007 three-quarters of the level of people in formal employment.16
2.2 Self-employment in the UK has reached 4.6million in 2015
Source: ONS Labour Force Survey, September to November quarters from 1992 to 2015
Welfare to work programmes that actively encourage self-employment have significantly driven growth while cuts in benefits can incentivise marginal sole-trading. A £300 start-up grant and working tax credits of £50 a week mean people need only earn £24 a week to be better off than those on Job Seekers Allowance of £73.10.17 Private sector companies under welfare to work programmes are paid £14,000 for every person they place in ‘sustained employment’. The data referred to above suggest that this is likely to represent a move from welfare into marginal trading only just above the poverty line.18 A significant rise in self-employment is forecast for the years ahead. At the end of 2015 self-employment was at an all-time high. Survey research for this report suggests that 15 Interview with Robert Chote of the Office of Budget Responsibility on BBC Radio 4 Today programme on 13 October 2014 16 Izzy Hatfield ‘Is being self-employed becoming the new normal?’, New Stateman, 7 January 2015 17 Ian Jack ‘Private companies are making a fortune out of the unemployed’, The Guardian, 10 May 2014, http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/may/10/private-companies-making-fortune-out-of-unemployed (figures updated by authors) 18 Ibid
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one in four current employees in medium-sized firms (27%) in the UK would like to go self-employed (22% in small firms, 14% in the public sector).19 According to the RSA, by 2018 there will be more people in self-employment than the public sector.20 The upward trend in self-employment may be slowing down as economic growth eases. However, the RSA points out that the public sector workforce is still declining in number. This is confirmed by comparative data21 which also confirms that the crossover point with the self-employed is approaching.
2.3 Self-employment has risen over time to a 40-year high
Source: BIS ED analysis of ONS Labour Force Survey, March-May quarters
19 YouGov, Self-Employment Survey, conducted for Co-operatives UK, sample size 2016, 9/10 February 2016 20 https://www.thersa.org/about-us/media/2014/03/numbers-of-self-employed-set-to-outstrip-public-sector-workers-/ 21 https://flipchartfairytales.wordpress.com/2016/01/13/self-employment-and-public-employment-edge-closer/
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2.4 Since 2009 women have accounted for over half of the overall growth in self-employment Another striking trend of the self-employed population has been the transformation of the experiences of self-employed women. There are currently 1.49 million self-employed women, which is a third of the total self-employed population. Recently, the number of self-employed women has increased at a faster rate than men and since 2009 females have accounted for over half of the overall growth in self-employment.
Source: analysis Force Survey, March-May quarters S ource: BIS S EED D analys sis of ONS S LLabour abour Fo orce Surve ey, March-M May quart ters Source: BIS ED analysys of ONS Labour Force Survey, March-May quarters
2.5 Median income from self-employment has fallen by 22 per cent since 2008/09
Source: Self-employed workers in the UK - 2014. ONS 20/08/2014
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2.6 What is self-employment and who are the self-employed? People who are self-employed do not have a contract of employment with an employer. They are instead contracted to provide services over a certain period of time for a fee and are in business in their own right. The self-employed pay their Income Tax and National Insurance Contributions directly to HMRC. They are not on PAYE. They do not have employment rights as such and can decide, for example, how much to charge for their work and how much holiday to take. The self-employed do have some legal protection. For example, they must not be discriminated against and are entitled to a safe and healthy working environment when they work on a client’s premises. Being self-employed is also a legal term defining how people have set themselves up in business. In the UK they are a ‘Schedule D’ employee for tax purposes. Other professionals consider themselves to be self-employed but operate through a limited liability company or may work through an umbrella company that manages their pay and tax for them. This complicates the task of researching the self-employed. Many people consider the self-employed to be limited to tradesmen, whereas others will extend the term to include those working for themselves and may class themselves as freelancers or even as micro-businesses. The gender ratio among the self-employed is also narrowing and stereotypes no longer hold true.
“…it’s clear that whereas the typical selfemployed person in Britain today remains a skilled tradesman, manager or professional working long hours on the job, since the start of the recession the ranks of the self-employed have been swelled by people from a much wider array of backgrounds and occupations, including many without skills doing ‘handyman’ jobs, picking up whatever bits and pieces of work are available. While some of these newly self-employed may make a long-term commitment to being their own boss, or at least gain the necessary experience to do so, it’s likely that most would take a job with an employer if only they could find one.’ John Philpott, The Rise in Self-employment Within the UK, CIPD report (2012)
According to a report from the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development (CIPD), while two-thirds of self-employed are men, the number of women entering self-employment is growing 10 per cent faster than the number of males.22 In the construction industry skilled trades account for one in four of self-employed jobs, but this traditional area of sole-trading has not been a source of growth since 2008.
The 20 per cent growth in self-employment has been boosted by unskilled as well as skilled workers. Growth areas since 2008 have been in administrative services (up 23%) as well as personal services and care services (up 42%). According to the CIPD report, other trade sectors where self-employment is growing are information and communications, education, public administration, and financial and insurance services. 22 John Philpott (2012) The Rise in Self-employment, Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development. https://www.cipd.co.uk/binaries/the-rise-in-self-employment_2012.pdf
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The CIPD survey highlights a growth trend in part-time self-employment. While it is still the case that two-thirds of the self-employed work more than 30 hours a week, 88 per cent of those entering self-employment since 2008 are working less than 30 hours a week. This part-time self-employment pattern is equally split between men and women. A key conclusion drawn from the CIPD report points to a desperate need to find work. While since 2007 self-employment has risen in other European countries, the OECD data shows that the exceptionally fast rise of self-employment in the UK stands out.23 France has seen a rise, in Germany the picture has been static, but Italy and Spain have witnessed a fall in self-employment. Indeed, the Resolution Foundation’s detailed assessment of the rapid rise in UK self-employment stressed that “the change in the UK workforce has consistently bucked international trends, meaning that we are looking at a phenomenon that is particular to the UK labour market.”
“‘The emerging consensus is that the economic downturn is likely to have accentuated the rise in self-employment, with employers reluctant to take on more staff in uncertain economic conditions... And around three-quarters of those who are self-employed report that this is their preferred way of working.’ Duncan O’Leary, Author of the DEMOS report Going it Alone
In the UK so-called ‘solo self employment’ - workers without employees - has been the pattern of this growth. IPPR research reveals that in Germany 44 per cent of the selfemployed are likely to have employees compared to just 17 per cent in the UK.24
An RSA/Populus survey reported that between 2009 and 2014, 27 per cent of those entering self-employment did so to escape unemployment.25 Some trade unionists have called freelancing a misnomer and substituted the term ‘forced-lancing’. In the USA, surveys by the Freelancers Union found a similar figure of forced self-employment. There is also a paradox that, despite the challenges and the high level of insecurity, greater autonomy seems to win out for most in the trade-off with higher risk and lower rewards. IPPR research suggests that nearly half of Europeans express a preference for being their own boss.26 IPPR findings indicate that for many groups self-employment is a valued – sometimes the only – way into work or means of additional income or flexible working. This applies to women with young children, older workers seeking to top up a low pension and immigrants and migrant workers. The RSA research on the growth of self-employment has developed a typology that they refer to as the six tribes in an attempt to appraise the attitudes and perspectives of different groups of freelancers.
23 Resolution Foundation (2014) Just a job or a working compromise? http://www.resolutionfoundation. org/wp-content/uploads/2014/05/Just-the-job-or-a-working-compromise-FINAL.pdf 24 http://www.ippr.org 25 Benedict Dellot ‘Out of office?’, The RSA Journal, Issue 3 2014. https://www.thersa.org/discover/publications-and-articles/journals/issue-3-2014/ 26 http://www.ippr.org
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Six tribes of self-employment Visionaries
Classicals
Independents
Optimistic, growth-oriented business owners who are usually driven by a mission and a sense of purpose. They are more likely to be younger and male, and to employ many employees.
Generally older, these embody the popular image of the entrepreneur. They are largely driven by the pursuit of profit, and think the business is the be all and end all.
Freedom-loving, internet-dependent business owners who are driven by the opportunity to vent their creative talents. They are typically younger and left-leaning.
22%
13%
11%
24%
19%
11%
Locals
Survivors
Dabblers
Relaxed and generally free from stress, these operate low-tech businesses which serve only their local community. They earn a modest income and many are close to retirement.
Reluctant but hard-working individuals who are struggling to make ends meet, in part due to the competitive markets they operate in. They earn less from their business, and are more likely to be younger.
Usually part-timers, their business is more of a hobby than a necessity. A large number are retirees seeking to do something interesting in their spare time.
*Percentages refer to the proportion of the self-employed community who fall into these tribes
For some older part-time ‘dabblers’ and ‘locals’, trading income may be low but other income compensates. However, for many trading may be essential to boost small retirement pensions. The largest group is the ‘survivors’. These are people on lower incomes, generally struggling in new markets and a core strand of the self-employed precariat.
2.7 What is an employee? The majority of people in work are employees. People are defined as an employee if they are working under a contract of employment. A contract need not be in writing and exists when employee and employer agree terms and conditions of employment. It can also be implied from the conduct of both parties. A contract of employment will normally set out what the employee is expected to do and employees are usually expected to do the work themselves. Employers are obliged by law to deduct income tax and national insurance contributions from the salary or wages of employees before paying them. Employees are also entitled to all minimum statutory employment rights including: • Maternity, adoption and paternity leave • The right not to be unfairly dismissed • Statutory redundancy pay • All the rights that are given to ‘workers’ Workers engaged in false self-employment miss out on rights such as: • Paid sick leave • Holiday pay • Overtime rates • Redundancy pay • Travel allowances • Pension contributions • Employment protections
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2.8 What is a worker? This is a broader category in law than ‘employee’. A worker is any individual who works for an employer, whether under a contract of employment, or any other contract where an individual undertakes personally to do or perform any work or service. Workers are entitled to core employment rights and protections. The following groups of people are likely to be workers but not employees: • Most agency workers • Short-term casual workers • Some freelancers Freelancers may fall into this category if they have a limited right to sub-contract the work and are obliged to attend work whether or not they want to.27 Freelancers not working through their own limited company may qualify for worker rights where other characteristics outlined above apply. Providing other qualifying conditions are met, all ‘workers’ have rights to: • The national minimum wage • Rest breaks, paid holiday and limits on night work under the Working Time Regulations • Protection against unauthorised deductions from pay • Maternity, paternity and adoption pay (but not leave) • Protection against less favourable treatment because of being part-time • Maternity, paternity and adoption pay (but not leave) • Statutory sick pay • Protection against less favourable treatment if the worker makes a disclosure in the public interest (often called ‘whistleblowing’) • Not to be discriminated against unlawfully
2.9 Welfare entitlement, pensions and training The findings of Alain Supiot’s research for the European Union shows that the self-employed suffer from welfare exclusion because they are not covered by company law, being freelance, nor are they afforded protection by employment law, despite the fact that they sell their labour.28 As workers, they fall between both legal fields of protection. As a result, they are excluded from the benefits (or an equivalent) that other workers can access in relation to statutory sick pay, minimum wages, holiday pay, maternity and paternity leave, redundancy and working time regulations. UK welfare reform, being introduced as Universal Credit, will have a serious impact on self-employed workers because it does not allow for fluctuations of income or any averaging as is the case for the annual tax return. Since April 2015, self-employed people earning less than the equivalent of the minimum wage for a 35-hour week have been subject to a test by the DWP to show they are involved in ‘genuine and effective’ self-employment.
27 Employment Status - Gov.UK 28 Alain Supiot, editor (2001) Beyond Employment: Changes in Work and the Future of Labour Law in Europe, Oxford University Press
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Under the Universal Credit regime, self-employed people will be subject to a ‘genuine and effective’ self-employment test to see whether their self-employment is organised, regular, developed and carried out with a view to profit. Those who are seen as gainfully self-employed will be assumed to be earning the equivalent of a 35-hour week at national minimum wage. This figure will be used to determine their benefit award irrespective of their actual income. This is known as the ‘minimum income floor’ - though for those starting up a business it will not apply in year one. Self-employed people need to provide information on their income each month within 14 days and if they do not meet the minimum income floor for even one month, they are obliged to seek other work. It is expected that this new test will be rolled out to all selfemployed claimants by 2018. Universal Credit will hit those in seasonal self-employment hardest and those with highly variable incomes such as those working in the agricultural sector, tourism and many freelance trades. Also, as Erika Watson and Ruth Pearson show, the part-time self-employed, including a disproportionate number of women and carers, will also be adversely hit by Universal Credit regulations.29 Universal Credit for the self-employed replaces tax credits, which were not subject to limits on the capital of recipients. Those with more than £16,000 of capital will not be eligible for Universal Credit and those with capital above £6,000 will have their Universal Credit entitlement reduced. Pensions are also a major issue. Resolution Foundation research found that very few self-employed people were in a pension scheme.30 Moreover, the number paying into a pension scheme is falling.31 Only nine per cent (equivalent to 420,000) of the 4.6 million people registered as self-employed in 2013/14 are paying into a pension. This compares with 34% (1.1 million) of the 3.3m people registered as self-employed in 2001/02. An analysis of official data by Prudential32 highlights that, unlike employees, selfemployed workers do not generally benefit from an employer contribution into their pensions. One recent estimate calculated that the lack of employer pension contributions equates to a loss of over £90,000 during a self-employed person’s lifetime.33 IPPR research has found that training is also a major issue for the self-employed. They report that in 2012 only nine per cent of the self-employed were accessing training compared to 17 per cent of employees.34 This situation has become worse as the gap has widened by six per cent since 2007. IPPR also note that UK self-employed workers tend to have lower skills levels compared to those in other EU countries such as Germany, where high skill levels are common. 29 Erika Watson and Ruth Pearson, op.cit 30 Conor D’Arcy and Laura Gardiner (2014) Just a Job or a Working Compromise - The changing nature of self-employment, The Resolution Foundation. http://www.resolutionfoundation.org/publications/just-the-job-or-aworking-compromise-the-changing-nature-of-self-employment/ 31 Josephine Cumbo, ‘Self-employed turn away from pensions’, Financial Times, 5 December 2015, FT Money page four 32 Ibid 33 Benedict Dellot, op.cit 34 Izzy Hatfield (2015) Self-employment in Europe, IPPR http://www.ippr.org/publications/self-employment-in-europe
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2.10 Who is included in the self-employed precariat (SEP)? Guy Standing observes that the term precariat was first coined in France during the 1980s to describe low-paid temporary and seasonal workers - then a small proportion of the workforce.35 Today he argues that the widespread and international growth of the precariat is not translating into influence. This is despite the fact that low-paid, atypical forms of work including casuals, agency staff, those on zero-hour contracts, migrant labour and many forms of self-employment have become the new normal across numerous developed economies since 2008. Indeed, Standing argues that because of this shortfall in social and economic rights, members of the precariat are better described as denizens rather than citizens. The Great British Class Survey produced for the BBC in 2013 by researchers at the LSE and the University of Manchester revealed a sizeable and growing precariat comprising about 15 per cent of the population.36 Although this report was based on a self-selecting audience, it has proved a useful additional indicator and recognition of the growth of the precariat. The definition of the precariat is not just linked to low wages and insecurity. It is frequently associated with unstable accommodation and high rents in the private sector (as opposed to the public or housing association sector). Indeed, severe problems in gaining access to housing often compound the problems faced by self-employed people. 2.11 The Precariat Index The self-employed precariat can be described as those among the self-employed working on their own account on short term contracts and with irregular work that generates a low income. In July 2015, Co-operatives UK analysed two trends over the last three decades: the long-term rise in â&#x20AC;&#x153;Getting a mortgage, the number of people in self-employment; and impossible; renting a flat, those living in private rented accommodation.37 The very difficult: you get ill, you figures were published as an index and show that lose money; you run out of self-employment, as a proportion of employment in work; getting benefits is a the UK, increased from 11.6 per cent in 1985 to 15 per lot harder than when you cent in 2015. The number of households in private get fired from a job.â&#x20AC;? rented accommodation grew from nine per cent Owen Jones, to 22 per cent during the same period. While there Political Commentator have been one-off dips in the number of people living in private rental accommodation (in the late 1980s) and in self-employment (around the year 2000), together the index suggests that precariousness in work and housing has increased consistently and nearly doubled over the last 30 years.
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Guy Standing (2011) The Precariat - The New Dangerous Class, Bloomsbury http://www.bbc.co.uk/science/0/21970879 http://www.uk.coop/newsroom/new-show-30-year-rise-precarious-work-and-housing
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Self-employed workers as a proportion of total employees
Households in privately rented accommodation - base 1985
Precarisation Index
The development of digital platform businesses is expected to eradicate a growing number of traditional jobs and to increasingly impact on people in salaried employment. The self-employed are especially vulnerable as three in five are either ‘digitally excluded’, having no use of the internet, or need help with government online services according to research by HMRC this year.38 While offering opportunities for some, for others the advance of the digital economy will mean an increased number of job losses, both in waged employment and for the self-employed. In their Future of Employment report, Oxford Martin point out that 47 per cent of US jobs are at risk from the digital economy and computerisation.39 Those most at risk are workers in administration, sales, transportation, logistics and services. This trend has undermined the formal economy of journalists and musicians for more than a decade. The informal economy of non-standard employment is now spreading and undermining traditional middle class jobs as well. Forms of work without the legal rights associated with employment are advancing at a rapid pace and this is accelerating in the UK by deepening austerity driven cost savings.
“Precariousness is coming to define our time. Particularly for younger people, the expectation of a secure job and stable home seems more far-fetched than ever.” Ed Mayo, Co-operatives Uk
Many EU countries are looking at a Universal Basic Income as an alternative to means-tested models like Universal Credit. Trials in some EU countries are planned including Finland. Professor Guy Standing is an advocate of Universal Basic Income as a core solution to the problems faced by the precariat. The RSA has been working with the Citizen’s Income Trust to examine what this would look like in the UK in their Power to Create report.40 38 Adam Palin ‘File four tax returns a year, self-employed told’ Financial Times, 5 December 2014, FT Money, page three 39 Carl Benedikt Frey, and Thor Berger ‘Work in the Digital Age’, The RSA Journal, issue three 2014 40 https://www.thersa.org/about-us/media/2015/the-principled-and-pragmatic-case-for-a-universal-basicincome--new-report/
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In relation to the Co-operatives UK analysis of the precariat index, this is relevant and worthy of further exploration, as they propose a Basic Income to replace Universal Credit and an additional Basic Rental Income to replace housing benefit. Further work on the model by Citizens Income Trust will be forthcoming in 2016.
2.12 Forced/false/bogus self-employment issues and zero hours contracts A major focus of the TUC has been on combating the adverse and growing practices of forced, bogus and false self-employment. False self-employment is used by some employers to evade taxes and engage workers without having to respect their employment rights and entitlements such as holiday pay, sick pay and pensions. It operates to transfer the risk and costs of employment from the employer to the individual. The issue of bogus self-employment is evident when it is used by employers to disproportionately transfer risk from themselves to their workers and where that risk is not commensurate with the reward received. Often the workers are unaware of their loss of employment protection rights.
“False self-employment has been a problem in the construction industry for decades. In recent years there has been a noticeable change in how the problem manifests itself. Rather than separate companies operating false self-employment, a multi-million pound industry has been created to try to legitimise the practice.” Steve Murphy, General Secretary, UCATT
The UCATT report The Great Payroll Scandal41 exposes these practices and the methods used. The report focuses on payroll companies – who help construction firms switch their staff from the status of employee to that of self-employed subcontractor – and questions whether any of these workers are genuinely self-employed. UCATT has proposed that construction staff should automatically be deemed to be employed unless it can be proven otherwise.42
The growing level of unpaid internships is another major issue. The Precariat Workers Brigade (PWB)43 has been campaigning against the use of ‘intern’ labour by art galleries, many of which are charities, but where work previously done by paid staff or freelancers is often now done by unpaid interns.
41 http://ucatt.infobo.co.uk/sites/default/files/uploaded/publications/greatpayrollscandal.pdf 42 http://www.som.cranfield.ac.uk/som/dinamic-content/media/Wendy%20Lewis/Research/Freelance%20 Workers%20in%20Construction%202nd%20Edition.pdf 43 Precariat Workers Brigade (PWB) - http://precariousworkersbrigade.tumblr.com/about
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2.13 Personal service companies There is no legal definition of a ‘personal service company’, but in practice they are limited liability companies set up by individuals through which they sell their services. If they are dealing with an agency, they may be required (not by law but in practice) to set up a company. In effect, the personal service company is the intermediary between the client and the individual. The result is that the individual has surrounded themselves with a corporate structure including its tax structure. They can take advantage of this and withdraw income as lower-taxed dividends. This is a modus operandi often required or preferred (by legislation) if a self-employed person is to work through an agency, as it differentiates them from temporary workers. An ‘umbrella company’ is a proxy version of a personal service company. IR35 tax rules are applied to such companies to ensure that ‘if the relationship between the worker and the client would have been one of employment had it not been for an intermediary, the worker pays broadly tax and NICs on a basis which is fair in relation to what an employee of the client would pay.’ (HMRC) The House of Lords Select Committee Report on Personal Service Companies in 2014 raised concerns about forced/bogus self-employment when people are engaged through umbrella companies.44 Frances Corrie of TaxAid, a charity that helps people on low incomes with their tax affairs, told the Select Committee that she dealt with significant numbers of lower-paid individuals who were engaged through umbrella companies. The examples she gave were of occupations such as security guards, couriers, drivers, cleaners and catering and kitchen staff. In other words, not highly paid workers, but typical members of the precariat.
2.14 Umbrella companies An umbrella company is a company that acts as an employer to agency contractors who work under a fixed term contract assignment, usually through a recruitment employment agency in the UK. Recruitment agencies issue contracts to a limited company to reduce the agency’s liabilities. The company issues invoices to the recruitment agency (or client) and, when payment of the invoice is made, will typically pay the contractor through PAYE with the added benefit of offsetting some of the income through claiming expenses such as travel, meals, and accommodation. Umbrella companies have become more prevalent in the UK since the British government introduced so-called ‘IR35’ legislation that creates tests to determine employment status and the ability to make use of small company tax reliefs. According to criteria set out by the UK Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, there are an estimated four million temporary workers in the UK, 1.56 million of whom are ‘classed as being in a management or senior official role, a professional occupation or an associate professional and technical occupation.’ It is estimated that 14 per cent of the UK’s professional contractors are currently managing their business by working through an umbrella company.
44
HOS Select committee, paragraph 144
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Umbrella companies are popular because they allow workers to gain greater access to charging expenses (though recent budget changes have restricted their ability to claim travel expenses). Parasol claim to have 55,000 employees in their umbrella scheme.45 As the UCATT report noted, there is often a drive to push workers to use umbrella companies, especially by agencies that seem to team up with such firms. The Low Incomes Tax Reform Group (LITRG) stated that the “scope for potential exploitation was considerable” and that many migrant workers, who are often unclear about their rights and responsibilities “find themselves providing their labour through corporate forms” and that “this work was often delivered through umbrella companies, working with agencies”. The National Association of Schoolmasters Union of Women Teachers (NASUWT) noted that the overwhelming majority of supply teachers delivered their work through agencies and umbrella companies. NASUWT said: “They were clear in their view that the main beneficiaries from these arrangements were the agencies and umbrellas themselves, rather than the individuals engaged through them.” The NASUWT concluded that “we feel there are groups of workers here that are being quite seriously exploited.” In their evidence HMRC said: “It is important to note that we saw limited evidence of this push coming from the end-clients themselves; instead, it appeared that any pressure to work in this way came mainly from employment agencies through which the individuals sought work.” The House of Lords report noted that: “We were told that some individuals were being forced into delivering their labour through vehicles which they didn’t fully understand, with the reality of the situation only becoming apparent when the worker seeks to access benefits or exercise rights. This may mean that the individuals are not aware that they have foregone at least some levels of employment protection and benefits to which they would be entitled if they were in conventional employment.” The growing range of intermediaries and agencies involved with the self-employed makes the size of the workforce increasingly complicated to determine. This is also the case internationally. As Joel Dullroy and Anna Cashman point out, the size of the self-employed worker sector in other countries is unclear as there is no universally agreed definition. For example, depending on different definitions in the United States, the sector can be deemed to be as low as one in 10 workers but other research shows it to be three in 10 workers. In 2006 the US Bureau of Labor Statistics stopped any official data collection and official count of what had been previously called ‘contingent workers’.46 As a result, the differentiation between self-employed workers and micro-businesses can be extraordinarily difficult. Self-identification among the self-employed in the US is weak with any term or description, and only four per cent of self-employed people use the term ‘freelancer’. 45 http://www.parasolgroup.co.uk/contracting-guides/umbrella-company/ 46 Joel Dullroy and Anna Cashman, ‘How Many? Counting Freelancers’. http://freelancersmovement.org/ chapters/how-many-counting-freelancers/
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At least one thing is certain. The 20th century norm of a fixed employer, fixed working places, fixed working days and weekends not in work is rapidly giving way to a new system (and largely still below the radar) in the 21st century, in which precariousness is likely to become the norm for workers. This dramatic switch poses massive challenges for governments, for local authorities and for social economy and solidarity economy organisations including co-operatives, trade unions and mutuals.
2.15 Mutual aid for the self-employed – a growing range of examples As in other European countries, including Germany, France and Italy, where the practice is still common, there is a fundamental need in the UK for a social dialogue between social partners (such as trade unions, the co-operative sector and the small business sector) and government about the trends outlined in this report. There is also a clear need for new forms of organising and advocacy for precarious workers. Some new and revived forms of mutual aid and member-based organisations for self-employed workers are emerging across the world. Some are led by innovators in the co-operative sector, others by trade unions and still others by social economy networks.
“Nearly one in three working Americans is an independent worker. That’s 53 million people – and growing. We’re lawyers and nannies. We’re graphic designers and temps. We’re the future of the economy. Freelancers Union serves the needs of this growing independent sector. We’re bringing freelancers together to build smarter solutions to health care, retirement, wage security, and other broken systems. We call it New Mutualism. You can call it the future.” Sara Horowitz, Freelancers Union founder
Set up in 1995 in New York, the Freelancers Union is a non-profit mutual association for the self-employed that has built up a membership of over 280,000. In the absence of a national health service in the United States, a key mission for establishing the mutual has been to provide shared health care benefits.47 The Freelancers Union aims to ‘connect freelancers to group-rate benefits, resources, community, and political action to improve their lives – and their bottom lines’. It is not a trade union or co-operative but aims to provide health, dental and other member benefits. Through creative use of IT platforms the Freelancers Union, with just an eight-strong team, provides services for over 280,000 members.
The number of freelancers in the US has been estimated to be more than twice the number of self-employed in the UK.48 This higher figure is partially due to the fact that ‘moonlighters’ are included in the US figures - those doing freelancing in addition to conventional employed work. 47 Freelancers Union: https://www.freelancersunion.org/about/ http://www.shareable.net/blog/interviewed-freelancers-union-on-what-motivates-indie-workers?utm_ 48 content=2014-11-17%2010%3A11%3A12&utm_source=VerticalResponse&utm_medium=Email&utm_term=Read%20more%20%26raquo%3B&utm_campaign=Bike-Powered%20Mobile%20Library%2C%20New%20 Freelancers%20Union%20Study%2C%20%26%20Tiny%20House%20Jamboreecontent
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The Freelancers Union survey shows that the number of freelancers increased by 700,000 in the US in 2014. Other findings are that policymakers do not understand their needs and that 60 per cent of freelancers choose to become independent workers while 40 per cent are forced into it by economic circumstances. A further finding of the Freelancers Union survey is that people in this form of work value the independence it offers and 90 per cent (including most of the 40 per cent who felt forced into it) said they would not go back to a conventional job if offered one. This feeling of relative autonomy and being able to do work you can shape to some degree is clearly variable depending on the type of self-employment. This US survey echoes similar UK findings by the RSA, Demos and the Resolution Foundation.49 Nonetheless, the lack of social protection and the exposure to risk is clearly a pull factor for freelancers to join the Freelancers Union. Recent new initiatives by the Freelancers Union are working to tackle ‘no payments and slow payments’ through a major campaign now underway and this is aiding the recruitment of members. In the UK, IPSE (The Association of Independent Professionals and the Self-Employed) has over 20,000 members and also represents workers in IT, as well as in the Oil and Gas industries. It was established in 1999 (originally as the Professional Contractors Group), when a group of IT contractors realised that their chartered body, the British Computer Society, was not equipped to engage in a political campaign against the new IR35 tax. The new body was founded on the internet and constituted itself as a company rather than as a co-op or a trade union. They crowd funded their initial start-up, with 2,000 freelancers pledging £50 each, making a start-up fund of £100,000. Although most members originally joined as part of a campaign, IPSE has expanded by offering advocacy, a range of insurances, a pension scheme and other benefit services. IPSE’s premium member rate is £239 a year and includes sickness insurance that pays out up to £2,000 if a member is sick for more than three weeks.50 IPSE is the UK member of the European Forum of Independent Professionals. This body represents some nine million independent, freelance, self-employed and contract workers across Europe. Its Italian member organisation Associazione Consulenti Terziario Avanzato (ACTA) is strongly oriented towards co-operative solutions for the selfemployed. In France, Cooperatives d’Activités et d’Emploi (CAE) is the innovator of what has become known as Business and Employment Co-operatives (BECs).51 They are co-operatives for workers entering self-employment. The idea has been adopted and developed in Belgium, Sweden, Germany and Canada. CECOP CICOPA - Europe (the European confederation of industrial and service co-operatives) is supporting the development of BECs. The International Co-operative Alliance (ICA) also supports a diverse strategy for developing co-operative systems and solutions for the self-employed. Co-operative, trade union and mutual solutions for the self-employed are growing and under development in many countries. There is considerable evidence of advancing, innovative work on these models in many countries. WIEGO, with its links to the 49 50 51
D’Arcy & Gardiner - Resolution Foundation - Just the Job. May 2014 http://www.theguardian.com/money/2015/jan/14/freelance-payment-sickness-leave http://www.wikipreneurship.eu/index.php/Business_and_employment_co-operative
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international Fairtrade movement, has worked in the global south as well as Eastern Europe since the 1990s to develop successful mutual models integrating co-operative, mutual finance and trade union solutions. SEWA Bank in India, a founder of WIEGO, has been a pioneer since the 1970s of these democratic and integrated mutual solutions for women sole traders in the precariat. Trade unions for the self-employed have been developed in the Netherlands, Denmark, Spain and Germany and a number are growing in scale. In the UK there are trade unions for the self-employed in the media and entertainment sectors, encompassing a range of professional roles from journalists to film technicians, actors to musicians. There are also co-operatives providing services to the self-employed in trades such as taxi driving, farming, fishing, and arts and crafts. These co operatives typically develop a co-operative consortium service for purchasing, marketing and sharing a range of resources. Joint working between some trade union services for the self-employed and co-operatives is growing, and they are finding complementary ways to integrate types of support. These democratic and member-based organisations (MBOs) have the expertise and skills to inform a coherent organising strategy for the precariat and to find ways for self-employed workers to secure decent labour standards and their full rights as citizens.
2.16 Key Findings • • • •
•
• •
•
The world of precarious work has moved from the margins into the mainstream as zero-hour contracts have spread rapidly through the private sector Growth in the number of self-employed workers in the UK in recent years has been dramatic, rising to its highest ever level of 4.6 million with predictions that the number of those in self-employment will outstrip those in the public sector by 2018 There are numerous diverse ways of self-employed working and many different types of self-employed workers - who have a wide range of motivations - including independent professionals and self-employed workers on low-income Precarious forms of work are complex and take a wide variety of forms, from casual working to temps and agency staff, to own account workers and the self-employed. Some 83 per cent of the UK’s self-employed are sole traders with no employees. The majority of them are on a low income and should be considered as self-employed workers The practice of bogus self-employment is deployed by some firms who compel people to work as self-employed in order to avoid paying their national insurance contributions and to side-step employer obligations such as pensions, sickness, holiday and other traditional employment benefits The introduction of Universal Credit will make claiming benefits harder for the selfemployed The world of work is changing rapidly. For those at the sharp end there are echoes of the absence of regulation in the nineteenth century, when trade union and cooperative forms of mutual aid were developed to fight for rights, to improve working conditions and status and to maintain quality standards for the self-employed Self-employed workers are creating their own jobs and leading the creation of new work. Co-operatives, mutual aid groups and trade unions are providing services to self-employed workers in many other countries, but such organisations are in their infancy in the UK. There is a need to learn lessons from existing good practice
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Trade unions and self-employed workers
There has been widespread trade union opposition to on-going deregulation of the labour market and the accompanying decline in employment protection. A uniform strategy has not yet emerged. In 2002 the International Labour Conference of the International Labour Organisation gave a commitment to address the rights of precarious workers in its Resolution and Conclusions Concerning Decent Work in the Informal Economy. This policy resolution asserts that the principles and rights of workers to core standards and decent work are ‘as applicable in the informal economy as in the formal economy.’ When the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions came together with the World Confederation of Labour to form the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) in 2006, the founding constitution committed the ITUC to effective strategies to recruit and organise the precariat.52 The ITUC mission statement reads: “It shall initiate and support action to increase the representativeness of trade unions through the recruitment of women and men working in the informal as well as the formal economy, through extension of full rights and protection to those performing precarious and unprotected work, and through lending assistance to organising strategies and campaigns.” The TUC and most of its members would agree with this aspiration, but a strategy to implement it is a complex challenge. Guidelines for effective organising practices are, however, emerging and longstanding good practices are available to guide trade unions working with self-employed workers.
3.1 European Trade Unions and services for self-employed workers Maarten Keune at the University of Amsterdam argues that trade unions can play a key role in promoting a range of solutions for the precariat that can make a real difference by building on existing expertise. He argues that those most at risk of precarious work are young workers, women, migrants and those with low skills. There is a cluster of disadvantages associated with precarious work that Keune highlights as being low pay, limited legal protection, high insecurity, limited control, limited social security and pension entitlement, limited collective representation, limited access to loans and mortgages and limited possibilities for family planning.53 As Keune shows, the response of the trade union movement to the growth of atypical employment has been mixed. For most unions the focus has been on opposition to deregulation - and in particular on trying to eliminate the creation of marginal employment and, wherever possible, to improve conditions by introducing or enforcing labour regulations. In relation to the precarious workers themselves, some unions in Europe have opened membership up to the self-employed, but many have not. To move towards inclusion of such workers separate organising strategies are needed and these are as a rule more costly, as well as challenging to implement effectively. 52 ITUC Constitution 2006, amended June 2010: Article I, page seven 53 Keune, M. (2013) Trade union responses to precarious work in seven European countries http://www. iza.org/conference_files/EmpCompPersp2013/keune_m7578.pdf
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Keune notes that there are still very few broadly agreed strategies for securing rights for those in precarious work. In part this is because strategies need to be tailored to the specific sector. In relation to casual workers and temporary agency workers, trade unions in the UK have succeeded in ensuring implementation of the European Directive on temporary agency work. This provides for equal treatment after a 12-week qualifying period in pay, working time, annual leave and maternity rights. This was formally agreed by the TUC and the CBI in 2008 and then introduced through the Agency Workers Regulations 2010.54 For the wider group of precarious workers, an effective set of strategies for ensuring equal treatment and inclusion requires the integration and alignment of several actions. These include campaigns to raise awareness and to mobilise action; organisation of drives in specific sectors of work; provision of services designed to meet workersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; needs; collective agreements; legal action; policy formation; advocacy for new laws; and creative use of a range of media. Trade Unions in some European countries have been promoting union membership to self-employed workers since the late 1990s. FNV, the Dutch trade union federation, encouraged all its members to accept self-employed members in 1999 and in the same year set up FNV Zelfstandigen Bondgenoten,55 which has become the largest specialist trade union in the Netherlands for the self-employed. It provides extensive services for self-employed workers including advice, legal guidance on contracts, insurance, a training academy and help with debt collection. Zelfstandigen Bouw56 is the second largest Dutch trade union for the self-employed and specialises in the construction industry. The debate that informed this strategy was a recognition that expansion into this area could stem a loss of members as well as recruit former members who had become self-employed following redundancy. FNV reports that trade unions which focus on the recruitment of self-employed workers are growing faster than traditional trade unions which have not been proactive in this area.57 The Christian Trade Union Federation (CNV) in the Netherlands began organising self-employed workers in 2007 with a focus on former members who had become selfemployed.58 FNV and the Alternative Trade Union have developed a pension scheme for self-employed workers. Most of the services for the self-employed provided by Dutch trade unions mirror those of other union members. However, the Dutch Competition Authority has ruled against the forging of collective agreements for the self-employed that are binding on those who contract them. It regards these agreements as operating a cartel. This has created a conflict between labour rights for the self-employed and competition law and is a growing concern for organisers in other countries. Similar decisions have been made in Ireland and in Australia.
54 55
http://www.gmb.org.uk/about/gmb-in-europe/european-policy-issues/temporary-agency-workers http://www.fnvzzp.nl
56
https://www.zelfstandigenbouw.nl
57 http://www.eurofound.europa.eu/observatories/eurwork/articles/trade-union-extends-membership-toself-employed-workers 58 http://www.eurofound.europa.eu/observatories/eurwork/comparative-information/trade-union-strategies-to-recruit-new-groups-of-workers
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SIF (Svenska Industritjänstemannaförbundet), the Swedish technical and clerical union (now part of Unionen), began recruiting self-employed workers actively in 1998 and has used modern marketing and call centre methods for recruiting targeted groups achieving a five to eight per cent annual conversion rate on cold calls. FNV Zelfstandigen Bondgenoten has successfully adopted a similar strategy. SIF merged with HTF in 2008 to form Unionen, the largest Swedish trade union for private sector businesses. The same services for self-employed workers are in place. The advancing digital economy has been a driver for campaigns to recruit freelance workers in many countries. The largest German union, ver.di, includes Mediafon, which was set up in 2000 as a call centre to recruit workers, including freelancers, in the media industry.59 It offers a comprehensive range of advice on contracts, fees, social security and legal issues.60 In Denmark, the clerical union HK has set up a similar recruitment service for freelancers - especially those working in publishing and online, including graphic artists, designers and translators. This ‘digital union’ platform enables workers to advertise their services and provides legal, insurance and other services. Other Danish trade unions recruit self-employed workers - especially in IT, media and the cultural industries - and they negotiate collective agreements with major arts, entertainment and business organisations. Unión de Profesionales y Trabajadores Autónomos (UPTA) is a Spanish trade union with over 100,000 autonomous worker members.61 In Italy, self-employed workers account for one in four jobs and the main trade union federations have developed a range of policies and services to support and advocate for atypical workers.62 A number of union services for the self-employed operate in different trade sectors to develop and renegotiate collective bargaining agreements with employer bodies. UNI Global Union has worked for a number of years on issues around organising selfemployed workers, staging several seminars and meetings at which European unions working with the self-employed have come together and exchanged experience.
3.2 British Trade Union services for self-employed workers In the UK, the Trade Union Congress (TUC) has not supported a strategy like that of the FNV to sponsor the establishment of general unions for the self-employed. In the absence of a specific TUC strategy, individual trade unions have taken the initiative to develop services for the self-employed in specific sectors. Self-employment has always been prevalent in certain industries. The film industry and acting profession are an example. Companies are often formed to produce a film and disband when the project is complete. For that reason a number of trade unions have long been active in recruiting and supporting self-employed workers in the media and entertainment sector.
59 Andrew Bibby Open the Doors Wide to the Self-employed, Uni Global Union, October 2005 http:// www.andrewbibby.com/pdf/selfemployed%20report.pdf 60 http://www.mediafon.lt/en/zones/about/pages/about 61 http://www.efip.org/whos-involved/ 62 http://www.cesifo-group.de/ifoHome/facts/DICE/Labour-Market-and-Migration/Labour-Market/Unions-Wage-Bargaining-Labour-Relations/repr-self-emp/fileBinary/repr-self-emp.pdf
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The Federation of Entertainment Unions (FEU) covers a broad range of separate trade unions, including the National Union of Journalists, BECTU, Equity, the Writers Guild and the Musicians’ Union. Each has large numbers of self-employed freelancers and in most cases the proportion of members of those unions who are self-employed has been steadily increasing. FEU members share common concerns and have co-developed their thinking and strategies to better meet the needs of freelancers. Federation members have formed FEU Training which provides a range of courses for their entitled members, for example: • Run a successful social media campaign • How to drive traffic to your website • Negotiation for freelancers • Improving focus through ‘mindfulness’ • Get fit for freelancing • How to shoot and edit video with an iPhone or iPad • Finance for freelancers • Overcoming freelance challenges Broadcasting Entertainment Cinematograph and Technicians Union (BECTU) was formed in 1992 out of a merger of three trade unions in the film, TV and theatre sector and covers scriptwriters, producers, directors and technicians in film, cinemas and in the performing arts. BECTU has 25,000 members, about half of whom work freelance. This proportion has increased from about one-third of freelance members a decade ago. Freelance workers in BECTU are especially numerous in the film production sector in London and across the UK. Many members are covered by collective bargaining agreements. These agreements are with the BBC, the Society of London Theatre and UK Theatre. BECTU negotiates rate cards for its freelance members with different parts of the industry, ranging from low budget productions to feature films. This sets a minimum rate level for different craft grades and jobs including camera crews, costume and make-up. Trade union organisers in the film divisions of BECTU are activist freelancers who are recruited and trained. Public liability insurance is available to BECTU members for an annual premium, providing cover for claims of up to £10 million. This has proved to be highly attractive in recruiting new members. BECTU also offers a wide range of other insurance services tailored to the needs of freelancers including personal accident, equipment, professional indemnity, buildings and contents and other areas. In addition, BECTU offers members a wide range of professional and skills development courses in relation to specific media work areas, trade union organising and representation, health and safety, finance for freelancers and networking and promotional skills. Popular courses include: • Mind your own business - going freelance • Getting organised getting on • Freelance activists day • Meeting up and linking in With the growth of freelance members, BECTU has developed a highly personalised service to meet a wide range of individual member needs. The standard rate for new members is £10 a month in year one, with some discounted special offers of £7.50 a month for those recruited at trade shows. Membership rates after the first year are one per cent of salary or earnings.
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The Musicians’ Union has 30,000 members, only 10 per cent of whom are fully employed. Many are employed part-time, others are freelance and some do a mixture of part-time and freelance work. The union provides a full range of insurance services including fee recovery for gigs if members are not paid. Members also have access to specialist legal advice from two in-house lawyers on contract, copyright and other matters. A range of free training courses is offered to members as well as workshops and networking events. The union additionally provides specialist career and business advice. Membership is £201 a year for full members and £20 for students. Equity was set up in 1930 by leading actors in London’s West End, who were concerned about the poor treatment and working conditions of many of their fellow professionals. Today it has over 41,000 members and has grown steadily over the past 10 years. The vast majority of members are self-employed for tax and national insurance purposes and a small proportion is in PAYE employment. Most members are covered by collective bargaining agreements with the BBC, the Society of London Theatre, UK Theatre and other employer bodies. These agreements specify standard pay and conditions under standard contracts intended to last for at least four to five years.
“In this profession we are all vulnerable, it is so insecure and I think to have a union behind you is one thing you can rely on - your one piece of security - to help you out, to make sure your contracts are legal, to make sure you get paid.” Alison Steadman, Equity member
The Equity system of negotiation emerged from a traditional guild model. The contracts cover a huge diversity of skills all of which have performance work as a common denominator. A core aspect of Equity’s strategy is that they defend the right to ‘worker status’ for their members based on the provision of personal services in accordance with the Employment Rights Act 1996, section 230(3) (b) and the non-substitutable nature of their employment. This enables organisers to seek to enhance collective bargaining agreements to secure better pay and conditions and also to ensure that holiday pay and the National Minimum Wage are payable under standard contracts.
The film and TV industry and live performances are traditional areas where Equity is strong, but Equity has also succeeded through a major two-year campaign to recruit new members in fringe theatre, where ‘low pay and no pay’ conditions are notorious. Many members have uncertain working conditions, in which a productive year may be followed by a lean year. Income levels vary and this is a common theme for FEU members. Equity members also have ready access to a comprehensive welfare rights, national insurance, pension and tax advice service. The union provides a range of insurance cover from public liability to personal injury. Legal advice and representation is available and expert advice is provided on contracts. Equity has developed a specialist pension scheme for members with employer contributions. Like other FEU members, Equity runs an information service and a broad range of workshops and training courses. Membership rates are tiered. Those with earnings below £20,000 a year pay £125 a year, and this rises in stages to £2,500 for those at the top end of the spectrum.
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Like Equity, BECTU has negotiated a collective agreement with the Society of London Theatres (SOLT) and UK Theatre. Both unions show that it is possible to operate and organise where self-employment is more common. What is interesting about both BECTU and Equity is that they maintain ‘worker’ status for employment law purposes while defending members’ rights to be classed as self-employed for tax and national insurance purposes. The same strategy is also a goal for the National Union of Journalists (NUJ). The NUJ has also published a freelancers’ charter to outline the issues they are trying to address. In their 2007 report, which looked at the rise of new media, they identified the need for freelancers to be covered for training in new media.63
“...it is clear that freelancers, particularly amongst those who shift regularly on newspapers, could fall by the wayside without the provision of training by employers.’ Shaping the Future, NUJ report, 2007
The NUJ report also expressed concerns about insurance and protection for freelancers. This work led to the creation of the ‘Charter of Freelance Rights’ with the IFJ/EPJ (European Federation of Journalists), which is being adopted worldwide by different unions. The NUJ has done considerable work around mental health issues for selfemployed members. This includes regular work in the area of Freelance Well-being. This work highlights the importance of health and safety issues for freelancers and the role of collective organising in addressing these needs.
Many of the self-employed precariat have less health and safety protection than salaried staff, particularly those in trade union organised companies. This is a particular problem in the construction industry, but is also significant in regards to lone working. The best practice laid down by the Suzy Lamplugh Trust64 recommends a named person back in the office that lone workers report to before appointments and when they finish. This can only work effectively if self-employed individuals have a colleague to speak to, and a co-operative can provide this. As with BECTU and Equity, the NUJ aims to negotiate ‘worker’ rights for their members. Just as the acting profession is ubiquitously self-employed, journalists have little option but to freelance, as staff positions are seldom available. As the onslaught of digital technology eliminates standard work, the Charter of Freelance Rights65 could become a key tool for the animation and education of self-employed workers in other sectors as well. The charter is found in appendix two. As in the case of BECTU, the NUJ and Musicians’ Union, a personalised approach to the provision of services is central to Equity’s success. Equally important is involvement of members as trade union activists in a range of workplaces. Equity provides specialist training for activist members and this has been crucial to maintaining and increasing union membership. Highly specialist organisers are used to develop new membership, through campaigns such as the one for better pay and conditions in Fringe Theatre. 63 64 65
https://www.theguardian.com/info/guardian-news-media-freelance-charter http://www.suzylamplugh.org/personal-safety-tips/free-personal-safety-tips/?t=&c=55 http://www.ifj.org/issues/freelances-rights/
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3.3 Key findings •
•
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“Equity is my confidence, my At an international level, the ILO and support, my protection. Being the International TUC emphasise the an active member constantly importance of recruiting and supporting reminds me that this is my industry informal economy workers, including just as much as it is that of the self-employed workers. In many countries, casting director, the agent and trade unions have also succeeded in the producer. I respect my skills developing decent labour standards, and feel so much more confident access to sickness benefits, pensions and now that this self-respect radiates collective bargaining agreements for the and I’m literally getting more jobs. self-employed. This is their strongest and most vital role Seriously, try it for yourself.” There are differences of opinion between Ellie Paskell, the trade union movement in the UK and Equity member those in other European countries as to how to provide for the needs of atypical workers. The complexity of types of self-employment also makes it difficult to identify self-employed worker groups, as opposed to other small business-oriented groups, and to develop effective organising strategies In the UK entertainment and media sector there are excellent trade union practices demonstrating how to provide a wide range of services to the self-employed In other European countries there are similar developments. In the Netherlands a general union approach has made some headway in recruiting self-employed workers more directly. In Spain this approach is also practiced and has been successful through UPTA in recruiting over 100,000 self-employed workers In the Netherlands the FNV reports that trade unions focusing on the recruitment of self-employed workers are growing faster than traditional trade unions which have not been proactive in this area Trade unions score strongly in the provision of collective advocacy and representational skills, health and safety campaigning as well as the wide provision of low-cost insurance including public liability, equipment, professional indemnity and general insurance. Trade unions organising the self-employed have also developed specialist education and training programmes A key message is that the role of trade unions is not only to organise the selfemployed workforce in order to service and represent them, but to empower them so that the self-employed workers can then co-operate together in the market both in the collaborative provision of services and labour and in sharing costs. To do this fully may require other democratic forms of mutual aid
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Co-operative and mutual solutions
One way in which self-employed and contract workers can become more secure is through the support and technical assistance of others. This can be obtained from a commercial organisation such as an employment agency offering ‘interim’ staff in the form of self-employed workers, or from a social enterprise or mutual organisation providing services to them. A group of co-operative service providers formed to support co-operative, mutual businesses and the self-employed is known as a co-operative consortium.
4.1 Survey report - support for the self-employed Through Co-operatives UK membership information and other data gathering, the inquiry identified 223 social enterprise and mutual bodies in the UK offering support to self-employed workers, either as their main activity or as part of what they do. A survey was conducted to identify the services they offer and to establish their views on what the needs of the self-employed are. The main findings are below. What are the levels of membership? • Membership ranged from three to 45 members • Average membership: 15 • 46% had only self-employed as members • 27% had only co-ops as members • 6% had only not-for-profits as members • 21% had a mix of self-employed, co-ops, not-for-profits, family businesses, partnerships and small companies What size business were their members? • 87% were Micro Businesses (one to nine staff ) • 13% were SMEs (10 to 49 staff ) What services did these consortia provide? • 62% - Maintaining professional standards and prices • 54% - Advice and guidance • 54% - Representation • 38% - Joint marketing and sales Did they restrict their services to members only? • 57% restricted their services to members only • 29% allowed non-members access to some services • 14% allowed non-members access to all services What did they consider to be the needs of the self-employed? • 63% - Maintaining professional standards • 63% - Joint marketing • 55% - Financial services including bookkeeping, invoicing, debt control • 45% - Legal advice on contracts • 36% - Access to finance at reasonable rates • 36% - Setting minimum charge-out rates
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Would they help to develop something bigger? • 30% - They would The inquiry researched provision of services for self-employed workers in England, Wales, the UK, the USA and other European countries. The range of services provided by the co operatives and mutuals is impressive and covers the following seven types of organisation or services provider: • Co-operatives for the self-employed • Business and enterprise co-operatives • Mutual aid and mutual insurance • Credit unions and mutual guarantee societies • Co-operative money and local currencies • Co-operative and shared workspace
4.2 Co-operatives for the self-employed The inquiry also looked across the UK and abroad for other types of co-operative or mutual support organisations. These come in many forms and offer a variety of services. Some are aimed at providing all the support needed by the self-employed, from bookkeeping and legal help, through to invoicing and credit control. Some also provide office and/or workshop space. Some specialise in particular trades/activities while others offer support to a broad range of business types. Some are aimed at those starting out and may look for funding from government programmes aimed at getting people into work, while others are providing a permanent service and aim to be self-sustaining. First Call Supply Teachers Co-op is one such organisation. It was set up in 2012 but was not incorporated as a co-op until 2014. It aims to provide a permanent alternative for supply teachers who are otherwise dependent on commercial agencies. It has 19 members, including seven teachers, three music teachers, eight cleaners and a gardener. All members are technically on zero-hour contracts, although they all have regular employment and are paid through PAYE as permanent employees. The co-op takes a commission of approximately 10 per cent to cover central costs. They have diversified to work with cleaners and gardeners as they have had difficulty in obtaining status as a teachers’ agency from local authorities. Competition is from large, commercially run agencies such as New Directions66 that have a near monopoly and are able to offer incentives to organisations hiring teachers, be they local authorities, academy schools or trust schools. The co-op is very clear about the needs of self-employed and precariat (SEP), even though they are unable to meet them all: • Legal representation (for agency as well as staff ) • Equipment • Cash flow – staff are paid monthly as much as possible even when the school is slow to pay • Offer of suitable hours • Insurance, PAYE, back office administration 66
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• • •
Invoicing and cash control Marketing DBS checks for teachers and other relevant positions
They report that the local branch of the National Union of Teachers was encouraging at first and even recommended co-op status, but they feel they are now seen as specialising in teachers who are difficult to place because of past disputes or difficulties with employers and are not a mainstream agency. Oren Actors Management Co-op is another such organisation. It is the longest running actors’ agency in Wales, having incorporated as a Co-op Society in 1984. They aim to provide a permanent agency service to their members. Like other actors’ co-ops, it is based on the simple idea that actors are ‘resting’ most of the time, and that the commission of 10 per cent or more they otherwise pay to agents could provide income for themselves while they are between jobs. The agency is run by the actors themselves who organise publicity, deal with contracts and market members. Co-operative agencies operate in much the same way as conventional agents. They: • Submit actors for jobs • Negotiate contracts and fees • Take commission • Advise their clients on their careers • See their clients and prospective clients in shows • Invite casting directors to see clients in shows Like most other agents, Oren also works with Spotlight,67 a commercial organisation which works with both commercial agents and actors co-ops to promote actors generally. Oren represents a wide range of professionally trained actors with extensive experience in the industry. They provide actors for television, film, radio, theatre and commercials throughout the UK and abroad. Members have worked for the BBC, ITV and S4C, playing roles in Da Vinci’s Demons, Doctor Who, Torchwood, Emmerdale and many more. They also supply actors to a number of leading theatre companies in the UK, including the National Theatre Wales, Leicester Haymarket, Punchdrunk, Clwyd Theatre Cymru, Sherman Cymru and Theatr Genedlaethol Cymru.
Taxi and driving instructor co-operatives Taxi-drivers are almost all self-employed. Many drive their own cabs but many others rent cabs by the day from private entrepreneurs who also control the radio networks and routing systems. Many taxi co-ops have come and gone over the years, often because of lack of support from the local authorities who issue the licences, combined with the unfavourable terms imposed by the radio network operators. The network operators usually charge a percentage of fares taken and may also impose additional requirements such as an obligation to rent or buy the cabs from specified sources or even to purchase fuel from selected garages. Taxi co-ops have been around for a long time in Birmingham, Southend-on-Sea, Bridgnorth and in Dunbartonshire in Scotland. However, while some have slipped away through demutualisation, new taxi co-ops continue to replace them.
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http://www.spotlight.com/agents/information.html
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Demutualisation remains a problem with all forms of co-operative societies in the UK and it is possible for this to happen if a 75 per cent majority of members vote for it. In the past this has been engineered by ‘carpetbaggers’ offering cash pay-outs to members and some co-operatives, including farmer and taxi-driver co-ops and building societies have succumbed to this temptation. Co-operatives UK continues to lobby the FCA on this matter. Better protection is provided by legislation revisions for community benefit societies, credit unions and building societies, but so far the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) has not been willing to move on this matter for bona fide co-operatives. Phoenix Taxis Ltd in Liverpool is a taxi-drivers co-operative, which was formed in March 2013 to regenerate a floundering hackney cab trade. Their aim was to recoup some, if not all, of the work they once had from private hire companies and specifically those not licensed in Liverpool. In January 2013 a group of taxi drivers carried out a market testing exercise at a local college in which they offered students a set price reduction on travel to and from the city centre. This exercise was an overwhelming success, resulting in a massive 70 per cent increase in people using hackney cabs. Phoenix Taxis use a fleet of five-seater vehicles offering wheelchair accessibility, and the service is also pram, bicycle and pet friendly. It has a radio network that automatically diverts customers’ calls to the nearest available driver, so the customer speaks directly to their driver from the start. Typically, driving instructors are self-employed and join a driving school franchise but there are some who want more control over their work and have formed co-operatives with their colleagues. Evo Driver Training in the Isle of Wight is a co-operative of self-employed driving instructors. Driveway School Motoring is a co-op and has been operating since 1989 and is one of the leading driving schools in East Anglia. Fahrwerk has developed as a co-operative for bike couriers in Berlin. This is a model that could have wider applicability.68 The same applies to Vive Berlin, a co-operative for city tour guides. The tour guide members work autonomously but use a common digital platform to share information, facts about the city and to develop common projects.
Wales Enterprise Rehearsal Project Support organisations for those entering self-employment come in many forms and offer a variety of services. Some are aimed at providing all the support needed by the self-employed, from bookkeeping and legal help, through to invoicing and credit control. Some also provide office and/or workshop space. Some specialise in particular trades/activities, some offer support to a broad range of business types. These organisations generally look for funding from government programmes aimed at getting people into work, as the level of service they provide is not sustainable from the self-generated funds of start-up businesses. There have been similar approaches in Wales to the growing co-operative support system work now widespread in France. One such organisation in Wales was the Enterprise Rehearsal Project (ERP) 1997–2007. This was started by the Cardiff & Vale Cooperative Development Association in 1997 with funding from the South Glamorgan Training and Enterprise Council. The ERP was different to the Enterprise Allowance Scheme (EAS) which operated UK-wide from 1982 to 1988. EAS was an initiative set up 68
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by the government, which gave a guaranteed income of £40 per week to unemployed people who set up their own business. The EAS went on to fund 325,000 people over that period. However, anyone entering it was taken off the unemployed register and so, if their business was unsuccessful, they had to renew their claim and wait six weeks without payment before receiving the equivalent then of Job Seekers Allowance (JSA). The Enterprise Rehearsal Project (ERP) used a double signature Escrow69 bank account into which any trading income had to be paid and any business costs could be paid out of, therefore allowing the client to continue claiming the equivalent then of JSA for six months while starting trading. It also provided a mentor/business adviser to help the client get their business up and running. If unable to trade successfully the client could leave the scheme at any point and be paid benefits, so personal financial risk was very low. The ERP project aimed to cross-match clients and support them to form small worker co-ops because it was evident that many unemployed people lacked the skills to run an enterprise on their own. On the other hand, if clustered in balanced groups, skills could be pooled. However, despite this sensible aim the ERP client volume, although exceeding targets, was insufficient to provide cross-matches and no co-op enterprises were created. The ERP transferred to Wales Co-operative Centre in 1999. It was then expanded to cover Abergavenny, Monmouth and Brecon. In 2000 the Welsh Government funded it to cover the whole of Wales as part of the Taste of Enterprise scheme and it exceeded its targets every year. The Welsh Development Agency’s Cyfenter project produced a research report on this and other projects. As the result of this appraisal key elements were incorporated into their Potentia project (2001 to 2006), which offered pre-start up support for disabled people, ethnic minorities, young people, Welsh speakers, lone parents and people aged over 50.
Business and employment co-operatives In France, Cooperatives d’Activités et d’Emploi (CAEs) have been developed across the country. These are business and employment co-operatives (BECs) with connections to legal and policy initiatives specifically designed to help them. The first CAE was founded in 1995 in Lyon.70 Coopaname,71 founded in 2004, is the largest business and employment co-operative (BEC) in France. It is a worker co-op, a SCOP (Société Coopérative et Participative), which has more than 750 members including craftspeople, freelancers and service providers. It is a co-op for those working alone or in co-operative groups and delivers assistance to members at various stages of their development. Coopaname provides for a range of economic and service needs and it offers all members the opportunity to integrate co-operatively. It pays members of the co-op salaries and social protection benefits and provides a collective framework in which all members aim to live decently under the mantra “what you love and can do at the pace that suits you”. 69 An Escrow Account is a double signature bank account used to ensure both parties are agreed before any payments are made. They are traditionally used in complex legal agreements, but in this context they are used to allow claimants to set up a business and trade, but at the same time they cannot get access to their profits until they stop claiming 70 http://www.eurofound.europa.eu/observatories/eurwork/case-studies/attractive-workplace-for-all/coopaname-france-business-creation-and-entrepreneurship 71 http://www.coopaname.coop
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The co-operators of Coopaname seek to develop an environment in which the relationship with work is based on a social bond and is not one of subordination. Originally there was no specifically designed legal form for business and employment co-operatives but, following the appointment of a Minister for the Social Solidarity Economy in 2000 (Economie Sociale et Solidaire - ESS), a new multi-stakeholder legal form for the ‘solidarity economy’ was created in 2002, the Société Coopérative d’Interêt Collectif (SCIC).72 Subsequently, further legislation for the SCIC has been passed permitting the retention of capital without taxation. The SCIC was inspired by the successful Solidarity Economy legal form in Italy and Quebec that in Europe is also known as a social co-operative.73 The CAEs set up before the new law in 2002 were set up as worker co-ops, SCOPs. To be established as a SCIC, a CAE must be multi-stakeholder (of which there must be at least three stakeholders – those members drawing a salary, those members receiving a benefit in the form of training or support and external stakeholders including local authorities and companies) and the co-operative must have social objects. The status of CAE members as employees and entrepreneurs was confirmed in social economy legislation that came into force in early 2016. There are now 72 CAEs across France employing mutually more than 5,000 entrepreneurs. They are brought together in the organisation Cooperer pour Entreprendre.74 The majority of the CAEs are SCOPs, but many of the newer ones are SCICs.75 The CAEs are not financially viable without some external support. The financial model for the CAEs is that: • They receive 10% of the gross revenue earned by those working under their umbrella • In addition they receive funds from European Social Fund, the Conseil General of the Region and from other local authorities. These funds recognise the principle that those taking on self-employment need this period of support and incubation and the public policy thinking supports the CAE model as an effective routeThe partners supporting these organisations provide support in cash and in kind • The partners supporting these organisations provide support in cash and in kind CAEs do not have access to dedicated small business loan funds. Most borrowing by members is through Crédit Coopérative.76 CAEs face the practical problem of co-security as both CAE and the individual’s enterprise are the borrowers. There are elements of 72 SCICs are essentially the French equivalent of the UK Community Benefit Society. SCICs must take one of the standard French legal forms (SA, SAS, SARL) but with rules which are amended to reflect the control of voting and capital 73 Pat Conaty (2014) Social Co-operatives - A Democratic co-production agenda for Care Services in the UK, Co-operatives UK 74 http://www.cooperer.coop/les-cae-en-bref/ 75 http://www.les-scop.coop/sites/en/ ‘A Scop (société cooperative et participative) is a co-operative enterprise in which employees hold the majority of the company’s share capital. Employees elect the management team, actively participate in decision-making, manage the company, and share its profits, in accordance with the democratic economic principles of co-operatives. Under French commercial law, a Scop may be incorporated as an SA (société anonyme) public limited company or an SARL (société à responsabilité limitée) limited liability company 76 There are several co-operative banks in France including Credit Agricole, Credit Mutuel and Banque Populaire. These three have 45% of the banking market. Credit Cooperative http://www.credit-cooperatif.coop is smaller, and specialises in finance for co-operatives
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both collective and individual responsibility, which make lending security complex. Cooperer pour Entreprendre are seeking a solution to this problem. The CAE co-operative methodology involves four stages: 1. Potential members are interviewed and their aspirations and ideas are discussed and developed. A period of training follows to fill gaps as new members may already have a qualification or a trade but may know nothing of marketing or business development; or they may have no existing qualification or experience and need to develop both. 2. Members as this stage launch their business which the CAE helps them promote via the website. The initial earnings may be zero, in which case nothing is payable and no salary is received. When the number of hours of employed work exceeds 25, members become salaried employees and receive a salary based on what their business is earning. 3. After two years members must decide whether to leave the umbrella of the CAE and strike out on their own, or to become an associate (associé). As an ongoing associate they continue to receive a salary and remain in effect an employee of the CAE. 4. The CAE supplies: • Accounting support • Chasing up bad debts and late payments (the associate’s salary is still paid even if the payment of their invoices has been delayed) • Assistance in completing and submitting tax and social contribution declarations • The necessary ‘agrément’ – proof of qualification or experience in the relevant area of work - which CAE holds and is collectively insured for • Liability insurance (for which they pay a further €50 per annum on top of the 10%) • In the case of the building trades, entrepreneurs also access a Groupama insurance policy which provides their work with the 10-year guarantee required by French law • Access to the CAE’s network, so that members are aware of opportunities as they arise, and so that they can work with other associates, or other known social economy organisations, when tendering for larger schemes or for jobs which include competences they do not have It is possible to be employed up to half time in another job but still be incubated by the CAE or become an associate. CAEs in different localities often specialise in particular trade sectors. Examples of CAEs in France include La Maison de l’Initiative (MdI), a generalist CAE in Toulouse, Coopénates, which specialises in home care services, Artenréel, which works with artistic and cultural workers and Antigone, which works with a variety of self-employed workers. More details on how CAEs operate are set out in appendix one. The success and expansion of the CAE network in France has inspired similar business and enterprise co-operatives in Belgium and SMart is an outstanding example. SMart is a mutual (a SCIC: a multi-stakeholder co-operative for the common good) for creative industry workers in commercial art and design.
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Developed in Belgium, which has 10 offices supporting 60,000 members, it has now expanded across Europe with offices in Austria, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain and Sweden. SMart operates as a modern-day guild for its members. It enables members to avoid the burden of setting up as a company by invoicing and collecting debts for them. Members pay €25 a year plus 6.5 per cent for each invoice processed.77 The rates range from seven to nine per cent in other European countries. The wide range of support services offered by SMart makes the mutual attractive to its members and these include: Management • Contract management: a simple tool for managing and reporting • Activities management: a virtual mini structure to manage and develop member projects • Information sessions: organised near members, offering information about their status and the mutual’s management tools • Toolbox: key forms and information sheets for member needs • Individual advice: 60 advisors to assist members • Training services: a varied offer to sharpen member skills. • Events and meetings: for socialising, information and networking. • Study and documentation: analysis and resource materials around diverse work areas • Continuing education • Legal department: a team of lawyers for members Funding • Finance: leasing, small loans or advances on subsidies to business • Scholarships issued annually to creative industry projects • Crowd funding and personalised support Resources • Workspaces: shared and scalable to suit member needs • Agora: a community site to showcase work and publish ads • Transport: Vehicles for rent to members and to move equipment In 2014, SMart and four SCOPs (Coopaname, Oxalis, Grands Ensemble and Vecteur Activités) came together to form Bigre! which has 7,000 members drawn from 25 organisations and networks throughout France. United by Bigre! as a co-operative network of networks, they are all working together strategically to develop a cohesive and mutual aid approach for self-employed workers. Tax advice, debt advice and financial solutions for the self-employed in the UK are covered in appendix three. These are not provided by co-operatives or mutuals in the UK but some services are provided by CAEs and BECs in other EU countries.
4.3 Co-operative and Shared Workspace Many self-employed workers, especially those that are desk-based, become isolated and this seriously undermines their confidence. Consequently, there is a demand for co-working spaces where they can share social interaction, as well as networking to gain business from other occupants. 77
http://www.theguardian.com/money/2015/jan/14/freelance-payment-sickness-leave
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The Makers Guild in Wales78 was established as a co-operative in 1984 to operate a small shop front gallery where artists were able to display and sell their works. It originally started on a non-competitive basis in the sense that each artist invited to join produced something distinctly different as an artwork from all the other members, so that together they would all complement each other. When the old docks area of Cardiff started to be redeveloped around the year 2000, they negotiated to take over an old Victorian cast-iron framed railway which was rebuilt and extensively altered to suit their needs. In order to receive that level of public support they converted to a charity, but have kept as much of their co-operative ways of working going as charity law allows. They have 83 active members who share the duties of staffing the gallery. They sublet a cafe area on a franchise basis. Oriel Canfas is another artists co-op and was formed in Cardiff in 1998 with the support of the Arts Council of Wales Lottery Fund. It runs a workshop and gallery space in an old sail-makers factory. The building has 10 studios, a workshop/education area and an art gallery and hosts 10 exhibitions a year with shows from a diverse range of contemporary visual artists from Wales and beyond. All exhibitors are nominated by the membership. Exhibitions include painting, printmaking, sculpture, photography, photo-visual works, light installations and more. Petit Champlain Co-operative is an innovative â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;cultural land trustâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; that owns and manages 27 properties and has become the largest provider of art spaces, studios and shops in Quebec.79 Somewhat similar to a community land trust for affordable housing, a cultural land trust is a multi-stakeholder organisation that brings together the key stakeholders needed to secure affordability, effective local management and site stewardship. Quebec partner members include the local authority, community members, artists and art organisations and donors. Core is a live and work housing co-op in Vancouver that has been co-developed by artists, the Co-operative Housing Federation of British Colombia and the City of Vancouver. Work units include studios and shared wood and metal shops. In the UK there are a few mutually owned workspaces such as Portland Works in Sheffield, which is a co-operatively owned shared workspace. Portland Works, built in 1877, is an affordable workspace for small manufacturing businesses as well as independent artists and craftsmen. In 2009 it still housed craftspeople despite its decrepit state but was threatened with conversion into flats. A four-year campaign saved the Works and succeeded in buying the building to secure its future. Since early 2013 an IPS, Portland Works Little Sheffield Ltd, which has over 500 shareholders, has owned Portland Works and is now renovating the fabric mainly through voluntary efforts. In England and Wales there are a number of shared workspaces either mutually owned or not-for-profit and aimed at the voluntary and social enterprise sector. While not providing services to the self-employed, they do demonstrate that a not-for-profit model of serviced accommodation is possible and can be self-sustainable. Co-working London80 is a free to use directory of the 50-plus shared workspaces in London. The Co-working London website is a collective enterprise but these are private sector spaces aimed at the 78 www.makersguildinwales.org.uk 79 The Co-operative Advantage - Innovation, co-operation and why sharing business ownership is good for Britain, chapter eight on Creative Industries, Co-operatives UK and New Internationalist Publications 80 http://www.coworkinglondon.com/
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self-employed and micro-enterprises. This shows the scale of the need and the private sector’s ability to move quickly to exploit the demand. Indycube is a Community Interest Company that operates shared accommodation spaces at 15 locations across Wales, with two more in the pipeline. Indycube has taken out a lease on empty office space and sublets hot-desks on a daily basis. A coordinator is based at each location, usually a tenant who provides services in exchange for free rent. Each venue has both free Wi-Fi and coffee as part of the daily rental. The rents are currently from £10 per desk per day up to £150 per month for a full time occupant. Indycube is currently in the process of changing its legal form to a community benefit society. Beyond the co-operative sector there is considerable innovation going on that integrates workspace with other services. Research has been done by the RSA on Makerspaces, which provide highly attractive forms of shared workshop space.81 Some co-operative workspace providers in Wales have converted to charitable status, so, while the charitable community benefit society can co-exist with co-operative principles, there would appear to be the need to explore the potential for an appropriate legal or regulatory framework in the UK to allow co-operatives to secure the tax advantages evident in France with the CAE model.
4.4 Mutual aid and mutual insurance The main forms of specialised financial services for the self-employed are sickness funds, tax advice, credit unions and Mutual Guarantee Funds which help the self-employed obtain credit. Bread funds82 are a new type of organisation, pioneered in the Netherlands specifically to provide sick pay to the self-employed. They assist those who do not receive state sickness pay and having no employer, do not receive any employer sick-pay either. Historically, friendly societies and mutual health schemes have supplied support for their members in ill health for decades. However, their service is tailored to the general population and does not include any element of sick-pay. The first bread fund (Broodfonds) was launched in the Netherlands in 2006 as an experiment with 20 members and since then the idea has caught on. As of 1 January 2016 there are 170 funds in 88 towns and cities, with more than 7,000 members in total. Each fund is separately incorporated but shares one central administration provider, the Broodsfondsmakers, which is a co operative.83 There are now moves to bring this model to the UK. In June 2014 the Esmée Fairbairn Foundation provided a £30,000 grant to Radical Routes , a network of co-operatives, to enable it to commission market research and look at the feasibility of replicating the funds here. They provided a further £15,000 to Radical Routes in October 2015, matched by £6,076 from the Network for Social Change, to fund two pilot Bread Fund groups in the UK. 81 82 83
https://www.thersa.org/discover/publications-and-articles/reports/ours-to-master/ www.broodfonds.nl http://www.theguardian.com/money/2015/jan/14/freelance-payment-sickness-leave
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How they work: • Bread funds are based on mutual aid and trust. Each bread fund has between 20 and 50 self-employed members who put money aside each month into their individual bread fund account. This money remains theirs and is used to support them and their fellow members if they fall sick. When membership exceeds 50 a new group must form. The small number of fund members ensures each mutual aid group remains a close community. This is also a disincentive for any member to attempt to cheat • Some funds are for specific trades only but most have a mixed membership, which can include company directors as well as the self-employed. Members take the decisions, mutually own and control their own bread fund and also control policy making • New members can only be invited to join by the existing members and must have been working independently for at least a year with an income of €750 per month. This also ensures that members know and trust each other • On joining they must pay €250, of which €40 is for the fund’s group account and €210 is for start-up costs. From their regular contribution €10 per month is taken for overheads. Once someone is unable to work for more than 30 days they can be supported by their bread fund for up to two years • Because there is no central fund money is held in individual accounts and payments are only made from these to fellow members when they fall sick. This is not regarded as an insurance scheme and does not come under the strict regulatory regime that EU laws place on insurance companies • In any fund there are members with different income levels who need different levels of sick pay. Members choose the level of sick pay they require and put aside the amount corresponding to that income each month • Those who choose a higher level of payment have to pay in higher amounts than those opting for lower payment levels. Therefore the payments in and out are tailored to the individual member’s requirements and income level. Monthly contributions range from €33.75 for workers requiring a sickness insurance of €750 a month, to €112.50 for maximum insurance cover of €2,500 a month • Every member who is certified sick receives a monthly payment from the other members of their fund and from their personal accounts. These pay-outs are ‘gifts’ and this reinforces the concept of mutual aid and trust • Members only pay in contributions up to a maximum amount. If a member’s account con-tains the equivalent of more than 36 monthly contributions the excess is refunded to the member at the end of the year. Members meet together at least twice a year to help build the sense of community and members can leave and withdraw their fund balance after a six-month wait For a scheme such as this to operate in the UK some changes will be needed, the main one being that individual accounts are not allowed by law. In the Netherlands only the money paid to people who are ill or injured is regarded as a gift. The money arrives in the recipient’s bank account in the form of a series of separate gifts from each member’s bread fund account. In the UK, however, to comply with the law each bread fund will have one central account. Contributions will be paid into the central account as gifts and people who are ill or injured will receive gifts from the central account.
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Mutual insurance products are being developed by the Freelancers Union in the USA, while some similar developments are taking place in the Netherlands. Freelancers Union founder Sara Horowitz’s vision of how these could operate more widely and secure contributions from those procuring services84 revolves around a portable benefits system. In the UK there are examples of mutual insurance solutions developed specifically for particular groups of small traders. In most cases they have diversified their membership over time.
“..we should develop a new system of portable benefits that reflects the realities of episodic income. Specifically, freelancers should be allowed to put away pre-tax income into shared accounts, where clients would also make pro-rata contributions based on the number of hours worked. This portable benefits system would be a new program, but it would not be another government entitlement. Instead, it would be administered by unions, non-profits, faith-based groups and other community organisations that would collect payments and distribute benefits when freelancers needed them.” Sara Horowitz, Freelancers Union
NFRN Mutual was originally formed by the by the National Federation of Retail Newsagents for its own members in 1999, but now offers commercial and home insurance to a wide range of small businesses. NFU Mutual was originally formed in 1910 by seven local farmers as the Midlands Farmers Mutual Insurance Society Ltd., with a working capital of just £190. It grew over time to serve all members of the National Farmers Union and in recent years it has expanded further, offering an even wider range of insurance to the general public.
4.5 Mutual guarantee societies Mutual Guarantee Societies (MGSs) are co-operative societies of small businesses who come together to guarantee each other’s loans using their other cash assets as collateral. They will normally form a partnership with a local bank or other form of mutual credit organisation to take members’ deposits and provide loans. This process enables those with little security to obtain credit secured by the collective strength of the members combined cash deposits. They operate principally in Europe, where they are represented by the European Association of Guarantee Institutions (AECM)85 based in Brussels. AECM has 41 member organisations operating in 20 EU countries, as well as in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Turkey and Russia. ACEM members are diverse and include mutuals, private sector guarantee schemes as well as public institutions, which are either guarantee funds or development banks with a guarantee division. They all have in common the mission of providing loan guarantees for SMEs and sole traders who have an economically sound project but cannot provide sufficient bankable collateral. In 2013, AECM member organisations had a total guarantee volume in portfolio of over €76 billion and issued a total volume of over €25 billion in new guarantees. In the UK, the National Association of Mutual Guarantee Societies (NAMGS) was formed in July 1994 and set up nine Mutual Guarantee Societies between 1996 and 1999. 84 85
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/07/opinion/help-for-the-way-we-work-now.html?_r=2 http://aecm.eu
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However, none were able to trade because of restrictions put on them by the Treasury, which took the view that they should be regulated as insurance companies and thereby requiring very high levels of formation capital. After failing to persuade the UK government to change its mind NAMGS was wound up in November 2003, together with all the societies it had supported as members.
4.6 Credit unions for the self-employed Among the first credit unions to be established in the UK, specifically aimed at the self-employed, was the London Taxi Drivers Credit Union. This credit union was started in 1979 to help licensed hackney drivers raise funds to buy a cab. There are now four specialist taxi-driver credit unions, two in London and two in Scotland, that provide credit solely to licensed drivers. The scope for further specialist credit unions to be set up for self-employed workers in the UK is evident. Indeed, the roots of credit unions in Europe began with the provision of savings and loan services for workers and farmers in Germany, Austria, Italy and the Netherlands. These early credit unions evolved to become successful co-operative banks.
4.7 Co-operative money and mutual credit It is possible to develop co-operative trading systems mutually between groups of businesses and local people. Local Exchange Trading Systems (LETs) have been around since the late 1980s as forms of community issued currency, but they have tended to remain small and fringe. Some work in Brixton in London and Bristol to widen their reach and to offer both paper money and electronic money has been more successful in attracting support from local businesses. A key objective that would expedite progress would be triggered if local authorities would accept such currencies for payment of local taxes. There is a long way to go in this area, but the potential is significant. The WIR, which stands for ‘we’ and ‘economic ring’, in Switzerland began as a co-operative credit currency in Zurich in 1934 and has become a successful co-operative bank that provides money and low-cost finance to some 60,000 members. The WIR bank membership includes about 17 per cent of small and medium-sized businesses nationally.86 Individuals have been able to join since 2000. The co-operative electronic currency that WIR creates among its members is used by businesses to inter-trade. It provides businesses with mutual credit for which they pay an administrative levy of one to two per cent. This is low as the business members also pledge property security. A higher rate of up to 3.5 per cent is available for unsecured finance. This mutual credit operation provides CHF with 1.5 billion Swiss francs a year in low cost working capital, trade credit and even mortgages to members at 1.75 per cent. The WIR complementary currency is separate from the Swiss franc, with some intertrading among members conducted partially in WIR (30% to 50%) and the remainder in Swiss francs. The success of WIR and growth of peer-to-peer lending systems like Zopa in the UK has triggered work in many European countries on efforts to replicate mutual credit systems more widely - and to aim at scale. Local currency schemes in the UK like the Bristol Pound, the Brixton Pound and the Lewes Pound are mostly aimed at keeping spending power within the community 86
http://community-currency.info/en/currencies/wir-bank/
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encouraging people to buy locally produced products and services. The local economic development potential has remained difficult to achieve. However, the Bristol Pound has been innovative, partnering with Bristol Credit Union and engaging a closer link with Bristol City Council and local businesses. The Bristol Pound has pursued the potential to support small local businesses by tailoring services to their needs, providing access to local sources of credit as well as providing a simple text messaging payment system.87 Other local currencies are seeking to do the same. In France, an ambitious local currency and mutual credit scheme is now underway that may offer guidance for local currency schemes in the UK - if it can continue to make key breakthroughs and widen partnerships. The SoNantes project in the old capital of Brittany is run by the Sonantaise Association, which is set up solely to run a complementary solidarity currency and is supported by the historic Caisse de Crédit Municipal de Nantes. In 1992, legislation passed the entire responsibility for Crédits Municipal to their respective local administrative authority. In 1998 the Municipality of Angers made an investment of 550,000 francs plus an annual grant and the Caisse de Crédit Municipal de Nantes opened its first office in Angers on 2 January 2000. The project grew rapidly in Angers and subsequently throughout the département of Loire et Bretagne. On 1 January 2002 the Caisse de Credit de Nantes gave up its public loan status to concentrate on microcredit, pawnbroker loans and savings accounts. On 11 April 2011 it rebranded itself as a social solidarity bank. In 2012 the SoNantaise Association was formed as a separate body to take over the role of the Municipality’s ‘Comité de Pilotage de la Monnaie’ and to make the project more participative by putting it under member control. All members have to live or work in Nantes Métropole (Greater Nantes) and membership is divided into four groups: • Founding members • Active members • Business customers • Individual customers The SoNantaise Association was incorporated as SoNao in January 2015 as a Société par Actions Simplifiée à Associé Unique (SASU)88 and partners with the Crédit Municipal de Nantes, which carries out the Sonates project back office functions. The SoNantes is an all-digital currency aimed at the economic development of local businesses. Inspired by the WIR co-operative money system in Switzerland, it includes a mutual credit system that allows businesses to provide goods and services to each other without spending Euros, with individual shoppers also able to participate by opening up an account. SoNantes cards can then be used on public transport, in shops and cafes as well as to pay for certain council services. Promoted by the city of Nantes and the inter-communal structure of Nantes Métropole, the digital local currency is being implemented by the Crédit Municipal de Nantes across the entire area of Nantes Métropole.89
87 http://bristolpound.org 88 SASUs are the French equivalent of UK voluntary sector organisations that have incorporated. The nearest equivalent would be a company limited by guarantee 89 As with many cities in France the old Communes still exist, and Nantes Métropole consists of 24 individual Communes, each with their own Mayor, which have come together to run the conurbation
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As a system for exchanging of goods and services between businesses (B2B) and individuals (B2C) the use of this deposit money is regulated by a mutual credit system aimed at recording each user’s credits and debits, within limits set on a case-by-case basis. Individuals will be able to make purchases from any company that has joined the scheme (for example traders, shops, craftsmen) through a payment system that does not rely on coins or banknotes but allows all transactions to be paid through swiping a SoNantes card that links directly to an online account. Nantes’ currency operates across the 24 communes of the local conurbation. Its aims are to complement the euro and operate as a tool, helping the promotion of exchanges between local economic stakeholders and thereby contribute to the balanced development of the local area. The SoNantes card was launched to the public in January 2015. A total of 112 local businesses signed up in the first nine months and some offer discounts to those paying with the SoNantes card. These businesses and individual members can also pay direct using a web-based account.
4.8 Key findings Self-employed workers have a number of needs that can be, and in some cases are, being supplied by co-operative and mutual organisations created specifically for this purpose. These service needs include: • • • • • • • •
Advice, support and companionship Back office services including invoicing and financial control Legal and financial advice Shared workspace – serviced and hot-desked Shared equipment Access to finance at sensible cost Collective insurance Marketing
These findings are in line with surveys of the self-employed, the most recent of which being Self Employment Review - an independent report by Julie Deane OBE90 for the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS). She found that they want trusted advice/support on finance, accounts and tax. Hub workspace is identified as a need, working with other colleagues were key needs and that not being paid, lack of sick pay and holiday pay, plus a lack of regular income and job insecurity were also important issues. It also fits with the findings of Understanding Self-employment - BIS Enterprise Analysis research report91 which identifies that many self-employed people already co-operate informally. Findings from the report include: • While only a quarter of self-employed people said they had employees, working or co operating with other self-employed people was widespread: 60% said they did this in some form
90 https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/500358/ind-16-2-selfemployment-review.pdf 91 https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/500305/understanding-self-employment.pdf
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• • •
46% said they worked on jobs as a team, and 27% referred people on or shared clients Just under half of all self-employed people said they belonged to a network of some sort with these tending to be more informal Around one in 10 were part of a formal business network or chamber of commerce. In contrast 29% used a social media network and 24% were part of an informal business network
The service needs of the self-employed can be, and are, supplied by the private sector, but they take a profit slice which further reduces the income of self-employed workers. Co-operative and mutual organisations providing such services can materially improve the income of the self-employed, as any surpluses can be reinvested or shared amongst the members. The inquiry research has identified forms of co-operative and mutual forms of provision, each of which has somewhat different but complementary purposes and functions. These are: • Co-operatives for the self-employed • Business and enterprise co-operatives (BECs) • Co-operative and shared workspace • Mutual aid and mutual insurance • Mutual guarantee societies • Credit unions • Co-operative money and local currencies The mutual and co-operative provision of services for the self-employed identified by the inquiry can be summarised as follows: Co-operative service providers and BECs The development of back office and support services in a co-operatively owned format is more advanced elsewhere in Europe, especially in France and Belgium. Government support, centrally, regionally and locally, is particularly strong in France for CAEs. These are Business and Enterprise Co-operatives (BECs) to assist self-employed workers. Also in Belgium, SMart has some similarities and has spread its innovative package of support services system to other EU countries. These integrated solutions provided by the co-operative movement are well advanced in other EU countries compared to the UK, where co-operative solutions exist but are not well aligned and public policy support is missing. Co-operative and shared workspace There are examples of workspace co-ops in the UK and abroad, including the Portland Works project in Sheffield. Some co-operative ventures have converted to charitable status in Wales for tax reasons and to secure other funding. The CAE co-operatives in France highlight how an appropriate regulatory and tax framework might overcome this evident development barrier in the UK for co-operative workspaces to benefit the self-employed more widely. Mutual aid and mutual insurance Bread funds, a new type of organisation pioneered in the Netherlands, specifically provide sick pay to the self-employed who do not receive state sickness pay and are
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not supported by an employerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s contributions. The Freelancers Union in the USA is also moving towards the wider provision of mutual insurance for their members. Mutual guarantee societies and co-operative Âłnance The European model of mutual guarantee societies (MGSs) to secure low-cost working capital and finance for small enterprises is represented by the AECM in Brussels. A similar service would not be permitted in the UK under current law. MGSs operate successfully in 20 EU countries including Austria, Germany, France and Italy. Specific problems arise in the UK financial services field, as government regulation currently limits co-operative banking and mutual guarantee societies. However, other EU countries have found solutions to introduce the MGS system. Credit unions These are still far less developed in the UK than in Ireland, the USA and Canada. In Europe co-operative banks in Germany, Austria and the Netherlands have their origins in the credit union movement. There are a number of successful credit unions for selfemployed taxi drivers in the UK. The potential to develop credit unions for self-employed workers in the UK is clearly evident. Co-operative money and local currencies Local currencies like the Bristol Pound and the Brixton Pound are reaching out to recruit local traders and to develop local authority partnership. History indicates the potential, as proven by the successful WIR co-operative bank that began in Zurich in 1934 to assist local enterprises with mutual credit and co-operative money. The new SoNantes project in France, with local authority support, is a significant development whose progress and development should be followed closely.
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5
Trade union and co-operative solutions
There is some overlap between the services some trade unions for self-employed workers and those a number of co-operatives provide. The overlap areas include legal, tax and financial advice, different forms of insurance and shared services including debt collection. As the findings in section three have shown, trade unions are needed and crucial to secure employment protection, decent labour standards, reforms to the welfare state for the self-employed and collective bargaining rights. As the findings in section four highlight, co-operative and mutual organisations are best placed to provide a complementary set of services to self-employed workers, from start-up support to workspace and from credit unions to other forms of financial support. Indeed, the alignment between trade union service provision and other forms of co-operative mutual aid could be key to developing effective and transformative organising strategies for self-employed workers. So how can both movements be reunited and collaborate effectively?
5.1 Co-operative, mutual and trade union forms of resistance and development Threats to the livelihoods of the self-employed can lead to creative solutions through new forms of solidarity. This can sometimes involve mutual or co-operative responses, but may evolve further into a more integrated system of linked services between complementary worker-governed organisations. The Pharmacists’ Defence Association (PDA) represents pharmacists who are employed, as well as locum pharmacists who are effectively self-employed. An evolutionary change in the industry has meant that, instead of most chemists being independent small businesses as in the past, four big corporations dominate the market and today only one in 10 pharmacists owns their own business. Nine in 10 pharmacists are now either employed or self-employed. The traditional professional body for pharmacists also changed complexion during this transformation and is now dominated by corporate owners. An alternative was needed, which has taken the form of the PDA. Insurance schemes were not sufficient to cover individual pharmacists. In 1998 there was the ‘Peppermint Water case’ when a child died because of an incorrect prescription. The resulting legal proceedings established that individual pharmacists and support staff (pre-registration trainees) will be held liable in the event of an error. Furthermore, pharmacists and pre-registration pharmacists can face manslaughter charges. By 2003, locums were facing pay cuts of up to 30 per cent and further challenges. As a result of these developments – and following provision of a grant from the Pharmacists Insurance Agency – the PDA was set up to protect both locum and employed pharmacists more comprehensively. The PDA now has over 22,000 members and provides them with four key services: • Professional indemnity insurance of up to £5 million designed to meet a range of member needs • Legal defence services (up to £500,000 in legal costs) in relation to civil claims or employer disciplinary action • Influence through developing as members policy, lobbying and advocacy • Expert advice and guidance as well as training and education services with a focus on safety and risk management
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The legal defence service model of the PDA draws upon a well-established precedent, namely the Medical Defence Union, which was established in 1888 for doctors and now has over 200,000 members.92 Their 24-hour medico-legal helpline handles over 32,000 calls a year. Their affiliate body is the Dentist Defence Union, which provides similar services. To secure collective bargaining rights with employers on behalf of their members, both employed and self-employed, the PDA Union has been established and is growing. It is a separate legal entity and specialist trade union that complements and supplements the work of the PDA. PDA members have the option to join this union or The Guild of Healthcare Pharmacists, a trade union affiliated to Unite. There is an interesting parallel between the PDA and the Professional Contractors Group - now called IPSE. Both groups were founded with a fund of £100,000. The PDA received a grant from the Pharmacists Insurance Agency and the Professional Contractors Group (PCG) raised the same level of start-up capital through a crowd funding exercise. Both were founded as a result of external conflict triggers. Both groups of workers are professionals and with reasonable incomes (as their careers mature) and both realised that their professional associations were not sufficient to defend them.93 This suggests that, if professional workers with means have concluded that they need to be organised, the same must be true of lower-income self-employed people. Lower paid workers who are more disparate may have a greater need, but less organising ability and do not normally share a common trigger for action. Another example of a crisis leading to a mutual aid response is RICOL in London. To work as a court or public service interpreter has traditionally required accreditation through the National Register of Public Service Interpreters (NRPSI). For many years the court booked the services of interpreters through NRPSI. This changed in 2011 when the Ministry of Justice decided to seek savings by tendering a national contract. The new contract to cover England and Wales was won by Applied Language Solutions, owned by Capita. Work commenced on the contract in early 2012. To secure the work, ALS had promised to cut the interpreting bill by £12 million a year from £60 million.94 To deliver on the contract, the contractor offered court interpreters work at between 25 per cent and 40 per cent of the established rate, taking into account the fact that payments no longer covered travel and waiting time.95 There was a mass refusal to sign up and a protest group was launched, Interpreters for Justice. Many new interpreters hired by ALS were poorly qualified. Severe delays and chaos in the courts were widely reported in the press. With help from Co-operatives UK, RICOL was established in November 2012 as a London-based interpreters and translators co-operative. It is now generating new work and contracts with law firms, commercial companies, human rights organisations and media companies at ethical trading day rates.
92 http://www.themdu.com/~/media/files/mdu/membership/member%20guides/mdu-memberguide-2015-2016.pdf 93 PDA Origins: http://www.the-pda.org/about_us/au_origins1.html 94 http://www.newstatesman.com/blogs/politics/2012/07/cost-savings-court-interpreting-services-are-anything 95 https://www.opendemocracy.net/ourkingdom/joel-sharples/realities-of-outsourcing-court-interpreters-mean-miscarriages-of-justice
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5.2 Co-operatives as a pathway out of informality and trade union co-organising The ILO has observed two different international trends. In developing countries, the struggle is for decent labour standards and a movement to overcome the risks of informal labour markets with no social and economic protection. By contrast, in parts of Europe and in other developed economies, the problem is almost the inverse one as social protections, having been secured over decades, are under attack and being undermined. Paul Benjamin has identified three processes of labour market de-regulation that operate to make conditions of work less secure in developed economies:96 Casualisation: Essentially the displacement of standard employment by temporary and part-time employment and typically both. Externalisation: a restructuring of work, whereby employment becomes regulated by a commercial contract rather than a contract of employment. Informalisation: The process by which employment becomes increasingly unregulated and workers are not protected by labour law. In the fight against these processes, there are important lessons to be drawn from progress in developing countries through the deployment of a variety of member-based organisation (MBO) strategies which could be adapted to the UK. In the report Organisation, Representation and Dialogue, the ILO provides evidence of how co-operatives of various types provide a set of solutions and pathways for self-employed workers to move out of informality. Based on this evidence, in 2002 the International Labour Conference adopted recommendation 193 for the promotion of co-operatives.97 Securing new and better co-operative laws has been a key focus of the work of the ILO and the International Cooperative Alliance (ICA) since 2002. Further work involving the ILO, the ICA and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) led to the publication of the SyndiCoop joint handbook in 2006, Let’s Organise!, produced by Stirling Smith of the Cooperative College in the UK.98 This is a strategic and highly practical handbook for organisers of informal workers and
“Governments should promote the important role of co-operatives in transforming what are often marginal survival activities (sometimes referred to as the informal economy) into legally protected work, fully integrated into the mainstream of economic life.’ Organisation, Representation and Dialogue report, International Labour Organisation
96 Paul Benjamin (2006) Beyond ‘lean’ social democracy: labour law and the challenge of social protection, Transformation, 60: 32-57 97 http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_emp/---emp_policy/documents/publication/ wcms_210459.pdf 98 http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_emp/---emp_policy/documents/publication/ wcms_210459.pdf
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shows how a range of a trade union and co-operative solutions can be integrated by both movements working together. The handbook focuses on trade union alignment with worker co-operatives, savings and credit co-operatives, marketing co-operatives, ethical and fair trade as well as social and health co-operatives. The ILO’s work on this subject has continued with the publication of reports The informal economy: enabling transition to formalisation,99 in 2007, Transitioning from the informal to the formal economy,100 in 2014 and Recommendation 204 in June 2015.101
5.3 Examples of informality and trade union organising An example given by the ILO of an integrated model of provision and best practice is SEWA (Self-employed Women’s Association) in India.102 This is a multifaceted memberbased co-operative system and trade union sponsored originally by the Textile Labourer’s Association in Ahmedabad, a trade union that Gandhi played a role in setting up in 1920. Established in 1972 as a trade union by lead organiser, Ela Bhatt, SEWA has diversified services provision to meet members’ needs through affiliated co-operative solutions. Today, SEWA has over 1.7 million members and operates in many states in India. One of its most successful projects is the SEWA bank, a co-operative savings and loan institution set up to tackle the usurious interest rates charged to sole traders by money lenders. The mission of SEWA as a trade union is to organise women workers for full employment. It describes this as employment providing work security, food security, income security and social security (including at least health care, child care and shelter) for its members.103 Through its members, SEWA has organised more than 100 co-operatives to meet a range of member needs in different trades. These include artisan co-operatives, worker co-operatives, marketing co operatives, dairy co-operatives, the Mahila Housing SEWA Trust and social co-operatives that provide both primary health care and child care for the families of members. Working Women’s Forum (WWF) was established in southern India in 1978 by Jaya Arunachalam with a mission to organise and mobilise women workers in the informal economy.104 WWF is similar to SEWA. Today it has about 800,000 members and it operates primarily through three wings: Working Women’s Forum is the mutual association; the National Union of Working Women is the trade union; and the Co-operative Network for Women is the co-operative development service. WWF’s co-operative savings and loan organisation is strategically the primary means to attract new members and to build from the grassroots base. It operates with group lending methods and mutual guarantees to reduce arrears and risk. WWF has also established a health care service, childcare, family planning and educational services.
99 http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_emp/@emp_policy/documents/meetingdocument/ wcms_125489.pdf 100 http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---relconf/documents/meetingdocument/ wcms_218128.pdf 101 http://www.ilo.org/actrav/media-center/news/WCMS_379091/lang--en/index.htm 102 http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_emp/---emp_policy/documents/publication/ wcms_210459.pdf 103 http://wiego.org/wiego/self-employed-women’s-association-sewa 104 http://wiego.org/content/working-womens-forum-india
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In 1997, SEWA convened an international event to foster research on informal workers and to pursue collaboration with similar empowerment organisations in other countries. This led to the establishment of WIEGO as the collaborative project. From this experimental beginning the results have exceeded expectations. WIEGO today is a highly influential action research and policy network with groups in 40 countries and 32 institutional members and 142 individual members (including many researchers). Like SEWA, the institutional members are member-based organisations (MBOs) of informal workers. WIEGO’s manifesto is based on a number of core principles. Firstly, it believes that supporting the informal workforce is the key pathway to tackling unemployment, underemployment and inequality. Secondly, it produces evidence to prove that the informal economy provides a major share of total employment and that supporting this sector is crucial. Moreover, attempts to stigmatise it as illegal, underground, or a black or grey market need to be challenged. Thirdly, no amount of social inclusion will compensate for excluding the working poor from economic opportunities, financial and product markets and economic planning. Fourthly, existing laws and regulations are premised upon and tend to be biased towards formal employment and formal enterprises. The unique approach and working practices of the WIEGO network positions work, workers and their democratic organisations at the centre of the development discourse, policy development and processes. Though a gender focus has been at the core of WIEGO’s work from the outset, because women are so commonly invisible as exploited informal economy workers, WIEGO in practice has always fought for women and men and many of its member-based organisations represent both. Like SEWA, whose success inspired WIEGO, the strategy of the organisation is to empower informal workers by supporting the development and the integration of a range of member-based organisations (MBOs) including trade unions, co-operatives, informal associations and self-help groups. It is the diverse purposes of these MBOs in relation to advocacy with government, representation, employer negotiations, economic democracy tool development, mutual credit provision, co-operative care services, mutual housing and more that, when aligned, provides informal worker movements with a full range of methods for collective empowerment. Over the past 18 years WIEGO has had success in forging successful policy development by working in close partnership with the ILO, the ICA and the ITUC. There are five areas where WIEGO’s campaigns and efforts have made breakthroughs: • Re-conceptualising the informal economy • Increasing the visibility of the informal workforce • Increasing the voice of the informal workforce • Increasing the validity (legitimacy) of the informal workforce in policy debates • Building and formalising the WIEGO network WIEGO members have focused strategically on four main sectors of informal work: home-based workers; domestic workers; street vendors; and waste pickers. WIEGO’s informal worker organisations in many African and Asian countries played a leading role in setting up StreetNet International, launched in Durban, South Africa in 2002.105 105
http://www.streetnet.org.za/show.php?id=19
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Since then a number of street-vendor organisations in Eastern Europe and the USA have joined. Trade union support is strong in many countries and Public Services International (PSI) and Union International (UNI) have both developed joint organising projects with StreetNet International. SEWA has been organising home-based workers since its inception in the 1970s. Based on this experience, SEWA has worked with membership-based organisations in South Asia and South East Asia to support the creation of a wide number of national and regional HomeNet organisations to represent homeworkers. WIEGO’s work to link up and connect domestic worker organisations in a growing number of countries has been particularly effective and led to the founding in 2013 of the International Domestic Workers Federation (IDWF) by 14 worker organisations.106 The WIEGO founding network had earlier secured passage in June 2012 of ILO Convention C189 Decent Work for Domestic Workers. The IDWF has now grown to 47 affiliates from 43 countries. To spread the successful organising methods developed by WIEGO members, Christine Bonner and Dave Spooner have compiled the WIEGO organising handbook, which describes in detail successful organising strategies for work, primarily in developing countries.107
5.4 Co-operative innovation and Trade Union links - UK good practices The Musicians’ Union (MU), which supports over 30,000 performers, composers and music teachers, joined forces with Co-operatives UK in 2013 to promote the idea of musicians forming co-ops. The MU had noted with alarm the growing trend by local authority music services to downgrade employment protection and contract peripatetic music teachers as self-employed, often on zero-hours contracts. The MU was keen to counter this trend towards lower pay and conditions. It is estimated that between a quarter and a third of the 12,000-strong workforce of musical instrument teachers in the UK lost their jobs between 2009 and 2015.
“The new contracts minimise teachers’ pay and pensions and withdraws protection from unfair dismissal. We’re promoting the cooperative model to all our members as a possible way forward to protect their interests and promote better working arrangements in the current challenging economic times.’” Fran Hanley, Musicians’ Union 106 107
One of this new wave of musicians’ co-ops is Sinfonia Musicisti, a 40-piece orchestra which became incorporated as an Industrial and Provident Society in September 2012. Mark Kesel, one of the main drivers behind the launch of Sinfonia Musicisti, said: “The aim of the co-op is that our players will share the benefits and risks of the business and it is this equitable approach that allows us to offer an affordable programme of music from a professional orchestra.”
http://www.idwfed.org/en/about-us-1 http://global-labour.net/2012/08/new-wiego-handbook-on-organising-in-the-informal-economy/
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However, while performing musicians invariably grab the limelight, the reality is that around two-thirds of the Musicians’ Union members earn their living from working in education as music teachers. One of the oldest running music teacher co-ops is Swindon Music Co-operative, launched in 1998 following Swindon Borough Council’s decision to close down its instrumental teaching service. David Barnard, who at the time was Swindon Borough’s director of music, said: “We needed to find a solution that retained a sense of unity and common purpose while reducing the cost of provision and a co-op was an ideal solution.” Swindon Music Cooperative is the main provider of instrumental and vocal tuition in over 70 local schools with more than 50 self-employed specialist music teachers.108 The MU has supported the formation of other music teacher co-operatives in Milton Keynes, Denbighshire, the Isle of Wight and Wiltshire, and these have joined the longer established co operatives in Swindon, Newcastle and North East Lincolnshire. In Milton Keynes all instrument teachers were made redundant. Since then 68 teachers have formed a co-operative, providing an accessible and affordable service to schools. The growing demand is such that a new guide in 2015 has been produced by the Musicians’ Union and Co-operatives UK to provide more teachers with advice on setting up a co-operative. Altogether Now,109 authored by David Barnard, provides an overview of the co operative model and demonstrates how music teachers can apply it. It also looks at key issues, case studies and presents a detailed guide to forming a co-operative. The MU has also published supporting documentation in the form of template legal documents. Actors’ co-operative agencies are separate from trade unions, but are supported and encouraged by Equity, which has worked with the Co-operative Personal Management Association (CPMA)110 since it was founded with their support in 2002. It now has 30 member actors co operatives across the UK. Their aim is to promote and support actors’ co-operative agencies, helping raise their profile and standing within the industry as well as the profile and standards of co-op agencies in general. Each actor co-op is an employment agency and they typically range in size from 20 to 35 members. Peter Barnes of the CPMA clarified the relationship with members, their co-op employment agency and the employer.
“Co-operatives allow teachers, who have lost their jobs working for local authority music services, to continue teaching together in an environment that values every contribution and encourages the sharing of expertise. “Co-operatives also empower teachers to have a greater control over their working lives. They are a progressive option and provide a sense of purpose and unity as an alternative to fragmentation, which can lead to teachers working in isolation and in competition with one another.” John Smith, MU General Secretary
108 http://www.swindonmusiccoop.co.uk 109 http://www.musiciansunion.org.uk/Files/Guides/Education/Altogether-Now-a-guide-to-forming-music-teacher-co 110 http://cpma.coop
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He said: “Employment agencies are work-finding services - they connect the work-seeker to the employer. The agency does not employ the work-seeker (actor) - the employment contract is between the work-seeker and the employer. However, agencies must have a written Agreement with the work-seeker which sets out the details of the services provided by the agency, including commission rates (which only entertainment agencies are permitted to charge). An employment business, on the other hand, employs the work-seeker (in effect), as it deals with tax and national insurance contributions.’” Typical actor co-op commission charged for placements is 10 per cent but can, for certain contracts, be as low as five per cent or as high as 12.5 per cent. As the co-ops are small, most of them are not VAT registered. Other non-co-op agents charge typically 15 per cent plus VAT. The actors take it in turns to volunteer in the office to run the co-ops. The co-ops are popular and get applications by actors to join all the time. They vet applicants to make sure they will abide by co-op principles and put in work time. The relationship with casting directors is important to all kinds of entertainment agents because it can influence the chances of being seen for a job and securing more money than the figure offered. Actors’ co-ops also get to know unscrupulous employers and pass on that information to new members. The CPMA represents members’ professional interests and provides support and advice by putting members’ views and issues to industry institutions such as Equity, Spotlight and the PMA (Personal Managers’ Association). They have regular input into the development of Equity agreements and are consulted by Equity on industry issues. The CPMA participates in major working parties about future plans in different areas of employment with Equity and the PMA. The CPMA and PMA work with Equity’s negotiating teams to revise Equity’s Collective Agreements, which include minimum financial provisions and minimum rates. They have regular input into the development of Equity agreements and are consulted by Equity on industry issues. The CPMA is also represented on major working parties about future plans in different employment areas with Equity and the PMA. In addition, CPMA acts as an advocate for co-operative working by making inputs to trade publications and promoting the benefits of co-op agencies to help raise awareness of the co-operative movement. As well as responding to members’ concerns, the CPMA works with its members to encourage good business practice and develop training skills and opportunities. They hold member-only seminars with casting directors and several members’ forums, exchanging views on issues particular to co-ops. They have also organised training sessions run by Equity on the development and use of their agreements. The vast majority of actor co-op members are members of Equity but CPMA cannot insist on this because of restrictions under the Trade Union and Labour Relations Act 1992, which made it illegal for employers and employment agencies to discriminate between union and non-union members.
5.5 The Building Trades - Trade Unions and Worker Co-operatives While self-employment exists in every area of employment in the UK, in some areas it can cause severe problems, particularly with health and safety. In any aspect of employment, the presence of temporary staff working for different organisations
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or none, who may receive different pay-rates for the same work, can cause issues of confusion and resentment, as well as allowing unscrupulous employers to exploit the workforce. On-site confusion can also have fatal consequences. For this reason trade unions in the more dangerous working environments, such as mining, shipping, oil and construction, have long opposed the use of casual and self-employed labour. With increasing globalisation this has proven almost impossible to achieve in the shipping industry and, despite the efforts of building trade unions, success has been limited by the short-term nature of so many building projects. In these areas, trade union organisation of the self-employed, which would bring them into the mainstream, needs to be accompanied by a workplace structure that brings them together into a properly managed and controlled workforce. The creation of co-operative construction companies of sufficient size to run a construction site, whether binding self-employed workers together as in the French CAE system, or employing staff on PAYE, is probably the only way forward to ensure H&S requirements are properly met. Looser co-operative arrangements, such as those applied by actors’ or artists’ co-ops, are better suited to less dangerous workplaces, where experience shows they work very well indeed. Examples of trade unions and co-operatives in the building trades Cooperativa Muratori e Braccianti (CMB) in Carpi, Italy is a large construction cooperative with 900 workers.111 All are on permanent contracts and members of a trade union. Post 2009, the co-operative has worked out a diversification strategy that has helped them to move from falling public sector work to other ‘socially responsible’ real estate work. This has assisted them to minimise redundancies, which they have also managed socially by enhanced contributions to those laid off. Italy has successfully supported the development of a broad range of worker cooperatives. Housing construction and cleaning co-operatives provide good examples. Italy has been a pioneer of co-operative consortia best practice in Europe. With encouragement from local authorities, three small co-operative consortia supporting construction worker co-operatives in Emilia Romagna merged in 1978 to form Consorzio Cooperative Costruzione (CCC).112 The consolidation increased back office, legal and financial capacity to negotiate and manage larger building contracts. Since then CCC has continued to expand to become one of the largest construction companies in Italy with 230 worker co-operative members and 20,000 worker-owners overall. Formula Servizi is a green cleaning co-operative with 90 per cent female worker-owners and a workforce of 1900.113 The full-time and part-time work schedules are designed to support family circumstances and reduce the co-op’s carbon footprint, with work assignments arranged close to home. This policy has cut greenhouse gas emissions and absenteeism. The policy and practices of the co-operative are consistently under review in relation to human development as well as economic and environmental objectives. Continuous effort is focused upon reducing waste, reusing materials, recycling and energy efficiency. Their hospital cleaning service does not use water. All workers benefit from more than 150 hours of training a year. 111 Marina Monaco and Luca Pastorelli (2013) Trade unions and worker co-operatives in Europe: A winwin relationship, International Journal of Labour Research, volume five, issue two 112 John Restakis (2010) Humanizing the Economy: Co-operatives in the Age of Capital, New Society Publishers 113 Marina Monaco and Luca Pastorelli (2013) op.cit
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5.6 Key findings •
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The development of representative organisations such as the Pharmacy Defence Association, IPSE and RICOL was driven by external pressures. If professional workers on relatively high incomes have decided that they need to be organised, it is likely that the same applies to lower-income self-employed groups. More disparate lowerpaid workers may have greater need but less scope for organising themselves and there may not be a comparable shared trigger for action The difficulties of organising self-employed and informal workers have been much debated. Organisations like SEWA, Working Women’s Forum and other WIEGO members use an alignment of trade union, co-operatives and mutual aid organisations to provide integrated services to meet the needs of self-employed workers. This success offers strategic guidance on some of the key principles and practices for effective broad-based organising As the experience of WIEGO shows, informal workers often form self-help groups and co-operatives as a first level of mutual aid. With a broader strategic vision and an understanding of the additional role of trade union protection and collective advocacy, they can be assisted to build on that success Case studies on the Musicians’ Union, Equity and the CPMA show the potential and benefits of combining the strengths of trade unions and co-operatives The success of Equity and the Musicians’ Union in working closely with co-operatives highlights both how and why trade unions and co-operatives need to find ways of reproducing that approach in order to provide an effective outcome Good practice has been codified in handbooks to assist this collaborative process for trade unions and co-operatives to co-design services In Italy, France and other countries, social dialogue between trade unions and cooperatives has led to successful social partnerships. In Italy, the national agreement between the co-operative movement and trade unions led to a major expansion of social co-operatives. This created a national network of localised care provision and the generation of over 360,000 jobs Co-operative consortia can be a powerful system for building effective co-operative networks. The Italians have demonstrated this with worker co-operatives in the building trades. Social dialogue in Italy between local authorities, trade unions and co-operatives offers good examples of social partnership that offer important lessons for the UK The central lesson for trade unions and co-operatives is recognition that there is a balance to be struck between organising self-employed workers and servicing their needs. The aim of organising is to enable the self-employed precariat to be recognised, represented and serviced as a group. Best practice shows that cooperatives are well placed to provide additional services beyond the insurance and representation services that trade unions specialise in. Creative collaboration between trade unions and co-operatives can find solutions otherwise not easy to secure
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6
Solidarity and digital democracy
Digital technology can be used to lower costs, improve services and create new jobs - but there are also worrying trends towards adverse practices. A growing threat to all forms of secure work is the use by digital economy corporations of platforms to contract freelancers and to re-engineer businesses in ways that destroy formal economy jobs, replacing them with ‘precariat’ work. The advance of the digital economy is widely forecast to eradicate jobs both on and off the high street. What Amazon has done to undermine the high street is being copied by Steve Smith, the founder of Poundland, for estate agency through estatesdirect.com. This is an online estate agency offering a flat rate on the sale of housing, irrespective of value.114 This process has been styled the ‘internet of things’ by Jeremy Rifkin and the advance of a zero-marginal cost economy.115 As this report has demonstrated, the co-operative movement has long been skilled in restructuring the economic and exchange relationships between stakeholders to create new social networks based on solidarity, mutual aid and economic justice. Co-operatives enable the creation of new, self-reinforcing networks that remove the opportunities for the extraction of disproportionate profits (or ‘economic rent’) and ensure all stakeholders are appropriately remunerated rather than exploited. As such, co-operatives can be understood as a vital ‘social technology’, specifically designed and operated for the recreation of a better society and economic system.116 However, digital technology and especially digital platforms, also have the ability to restructure the economic and exchange relationships between stakeholders. Anna Plowdowski of Greenmarque, a London co-operative and ethical business consultancy, has provided evidence to the deliberative inquiry on how digital platforms can create new types of social and economic networks. She makes the case for platform cooperatives as a powerful means for improving conditions for many precariat workers. Plowdowski argues that digital technology can do this in three ways. Firstly, digital platforms can succeed through their ability to make communication and trade between customers and suppliers easier, more precise, cheaper and faster than was previously possible. They are new online ‘marketplaces’ where trade can take place. Secondly, computerised algorithms structure the matching of customers and suppliers, eliminating humans from the role of intermediaries. Both of these features enable extremely large, sometimes global, economies of scale and scope that were previously simply not possible. These features of the internet and early digital platforms led to enthusiastic claims for the collaborative or ‘sharing economy’ which have been heralded to be advantageous for everyone by optimising resource use for mutual benefit.117 The third way in which digital technologies and platforms restructure social and economic networks is through their ownership and governance structures, because 114 Christina Patterson ‘Now it’t the middle class’s turn to feel the earthquake’, The Guardian, 5 April 2014. http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/apr/04/middle-classes-employment-earthquake 115 Jeremy Rifkin (2014) The Zero Marginal Cost Society - The Internet of things, the collaborative commons and the eclipse of capitalism, Palgrave MacMillan 116 Eric Beinhocker (2007) The Origin Of Wealth: Evolution, Complexity, and the Radical Remaking of Economics, Random House 117 Rachel Botsman and Roo Rogers (2011) What’s Mine is Yours: How Collaborative Consumption is Changing the Way We Live, Harper Collins
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these determine the algorithms applied and the types of exchanges that can take place. They also, however, determine who has access to and control over the resources of the organisation that owns the platform. Consequently this will require a struggles as there is nothing inevitable about the ability of digital platforms to re-structure existing social and economic networks in the direction of solidarity, mutual support and economic justice.
6.1 Digital economy corporations and the self-employed The accountancy firm Price Waterhouse Cooper (PWC) has identified the five emerging growth areas of the ‘sharing economy’ as accommodation, peer-to-peer finance, online staffing, music/video down-streaming and car sharing. They have projected a global growth of revenues for these five sectors from $15 billion in 2014 to $300 billion in 2025. Digital technology also provides ‘feedback loops’ between suppliers and users, which can significantly improve quality.
“In some ways the sharing economy is a throwback to the pre-industrial age, when village communities had to share resources to survive. They built up trust through repeated interactions with people they had known all their lives. Modern digital communications allow sharing to happen across a global village of consumers and providers, with trust established through electronic peer reviews.” John Hawksworth, Chief Economist, PWC
These emerging sectors have, in some quarters, disrupted the status quo. The rapid advance of Uber within the taxi trade has been especially controversial. The proliferation of SatNav technology has devalued the knowledge of taxi drivers. Consequently, Uber has enabled individual minicab drivers to secure more business at the expense of licensed cabs. Their business model has caused the greatest level of social conflict so far. Uber is an app which connects taxi drivers with passengers directly, instead of through a centralised booking service or through a cab being hailed in the street.
Uber is notorious for reducing the price of taxi fares in London by signing up drivers who do not have a hackney carriage licence or ‘knowledge’118 and paying them less than a normal hackney fare. Uber is presented as a new ‘sharing economy’ alternative, but in reality uses the old model of unlicensed private hire on a new electronic platform, owned by a rapidly expanding global corporation. Now operating in more than 50 countries, Uber’s taxi app attracted $688 million revenue from bookings in 2013, $2.9 billion in 2014 and the level is projected to reach $10.8 billion in 2015 and $26.1 billion in 2016. Neal Gorenflo, a US expert on the sharing economy, described the threat of Uber to the conventional taxi trade as follows. He said: “Uber’s big bet is global monopoly or bust. They’ve raised over $8 billion in venture capital, are on track to do over $10 billion in revenue this year, and have an estimated 200,000 drivers who are destroying the taxi industry in over 300 cities worldwide. They’ve done all this in just over five years.
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https://tfl.gov.uk/info-for/taxis-and-private-hire/become-a-taxi-licensee/learn-the-knowledge-of-london
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Uber has reached a $51 billion valuation faster than Facebook, and plan to raise even more money. If they’re successful, they’ll become the most valuable start-up in history. Airbnb is nearly as big and ambitious.”119 Uber says that drivers are self-employed, and the company retains 20 per cent of revenue for its support services. Uber vets the drivers online for insurance cover, commercial driving licenses and vehicle MoTs. The cost of entry is negligible compared with taxi licenses in Paris costing €100,000. Uber is an exemplar of what is being called the ‘gig economy’, which marks a major change in the nature of work. A global monopoly has obvious implications for the employment rights of workers in the longer term.120 In their contracts, Uber drivers are listed as ‘partners’ of the company. But aside from choosing their own hours they are effectively powerless, unable to challenge the fare structure and employment terms Uber sets.’ The deactivation of participants on platforms such as Uber or Airbnb is the same as dismissal, but the driver has no rights and no recourse. Professor Guido Smorto has described this transformation as full-scale eradication of worker rights through an expanding platform whose clear aim is to eliminate competition from traditional business operations. He said: “Sacking people has moved in effect from the realm of law to the realm of technology.”121 Unsurprisingly, militant protests by cabbies against Uber have spread like wildfire from Paris to Amsterdam, Madrid to Brussels, London to Montreal and Delhi to Gungzhou. Uber’s legality has been challenged in the courts in many countries. UberPop, the app, has been banned in Germany, Italy and Spain.122 UberPop is appealing against a ban in the Netherlands and Belgium. Attempts in the UK to restrict Uber through tighter regulation by Transport for London have failed in the courts. A ruling by a California labour commission found that Uber’s drivers are employees and by implication the company is responsible for payment of social security, workers compensation and unemployment insurance. Uber drivers in California have begun a class action suit for lost benefits.123 This case highlights the social protection issues and losses and how bogus selfemployment schemes can make vast profits. In its defence Uber claims drivers can earn high levels of income but one investigation of its promised median annual income for New York drivers of $90,000 after expenses showed that this would require a driver to work 27 hours a day, 365 days a year. With the digital platforms, information is aggregated by the central body rather than necessarily shared with those involved. Connecting up and exchanging counter and transparent information has become one of the key strategies for defending the interests of those engaged in the ‘gig economy’. 119 Gill Carson ‘Five key sharing economy sectors could generate £9 billion of UK revenues by 2025, PwC Blog 15 August 2014. http://pwc.blogs.com/press_room/2014/08/five-key-sharing-economy-sectors-could-generate-9-billion-of-uk-revenues-by-2025.html 120 Charles Arthur ‘Uber bears brunt of sharing economy backlash’, The Guardian, 27 June 2015 121 Presentation made at Les Rencontres du Mont-Blanc, 26 November 2015 122 UberPOP, which exists in the UK and several European countries, claims through its app to operate as a ride-sharing platform, rather than as a taxi service although some say the difference is largely for legal reasons and should be banned: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/technology/news/11715706/Uber-suspends-controversial-UberPop-service-in-France-after-executives-arrested.html 123 http://thinkprogress.org/economy/2015/09/01/3697798/uber-drivers-class-action-granted/
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For example http://insideAirbnb.com is sharing information on the effect of Airbnb on local rental prices. Airbnb has rapidly become the biggest hotelier on the planet, with bookings growing from one million a year shortly after they started to one million a night on peak days.124 In many cities in the USA and Europe this is reducing the availability of rooms to rent by local people and exacerbating the housing crisis. In San Francisco, with the growing accomodation shortage, rent for one-bedroom apartments has soared to an average $3500 a month. Local opposition has led San Francisco residents to back a referendum, Proposition F, designed to limit Airbnb’s adverse impact. In response Airbnb has launched an $8.3 million counter campaign. The business model of Uber and Airbnb is based on the immense power derived from owning and operating a global platform. Unaccountability is in the design and structure. It cannot function otherwise. In the words of Josh Ryan-Collins of the New Economics Foundation “the information isn’t shared, the platforms are not shared, and the profits are not shared”.125
6.2 Co-operatives in the age of Google – creative commons opportunities Robin Murray of the London School of Economics argues that digital technology enables untapped efficiencies to be secured and that the creative industries are a prime example of this.126 One in 12 jobs in the UK (more than 2.5 million workers) work in the creative industries. This sector of the economy is growing fast and the UK is a world leader. IT, computer and software services hold the largest share with around 30 per cent of creative industry jobs. Publishing employs 15 per cent, TV, film, video and radio employ another 15 per cent and performing arts 14 per cent.
“By contrast to Uber there are more positive online commercial platforms, especially those like etsy and notonthehighstreet.com which have been hugely positive for many of the designer/makers I work with via the Crafts Council and elsewhere. Notonthehighstreet.com provides valued training and support to makers that it accepts on the platform. Those craft and design platforms have significantly expanded incomes and opportunities for many precarious self-employed people I support and in many ways provide a mutual approach to micro-business sales and marketing.” Erika Watson, Enterprise Advisor
Erika Watson, an enterprise advisor and advocate for trade union solutions for the self-employed, points to the popularity of the Not on the High Street platform used by creative industry workers, and ETSY, the peer to peer site for artists and artisans of handmade goods. The RSA has reported on craft industry platforms and has shown how these sites are breaking the mould, opening up new horizons and opportunities for generating income and reducing costs.127
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http://www.shareable.net/blog/how-platform-coops-can-beat-death-stars-like-uber-to-create-a-real-sharing-economy?utm_content=2014-01-21%2525252015%2525253A10%2525253A36&utm_source=VerticalResponse&utm_medium=Email&utm_term=How%25252520platform%25252520coops%25252520can%25252520beat%25252520Death%25252520Stars%25252520like%25252520Uber%25252520to%25252520create%25252520a%25252520real%25252520sharing%25252520economy&utm_campaign=Platform%25252520Coops%25252520vs%2525252E%25252520Death%2 5252520Stars%2525252C%25252520Bolivian%25252520Farming%25252520Coop%25252520%25252526%25252520School%25252520Markerspacescontent
125 Josh Ryan-Collins (2015) The Sharing Economy: The Good, the Bad and the Real, New Economics Foundation 126 Robin Murray (2011) Co-operation in the Age of Google, Co-operatives UK 127 http://extfiles.etsy.com/Press/reports/Etsy_RSABreakingtheMouldReport_2014.pdf
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There is trade union organising activity among self-employed workers in many creative industry areas as we have seen. There are also a number of co-operative networks including 102 employee owned businesses and a number of well established, co-operatively owned enterprises including St. Luke’s Communications, New Internationalist, Calvert’s North Star Press, Co-operative Web, People’s Press Printing, Arts About Manchester and Ludus North West Dance in Education. BECTU and Co-operatives UK have produced a guide for co-operative development in media and entertainment industry.128 Some employee-owned businesses are large, like Ove Arup whose 10,000 workers own the company through an Employee Share Ownership Plan (ESOP) . However, 90 per cent of worker-owned design businesses are small, with under six workers. There are also 89 co-operative consortia operating in the creative industry sector in the UK and supporting a number of the smaller firms. A co-operative consortium is a network of co-operatives or small firms, typically linked up through a secondary co-operative that unites the co-operatives and enterprises through mutual aid and typically through the provision of a number of back office services. To develop worker and multi-stakeholder co-operatives, they may also provide training, development support and technical aid assistance, thereby replicating other successful co-operative business models. For new worker co-operative development, this approach has worked well in many countries for decades and is being revived under conditions of austerity. What many parts of the creative industries have in common is a system of teamwork that operates widely and openly with other small teams and enterprises. Such teams, as in the film industry, are put together project by project and work is therefore intermittent and time limited. Murray calls this way of working ‘co-operation without walls’. The use of digital technology and platforms by most creative businesses releases the scope for this coproduction among diverse teams, who work together horizontally and flexibly on projects by inter-trading and co-delivering. These shared platforms have become known as the ‘creative commons’.129
“The creative commons… is a sector in which the role of cooperation…..has been prominent, as technology lowers the cost of social participation and exchange, but rather different from the focus of traditional co-operative models which start at the level of the firm - a bounded enterprise, formally constituted and legally owned. The genius of the creative commons is that there are resources online, which can be shared and developed through peer-to-peer collaboration. These can Murray argues that, just as Uber uses these meet needs and create economic value, platforms as an investor-owned corporation outperforming the mainstream.” to extract value from the ‘precariat’, The Co-operative Advantage co-operatively owned platforms have the untapped potential to do the opposite namely to capture value and ‘economic rent’ for the common good.
128 Chris Funnell (2012) Works for you: a guide to setting up a co-operative in the media and entertainment industry, BECTU and Co-operatives UK 129 Ed Mayo (2015) The Co-operative Advantage, op.cit. Chapter 8, Creative Industries
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6.3 Digital platforms with co-operative ownership Traditional forms of resistance are important. However it is also important to see that digital technology can be equitably harnessed in new ways by trade unions and by cooperatives to forge new forms of economic democracy among self-employed workers. These solutions will be increasingly crucial to defend jobs and to protect and enhance working conditions through innovation.
6.4 Creative commons and platform co-operativism pioneers Within the creative industries, Enspiral130 is a great example of how to unite a ‘creative commons’ digital platform with new software tools for co-operative governance. Through this approach Enspiral has been pioneering a new and potentially revolutionary ‘open co-operative’ model. The founder Joshua Veal was a successful computer programmer who began to work parttime in 2008 as a professional contractor, “Platform co-operatives, data to enable him to spend the rest of his co-operatives and fair-shares forms time working on social projects. He of distributed ownership can be went on to set up a co-operative to help used to co-own our infrastructures of other IT workers do the same. The result, production. The misnamed ‘sharing Enspiral. is a new form of co-operative economy’ from AirBnB and Uber with three parts: the Enspiral foundation, nevertheless shows the potential of which has charitable status; Enspiral matching idle resources… Services, a worker co-op; and Start Up ”In the right context of co-ownership Ventures to provide a home for new coand co-governance, a real sharing operatives as they emerge. economy can achieve dramatic To operationalise all three structural parts, advances in resource use. Our means of Enspiral co-operative members regularly production, inclusive machines, can be pool 20 per cent of their invoice income, mutualised and self-owned by all those put 25 per cent of this into the foundation that create value.” for good causes, and the remainder goes Michael Bauwens, into a collective bucket which they decide P2P Foundation founder131 collectively how to spend or invest.
“The central premise of platform cooperativism is that those who create the most value for the platforms - providers like drivers and hosts - should own and control the platform…….Platform co-ops can share much more than software including data, digital reputation, knowledge, marketing, public relations, legal, lobbying, and physical space. And share all this on a global basis.” Neal Goren´o, Shareable co-founder 130 131
Enspiral members have developed the successful Loomio software for facilitating democratic decision making and Cobudget as a software solution for ‘open co-operative’ spending and creative co operative investment and development work. In the USA, a movement called platform co-operativism is emerging. The effective and combined use of co-operative
http://www.enspiral.com file:///Users/patconaty/Documents/Documents%201/P2P%20Foundation%20-%20Category:Post-Corporate%20.webarchive
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methods in combination with digital “Like our union, the co-op is based technology is offering methods on the values of solidarity, justice, one for development pointing towards a paradigm-shift in worker selfworker, one vote. Members of the co-op management. This creative commons are independent contractors but they thinking and platform co-operatives have a voice in setting their wages and are attracting growing interest from working conditions, they have a grievance pioneers of the free and open source procedure, they have equal standing with software movement. A big next step is management.” to connect this thinking to the threats Lisa Bolton, CWA local faced by self-employed workers and in branch President Europe and the USA this is beginning to happen in the alternative strategies that both unions and taxi drivers are considering.
6.5 Towards trade union and taxi co-operative solutions In London there are around 100,000 private hire or mini-cab drivers and at least 25,000 drive for Uber.131 The London Private Hire App-based Drivers Association was recently set up for Uber drivers to meet and make plans - in effect a prototypical trade union. In France, a trade union for mini-cab drivers has been formed to oppose Uber’s slashing of fares by boycotting their UberPop app, which they claim is undermining their livelihoods and driving them out of business.132 In Seattle, drivers for Uber and Lyft, another digital platform corporation, have been granted the ability to unionise to secure better working conditions.133 In Denver, Colorado closer collaboration between unions and taxi co-ops is emerging. The city’s Green Taxi Co-op is seeking regulatory consent to expand their membership up to 800 drivers and to use an app to compete with Uber through a worker-owned platform. The Public Utilities Commission is expected to deliver its decision in April 2016. The Green Taxi Co-op has developed with union support from the Communication Workers of America (CWA).134 The CWA has organised two other taxi co-ops in Denver and drivers in Baltimore and other US cities are seeking to follow suit. The widespread potential of these co-operative platform solutions is evident in many other trades and industries.
6.6 Buurtzorg’s neighbourhood-based social care - digital economies of overheads Success in the implementation of platform systems for the decentralised delivery of local care services by social enterprises across the Netherlands, and the success in Italy in developing back office services for social co-operatives are indicative of the potential of platform co-operativism. An example of the power of co-operative platform economics in action is the Buurtzorg neighbourhood care model in the Netherlands.135 This social 131 http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2016/feb/12/war-on-wheels-uber-driver-black-cab-driver-debate-london-taxi-trade 132 http://www.france24.com/en/20151013-france-uber-cab-drivers-launch-union-fare-cuts 133 http://www.shareable.net/blog/denver’s-green-taxi-co-op-fights-for-its-right-to-compete-with-uber 134 http://www.cwa-union.org/news/entry/cwa_local_7777_builds_green_taxi_coop_in_denver/#.VroFPOuxIfE 135 http://www.kingsfund.org.uk/sites/files/kf/media/jos-de-blok-buurtzorg-home-healthcare-nov13.pdf
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enterprise was set up in 2007 by Jos de Blok, a district nurse. With a team of four other skilled nurses, the non-profit business experimented by using an IT platform to create a localised care provider with self-managing teams. The design of the business was to evolve and replicate similar, tightly co-managed teams and use a common platform to co-ordinate and expand delivery to more and more neighbourhoods. Year on year this evolutionary expansion has increased. All carer teams are self-managing groups. There is no boss. The Buurtzorg successful experiment created a large and growing manager-less organisation. Buurtzorg operates nationally with over 9000 carers but in a distributed way in small self-managing teams. Each team of typically eight to 12 provides customised home care in a growing range of neighbourhoods. The use of the digital technology has secured what Robin Murray calls “economies of co operation”. This example shows how small teams can confederate and become powerful through the creative use of the common platform. Within Buurtzorg, the 900-plus neighbourhood care teams across the Netherlands are supported by just 40 back office and administrative workers, plus 10 coaches who trouble-shoot, train and set up new local care teams. As Murray points out “the result is a reduction of overheads from the industry norm of 25 per cent of total costs, to eight per cent”.136 Unlike social care services in the UK, Buurtzorg’s use of digital technology has saved massively on command and control overheads. These internalised savings have been used to increase the skill level of care workers; to improve pay and conditions for carers; and to improve the overall quality of care and service provision. This dynamic model has generated widespread interest from NHS nurses, the Royal College of Nursing and care co-operatives in the UK.
6.7 Social care and co-operative solutions - solidarity economy methods In his evidence to the inquiry, Bruno Roelants of CECOP CICOPA - Europe stressed that worker co operatives are different from co-operatives of self-employed people like, say taxi co-ops, artists’ co-ops or fishing co-ops. The latter have similarities to farmer co-operatives. However, it is feasible for precarious self-employed workers to develop effective strategies in a number of service sectors and industries to establish worker cooperatives - and they can also do this effectively with an alliance with trade unions. The Italian co-operative movement has also had impressive success through social dialogue and by working with trade unions and local authorities to provide social care through worker co operatives and broader multi-stakeholder co-operatives where workers, family carers and service users are all members of a social co-operative. A national trade union agreement with the co-operative movement was forged in the early 1990s after a new law was passed in 1991 approving these innovative forms of care provision. The Italian social co-operatives now operate both in health and social care and also in the criminal justice system, helping ex-offenders to secure work.
136
Robin Murray, unpublished ‘Notes for Social Care Forum dialogue’, 16 October 2015
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With the benefit of enabling legislation and tax incentives, the Italian social co-operative movement has grown from about 1,000 care and job creation co-operatives in 1990 to 14,000 today, each typically small with about 25 employees. They secure ‘economies of co-operation’ through both regional and national co-operative consortia that provide shared back office services and joint negotiating teams to secure long-term contracts.137 The growing social co-operative sector in Italy accounts for more than 360,000 jobs. This new form of co-operative enterprise has been replicated successfully in France, Spain, Portugal, Canada and Japan and is developing in Greece. In a number of countries, social co-operatives are also called ‘solidarity co-operatives’ to reflect the collaborative co-production methods that enable jobs and high quality services to develop. In most countries, new legislation like the 1991 Italian law, has provided an enabling policy and a fiscal framework to support the emergence of these new forms of democratic and multi-stakeholder ownership of services, commonly implemented in partnership with the public sector.138 To support the development of social co-operatives, legislation like the Italian law has been passed in France, Quebec and in six other EU countries. This legislation has supported job creation and in a number of countries, national trade union agreements have been forged. Italy has led work using social co-operatives to create jobs for offenders both within and upon leaving prison. In the UK two social co-operative development networks are operating in England and Wales and there have been efforts to build public sector partnerships. Public policy support matters as highlighted by the expansion of CAE network in France and in Italy with the partnerships agreed with local authorities and with the prison and probation services. Ex-offenders struggle to get formal work and the CAE co-operatives offer a bridge into supported self-employment that can reduce re-offending rates significantly. In Italy, the partnerships with the public sector has helped develop a range of Fair Trade businesses for ex-offenders to secure work. Good examples include Pausa Cafe, a growing chain of co-operatively owned cafes, a co-operative brewery for real ale that is popular and exported and Exodus, a door and window manufacturing co-op operating within a prison that also creates jobs for those released installing the joinery on building sites. This growing movement towards the use of public and social partnerships in Europe, Canada and the USA (often involving collaboration between local authorities and trade unions) to advance a new sector of co-operative services has become known as the ‘solidarity economy’. The success of such methodologies has been recognised in France under the 2002 law to promote the solidarity economy and to introduce the SCIC as a multi-stakeholder social co-operative. Recently, the UN began promoting this approach by pointing to the enormous potential of solidarity economy strategies for advancing social inclusion, generating good work and jobs and in the tackling of inequality.139 Ripess is an international network promoting Solidarity Economy solutions through five languages. There are now solidarity economy movements in 13 European countries. 137 Ed Mayo (2015) op.cit. Chapter 12, Social Care 138 Pat Conaty (2014) Social Co-operatives - A Democratic Co-production Agenda for Care Services in the UK, Co operatives UK 139 http://www.unrisd.org/80256B3C005BCCF9/search/AD29696D41CE69C3C1257D460033C267?OpenDocument
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The Japanese network of co-operatives, Seikatsu, is a member of Ripess. The co-operatives operate locally in co-operative clubs and, since the late 1980s, have replicated the Italian social co operative system to develop a growing range of social care services. They have also been a leader in the global development of communitysupported agriculture uniting consumers with local farmers. The Seikatsu movement’s innovation has proven how solidarity economy methods can work to advance the green economy as well as social care provision. Co-operatives UK and the Wales Co-operative Centre are supporting networks and forums in England and Wales to introduce social co-operatives and the solidarity economy model to the UK.
6.8 Worker co-operatives and the solidarity economy in the USA Worker co-operatives have been attracting growing interest in recent years, particularly in the USA. The American co-operative movement includes 30,000 organisations with $3 trillion in assets, $500 billion in annual revenue and a workforce of two million people. However worker co operatives represent only one per cent of US co-operatives. This may be set to change as the US Solidarity Economy Network develops. One example of the Solidarity Economy in the USA is WAGES (Women’s Action to Gain Economic Security) that was set up jointly by a house cleaning co-op manager and a social worker to create decent paying work for cleaners in the San Francisco Bay Area.140 It was launched as a ‘green cleaning co-op’ with over 100 worker members, each of whom agreed to pay in $400 through payroll deductions to capitalise the business and to set up a personal equity account. The pay for cleaners averages $15 an hour and members also accumulate equity shares in the co-operative. For most workers, these personal equity accounts have accrued to about $9000 in a few years. Using this system, five worker co-operatives have been established so far and a new trading name, Prospera,141 has been adopted. Arizimendi Associates is another worker co-operative network in the San Francisco area. They have developed a co-operative consortium model for setting up worker cooperatives for bakeries to reduce the risk of new ventures. The consortium investigates good locations, recruits new founding worker members and provides a full range of support services including business support, marketing and bookkeeping that the cooperative bakeries benefit from as joint members of the consortium. COLORS is a Co-op Academy and Incubator in Detroit affiliated to the Restaurants Opportunities Center (ROC) in New York. ROC was formed in the aftermath of 9/11 as an organisation to assist displaced restaurant workers, whose restaurants were destroyed by the Twin Towers attack or subsequently put out of business. The ROC founders identified worker co-operatives as a key development path. Through the academy, COLORS organises education and practical training services to support those seeking to start up worker co-operatives. To provide job mentoring, technical knowhow and management experience, they arrange five-month 140 Nina Misauraca Ignaczak ‘It takes an Ecosystem: The Rise of Worker Co-operatives in the US’, http:// shareable.Net, 16 July 2014 141 http://prosperacoops.org
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apprenticeships in established restaurants. The restaurant partners are committed to creating a democratic workplace. COLORS also helps new co-operatives launch with support and assistance in finding resources. For any move to develop worker co-operative solutions like these, access to patient and co operative forms of capital is crucial. The mayor of New York City has announced new funding for a specialist revolving loan fund for co-operatives. Co-operative and Community Finance provides similar services in the UK.
6.9 The US Steelworkers and the Union Co-op model The US Steelworkers Union has become increasingly interested in worker co-operatives. The failed struggle in Youngstown, Ohio to save a steel mill through a worker buy-out in 1977 led to the setting up of the Ohio Employee Ownership Center that has built close links with US Steelworkers over the years. In 2012, the union worked jointly with the Ohio Employment Ownership Center and the Mondragon Corporation in Spain to produce a strategy and Union Co-op model. Mondragon is the largest worker co-operative network in Europe with 74,000 worker owners and a network of 257 co-operatives. The new joint model includes union representation from the outset. Through the three-way partnership, eight Union Co-ops have been created using the model. These include the Clean and Green Laundry in Pittsburg and seven Union Coop Initiative ventures in Cinncinnati, Ohio. Among them is a co-operative food hub, a railway manufacturer and a jewellery manufacturer. There is work underway in Los Angeles to develop Union Co-ops with the US Steelworkers. The Los Angeles Union Coop Initiative is developing an electricianâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s co-op to install solar power for businesses and homes.142 Another Union Co-op is converting a privately owned car wash into a worker co-op. The solidarity economy in the USA is advancing diverse forms of economic democracy projects with the support of a range of research and development services including the Solidarity Research Center, a worker co-operative, and the Los Angeles Co-op Lab at Antioch University.
6.10 Evergreen Co-operatives - Cleveland, Ohio An ambitious project to develop worker co-operatives is the Evergreen Co-operatives network in Cleveland, Ohio, set up in 2008 as a co-operative consortium.143 The Mondragon co-operative corporation in Spain has also been the inspiration for Evergreen. Cleveland, like Detroit, has been losing manufacturing jobs for decades. Work on alternative industrial strategies has led to the Evergreen Co-operatives as a joint venture. This is an ambitious co-operative development plan and is supported by the City Council, the Ohio Employee Ownership Center, the Democracy Collaborative and the Cleveland Foundation. The Evergreen mission is focused on developing a co-operative economy in Cleveland in new green industries that are democratically owned by workers living in low-income communities. So far, three worker co-operatives have been established by Evergreen the 142 143
http://lacooplab.aulacourses.com/portfolio/3748/ http://www.evgoh.com/
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co-operative consortium. These include: Green City Growers, the Evergreen Co-operative Laundry and Evergreen Energy Solutions. The city and other anchor institutions like the universities and hospitals in Cleveland spend some $3 billion in procurement contracts annualy. The Evergreen strategy is being implemented through a public social partnership to create new jobs in six low-income neighbourhoods (with 43,000 residents) that have experienced disinvestment for years. The strategy meets social justice and carbon reduction objectives simultaneously. Evergreen is achieving this with a three-part shift from fossil fuels to renewable energy, from unemployment to new green jobs and through local food production on inner city sites supplying fresh food to anchor institutions and local restaurants. The laundry co-operative is a state of the art ‘green’ operation that has trained and hired local people who were previously out of work. The same ‘green economy’ approach is being made by the renewable energy co-operative that has secured contracts from anchor institutions to install solar power on city, hospital and university buildings. Patient ‘co-operative capital’ is provided within the co-operative consortium by an Evergreen community development finance institution (CDFI), investing $200 million at one per cent interest to enable the worker co-operatives to retain earnings, build their balance sheets and develop in similar ways to the Mondragon co-operative model.
6.11 Key findings •
•
•
•
•
Digital platforms can be used to capture and dominate markets as evidenced by Uber. The key is ownership of the platform, not the technological detail. Privately owned platforms, such as Uber, Airbnb, Facebook, Trip Advisor operate for the benefit of private investor owners, contrary to the rhetoric of a sharing economy The need to provide a return on venture capital and dividends for shareholders, combined with the elimination of competition (which is the basis of the model), inevitably reduces the earnings of the workers involved and undermines their ability to secure reasonable terms and conditions of employment. All the intellectual content remains the property of the private owners of the corporation, including all the information the platform users, both workers and customers, have uploaded to the site. In the case of Uber and Airbnb, the app users, must provide the capital items (i.e. cars or accommodation) specified by the platform owners The same digital technology can be adapted and used to create new jobs through open ‘co-operatives without walls’ as Enspiral is showing. Buurtzorg, in the Netherlands, has demonstrated how a similar harnessing of digital technology can be utilised to create manager-less care networks, delivering higher-quality social care with a highly skilled workforce on better pay and conditions than other providers. Green Taxis in Denver, USA are aiming to protect their jobs and improve their working conditions in their battle with Uber using their own app Co-operative consortia can be a powerful vehicle for building effective co-operative networks and the Solidarity Economy. The Italians have pioneered the solidarity economy in Europe and demonstrated this in the successful development of worker co-operatives in the building trades and in multi-stakeholder social co-operatives in the care sector. In the USA, Evergreen Co operatives, Prospera and the Arizmendi Associates are also demonstrating the potential of the solidarity economy Co-operative capital is different than venture or bank capital. This is partly because it is ‘par value’ and does not increase over time and partly because it comes
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â&#x20AC;˘
â&#x20AC;˘
from members and other stakeholders, directly and democratically involved in the business, who are unlikely to pull out their own capital and destroy their own livelihoods or the local economy solutions they are seeking to co-develop. Evergreen Co-operatives and Prospera both highlight how to mobilise and manage co-operative capital systems Mutual guarantee schemes can reduce risk, but public-social partnerships like those in Italy and like Evergreen Co-operatives in Cleveland can also be forged with municipal authorities and other anchor institutions in low-income areas with high unemployment. Indeed, with joint commitment they can be developed to build an economy for the common good Support from US Steelworkers for worker co-operatives is an example of a trade union helping to create new jobs in the green economy and in other service and manufacturing sectors. Much more needs to be done, but innovative good practice is emerging and in some countries like Italy and Japan the solidarity economy has a proven and growing track record
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7
Conclusion: The solidarity economy
The vast and growing group of workers which we have characterised as the selfemployed precariat is an international phenomenon. Its role in the economy cannot be overstated. Although its members are frequently unsung, it is a dynamo for growth. Selfemployed workers are creating their own jobs and indeed leading the creation of new work. They lack economic and social protection and securing these rights is a complex and strategic challenge for the trade union movement. The self-employed precariat is, by its nature, complex and its needs are not uniform or simple to address. Some of the precariat have representation through specialist trade unions, but most have limited social benefits and no representation at all. Self-employed Workers lack Legal Protection and Representation Government
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Employees have the bene³ts of employment law protection Government ernment WůĂĐĞƐ ůĞŐĂů ĚƵƚLJ ŽŶ ĞŵƉůŽLJĞƌƐ ƚŽ ƉƌŽǀŝĚĞ ŵĂƚĞƌŶŝƚLJ ƉĂLJ͕ ŚŽůŝĚĂLJƐ ĞƚĐ Employers WƌŽǀŝĚĞƐ ďĞŶĞĨŝƚƐ ĚŝƌĞĐƚ ƚŽ ĞŵƉůŽLJĞĞƐ ƐƵĐŚ ĂƐ ƵŶĞŵƉůŽLJŵĞŶƚ ƉĂLJ͕ ƐŝĐŬ ƉĂLJ͕ ƉĞŶƐŝŽŶ ƉĂƌƚůLJ ďĂƐĞĚ ŽŶ ĐŽŶƚƌŝďƵƚŝŽŶƐ
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The self-employed precariat enables many small growing firms to contract labour and skills as and when needed. Many, indeed most, of the self-employed value their independence and do not ask to be rescued or ‘saved’. Risks and rewards need, however, to be evenly balanced when the power relationships are anything but. While legislative changes can help to crack down on abuse such as forced or false self-employment, workers need to be able to organise and join forces in order to reduce overheads and, more importantly, defend and assert what rights they do have - including the right to a contract and the right to be paid on time, as well as workplace issues such as health and safety. The resounding message from the inquiry and this report is that the needs of this important group can, and probably can only be addressed, by a partnership between the trade union movement and the co-operative movement. This is already happening in an international context and this report highlights a number of striking examples of good practice from Italy to India and emerging in the USA under the Union Coop model. While the context of the digital economy is new, the problems generated by global digital corporations are not (even if their form is very modern). Addressing these problems requires the collaborative adaptation of resources and institutions with a long history and vast experience, created for and by working people, often applied with the support of municipal and local authorities. The prize is the development of a new, innovative and equitable solidarity economy.
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International evidence and UK best practice shows that organising self-employed workers is most successful when the trade union and co-operative movements, supported by local authorities, find common cause. In many parts of Europe this convergence and joint working is known as either the ‘social solidarity economy’ or just the ‘solidarity economy’. Both efforts are complementary. Trade unions help selfemployed workers get what they are entitled to and co operatives help them work together to make the most of what they have as common resources. In the USA, where the solidarity economy approach led to the Union Coop model co-developed by the US Steelworkers and the Mondragon Co-operatives from Spain, there is a different mutual aid logic underpinning the organising approach of precarious workers. This methodology is a throwback to the earlier days of trade unions and cooperatives working hand in glove.144
“Originally, unions were organised around a logic of mutual aid, which emphasises that, like an extended family, the union is a corporate entity whose members have multiple obligations to one another and share a collective responsibility for the well-being of one another. This logic enabled unions to survive in a hostile environment characterised by employer and legal opposition. Over time, unions lost their legitimate authority to command members’ commitment because they shifted their orientation from involving members in the lives of their unions to a servicing logic, which emphasises the role of leadership in negotiating material gains through a bureaucratic process, especially providing members with good wages and benefits. In today’s hostile environment, this logic is no longer effective. In order to survive, many unions are attempting to re-create their old mutual aid logic.” Mutual Aid and Union Renewal - Cycles of Logics of Action, Samuel B Bacharach, Peter A Bamberger, William J Sonnenstuhl Given the common dispersed situation of self-employed workers, the evidence of good practice gathered for this inquiry shows that the mutual aid logic for organising strategies is crucial for success - both for trade unions and for co-operatives to collaborate in recruiting and meeting. Moreover, it is the widespread lack faced by self-employed workers of employment protection, sick pay, holiday pay income and the barriers they face to accessing welfare benefits that underscores the importance of solidarity economy solutions co-developed by trade unions and co-operatives.
144 Samuel B. Bacharach, Peter A. Bamberger, and William J. Sonnenstuhl (2001) Mutual Aid and Union Renewal - Cycles of Logics of Action, Cornell University Press, page ix
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In his speech to the Labour Party conference on 29 September 2015, Jeremy Corbyn recognised the needs of self-employed workers and their exclusion from the welfare state.
“One in seven of the labour force now work for themselves. Some of them have been driven into it as their only response to keep an income coming in, insecure though it is. But many people like the independence and flexibility self-employment brings to their lives, the sense of being your own boss. And that’s a good thing. But with that independence comes insecurity and risk especially for those on the lowest and most volatile incomes. There’s no statutory sick pay if they have an accident at work. There’s no statutory maternity pay for women when they become pregnant. They have to spend time chasing bigger firms to pay their invoices so they don’t slip further into debt. They earn less than other workers, on average just £11,000 a year.....So I want our policy review to tackle this in a really serious way....Labour created the welfare state as an expression of a caring society but all too often that safety net has holes in it....and it is not there for the self-employed. It must be. That is the function of a universal welfare state.” Jeremy Corbyn, Labour Party leader Speci³c needs of self-employed workers identi³ed by the inquiry include: Comradeship and social support Whether working on short term contracts in differing workplaces, or working alone at a desk or driving a van, feeling alone is commonplace. Shared workspaces, a mutually developed back-office and membership of a support organisation builds confidence to negotiate better conditions for themselves. Communication with others Being part of some membership organisation or network enables them to share experiences, compare prices and charge-out rates, and identify rogue employers and agencies. Back of³ce services Most need professionally provided back-office services, whether in the form of invoicing, cash-flow management, access to finance, specialist insurance or collecting unpaid debts. Legal advice, advocacy and support All need some legal help and backing, of the type provided by trade unions to the conventionally employed and some freelancers, whether the comprehensive service of the Medical Defence Union, or simple contract advice. Marketing, sales and workspace Every member of the ‘precariat’ is constantly looking for work. An organisation like the French business and enterprise co-operatives, the CAEs, provides a nationwide solidarity economy solution for those new to self-employment.
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Cash-´ow protection This includes the provision of sickness pay to cover periods when they cannot work, as well as managing payment for work done, and providing mutual guarantees and credit facilities. A number of not-for-profit, social enterprise and co-operative organisations across the UK supply these types of service to a mixture of sole traders, co-operatives, social businesses and small businesses, whose needs overlap with those of the self-employed precariat while not necessarily being the same. There is, however, no joined-up or co-ordinated provision designed specifically for self-employed workers and most operations in England and Wales which seek to assist are very small-scale. By, contrast CAEs in France operate in most cities and provinces. They assist self-employed workers by having them listed on its books, by helping them co-operatively to self-manage, by providing them with workspace and insurance, by help them with marketing to find customers/hirers and also by assisting them to secure and deliver contracts.
7.1 Trade unions for the self-employed – the organising challenge The trade union movement needs a cohesive and sound plan able to respond to the transformational changes taking place in the workforce we have highlighted in this report. These changes are at their most dramatic in the development of the global digital corporations, such as Uber, which have the potential to drive earnings and work conditions catastrophically downwards as they squeeze competition and regulation out of the market. Trade unions have confronted and practically solved problems facing self-employed workers in the entertainment sector (BECTU, Equity, the Musicians’ Union and the NUJ) and they have considerable knowledge and experience of how to organise the self-employed, which they could pass on to other, larger, trade unions. The international dimension is reflected in the fact that the ILO, the International TUC and the International Co-operative Alliance have all recognised that organising the informal workers of the world is strategically crucial. Some general unions for self-employed workers have been successfully set up in the Netherlands and Spain. The Charter of Freelance Rights,145 developed by the European Federation of Journalists, has wider applicability to other self-employed workers and provides a template that could be adapted to develop a self-employed workers’ charter for the UK and for other European countries. WIEGO member organisations have shown both how to organise informal economy workers and how to change policy and law through successful advocacy. There is a need to make the self-employed workforce visible, to amplify their voice and to increase their presence and legitimacy in policy debates. What works well in India, which has a limited trade union infrastructure, is a joined up system of co-operatives and member based organisation support systems that in combination operate as new trade unions for the self-employed. This may not be so easy to adapt in the UK, where trade unions are already well established but the system’s principles can provide guidance to the TUC and Co-operatives UK. 145
http://www.ifj.org/issues/freelances-rights/
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7.2 Digital technology – Converting a master into a servant It is absolutely clear that if collectively owned and run organisations and electronic platforms are not created, transnational corporations will increase their control of the new platform technology and with it the supply of intermediaries and back-office services - to the growing disadvantage of self-employed workers. There is an urgent need to address this issue and work to design digital structures which can support selfemployed workers and enable them to maintain their independence and protect their livelihoods against the growing dominance of digital corporations.
7.3 Mutual Aid Logic: Organising and collaborative services models This inquiry has concluded that two distinct ‘mutual aid’ organising and services models are required: representation/insurance/advice and services supply co-provision. To get this right requires some degree of experimentation and a creative collaboration between UK trade unions and the co-operative movement and on a much bigger scale than existing good practices in the media sector. Co-ops and mutuals can provide a range of essential services to the self-employed Financial Services: ŝŶĐůƵĚŝŶŐ ĐŽŵŵĞƌĐŝĂů͕ ƐŽĐŝĂů ƉĞĞƌͲƚŽͲƉĞĞƌ
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Mutual Providers oviders
Co-op Providers Pro Provid Providers oviders
^ĞůĨͲĞŵƉůŽLJĞĚ ĂŶĚ ŽͲŽƉƐ ŵĂLJ ĐŽŵĞ ƚŽŐĞƚŚĞƌ ƚŽ ĐƌĞĂƚĞ ŶĞǁ ŽƌŐĂŶŝƐĂƚŝŽŶƐ ƚŽ ŵĞĞƚ ŶĞĞĚƐ ƐŽŵĞƚŝŵĞƐ ŽĨ ŶĞĐĞƐƐŝƚLJ
Self-employed Individuals
Bespoke services: Ğ͘Ő͘ ŝŶĚƵƐƚƌLJ ƐƉĞĐŝĨŝĐ ŝŶĚĞŵŶŝƚLJ ŝŶƐƵƌĂŶĐĞ
Commercial Services Provid Pro ovider ovider Providers
/ŶĚŝǀŝĚƵĂůƐ͕ ŽͲŽƉƐ ĂŶĚ DƵƚƵĂůƐ ŵĂLJ ďĞ ĂďůĞ ƚŽ ŽďƚĂŝŶ ƚŚĞ ƐĞƌǀŝĐĞƐ ƚŚĞLJ ŶĞĞĚ ŽŶ ƚŚĞ ŽƉĞŶ ŵĂƌŬĞƚ
Co-operatives Co-oper Members
The representation/insurance/advice bodies will need to be able to address a distinct category of worker, those who are registered as self-employed. The type of legal representation, insurance and advice this group needs is very different to those on PAYE, and it may be that different teams of advisers and lawyers need to be created to provide this. These could be part of the same representation/advice organisation that
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serves those on PAYE contract work, such as Trade Unions, or they could be in separate organisations linked federally, so that they can build the expertise to work with both groups. The services supply organisations can be sector specific (artists, actors, builders) or service specific (back-office, workspace, equipment sharing, finance, insurance). They can address a whole range of needs in addition to their main function, either through partnerships with financial institutions and insurance companies, or if they can build scale they can deliver directly. Examples where the more prosperous self-employed have organised, such as the Medical Defence Association (MDA), or like the National Farmers Union, through its historically associated organisation, NFU Mutual, show what is possible. An integrated model of representation and service supply together will be difficult to build in the UK, but whatever solution is found will need to draw upon the expertise of the trade union movement. With the direct involvement of the trade union movement it would be possible to design an organisation that supplies both some generic services and representation. What is also needed is proactive support and facilitation by trade unions and other anchor institutions to enable and encourage co-ops and the mutual organisations to develop and provide the necessary additional support and back office services. Bruno Roelants, of CECOP CICOPA – Europe, offered guidance to UK trade unions and co-operatives based on international experience in his evidence to the inquiry. He said: “‘One key observation regards who should do what in helping the self-employed organise themselves, including in co-operatives. Whereas as indicated in a series of examples, trade unions can indeed provide the self-employed with a series of services, for example, legal contracts, etc, helping people organise themselves in co-operatives is usually the role of co-operative organisations. The case of the French CAE is a typical example. In our experience and from our observation point, the few trade unions… that have committed themselves to organise co-operatives have either separate entities and institutions doing this co-op organisation work (e.g. SEWA or even the Wales Co-operative Centre) or have helped establish institutionally separate co-operative organisations (e.g. CICOPA member UNISOL in Brazil).” This guidance is consistent with the collaborative best practice in the UK identified by the inquiry. This is evident in the partnership between the Musicians’ Union and Co-operatives UK and the similar division of labour that operates between Equity’s representational work and services and the partnership with the CPMA to widen services through the development of actor co-ops. The illustration below highlights how a Solidarity Economy system could operate through a collaboration between the trade unions and the co-operative movement with additional support secured through Government and local authorities as is the case in France and Italy.
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Uniting Self-employed Workers – What a solidarity economy approach might look like Self-employed TU members represented to Government ernment to improve access to benefits, and to Employers oyers
Governmentt G Co-op Umbrella providing finance, tax, marketing, PI Insurance
Trade Union
Self-employed Individuals
Trade Union Anchor Organisation
^ĞůĨͲĞŵƉůŽLJĞĚ ĂŶĚ ĐŽͲŽƉƐ ĐŽŵĞ ƚŽŐĞƚŚĞƌ ƚŽ ĐƌĞĂƚĞ ŶĞǁ ŽƌŐĂŶŝƐĂƚŝŽŶƐ ƚŽ ŵĞĞƚ ŶĞĞĚƐ Mutual Insurance including PI Mutual Guarantee e schemes
Mutual back office services
Self-employed Associates Local & Specialist Co-operatives
^ƵƉƉŽƌƚ ^ƵƉƉŽƌƚ Θ ĨƵŶĚŝŶŐ Θ ĨƵŶĚŝŶŐ Local Authorities
Co-op Consortium Conssortium for benefits beneffits of scale e
Kƌ ŵĂLJ ďĞ ĂďůĞ ƚŽ ŽďƚĂŝŶ ƚŚĞ ƐĞƌǀŝĐĞƐ ƚŚĞLJ ŶĞĞĚ ŽŶ ƚŚĞ ŽƉĞŶ ŵĂƌŬĞƚ
^ƵƉƉŽƌƚͬĨ ƵŶĚŝŶŐ
Commercial Commercia C ial services providers provi iders
Mutual Finance schemes
Liability insurance, tools insurance, debt collection services and sick pay savings schemes could all be rolled up into a self-employed trade union package. A credit union, mutual credit like WIR and mutual loan guarantees, could be co-developed by the co-operative movement working closely with trade unions. Co-operative consortia, shared workspace co-ops and other mutual aid solutions would be complementary. The same would be the case for social co-operative organisations like the French CAEs for start-up support. Considerable knowledge is already present among the Federation of Entertainment Unions on how to organise self-employed workers and meet their needs. Some of these unions are also supplying specialist services to their members such as debt collection and liability insurance, so there is considerable experience to build on. If the TU movement works with the co-operative movement, with which it shares its values and a common history, a unified service and representation model is possible and would still leave space for specialist bodies supplying services to specialist groups.
7.4 Devolved UK governments The devolved governments in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales all have the power over economic development devolved to them. All have established cross/all-party groups on co operatives and mutuals, and all have policies which promote co-operatives to a greater or lesser extent. Recently, these groups have started to work more closely to develop policy. There is an opportunity in Wales to blaze a trail within the UK in supporting self-employed people in vulnerable employment and to strengthen their position in
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the labour market through co-operative models in a similar fashion to the French CAE model. The Wales Co-operative Centre (WCC) is unique as a co-operative development body for being set up by the trade union movement. It began more than three decades ago. WCC’s relationship with the trade union movement remains strong today. It provides the ideal conditions to bring together two key players. Furthermore, the highly successful Enterprise Rehearsal Project, which ran during the early 2000s, means that the WCC already has experience of supporting individuals that are unemployed to become self-employed by assisting them to test trade their business idea whilst still on benefits. The Buurtzorg neighbourhood care model in the Netherlands and case study (section 3.6) is a model that could be developed in Wales. It could be aligned with the social services and Well being (Wales) Act 2014 which actively promotes the adoption of cooperative models of social care. There is scope to adopt the model to increase the pace of social co-op development, to realise a Wales-wide business that works in a distributed way, in small self-managing teams, providing customised home care in a range of neighbourhoods.
7.5 Summary recommendations Time is of the essence. The self-employed workforce is growing at over a quarter million each year, and accounts for more than 50 per cent of new jobs being created. There is a need to act fast to alleviate the condition of the ‘precariat’ and offer self-employed workers the services they need. This needs matching with proactive recruitment to help them build a collective voice for change. The four guiding objectives and recommendations for uniting self-employed workers are: 1.
2.
3.
4.
Recognition of the growing self-employed workforce, by developing organising strategies for self-employed workers, bringing together trade unions and the cooperative sector and operating with the support of national union centres such as the TUC The development of organising strategies will involve consideration of key priorities for action, including: • Primary sectors, such as the creative industries, care services and the green economy • Primary services, such as a credit union for freelancers, provision of micro-insurance and related services such as debt collection, tax accounting and legal advice, the scope for platform co-operatives and sources of capital for cooperative business development The interests of self-employed workers are not well represented in national policymaking, with the result that they face unnecessary regulatory burdens and barriers. The Department for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) should identify how to create a voice for self-employed workers at the heart of government, learning from the way in which wider small business has successfully become recognized over time, in business policy, regulatory interventions and commissioning design. Two policy initiatives that are high priority, to unlock the potential for collaboration across self-employed workers, are: the development by the Treasury and Financial Conduct Authority of an appropriate regulatory treatment for mutual guarantee societies; and exploration by the Department for Work and Pensions of the potential for business and employment co-operatives for people on benefit.
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Appendix one Co-operative d’Activités et d’Emploi (CAE) The social economy in France is estimated at around 12 per cent of GDP employing around 1.3 million people, very similar to the level in the UK and indeed the level in other European countries. As in the UK essentially the philosophy underlying the principles of the social economy include sustainable development, localism and a belief that there are issues other than profit. France however has a more mutualist culture, so the idea that staff and beneficiaries should also play a part in decision-making is much stronger than in the UK, and the idea of a social enterprise run by a lone social entrepreneur which is becoming increasingly common in the UK, would seem unusual to them. La Maison de l’Initiative (MdI) in Toulouse is a SCOP (Société Co-operative et Participative)146 offering a general range of business support and advice in a co-operative setting, and a Co-operative d’Activités et d’Emploi (CAE) which is part of a national network of CAEs147 aiming to explain and promote the idea of ‘salaried entrepreneurs’. It has operated for 20 years, employs 14 staff and grew out of a project aimed at encouraging women from economically deprived areas of Toulouse to develop their own enterprises. While it now supports men as well as women equal participation by women remains a core aim. The learning from the early days of the organisation was that at the end of a period of training and support to develop their enterprise idea, the clients still lacked the confidence and experience to launch their enterprise. The solution they developed was to ‘couver’ them (incubate their businesses in the way a hen incubates and hatches out her eggs) for a period of one year following a period of training and development. During the incubation period, they may continue to draw benefit or unemployment income from the state but also, when their enterprise begins to earn income, they draw a salary from CAE funded by their own earnings. After running the service for disadvantaged women, the organisation decided it could be applied much more widely, to anyone starting up an enterprise who needed training or support – and a period of protection. The methodology for working with the client that they use is fairly standard across all the CAEs: • Potential clients have to present themselves for interview where their aspirations and ideas are discussed and developed. Are they serious about the idea of their own enterprise? Do they realise it may mean some 24/7 commitment? How much to they hope to earn? • This is then followed by a period of training. People may already have a qualification or a trade but may know nothing of marketing or business development; or they may have no existing qualification or experience and need to develop that too 146 SCOPs in France use the same legal forms as other companies (SA, SAS, SARL) but with the key difference that at least 50% of both the capital and the Board are controlled by the salaried employees who vote democratically on running the organisation. SCOPs are essentially the French form of worker co-operative
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Cooperer pour Entreprendre – Co-operate for Enterprise http://www.cooperer.coop
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•
• •
• • •
•
• •
They then launch their business which the CAE helps them promote via the website. The initial earnings may be €0 in which case nothing is payable and no salary is received. When the number of hours of employed work exceeds 25, they become salaried employees and receive a salary based on what their business is earning. The SAE approaches the calculation of the salary in a very sophisticated way. If for example €800/month comes in the first month, they may base the salary on €600 so that peaks and troughs can be evened out. Any surplus is held back, and can be paid when the business is on its feet. During this period the client must issue their own invoices and prepare and understand their own accounts, and 10 per cent of gross earnings are paid to the CAE to cover its costs After two years a decision has to be taken whether to leave the umbrella of the CAE and strike out on their own, or to become an associate (associé), which still allows them to be employed up to half-time in another job As an associate, they continue to receive a salary and remain in effect an employee of the CAE. An agreement is signed between them and the CAE setting out the basis for the working relationship which includes a commitment to the social economy and provides them with accounting support (detailed in the additional bullet points) Chasing up bad debts and late payments (and the associates salary is still paid even if the payment of their invoices has been delayed) Assistance in completing and submitting tax and social contribution declarations The necessary ‘agrément’ – proof of qualification of experience in the relevant area of work - which CAE holds and is insured for collectively, on the basis that CAE has assured itself that the individual has the required competence if not the relevant piece of paper Insurance (for which they pay a further €50 per annum on top of the 10%) provided through MACIF148 itself a mutual. (MACIF will not insure specific employments of a professional nature and has certain exclusions so that not every area of work can be supported) In the case of the building trades CAE, entrepreneurs also access a Groupama policy which provides their work with the 10 year guarantee required by French law Access to their network so that they are aware of opportunities and so they can work with other associates or other known social economy organisations when tendering for larger schemes or for jobs which includes competences they do not have
The number of associates at MdI in Toulouse has grown steadily from three initially to 60 – covering 25 different types of enterprise including some esoteric ones (like a provider of draft oxen to extract timber from awkwardly sited woodlands). MdI does not pay dividends to its members – all funds are re-used for its objects - but as a SCOP has the right to do so if it chooses although dividends would obviously be small. There is also a second CAE in Toulouse Coop’Action149 which deals with people who want to start something related to the building trade and supports its 34 associates to take on contracts alone or together. Coopénates150 is based in Alsace, and specialises in home care services. The Penates were the Roman household gods and the French still use the familiar expression ‘regagner ses pénates’ to mean to get back to one’s country or home. Coopénates aims to meet the rising demand for care services both for an ageing population and also for working parents as a result of the rise of the birth rate in France. 148 149 150
https://www.macif.fr/web/site/offres/particuliers http://www.coopaction.com http://www.coopenates.com
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The Government’s ‘Plan Borloo’ launched in 2005 created a favourable tax regime that facilitated the launch. Like all CAEs individual entrepreneurs create their own business in its shelter. Artenréel,151 also in Alsace is similarly a CAE working since 2004 in artistic and cultural fields under the legal form of a Société Coopérative et Participative (SCOP). Antigone,152 the third Alsace CAE, is similar to MdI, working with self-employed people in a range of fields. The CAE model has many of the features that a mutual for the selfemployed would also wish to have, in particular the provision of insurance and other services, but it has others besides including: • Enabling people to test their idea for self-employment in a protected and supported environment, without risk • Providing the professional agrément (certification) which the individual may lack • Provision of training • Connecting enterprises with each other to enable them to make bids for larger items of work and to join together to offer services generally A crucial difference however is that the self-employed associates within the CAE have arrived there after two years of a) training, advice assistance and support, and b) testing the enterprise in a sheltered environment with the limited pressure that the enterprise must sustain at least 25 hours work per week within 12 months or be abandoned. By contrast many of the five million self-employed people in the UK who earn on average £10,000pa (compared to the average of £15,000 in 2010 when the number of selfemployed was 4.2 million) have arrived there often with very little help, support or shelter. Having been in many cases forced into unsatisfactory and unrewarding selfemployment, they may not be open to a general offer that it would be in their interests to join the self-employed mutual and pay for the services it offers. Other key differences with the UK may be: • Following the abolition of the English Regions as part of the UK government, ESF in England is managed through Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPS) that includes groups of local authorities. It tends to be subject to a bidding process which forces voluntary organisations to join into large consortia and to make bids which conform to pre-determined criteria. Making a successful bid, in effect to create the equivalent of a CAE, would need a lot of preparation to persuade those allocating the funds that it could be an effective use of resources as it needs to operate on some scale. ESF in Wales is distributed differently but with some similarities. There are no LEPS and ESF is operated through WEFO, the Welsh government body • Other funds from local authorities are hard to come by as economic development is not a statutory duty, and so is not a key function of most local authorities • The CAEs operating via the SCIC legal form where co-operators share services but each run their own enterprise and receive salaries related to that enterprise would be a new one for the UK, but there seems no reason in principle why a co-operative could not be set up which pays salaries on this basis. Some legal advice would be needed to ensure that minimum wage legislation is not a barrier. This is of course a very different model from a self-employed mutual or co-operative consortia, which are co-operatives of independent individuals and organisations who run their own enterprises without any direction or control from the co-operative, but come together to create a service provision organisation to meet their needs 151 152
http://artenreel.com http://www.antigone.coop
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Appendix two The European Federation of Journalists Charter of Freelance Rights Freelances are the most vulnerable workers in the media sector. This Charter is a vital tool in the EFJ campaign for improved legal protection for freelance journalists. Every freelance has the right to organise in a union and by collective work seek to improve the situation for freelances and other journalists. Freelances and their unions should have the right to offer services to foster the solidarity among freelances and between freelances and staff, such as recommendations of fees and collective bargaining. Every freelance should have the same professional rights as an employee, the same right to seek information, to protect sources, to uphold ethical standards. Every freelance has a right to a written contract. Every freelance has the right to be treated as a fair partner when negotiating. Every freelance has the right to hers/his authors’ rights. All freelances must have unwaivable moral rights. Freelances must have the right of collective bargaining regarding their authors’ rights. Every freelance has a right to choose the best suitable form for hers/his way of freelancing. A fake or forced freelance who is economically dependent should be treated as an employee and will receive all statutory rights and benefits. Every freelance should have the right to equal protection by social security institutions on equal terms with employees’ such as: • sick pay • retirement pension • unemployment allowance • maternity/paternity allowance equivalent to a comparable employee Every freelancer has the right to equal treatment and to receive decent fees and thus not undermine the positions of staff through providing cheap work. This includes the right – when sent on dangerous assignments – to have the same training, insurances and security system as employees in the same situation. This Charter has been adopted by the EFJ Annual Meeting in Bled, 6-9 April 2006.
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Appendix three Money advice and cash-flow support for the self-employed There are a number of voluntary sector organisations offering advice to the public in difficulty, which are also able to offer advice to the self-employed. Most are members of Advice UK,153 which is the representative body for advice service providers across UK. Based in London it has member organisations that are local, and others, which operate nationwide. Membership ranges from Christian groups to large legal practices. It has 800+ members, 18 staff based in London, and a £1.5million turnover TaxAid is an HMRC and Lottery funded organisation, which is able to assist self-employed people on low incomes who have been unable to resolve their problems with HMRC. Accountants provide advice pro-bono to try to assist them out of their difficulties. Business Debtline is a free money and debt advice agency for the self-employed and micro-enterprises. Established 25 years ago in Birmingham it now operates across the UK. StepChange is a similar organisation providing free advice gives advice to all in difficulty, and has a dedicated team specifically to deal with the self-employed. Pennysmart CIC154 based in Chester, is a small local provider of debt and money advice, typical of the many others in towns and cities across the UK. They estimate that around 10 per cent of the clients they see are self-employed. Like most of the other local advisers, they don’t have a specialist advice service for the self-employed, but they are eligible for their general advice service. Cash-´ow smoothing for the self-employed Invoice discounting and factoring are services offered by mainstream banks and their finance house subsidiaries to businesses to ease their cash flow. Like all private sector services offered to small businesses, Discounting and Factoring are offered by banks to generate income, not to serve their customers. Invoice discounting - How it works The bank or finance house agrees and credit checks a list of the businesses’ customers, and a special bank account is set up to which both the business and the finance house have access. When the business invoices these customers, it submits a copy Invoice to the finance house, which then pays them around 90 per cent of the invoice value within a few days. Once the invoice is paid to the business, the finance house takes back the 90 per cent advance plus a percentage fee. The business has to do its own payment chasing, and if the bill is not settled in an agreed time, the Finance House takes the advance payment back, plus its fee. This system improves the businesses’ cash-flow dramatically, but the customers are unaware of the arrangement.
153 154
http://www.adviceuk.org.uk http://www.pennysmart.org.uk
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Factoring – How it works This is a more comprehensive service, but it is visible to the customers. The finance house pays out a percentage of the invoice value a few days after the business issues an Invoice, but the finance house then owns the debt. The customer has to pay the finance house direct, and they will chase any unpaid bills and take the customer to court for non-payment if it comes to that. This gives a similar improvement to the businesses’ cash-flow, but the charge is higher. In practice however, neither of these services is available to the lone entrepreneur, even those that are not in the ‘precariat’, as banks are not interested in supplying such a service unless there is sufficient volume of sales. This service is in effect supplied by some of the service co-operatives, and by the CAEs in France. In the UK there remains a great opportunity to provide a similar service to those not part of such a co-operative as collecting payments is a problem for most self-employed workers. Mutual alternatives to factoring and discounting Mutual organisations can offer other ways to smooth cash-flow. Those that offer an invoicing and debt collection service can include an automatic invisible loan facility, paying invoices out to members on time, and then collecting any overdue debts on their behalf. Alternatively they can operate a programmed, regular payment system such as that offered by the French CAEs (see appendix one). In a mutual organisation this cash-flow smoothing operates by using the pooled funds held within the organisation. Such a system removes the need for an outside service from a bank, and thus the leakage of profits to the private sector
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Appendix four Terms of reference for the deliberative inquiry To investigate the practical pathways to service growing levels of need for self-employed workers, this project will conduct an independent deliberative inquiry involving a range of organisations that are well placed to collaborate to develop a ‘mutual aid’ economy framework to support the self-employed ‘precariat’. The terms of reference for the project are as follows: • The research will build upon the research of Co-operatives UK, New Economics Foundation and that of other studies by the ILO, UNI Global Union and other trade unions • The project will conduct telephone interviews with trade union, co-operatives and mutuals operating in the UK and abroad that offer a range of integrated services for self-employed workers • Models developed for self-employed members by trade unions will be appraised for their packages and experiences to date • Co-operative sector service models including the Business and Employment Cooperative (BEC) systems in a number of European countries will be investigated for good practices • The work will be guided by key stakeholders for appraising and commenting on the findings and to provide expert guidance on the preparation of the final report. These stakeholder organisations include Co-operatives UK, the Community Development Finance Association, the TUC, the Wales TUC, The Wales Co-operative Centre and Unity Trust Bank • Consultation methods for the inquiry will take evidence, invite presentations from practitioners to assist in compiling a solutions oriented report with key strategic recommendations for developing collaborative economy systems that harness the creativity of the co-operative movement, the trade union movement as well as the social banking and community finance sector.
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Thousands of businesses, one network
Co-operatives UK is the network for Britainâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s thousands of co-operatives. We work to promote, develop and unite member-owned businesses across the economy. From high street retailers to community owned pubs, fan owned football clubs to farmer controlled businesses, co-operatives are everywhere and together they are worth ÂŁ37 billion to the British economy.
www.uk.coop
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