Political Influences in the transformation of Yangon and their Implications

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De Montfort University Faculty of Arts, Design & Humanities

Leicester School of Architecture

ARCH 3052

Architecture of Informalities, Yangon

Political Influences in the transformation of Yangon and their Implications

Author P-17214747

Session 2019-20

Essay submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Architecture Page 1 of 22


Statement of Originality

I confirm by submitting this work for assessment that I am its sole author, and that all quotations, summaries or extracts from published sources have been correctly referenced. I confirm that this work, in whole or in part, has not been previously submitted for any other award at this or any other institution.

Abstract

Under the rules of a military government, Myanmar had been isolated for nearly five decades from the outside world. With rapid transformations, Yangon’s urban landscapes and the residents of the city have been threatened by the military government’s violent policy. It was in Yangon, that stunning British architecture styles could be found. It was in Yangon where violent political riots occurred. It was in Yangon, where the country’s independence leader, General Aung San and his cabinet members were assassinated. Yangon has always been the major city and the focal point for many significant events. Yangon is the perfect example to prove that the formation of a city is a reflection of the forces of government and the residents of it. The country’s largest and most populous city, Yangon is transforming but struggling to maintain its image. The city center provided many demonstration sites and the government has tried to erase those memories to protect itself from future, similar events. Yangon and its unique beauty have thankfully managed to survive the regimes’ striking transformations and political changes.

Acknowledgments I’d like to say a massive thank you to my tutor Adriana Massidda for supporting me with helpful seminars, tutorials and reading lists. Without her help, I wouldn’t have been able to keep on track. I’d also like to thank to Harshavardhan Jatkar for providing me with useful comments and articles for my work. I’d like to acknowledge the support of Kimberlin Library’s CLASS team and Emily who provided me with online tutorials and helpful comments and grammar checks. Finally, I’d like to thank Mr Tarquin Crouch for proofreading this essay. Word Count This essay has a word count of 7,886. This figure excludes the front cover, Statement of originality, Acknowledgements and abstract as instructed.

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Table of Contents

Acknowledgments

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Table of Contents

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Introduction

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Chapter I: Brief History of Myanmar and Yangon. Chapter II: Revolutions and Relocations Chapter III: Architecture of Yangon Conclusion

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Bibliography

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In Yangon, there have been many dramatic political events and conflicts caused by how the military government treated the civilian population. These event caused migration to the city and drastic population growth. On the other hand, the city has seen massive transformations. How has the military junta in the Union of Myanmar controlled migration and population in Yangon as a solution to political issues in the city? What impact has this had on the architecture of the city and the lives of the people who live there? Introduction Yangon, the former capital and the largest city of the Union of Myanmar is a city where one can find a complex, contemporary urban landscape, exotic culture, vivid historical past, and political embodiment. The city has been through times in which it has been cherished and times in which it was brutally isolated. The city was founded as a small village about a thousand years ago but given the name ‘Yangon’ in the 18th century. The first time that the city was recognized as a capital was during the British colonial period in 1852 (LSE, 2017, p.30). During the British Empire, the city was one of the world’s most vibrant ports, where travelers from around the world would arrive by ocean liner at the palm-fringed harbour. It has cosmopolitan avenues and spectacular European architecture. At one time, Yangon was one of the British empire’s jewels (Perrottet, 2013) but in 1962 the military government took power and radically transformed Yangon and its people’s lives. Since the military junta took power, the country has faced a lot of political, economic and globalization issues. The city has gone through decades of isolation without international communication and with economic sanctions imposed causing rapid changes and transformations in Yangon. The political climate led to consecutive changes in the urban landscape of the country, most noticeably in Yangon. The urban population growth, the formation of new townships and expansion of the city boundaries were a direct result of government policy and action (Nwe, 1998). Different political issues occurred at different periods and the city was treated as a solution to ease those issues. The city transformations are a series of changes that affected settlements and the spirit of the city. Under the military government, the country was isolated from the outside world for nearly five decades. (During the whole period of the military junta, there were a few leadership changes within the military. However, as an organization the military remained as one referred to as the junta, the military government and sometimes as the regime, by world’s Page 4 of 22


media). Decades of isolation mean stagnation and repression for the country and people. Yangon is the perfect example to prove that the formation of a city is the reflection of the forces of government and residents in it. Alongside those conflicts, the most populated and largest city, Yangon, has been transformed but struggled to keep its image. Donald (2005, p.257) stated that “Yangon is a place with many coexisting and conflicting identities”. This essay will discuss how Yangon has been redesigned under the rule of the military government through political changes and argue how the history of the city has been damaged and its citizens negatively affected. Literature Review Donald M.Seekins’ (2005, p 257- 275) paper debated how the military government in Myanmar has used its government power to control the population in Yangon. In March 1988, there was a minor incident between university students and the government which led to even large scale clashes. Brutal actions were taken on demonstrations by the military government. Seekins (2005) has carefully documented the ongoing cycle of students' protests and the government’s actions which became gradually more intense over time. By the summer of 1988, a demonstration in which university students from across the country, and hundreds of thousands of Yangon residents had begun. After this nationwide demonstration, the military government violently took power of the country and in Seekins (2005p.189) word “pacified” the city of Yangon where these demonstrations originated. This event forced the government to plan and redesign the city in a way in which the authorities could easily control political riots. The new plan of the city included the relocation of the university campuses and forced the relocation of residents from the city center to distance satellite towns. Seekins (2005) had well-observed and described how the military government’s policy had been controlling the population in the city center by rebuilding Yangon for their own ends. In Marion Sabrie’ (2019, p 33-64) paper, she has closely researched Yangon and her main discussion is “How the spatialization of the urban fabric and population has been shaped politically and institutionally over the past several decades” (Sabrie’, 2019, p.35). She also pointed out the lack of knowledge of the government and residents on urban studies. To some extent, the transformations in the city are organized and decided by authorities who lack understanding in urban planning and as a consequence, the city has a disorganized circulatory system which causes challenges to inhabitants’ daily life. Sabrie’ (2019, p.33-64) has Page 5 of 22


demonstrated her view of the government’s poor action by looking at different issues in the city such as weak public transportation, the distances between public spaces and lack of fundamental infrastructures. The political crisis highly influenced the planning of the city which resulted in moving people away from educational buildings and government offices. Typically, these play a significant roles in the planning of cities. There were several political issues countrywide, but in the city of Yangon how these political situations influence urban development and people’s life were documented by Sabrie’ (2019, p33-64). Sabrie’ (2019) surveyed and documented the issues in Yangon as well as lived in the city for a few years. The main argument in her paper is the effects of city transformations on people and how the transformations affected the needs of the city. Sabrie’s (2019) discussion provides information on the daily issues which people in Yangon face as a consequence of government actions. Than Than Nwe (1998, p.86-113) focuses on the spatial order in Yangon. She argues that the developments and planning in the city are directly related to the political situation in the country. In her paper, she describes the transformation of the city by looking at the population growth, reasons which encourage the growth of population and how political circumstances effect the expansion of the city. Nwe (1998, p86-113) discusses that the political system of the country has significantly dominated the shape of the city. The author’s studies of the city’s transformation began from the time of the British colony to 1998. She looks at the fundamental changes to Yangon as a result of the political situation. Firstly, she mentions the growth of the population. There were a variety of reasons which encourages migration to the city. People from the countryside and villages moved to Yangon since there were better employment opportunities, a better standard of living, and education as a result of being the main British commercial port. During the post-war period, the highest population growth occurred as rural areas were facing political instability and insecurity. Nwe (1998) has described all these reasons which resulted in the extension of the city’s boundaries and the creation of new townships which broaden the city’s area and pattern. Nwe (1998) helps to reconcile the main argument of this essay, which is the influence of the government on the transformation of Yangon. The main argument in Tony Perrottet’s (2013, p.1-8) paper is how the mesmerizing beauty of Yangon’s architecture has been poorly preserved and ignored by the military government. The author has visited the city with the local historian and former United Nations official, Thant Myint U and described the beauty of Yangon’s architecture. He Page 6 of 22


mentions that Yangon was a British jewel and a very popular city for tourists, writers, and celebrities. The vibrant society and the allure of the city were protracted in books and movies. When the military government took over the country in 1962, the economic and the romance of Yangon were ruined. The author pointed out that without preservation and care, the historic architecture of Yangon could be disappear. The author also mentions how the city has been overdeveloped as a consequence of Myanmar’s rapid political change. From late 2010 to 2012 the country’s international relations have reopened and a wave of investments from foreign countries has entered the country. As more office spaces, commercial buildings and business centers were desperately needed, a majority of people felt that the city needed to be changed as much as possible. The author claims that no one has noticed what the city is losing: the historic architecture and buildings. Perrottet (2013, p.1-8) wandered around the corners of the city and mentioned how the historic buildings and infrastructure of Yangon have faded and being replaced. In addition to reviewing theories and papers about Yangon, discussions about the city of Lagos have also been reviewed to provide contrast. Lagos and Yangon have very similar transformational background in terms of political changes, infrastructure and the struggles of the residents in the city. Learning about Lagos has helped in the study of Yangon by looking at similar theories of different cities in different locations. Rem Koolhaas (2000, p.652-719) described Lagos in the point of an emerging metropolis with the complexity of newly evolving social and economic structures. Koolhaas (2000) urged to celebrate what is in the city rather than looking for what it lacks. He was trying to look for the essence of the city as it is. He was reading the best of the city to celebrate its development. He also mentioned how space planning in the city has been shaped by changes in the city. When there was no dedicated space for local businesses and industries, they occupied the space which was supposed to be for urban private use. He mentioned those events in the city area to understand how it effects to the whole urban fabric. He read Lagos as in icon, the characteristics of it and the existence of it. He proposed a new way to examine a modern city by looking at the events in the city. First, he examined the development and growth of the city by looking at the property lines of the city, and the differences between the lives of public areas and private areas. Then the author described the formation of transport and how this infrastructure had been transformed into marketplaces. Koolhass(2000) urged that he would look at Lagos in a way it is, rather than looking at it as a city.

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Further texts have helped me to understand how different (or even contending) approaches can construct one single understanding about a city. In Matthew Gandy’s (2005, p.37-52) paper, the author highlighted and raised the issues that the city is facing alongside its self-regulatory development and governmental influences. Gandy has a different focus on reading the city of Lagos. He introduced two approaches to read the city. In the first case, he focused on the “urban apocalypse” of Lagos. He explored poverty, violence, disease, political corruption and all those issues that the city is facing and the reason behind these and their effect on its residents. In the second approach, the author focuses on the “novelties of the city’s morphology” Gandy (2005, p.39).

Methodology I have used my personal experience of being Burmese (Myanmar citizen) and growing up in Yangon. I have moved to different cities in Myanmar which has helped me to understand more of Yangon’s pros and cons. I have experienced the disorganized transportation system which consumes a large amount of people’s daily routine, and life in sub-standard housing and residential buildings. To study the political backgrounds of Yangon and the response of the citizens, Seekins (2005) and Perrottet (2013) papers have been studied. From Seekins’ (2005) discussion, I was able to look at the timelines of political events and transformations. This has supported my understanding of urban spaces formations in Yangon. On the other hand, Perrottet (2013) has well observed the beauty of Yangon’s architecture. Looking at his descriptions of Yangon improved my understanding of Yangon not only as a city but also as a place where memories and history have been treasured. In Marion’s paper, she had written those issues in the city and I can relate to them as personal experience. Her paper helps me to realize more how the city is changing politically and how people are struggling in those changes. Marion is a lecturer from France, and she had visited Myanmar to complete her Masters and Ph.D. thesis. She also concluded her personal experiences during her stay in Yangon. The information in her paper was collected not only form the local residences but also from the tourists in Yangon. All those personal experiences and real-life information helps me to argue about the requirement of “Yangonites” (Marion, 2019), and how their life has been affected by the rapid transformation of the city. Page 8 of 22


Than Than Nwe (1998), who is a Burmese author has also included her real-life experience in her paper. She has carefully analyzed the changes in the city which occurred under different governments and were caused by their decisions. Her discussion provides information on the spatial changes in Yangon. I had looked at Rem Koolhaas and Matthew Gandy’s writings as an example of reading a city’s situation. Lagos and Yangon have very similar situations in terms of political, economic and city characters. Reading Koolhaas and Gandy’s point of view on Lagos helps me to read Yangon in different aspects.

Chapter I: Brief History of Myanmar (Burma) and Yangon (Rangoon) Yangon under the British Government Myanmar is located on the edge of South-East-Asia mainland and borders Thailand, Laos, China, India, Bangladesh, and the Indian Ocean. The country was called Burma during the British period and the city Yangon was called Rangoon, which was an Anglicized version. The country consists of seven states and seven divisions. The city Yangon is situated in Yangon division. Myanmar was a kingdoms and dynasties until 1824 when the British occupied Yangon and the entire lower part of the country. In 1885 the British occupied the upper part of the country, ending the last kingdom by exiling the last king and queen of the royal family. From then, Myanmar was ruled by the British as part of the Indian Raj. During the British rule Yangon was sophisticated and one of the major port cities of South-East-Asia. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Myanmar was peaceful and prosperous (Thwe, 2002, p.13). In Yangon, one can see beautiful European architecture in the colonial downtown filled with elegant promenades, boutiques, hotels, and restaurants. Famous authors, celebrities and travelers from around the world would come to Yangon to see the beauty of the city (Perrottet, 2013, p.2).The British’ transformation plan for the city included sophisticated infrastructures such as railways, schools, and well-developed agriculture. The country became the greatest resource and exporter of rice in the whole world (Thwe, 2002, p.13). It was not a surprise that once the economy developed, the population of the city increased. The city’s original population capacity was 360,000 people. Under British rule, the government encouraged Indians to emigrate to Yangon to work in paddy lands and the port Page 9 of 22


areas of Yangon. The extension of the city is the response to economic growth and the rise in population. Because of the rapidly increased population, the extension of the city’s boundaries was needed (Nwe, 1998, p .92). The British government’s first extensions of the city were Hline and Yangon Rivers to the South and West. The extension to the East was Pazundaung Creek and Bago River. Although the government made this decision to expand the city areas, it increased the level of difficulties in the east-west area as there were many flats and marshlands. Furthermore, transportation to commute to new areas of the city was insufficient. Great budget and high technology were needed to reconcile the constraints of the extensions (Nwe, 1998, p95). Furthermore, the political situation became unstable following the independence of the country from the British Empire in 1948. As a result, the development and extensions of Yangon were influenced by the new government. Post War period in Yangon The political situation in the country became more complex after independence making it harder for people and the city. After the military government took over the country, people became vulnerable and the city stagnated. It was in 1947 when the British Empire promised independence to Burma in 1948. The chief of the revolution and the leader who gained independence was General Aung San. However, the general and most of his cabinet members were tragically assassinated in 1947 by the opposition party (Thwe, 2002, p.13). Following this tragic event, there were no significant or proper government running the country. The political situation in Myanmar became chaotic. There were riots in the countryside and a lot of people burst into urban centers seeking refuge. Armed militias and various political parties from different ethnic groups against the new military government and civilians fled to Yangon’s urban area to seek safety. The city’s population grew because of increasing refugees. In 1951, the city’s population reached to 650,000 with 50,000 living in squats. Due to the arrival of the immigrants from around the country, the city couldn’t provide enough space for everyone and informal settlements resulted (Sabrie’, 2019, p.34). Overcrowding population’s squatter settlements were everywhere, on private land, public land and even on pavements, roads and railway sideways. To accommodate this increased population, the government started housing projects in different areas of the city (Nwe,1998). While providing new housing constructions, the government also acted to clear slums. However, as there were elections and transitions in government organizations, the actions were not taken functionally, but politically motivated.

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The Junta Until 1962, U Nu, who was the fellow associate of general Aung San, won an election with public voting and succeeded the country. In February 1962, the socialist military government led by Ne Win, the commander of the army, seized control of the country. Although U Nu government were hesitate to relocate people against their will, the military government moved nearly a third of Yangon’s population to three satellite towns outside of the city (Yin May, 1962). Hundreds of students demonstrated in July 1962. The military government violently acted to the protest by massacring the students and demolishing the student union building on the campus of Rangoon (Yangon) university. Ne Win’s government shut down independent newspapers and student organizations. Private business such as shops, hotels and restaurants were nationalized. The country’s infrastructure crumbled and Myanmar became one of the ten poorest countries in the world by 1988 (Thwe, 2002, p.15). Yangon has always been the major city and the focal place for a lot of significant events. Under the military government, they aimed to transform and control the city’s public areas to gain political control over people. The military mainly aimed at high concentrated public places such as Buddhist holy sites, the Shwe Dagon Pagoda and university campuses in the city. It was in 1988 when vast demonstrations of university students and people occurred, that the city of Yangon went through a massive transformation. During the revolutionary time to the military government, the Shwe Dagon Pagoda in the city center of Yangon provided not only as holy religious place, but also as a public gathering space for many political activities. University students gathered here to prompt revolutions and political leaders gave speech to people on the pagoda hill (Seekins, 2005, p.257). Out of all revolutionary protests, the events in 1988 are the most significant and the one which forced the government to make changes in the city. Although there were many former issues which encouraged the 1988 demonstration, the remarkable ones were labor strikes which was caused by running out of rice and other essentials in 1974. About half a million of workers from Yangon and Mandalay (another commercial and major city participated in the strikes. In late 1974, another antecedent occurred due to the riot between students and the military soldiers. Not only the university students but also Buddhist monks and civilians joined in the events this time. The main reason behind this demonstration was the military government didn’t allow a proper funeral for U That (who was the United Nations Secretary) and the students and the supporters captured the coffin of U Thant and tried to install it at the Yangon Page 11 of 22


University Convocation Hall. The military violently stormed the campus and a lot of student and people were killed. Following this incident, the rioters attacked a lot of government offices and after more students’ demonstrations, the government shut down the university campuses (Seekins, 2005). The cycle of students’ protests and the government action were the main political issues around this time and which affected economic situation of the country. Because of this economic hardship a lot of ordinary city residents faced difficulties in their life.

Chapter II: Revolution and Relocation The 1988 revolution and Yangon The uprising antecedents and the occurrence of 1988 gave a chance to the military government to redesign Yangon under their control. As the country’s economic situation was getting worse, people were facing a lot of difficulties in their lives. And the military government were attempting to manipulate people’s point of view by luring the idea of democracy, however the violent actions of the military didn’t change. Public fear and wariness grew as they organized committees to protect themselves and installed barricades around their properties to stop intruders form coming in. As there were no official government to look after these cases, the self-organized committees divided into mini authority groups to look after different areas of the city (Seekins, 2005, p.263). However, as the conflicts between university student population and the military grew, a new society where everybody came together as one was formed to fight the military government. On 8 of September 1988, hundreds of thousands of people joined the student demonstration which exceeded all previous demonstrations. Large number of civilians were killed, and the city was pacified. The city was transformed into a place without the essence of a city but military power. The military government wanted to make sure not to let any massive demonstrations happen again. The government expended their policy to reduce the populated city center so that they could prevent any attack by residents. Furthermore, they’ll have better control on population (Sabrie’, 2019, p.37). They started planning of the city solely for political purposes. As a first step, they attempt to relocate the large amount of city center’s population to prevent gathering for demonstrations and protests. The government also locked down sites and buildings which relate to revolutions in the past or 1988 event. They used any strategy they could to redesign the city. Page 12 of 22


The forced relocation of Yangon’s city center population included all civilians from different settlement background: squatters, residents in slums and middle-class families who had lived on their land for many generations. As the city center provided many places for demonstrations, the government tried to erase those memories to protect themselves from future similar events. The residential buildings which served as a site for one of the demonstrations were demolished and replaced with shops and high rise building blocks (Seekins, 2005, p.265). And the government extended the city boundaries with new townships. Among those townships Hlaing Thar Yar, Shwe Pyi Thar and Dagon Myothit are the biggest satellite towns which expanded the city in the north-south dimension. The military government claimed that the creation of these new townships was to provide new developed housing to the families who were living in squats and slums and for those who were the victim of fire (Lwin, 1989). However, as the sole purpose of the junta was to reduce the city urban population as well as the political riots, there were lots of families who faced a great deal of hardship relocating to these new townships (Seekins, 2005). The estimated number of people who were relocated to these new townships was between 450,000 to 500,000 with or without their will. Ones who truly benefited from this relocation of government’s plan were government officers and wealthy Sino-Burmese who could afford to buy luxury housing. For ordinary families and former squatters, rather than gaining benefits they had to face difficulties of settling down in new area without any basic living standards. The redesigning of Yangon by the Junta The new city plans included creation of three satellite towns, Dagon Myo Thit, Shwe Pyi Thar and Hlaing Thar Yar. The creation of these new towns extended the city boundaries in east and north west. The government claimed that new city plans were for the good of the city and people. However, for those families who were relocated and those who were already living in the new areas, the government’s plans were not good, but caused difficulties in their lives. The government’s strategy of relocating people has always been used to control the country’s political system. In 1958-60 Caretaker Government period, the military government forced more than 170,000 squatters to move to new towns they had created. The population of the city was distributed to new areas. In 1988, it was an even bigger relocation as a large number of populations were relocated (Seekins, 2005). In 1990, a Burmese organization who were against the military government reported that the new lands areas in Shwe Pri Thar, which were being used for new city expansion were forcefully confiscated from ffarmers. There was no compensation for the farmers from the junta, but worse still the farmers had to Page 13 of 22


pay US $21 to build a new property on their own land. On the other hand, the residents in the city were being relocated. The government claimed that the residents’ housing was neededfor new infrastructure development in the city; new highways, new building and commercials complexes. Again, for the city population who were forced to move without their will, there was no compensation by the military government. As the government did to the farmers, they stated that it was a privilege to settle down in new lands and the city residents were obliged to pay between US $42-$70. For the residents, it was no privilege. They had no savings to pay the government and they had to get a loan with high interest rates. Additionally, they were facing issues in their daily life. They had to commute to the city center from far away new areas which cost them a great amount of money. They had no access to a proper standard of education or health. The government claimed that they provided better standard of living facilities in those new areas, although those facilities were only available for those so-called “VIP” (Seekins, 2005) who were military and government officers. Nwe (1998) stated that the government was trying their best to accommodate the city people in their new settlement. In one of the new towns, Hlaing Thar Yar, as the new residential areas are established across the Hline River, the residents had to commute by ferry to go into the city to work. However, in 1994 the government provided a new Bayintnaung Bridge across the river so that people could commute easily. Nwe (1998) argued that because of this completion by the government, the city development was enhanced, and the hardship of the residents were lightened. Regardless of all the plans, as the relocation of the majority of the population into new towns were forced and settlement in new neighborhoods remained challenging. Relocation of city center residents to new towns which were not fully developed put a lot of people in hardship. People struggled for a mix of reasons both political and economic. Moving into new satellite towns was not as easy as the military government claimed. The government claimed that the creation of new towns after the political upheaval of 1988 were to provide shelters and a new sanctuary to people who lost their homes to fire (Lwin, 1989, p.7). However, this plan of government was not helping people but putting them in a lot of struggles. The government forced people in the Yangon city center to move with the reason that their property areas were to develop as part of the city development plan. Sabrie’ (2019, p.40) argued that this gentrification method of the military government forced middle class people to remote areas where poorer classes used to settle, and the poorer class were displaced into slum areas. The original residents of the lands were vulnerable as the property rights and the ownership of lands were neither clearly defined nor legally documented. This Page 14 of 22


made it easier for the government to confiscate lands and resulted in a lot of people who had been settled in those lands for generations made homeless with no rights to claim back their property. For example, in 2002, residents near the Yangon University main campus (which was one of the main gathering locations for students’ activists) were evicted and their homes were demolished. Anyone who tried to protest against the eviction was arrested and one of the residents who was evicted was a member of the opposition political party NLD (National League of Democracy) (Seekins, 2005, p.267). The impact of these relocations can still be seen in some parts of the city nowadays (Sabrie’, 2019, p.38). Looking at the areas and people affected, it was clear that the military government were trying to redesign the city politically so that they could control the population and any possible revolution that could happen in the future. It can also be argued that they didn’t consider the side effect of their plan on civilians as a large number of the population suffered hardship and difficulties. The new urban redevelopment plan of government included not only the demolishing of residential buildings but also public spaces which has any possible relation to past political riots. Kyandaw Cemetery, which was the largest one in Yangon and a prime real estate of the city. Besides, many important people and heroes of the country were buried in the cemetery such as Prime Minister U Nu, some members of Thirty Comrades. The demonstrators who were killed by the military soldiers in the event of 1988 were cremated in this cemetery. The strength of the cemetery which are the memories of country’s political events, of heroes and of attempt to democracy by civilians became the vulnerability to the junta as they were demolishing all the memories of political turmoil. With the reason of developing a new Anti-Narcotics Museum, the cemetery was shut down and relocate to a remote area. Without warning, family members were told to remove remains of their deceased from the cemetery. Especially for families of Jews, Christians and Muslims, it was very difficult to do so as they couldn’t perform any proper reburial ceremony for their family members (Seekins, 2005, p.267). It was extremely expensive to organize a reburial ceremony in a new location as they had to transport them to outlying districts. Although the government planned that people won’t have a chance to do any revolutions, people always find their way to support each other and against the government. As the relocation of the cemetery affected many families, a Free Funeral Service Society (FFSS) which was a private service by civilian was formed in Yangon in 2001 to help people who couldn’t afford to rebury their family members in a new remote location. In two years, the society helped in over 13,000 reburials (Seekins, 2005, p.267). The junta, of course had seen the society as a barrier in their political Page 15 of 22


plan. However, the society was supported by Buddhist monkhood members, and many significant Yangon residents including a famous celebrity (who had to scarifice his acting career for the society) so that the government couldn’t interfere. It was difficult life and society that people of Yangon had to gone through under the military government. Members of opposition political parties, civilians, students and everyone who is related to any activism had difficult and vulnerable life during that time. University students were a large and essential proportion of the population who led most of the revolutions and demonstrations. The military government’s redesigning of Yangon also included relocating higher education institutions to remote areas far from the city. The first relocation was in 1993 in East Dagon township where Dagon university was established. This new university campus was to replace the Yangon university campus which was one of the most important location for student activists. The original university campus was unoccupied, and students had to travel a long way to the new campus to study. The purpose was to put distance between students and city center residents, to ensure massive gatherings like those in 1988 won’t happen again. Student could no longer associate with people anymore, as their new campuses were in different directions. A new university campus for Institute of Economics was established in a deserted area where there was hardly any transportation to commute to the city center. The Yangon Technological Institute which was located near one of the past student demonstrations was also relocated and the original campus was deserted (Seekins, 2005, p.268). From those relocation of the university campuses, it can be urged that the sole purpose of redesigning Yangon by the military government was to put students in hard positions and remote areas so that they could reduce the number of political riots as much as possible. After the event of 1988, the military government redesign the city’s urban landscape in order to separate students and city people and to control the movement of people. The government put effort to make sure there was as less political contact as possible among people. The regime cut the relationship of people in the country and the relationship with outside world as well. Not only they removed people from the heart of the city but also, they turned Yangon, which used to be one of the world’s most vibrant city into a deserted place. The military government ruled the country about half a century, and the country’s economy, infrastructure, international relations and the spirit had been ruthlessly destroyed. Especially in Yangon, the beauty and the character of the city had been completely lost. The government relocated people, university campuses and locked down the historic buildings and public Page 16 of 22


spaces which are full of memories and romance. Perrottet (2013, p.2) has stated that ‘Burma became one of the world’s greatest time capsules”. It was indeed. Since 1962 when the military government seized control, as they were busy taking care of the country’s political situations, the urban spaces of the country remained intact, especially in Yangon. The government attempted to control the population by moving them around however, they didn’t destroy the city’s architecture though they didn’t bother preserve them either. Regardless of lack of changes, without preserving, the urban landscape of the city gradually decayed. Residents who remained in the city and of course people who were relocated were all left alone on their own devices and sunk in land of frustration and emptiness (Seekins, 2005, p 268). At first, the government were only trying to separate people and memorial places. However, once they had realized that it was the city which hold the important memory of revolutions and political activism, they converted the city into a perish state. Without the movement of people, the city is just a place without its spirit. The government’s plan of limiting public access to historical and memorial buildings made Yangon lose its character. However, it was the main purpose of the regime to neutralize the city and erase all the political potentials. There were three most important places in Yangon, which are People’s park, Resistance Park and the Martyrs’ Monument and Mausoleum (Seekins, 2005, p268). People’s park which is located at the city center remained open to the public however they had to pay entrance fees. However, the Resistance Park had been closed since the event of 1988. Armed Forces Day, which was aimed for General Aung San and Burma National Army’s revolution to Japan colony and it used to be a public event celebrating the country’s freedom. Army and public celebrated together with torchlights and parades to the park. However, under the rules of the military government, there were no public in the park, just people who are somehow related to the military and the event was private and desolated. In the same way, the Martyrs’ Monument and Mausoleum were tightly secured all year round. Only on Martyr’s Day, which is the Memorial Day to the assassination of General Aung San and his members was the place was open to the public albeit very briefly. The general Aung San was the icon of Myanmar’s independence and revolution. Not only the general, but also his daughter, Aung San Suu Kyi was also a political activist who was recognized internationally and won the Nobel Prize. The power and the popularity of Aung San’s family were the narrative of the country. The military government tried their best to cover the history and make them marginal. There was the Bogyoke Museum where the general lived from 1945-47. The government closed the museum to the public. In July only, Page 17 of 22


the month when the general was assassinated was the museum was briefly opened to the public. According to Seekins (2005, p.269), the legacy of the general was remained intact in the Museum though the place and the history were faded by the government. The museum and the history of the general were trivialized in terms of urban space and official history. These examples show how the military government’s redesigned Yangon to control the urban mix and political awareness of the city. There was always a question among citizens regarding the lands and properties in the city center of Yangon where people were involuntarily removed from. How the military government utilized the empty lands? It was clear that the government had no intentions to provide what people needed in the city. Examples for how government relocated people and restricted the use of public spaces had already been discussed the government changed Yangon politically. At first, the government didn’t attempt to develop any commercial buildings. Post-1988 redesigning of Yangon included building up the city to show the power of the military, especially with museums. They opened a new National Museum and Defense Services Museum in mid 1990s (Seekins, 2005, p269). The main display of the museums included the role and disciplines of the junta regime and how they were protecting the country. The regime also organized public events which are the traditional Myanmar festivals. They were trying to get an image as the ruler and promote their identity as the military. However, their true purpose was not to impress the public but to monitor them. The Defense Services Compound, which was the headquarter of the armed forces, was built with red brick wall and blockhouses in their surroundings. Besides, the compound was protected with barbed wire so that no one dare enter into the compound. The walls of the compound were built with holes for the rifles to go through to the public street outside. The military’s compound was large and extensive however it didn’t show on any official city maps (Seekins, 2005, p.270). By looking at these events and the way the government was handling the city politically was indeed concerning for Yangon’s development in terms of infrastructure and urban spaces. The city’s economic, international relations and needs for residents must be prioritized and considered by the authorities to achieve the real development of the city.

Chapter III: Architecture of Yangon Architecture of Yangon and Preservation Page 18 of 22


Regardless of the influences of the military government, it was fortunate that the colonial British-era architecture of Yangon remained. It was likely that the government wasn’t interested in preserving the remaining buildings nor renovating them. Under the military government, the popularity of Yangon and its beauty were gradually vanishing. The city’s lack of social services, basic infrastructures and short visa stays under the military junta rules were some of the main reasons that the tourism of the country crumbled (Perrottet, 2013, p.2). There were abandoned buildings in each corner of Yangon. In one corner of Pansodan and Merchant Streets, one can see neoclassical Victorian structures. Renaissance Queen Anne style can be found on the building of High Court which was built in the 20s. These abandoned buildings with vines entwining them were left in decay. Besides in 2005, the military government decided to change the capital of Myanmar. Their new choice of city was Naypyidaw which defines as “abode of Kings” (Perrotter, 2013, p.3). Naypyidaw is an artificially created new city located 200 miles in the north of Yangon. Dozens of ministry buildings in beautiful Victorian architecture style, which have been used since the 19th century were left empty in Yangon. The prime location of Yangon was deserted (Perrottet, 2013, p.3). The city’s symbolic architecture and its structures were neglected by the regime. However, the regime didn’t want to leave the city as it were. The government wanted to turned Yangon into a metropolitan city though their reason was just to complete some highrise building projects and to gain international attention. It was alarming how the city’s wealth British-era architecture had been demolished under bulldozers (Seekins, 2005, p272). Some heritage activists in the city have noted that there was no sufficient preservation by the authorities to protect those abandoned treasures and it was challenging to turn them into commercial buildings so that they can function in the long term (Perrottet, 2013, p3). After year of stagnation and repression, it was time for Myanmar to be finally opened to the world. Although the capital was changed to Naypyidaw, it was undeniable that Yangon remained as the most important commercial city of the country. The development of the city began when significant political changes happened in the country near the end of 2010. Aung San Suu Kyi, the daughter of General Aung San, who is the leader of the opposition political party was released from the house arrest in late 2010. With the election of a new president in 2011 and the visit of the secretary of state of the United States, Hillary Clinton came changes which brought economic potentials to the country. The visit of the secretary was a sing of lifting up U.S sanctions and in 2012, President Obama visited the country which encouraged the country’s relation with the western world (Perrottet, 2013, p.3). Due to business potentials Page 19 of 22


of the city, investors form China, Thailand and South Korea were willing to provide commercial building infrastructures that the city demanded. However, the choice of the location to invest would be the historic prime which is the heart of Yangon. Without proper restrictions and regulations to those building investors, the antique beauty of Yangon’s architecture could be demolished with no trace. Alongside the opening of country’s economy, everyone demanded the greatest changes. However, they were not aware that the city could lose its narration of the past if everything gets transformed. Only very few preservatives paid attention on the danger of Yangon’s heritage being threaten with rising transformation. In the past local planners of Yangon had suggested to create a new city in Yangon to provide the requirement of rising population and spaces that they needed. Seekings(2005, p.272) had mentioned that if they were to build a “New Yangon” to provide the demand of spaces and population, that would have been a good reason to preserve the specificity and uniqueness of Yangon. The general secretary of the Association of Myanmar Architects has remarked that with renovations and preservations, Yangon could be transformed into a charming sophisticated city (Perrottet, 2013, p.2). Seekings (2005, p.270) has noted that in twenty-first century Yangon has impressed visitors with its modernization in lifestyles parallel to other South East Asian capitals and even Western cities. However, it is important to understand that globalization could make Yangon either prominent or obscure. The awareness to save Yangon’s cosmopolitan past is important. Yangon has been surviving between the tensions of the government who wanted to make changes for their benefits and people who required as a charming livable city.

Conclusion In this paper, the transformations and changes in Yangon have been studied in political aspect. The relationship between the development of the city and the political influences of the military government on those developments was described with examples through time. To examine the urban and spatial changes in Yangon, it was a given fact that the political factors in the country had to be studied. From the time of the British era to current, Myanmar has gone through a lot of political changes and most of these effects can be seen in Yangon’s urban landscapes. Yangon had its most alluring and the worst time in its history. From one of the most popular cities in the world to the perished state, the city had gone through many challenging times. The government’s policy, changes and actions had dominated the Page 20 of 22


dynamism of Yangon in terms of populations, the city’s boundaries and its morphology. It was challenging for the residents to keep up with growing economic and the formations of new forms of the city. Studying Yangon’s progressions of changes shows investing a large amount of money and creating more buildings and townships don’t necessarily achieve the fundamental infrastructure needed. In Yangon, the country was facing economic hardships alongside the political issues. Seekins (2005, p.274) claimed that problems in the city and the country couldn’t be solved if the military government don’t change their political domination. In order to accomplish the basic social services that the city needed, the regime must give up political control to let the country grows independently. Yangon is the one of the best examples to prove political power can change a city into either a charming or deserted place. Furthermore, the residents of the city, the essence of the them and their political assumptions played an important role in the changes of Yangon. The way people responded to the country’s policy and the government’s action were some main reasons which created massive changes in Yangon. Yangon was in the dilemma of being turned into a complete metropolitan city with no historical trails and being abandoned to its periphery. During its short period of opening economic time, it was appalling to see that the regime’s ambitious planning for the city almost left the city with no unique past or basic living facilities. “Placelessness is often recognized as a characteristic of globalized landscapes _they lose their specificity and uniqueness, their connection to local or national history” (Seekins, 2005, p 271). With its charming past, Yangon’s won’t be identical. Yangon has its colonial treasure which cannot be foundin any other South East Asian city (Perrottet, 2013, p.2). It is fortunate for Yangon, that the current government has been trying to pay the city the attention itdeserves. Although it is still challenging, the new authorities are trying to provide the social services to the city residents as well as the slum dwellers. People’s voices have been listened to and the changes are being centered on what they demanded. It’ll be a challenge to turn Yangon into an absolute industrialized city overnight. However, as long as the government and people are working together, Yangon can be a beautiful city again.

Bibliography Thwe, P.K. (2002). From the land of green ghosts. Great Britain: HarperCollins. Perrottet, T. (2013). Saving Old Rangoon. Wall Street Journal. Page 21 of 22


Ghandy, M. (2005). Learning from Lagos. New Left Review, 33.pp. 37-53 Koolhaas, R. (2000). Lagos. Barxelona: ACTAR. Morley, I. (2012). Rangoon. www.elsevier.com/locate/cities Sabrie, M. (2019). Yangon “Emerging Metropolis”. https://journals.openedition.org/moussons/4892 Seekins, D.M. (2005). The State and the City: 1988 and the Transformation of Rangoon. Public Affairs; Summer 2005; 78, 2; Business Premium Collection, pp 257-275 Nwe, T.T. (1998). Yangon; The Emergence of a New Spatial Order in Myanmar’s Capital City. SOJOURN Vol, 13, No. 1. pp 86-113 Lwin, S.M. (1989). Working People’s Daily (Rangoon). pp.7 Yin May, F. (1962). Greater Yangon: A study in Urban Geography. Master’s thesis, Department of Geography, University of Rangoon. LSE. (2017). Towards Urban Growth Analytics for Yangon. The London School of Economic and Political Science. pp 30- 66.

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