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NEWS, OPINION + ANALYSIS
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1 THE GOP IMPEACHERS 1.Liz Cheney, Wyoming 2. Adam Kinzinger, Illinois 3. Fred Upton, Michigan 4. Jaime Herrera Beutler, California 5. Tom Rice, South
Carolina 6. John Katko, New York 7. Dan Newhouse, Washington 8. Peter Meijer, Michigan 9. David Valadao, California 10. Anthony Gonzalez, Ohio
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“The ability to plan for the future implies hope.” » P.18
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P O LI TI C S
‘Going Against Trump Is the Death Knell’
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Six months after the Capitol riot, the 10 GOP representatives who voted WR LPSHDFK 'RQDOG 7UXPS DUH ɿJKWLQJ IRU WKHLU SROLWLFDO OLYHV
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the 10 republican members of congress Cheney, stripped of her leadership role in the House who voted to impeach President Donald for her persistent criticism of the former president, Trump for his role in instigating the mob that mahas absorbed the most venom. But Trump seems bent on exacting revenge on the entire group, callrauded through the Capitol on January 6 knew the riot would be a historic turning point for the couning out the names of each of the GOP representatives try. What they didn’t realize: The events of that day who voted to impeach him one by one in a speech might also mark the beginning of the end of their at the Conservative Political Action Conference in own political careers, and that their actions would February, telling the audience: “Get rid of them all.” give Trump and politicians loyal to him a rallying cry If that effort is largely successful, it would be the to help them retain control of the Republican Party. clearest sign yet that, even out of office, Trump reSix months after the riot, the impeachers are the tains control of the Republican Party and the future GOP’s most endangered incumbents. Nine of the is doomed in the GOP for anyone who vigorously 10 already face credible primary challengers ahead opposes the 45th president. of next year’s midterm elections, and all have been “If all or most of these guys lose, that’s a pretty ironthe targets of relentless attacks from clad case that going against Trump is the death knell,” says Jeff Timmer, Trump and his supporters, as well as on social media from once-supportco-founder of the Lincoln Project, an BY ive constituents livid about their imanti-Trump PAC. “You’re more likely to see a muddied result. Some might peachment vote. STEVE FRIESS win, some might lose. But he’ll hang Wyoming Representative Liz @stevefriess
Photo illust rat ion b y G L U E K I T
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the losers around Cheney’s neck.” Other Republicans believe the hand has already been dealt. “If any of the 10 are up against a primary challenger who’s a Trumper and who can breathe, walk and talk at the same time, they’re gonna lose,” says former GOP Representative Joe Walsh of Illinois, a former Trump partisan turned critic. “They’re all in serious trouble. And they know that.” At least one of the 10 GOP impeachers agrees, speaking to Newsweek in a blunt, not-for-attribution interview. Says the representative: “I’ll admit that the politics of 1/6 are very different today than I thought they’d be on 1/13 when we voted on the articles of impeachment. And because of that, I will probably lose my seat.” The sharp turnaround in the group’s political fortunes is a neck snapper, given that less than a year ago each of them cruised to their party’s nominations and won their elections just seven weeks before the Capitol riot. With the exception of Cheney, daughter of former Vice President Dick Cheney, and perhaps Illinois Representative Adam Kinzinger, most of the GOP 10 are rank-and-file representatives, little known beyond their districts or states. Cheney has faced the biggest backlash so far, losing her role as the No. 3 Republican in House leadership in May to New York Representative Elise Stefanik, whose fealty to Trump overshadowed the fact that her voting record is significantly less conservative than Cheney’s. The outcome only proved to the other nine that their fates don’t depend on how conservative they are or what they’ve done for their districts so much as how dedicated to Trump their primary voters are. “Part of the test will be how many of these members lose and what share of Republican primary voters will es-
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sentially do the former president’s bidding,” says Kyle Kondik, managing editor of the nonpartisan election forecasting newsletter Sabato’s Crystal Ball. “It may be that Trump remains really popular within the party, but Republican primary voters show more tolerance for some of these members than we think.” Other political forecasters doubt that outcome. Says House elections expert Dave Wasserman of the nonpartisan Cook Political Report, “Overall, I’d be surprised if more than three of the 10 are still in Congress in 2023.”
The Cheney Gang the gop 10 were not a natural unit before the impeachment vote and their subsequent experiences as ongoing targets of Trumpists’ anger. All members of the House, the group includes hard-core social conservatives Cheney, Dan Newhouse of Washington and Tom Rice of South Carolina; libertarians Kinzinger and first-termer Peter Meijer of Michigan; establishment conservatives Fred Upton of Michigan, Jamie Herrera Beutler of Washington and Anthony Gonzalez of Ohio; and moderates David Valadao of California and John Katko of New York, who both hail from districts that voted for Joe Biden for president in 2020. Most of them did not have reputa-
“If any of the 10 are up against a primary challenger who’s a Trumper and who can breathe, walk and talk at the same time, they’re gonna lose.”
tions as disruptors or rebels within the House GOP caucus. Even including the impeachment vote, eight of them have voted with House GOP Leader Kevin McCarthy more than 90 percent of the time so far this year. The remaining two aren’t far behind: Upton, voting with McCarthy 86 percent of the time, and Kinzinger, at 88 percent, are hardly intransigents. By comparison, the most vocal proTrump Republicans in the House, Stefanik and Representatives Marjorie Taylor Greene, Lauren Boebert and Matt Gaetz, have all bucked McCarthy’s lead more often. What the 10 have most in common: They’ve never let go of their fury over the hoards of Trumpists who beat Capitol Hill police, paraded through Statuary Hall carrying Confederate flags and chanted the desire to hang Vice President Mike Pence, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and others. And in their anger, each also condemned the origin of that mob’s anger—the lie promulgated by Trump, and rejected in some 60 lawsuits challenging the results, that the 2020 election was stolen by widespread voter “fraud.” The impeachers were emboldened, too, by the widespread dismay aimed at Trump from fellow Republicans in the immediate aftermath of the riots. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, for instance, took to the chamber’s floor to say the January 6 mob was “provoked by the president and other powerful people” to prevent Congress from certifying the election results that day. McCarthy agreed that Trump “bears responsibility for Wednesday’s attack on Congress.” During the riots, Republican Representative Mike Gallagher of Wisconsin posted a video urging Trump to stop the mayhem, insisting, “You are the only person who can call this off.” Republican Nancy Mace of South Car-
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/HIW 7KH +RXVH ʀRRU vote to impeach Trump after the Capitol riot. (Below, from right) Liz Cheney has taken the most heat from the GOP, despite voting with Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy on most issues this year.
olina, a first-term representative and hardline pro-Trumper, said on NBC’s Meet the Press that he had “put all of our lives at risk.” Perhaps, many anti-Trump Republicans thought, the gruesome, indelible nature of the January 6 attack, coupled with the fact that the president would soon leave the White House, had finally broken Trump’s grip on the GOP. “I remember at the time, somebody said to me, ‘I slept okay last night because I know Trump’s done now,’” says Sarah Longwell, founder of Republican Voters Against Trump, a PAC that spent $10 million in 2020
to defeat Trump. “I remember saying at the time, ‘I would not bet on that.’” Yet 10 House Republicans did bet on that—with their political lives. Meijer, in fact, knew there was risk, telling the Detroit Free Press after the impeachment vote: “It may have been an act of political suicide but it’s what I felt was necessary for the good of the country.” The impeachers hoped there would a sufficient number of Republican senators bold enough to convict the outgoing president, which would have barred him from running for the presidency again in 2024, Kond-
ik says. That failed, though, and with that “exoneration,” as Trump calls it, the ex-president returned to the party’s helm awash in grievance and demanding that, to be viable, GOP leaders must support his baseless claims of voter fraud election and agree the January 6 riots weren’t as disastrous as they once seemed. Joe Kent, a former Green Beret challenging Herrera Beutler in Washington’s 3rd Congressional District, believes the impeachers fatally miscalculated: “I think she and the others thought, ‘Okay, this is our chance, I had to hold my nose and vote for some of the stuff that Trump wanted because he was so popular but now, I can pin this horrible day all on him, and I’m going to come out on top.’” Yet the impeachers all insist their decisions were divorced from personal political considerations. “That day was a direct attack by the executive branch on the legislative branch and it cannot stand,” Rice told constituents in a telephonic town hall in January. “Any president that does that, I will vote for retribution.” Herrera Beutler echoed this in a speech on the House floor: “I am not choosing a side; I’m choosing truth.” Whether it was an act of pure conscience, a play for a leading role in the post-Trump world or a mix of the two, it’s hard to argue with the assessment of Catalina Lauf, who is challenging Kinzinger in northwest Illinois: “All of them grossly miscalculated whatever they were trying to do. The Republican Party is the party of President Trump. He led the new direction forward. That’s where we are.”
The Growing Backlash perhaps nowhere has the political tide turned quite as suddenly and stunningly as in northeastern South Carolina, where Rice was such a
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well-known Trump supporter that many people thought he’d voted to impeach by accident. He didn’t, and within weeks he had several challengers ready to pick at his political carcass. Now Rice, a 63-year-old five-termer, is seriously considering retirement rather than put his undefeated electoral career at risk, according to a Rice source on Capitol Hill who spoke to Newsweek on condition of anonymity. The impeachment vote has so damaged Rice that one of his opponents, Ken Richardson, can’t talk about his platform at campaign stops until he thoroughly denounces Rice’s vote. “In order for me to show people the job I can do, I need to talk about things that I want to change and things that I would like to accomplish in Washington, but before I can talk about me, we spend the first 10 to15 minutes letting people get off of their chest how they feel about Tom Rice,” Richardson says. And so it goes in district after district represented by the GOP impeachers. Their every utterance—be it Valadao’s attack on Biden’s budget or Rice’s well wishes to his wife on their wedding anniversary—are greeted with harsh responses about their impeachment votes. Only Katko has yet to draw at least one credible primary challenger, so Trump sent a handwritten letter in late June to two conservative upstate New York county leaders offering to back a “great candidate” to unseat Katko. “I won big in area—will help with campaign,” the note said. Meanwhile, eight of the impeachers have been censured by their county or state Republican parties for the impeachment votes; Katko and Valadao, both Republicans who won districts Trump lost, are the exceptions. The Clark County Republican Women’s Club, the largest in Washington State and encompassing the city of
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Vancouver represented by Herrera Beutler, said it would support a primary challenge against her. The chairs of six counties that comprise Newhouse’s sprawling rural Washington district have called for him to resign. Maggie’s List, a PAC focused on supporting Republican women candidates, released a tranche of 2022 candidate endorsements in June that conspicuously omitted Cheney and Herrera Beutler as well as Senator Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who voted to convict Trump and is up for re-election next year. The PAC had endorsed all three women in all of their previous elections. While a spokeswoman for the organization insists the list is incomplete and more endorsements are forthcoming, a Maggie’s List board member tells Newsweek that debate is raging within the group over whether endorsing impeachers might imperil donations. “If a credible female candidate takes on Liz Cheney, we want to be able to consider her,” the board member says. And in Michigan, leaders of the state Republican Party say they won’t “get involved in the primaries, essentially saying that Meijer and Upton are on their own,” says Timmer, a former Michigan GOP chair. “That might sound benign. But that’s a change in policy. The party has always supported its incumbents in the primaries. It means the MAGAs control the party.” Trump, too, is just getting started. On the last Saturday of June, he took to a podium on a soggy fairgrounds in northeastern Ohio to bash Gonzalez, a 36-year-old second-term Republican, the first Latino elected to Congress from Ohio, a former NFL player and one-time Ohio State football hero. Gonzalez cruised to victories in 2018 and 2020, but the hometown crowd rippled with boos hearing his name.
“In a single vote, he betrayed the Republican Party, our president, our values and the voters of his district,” said Gonzalez’s primary opponent Max Miller, a former White House aide who launched his candidacy in February and, with Trump’s endorsement, raised $508,000 in the first month of his campaign. Less than two years ago, the president praised Gonzalez at a White House reception as “a friend of mine” and “a tough cookie;” now Trump called him “a sell-out, a fake Republican and a disgrace to your state.” Gonzalez slapped back. Trump, Gonzalez said, “was doing the same thing that
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Periscope
STILL SWINGING During a speech at the Conservative Political Action Conference earlier this year, Trump called out each of the GOP impeachers by name and told the audience, “Get rid of them all.”
chance to make one bad mistake, and Tom made one bad mistake.”
Banding Together
he does every time he’s mad at somebody. He makes up a bunch of stuff, calls them mean names. I don’t, frankly, give it any thought.” Rice, is trying to reassert his conservative bona fides with social media jeremiads against “critical race theory” and Vice President Kamala Harris’ border appearance. He and seven of the other GOP impeachers even voted on June 30 against establishing a House Select Committee to investigate the events of January 6 in a near-party line vote that drew Republican support only from Cheney and Kinzinger; while all 10 of the impeachers voted a month earlier to create an external
January 6 commission, they claimed the process now being organized by Pelosi is too partisan. (The external commission was killed in the Senate; the House investigation does not require bicameral approval.) Says Richardson, the Rice challenger: “Sometimes in life, you only get a
“Many of the 10 know deep down there’s probably no room in the party for them right now.”
for her part, cheney is trying to help her impeachment brethren. The weekend of Trump’s rally in Ohio, for instance, she and Gonzalez announced a joint fundraising committee, “so donors who wanted to write checks to both of them” could do so easily, a Gonzalez aide says. While Trump was speaking that Saturday, Cheney tweeted: “Great night to donate to Rep Anthony Gonzalez.” Cheney declined to speak for this report, but a spokesperson told Newsweek to look for similar coordination as Trump moves around the nation attacking other impeachers. Given how polarizing Cheney is, though, her support carries its own risks. “I welcome Liz’s fundraising chops, but I wonder if having her come here will only excite the MAGA snakes,” one of the nine told Newsweek. Cheney isn’t the only member of the group lending a hand to the rest. Both Valadao’s Vitoria PAC and Newhouse’s New Energy PAC gave $1,000 to each of their fellow impeachers, and Newhouse and Valadao appeared in May at a fundraiser together. Kinzinger’s PAC has also doled out sums to the others. What’s more, the GOP 10 also have a key ally in Longwell, who earlier this year launched the Republican Accountability Project with a goal of raising $50 million to spend supporting the Republican impeachers as well as local and state Republican officials who faced down Trump’s ire by insist-
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ing he had lost their states despite his claims otherwise. So far, she’s collected $13 million. “The plan is to really fight for them in their primaries,” Longwell says. “We’re going to launch a campaign to defend these guys. I had hoped there was going to be a bunch more of them to defend.” Herrera Beutler and Newhouse of Washington and Valadao of California are seen as having the best chances to survive the primaries because their states require candidates of all parties to compete in the same primary for one of two general election berths. That scenario means those three incumbents may be bolstered by votes from independents and even Democrats both in the primary and the general election, whereas hard-right challengers must compete for votes among the most strident pro-Trump corners of the electorate. “I don’t really think there’s much chance that a more conservative Republican muscles Valadao or Herrera Beutler out of the top two slots,” Wasserman says of the Fresno-area district. Wasserman views Rice and Cheney as most at risk because their districts—in Cheney’s case, the entire state of Wyoming—are so deep red that the primary essentially decides the general election. (In 2020, Trump won Rice’s South Carolina district by 19 points and Wyoming by 52 points.) Meijer, the only first-termer of the bunch, and Gonzalez, in his second term, could also be vulnerable to strong conservative challenges because they haven’t had time to build up close ties with their constituents. Meanwhile, Upton, a fixture in southwest Michigan whose moderate voting END OF AN ERA? “I’d be surprised if Fred Upton runs for another term,” says one pundit of the Michigan representative.
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record has long made him an unsuccessful target for more conservative primary opponents, may benefit from that experience. “Fred Upton has a long personal brand that he’s built separate from the party, whereas a guy like Pete Meijer is brand new and doesn’t have a lot of deep roots in terms in politics and the people voting for them,” Timmer says. Still, Wasserman senses some real vulnerability for Upton, now 68 and in office since the Reagan era. “I’d be very surprised if Fred Upton runs for another term. He won his primary in 2020 with a pretty unconvincing margin for someone who’s been there since 1987.” (Upton has not said whether he will seek an 18th term.) A lot also depends on whom Trump endorses and whether he visits the district to campaign. Tom Norton, a local village president in Michigan hoping to unseat Meijer, says Trump likely will
“Part of the test will be how many of these members lose and what share of Republican primary voters essentially do the former president’s bidding.”
handpick the anti-Meijer candidate. “A lot of major donors, when I call them, say they’re waiting on Trump to choose someone,” Norton says. Indeed, the scramble is on to get his support; both Lauf, who is challenging Kinzinger, and Kent, who is opposing Herrera Beutler, flew to Mar-a-Lago recently to meet Trump. Kent says he fielded a check-in call with Trump in June, likening the process to “the candidate version of The Apprentice. It’s like ‘Who’s gonna work the hardest, who’s going to come up with the best plan to win?’” And there is a possibility that McCarthy may persuade Trump to lay off Valadao and Katko for fear that a more conservative nominee would provide an opportunity for Democrats to flip those seats. Trump lost both districts by nine points to Biden in 2020, but Katko won it by 10 points and Valadao, who lost the seat in 2018, flipped it back by one point last year. “ This will come down to what Trump actually does,” Wasserman says. “Does he go to each of these districts and campaign with their opponents? The answer is probably yes.” Longwell also doubts Trump will be able to stop himself regardless of whether McCarthy tells him Republicans could lose the seat with a more Trumpian nominee:, saying, “Trump is gonna play in all of these places and he will endorse the challenger in every single case.” Joe Walsh, for one, believes the outcome is preordained. “Many of the 10 know deep down there’s probably no room in the party for them right now,” says Walsh, a lifelong Republican who became an Independent last year. “Trump is stronger now with the base than he was six months ago. Trumpism is stronger now. I don’t think there is a fight for the party’s soul. That’s already happened. Trump won.”
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N EW SM A KE RS
Talking Points “Am I supposed to be impressed that a billionaire went to space while he’s paid zero in federal income taxes some years and the workers at his company struggle to afford their medical bills, rent, and food for their kids?”
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—SENATOR BERNIE SANDERS ON JEFF BEZOS
“YOU DO NOT KNOW WHAT YOU ARE TALKING ABOUT.” —dr . anthony fauci to senator rand paul during testimony on virus rese arch
“MY HOPE IS THAT… I CAN HELP SHOW THAT NO MATTER WHERE WE COME FROM, WE HAVE MORE IN COMMON THAN WE THINK.” —Prince Harry
“Just like we’ve been saying, please take COVID seriously. I can’t say it enough. Enough people have died. We don’t need any more death.... I believe in science, I believe in the science of vaccination.”
Prince Harry
“Today I am proud to publicly tell everyone that I am gay.” —national ho ckey le ague prospe c t luke prokop
— SE AN HANNIT Y Dr. Anthony Fauci
“We know that there are big fishes out there that wanted the death and are part of the plot to kill the president…There are more powerful people behind this.” — haiti’s elections minister mathias pierre on investigating the assassination of president jovenel moïse
“IT’S MY FIRST AMENDMENT RIGHT, AND I’M GOING TO STICK WITH THAT.” —Andrea Dick, a New Jersey woman who has been ordered by a judge to take down profane antiBiden banners outside her home
Sean Hannity
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CARE E R S
The ‘I Quit’ Revolution
Restless at work? Don’t join the throngs of people making a job move until you read this
with nearly half of americans its relatively speedy recovery. fully vaccinated against COVIDWhat can you do to avoid the pit19, the economy recovering and panfalls? Here are six ways the pandemic demic lockdown rules easing across may put you—and your workers—at the U.S. and other countries despite risk for a reactive, reckless, restless job the Delta variant, restless workers are change and how to smartly, thoughtchanging jobs, or planning to. The fully counter their pull to determine quit rate in April 2021 was the highif a career move is really right for you. est in 20 years—and May’s was even higher than that. Indeed, between Emotional Reactivity 25 to 40 percent of people currently Survival psychology is the study of what it takes to endure and recover employed are actively job searching, from long-term adverse circumconsulting firm Korn Ferry reports. stances—particularly when it’s No wonder labor economist Betunknown when, or if, sey Stevenson at the relief will come. Such University of Michigan circumstances have has called the present BY been the case globally moment the “take this job for a year and a half, and shove it” economy. BORIS GROYSBERG leading to “an economy There’s an inherent AND risk to job changes that that’s been traumatically ROBIN ABRAHAMS can cause both the indi@bgroysberg impacted,” according to @robinabrahams vidual and team’s perStevenson. formances to falter, as “I don’t even think it our research at the Harvard Business was possible to really have imagined School has shown for nearly 20 years. something like this before, where In addition, job changers make prepeople just had to stop going to work dictable mistakes when executing this for their own health and safety, for risky maneuver, including insufficient the health and safety of others,” she research on the new company; changsaid during an interview last month ing jobs only for a salary increase or an on The Ezra Klein Show. Every aspect of life—from navigating the grocery escape from the current job; unrealistic optimism about their abilities and aisle to navigating the C-suite—had odds of success; and short-term thinkto be rethought seemingly overnight. ing. These mistakes are the results When relief comes after prolonged of various pressures that have been stress and suffering, powerful emotions surface. These emotions can ramped up by both the pandemic and
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lead to reactive, impulsive decisions if their source is not understood. Anger/resentment. Have you been irritable lately? Resentful? Feeling misunderstood, taken for granted, impinged upon by others? Or are you reasonably steady and cheerful, and mystified by your colleagues’ (and neighbors’ and family members’) thin skin and short fuses? “Anger, aggression and hostility amongst victims is universal” after they have been rescued from longterm adversity, according to psychologist John Leach. “The most common
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FEELING DOWN? Anger, resentment and restlessness are common emotions these days, but don’t let them push you into making a rash career move.
characteristic of such anger, however, is that it is irrational.” Media anecdotes in stories about quit rates reinforce the aggressive “take this job and shove it” narrative. A typical article recounts a man who left his job due to “the culmination of months of perceived injustices, which he said he was able to evaluate more clearly because of the pandemic.” His assessment may have been correct. There are many reasons for rational anger at the management of the pandemic and failures of various institutions. For many, this includes their
Photog raphs by C . J . B U R T O N
own workplace, a fact reinforced by who, exactly, is quitting: public-facing workers in hospitality, food and retail, and on the other end of the economic spectrum, professional and business services workers.
People are eager to take action that will propel them toward the future and symbolize a break with the recent past.
The health risks and indignities suffered by essential employees during the pandemic are obvious. White-collar professionals, who largely moved to remote work, did not experience those immediate slings and arrows, but spent even more time on the job and in meetings than they already had as barriers between work and home disappeared, and frequently lost a sense of connection both with their teams and with the organization as a whole. People have good reasons to be angry—they will also be angry when they don’t have good reasons. Irrational, unjustified anger is floating around like so many aerosol particles. Need for action. For the first time in over a year, the future feels somewhat predictable, or at least back to prior levels of unpredictability. We can plan again, and to quote Leach, “The ability to plan for the future implies hope.” The inability to do this kind of planning, to be forced to live in a kind of eternal present moment, is painful. People are eager to take action that will propel them toward the future and symbolize a break with the recent past. Both of these emotional reactions are summed up in the current use of “revenge” as an adjective: revenge travel, revenge shopping, revenge bedtime procrastination. “Revenge shopping”—phones, shoes, event tickets, tourism—is expected to drive the economy for the rest of the year, Adweek reported. Women are buying “exuberant” clothes with “spirited prints…and jubilant ruffles,” and getting dramatic short haircuts, The Wall Street Journal reported: “The pandemic
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made many of us feel helpless. A hair transformation affords a sense of power.” (The original short cut for women, the bob, became popular after the 1918 Spanish flu pandemic.)
Cognitive Recklessness The pandemic has left people angry and eager for action. Meanwhile, a year of semi-isolation and severe disruption to personal and professional networks has left them without the information they need to make sure those actions are appropriate. Narrow focus. Humans have an egocentric bias by nature, as anyone who had an “officemate” under age six last year can tell you. The only experience we have direct access to is our own, which warps our grasp of reality in predictable ways, such as overestimating our contribution to group tasks. (Ask each member of a cohabiting couple what percentage of the household chores they do; the sum will be greater than 100 percent.) When our name is mentioned at a cocktail party, we hear it above the
CAREERS
chatter of overlapping voices. Information that relates to our selves is noticed, retained and recalled more often and more sharply than information that is not self-relevant—and positive information about yourself goes on the mental browser bookmark bar for most people. Missing context. Remote work— and not only remote work, but the absence of industry events, business travel, conferences and the like—has cut people from the context of their professional life. It’s harder to pick up informal gossip, “read the room,” take in the hundreds of informational cues that used to pepper the workday. This makes egocentrism even more of a default. If a colleague arrives at work late with an extra-large coffee,
,UUDWLRQDO XQMXVWL˽HG DQJHU LV ʀRDWLQJ around like so many aerosol particles.
mismatched shoes and a bad attitude toward everyone, you won’t take it personally if they are curt with you in a meeting. Without that context, it’s easy to assume an interpersonal conflict that doesn’t exist…or, at least, didn’t until you snapped back.
Interpersonal Restlessness Despite our egocentricity, humans are a social species, and our behavior is shaped by what we see others doing, and by what they expect of us. Contagion /fear of missing out. Job changes and worker shortages are all over the media—and the availability of that news, combined with a psychological phenomenon known as confirmation bias, ensures that you’ll notice those headlines if you’re already thinking about the topic. Combine this with a lack of real information about what’s going on in your company and field, add in the general desire for “revenge action,” and you can begin to feel like a chump if you aren’t grabbing for a new gold ring. Social anxiety. Since March 2020, everyone has been training themselves to isolate and socially distance, to see other people—all other people—as a potential threat. We have all gotten out of practice at in-person interaction. People have adapted to a completely new set of social norms, and now are in the awkward transition phase to a “new normal” that might look very different indeed. Social anxiety is skyrocketing. Interpersonal conflict and awkwardness are stressful for nearly everyone, and agonizing-to-impossible for some. The human brain doesn’t respond to social threats as
SWIRL OF EMOTION Contemplating a
job move? These days, “you can begin to feel like a chump if you aren’t grabbing for a new gold ring,” the authors say.
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RISKY MANEUVERS Changing jobs is fraught with pitfalls. Before you do, the authors suggest, get advice from people you trust—your own “personal board of directors,” if you have one.
merely symbolic. They’re as real as a sabertooth tiger as far as your amygdala is concerned. This can make it difficult to push back on other people’s assumptions, ask probing questions, request time for reflection—all things that need to happen when making an important decision. A brain in flight-or-fight mode doesn’t integrate complex information well, either. Give yourself time to process.
Tips for Staying Rational None of this is meant as wholesale discouragement for those thinking to make a job change—only as a warning that neither the labor market itself, nor any individual within it, are especially rational right now. Some recommendations for the estimated 40 percent considering a switch: Acknowledge your emotions. Just as
you shouldn’t eat when you’re actually bored, don’t job hop when you’re actually lonely. If you’re dissatisfied, spend some time contemplating what’s really missing from your life. If you’re feeling angry or resentful, give yourself a reality check about the reasons. Understand your goals. Look at your past self. Journals are excellent if you have them; if not, go back to anything you wrote about work pre-pandemic and get in touch with what your goals were then. Have they really changed? To evaluate what matters most to you, consider what success really means to you and what kind of careerist you are. Do your research. Immerse yourself in research. If possible spend a whole day devoted to it. Research the company you are considering joining and the one you currently work for, according to the same metrics. Then
interrogate that research: Will the data available on your new company from 2019 really reflect what this company is in 2021? Can you make changes that will get those things in your current environment? If not, will you be able to get them in the new one? How do you know? (For example, if you can’t set boundaries now, you’re not going to magically be able to at NewCo.) Interrogate everything. Outwit your biases by generating the ideas and information your brain isn’t immediately offering. Play out the best- and worst-case scenarios, surface all the reasons not to switch jobs and then all the reasons to do it, ask yourself what advice Spiderman would give you—anything to break through habits of mind. Get advice from people you trust—if you’ve got a “personal board of directors,” this is the time to bring them in, and if you don’t, this may be the time to put together a mutual career-and-life-decisions support group. Sleep on it. Sleep consolidates learning. This point cannot be overstressed. After you’ve immersed yourself in information or deep reflection, whenever possible, get a night’s sleep before using what you’ve learned. Practice. The first time you have lunch in an enclosed restaurant should not be your job interview. Ramp up and, if necessary, rehearse for any critical conversations or meetings. Not for the sake of appearing smooth (no one is smooth right now), but to keep yourself relaxed in the moment.
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WHY WE STILL LIVE IN
Reagan’s
The 40th president’s optim
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CONSERVATIVE PRAGMATIST
Reagan favored goaloriented action over scoring political points. He once said, “I’d rather get 80 percent of what I want than go over the cliff with P\ ʀDJV ʀ\LQJ Ť
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istic faith—and lucky timing—help explain his enduring appeal NEWSWEEK.COM
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SCENE STEALER (Above left) Reagan atop a horse in 1949, during
his stint as president of the Screen Actors Guild; writing his 1981 inaugural speech (above); in Berlin, famously imploring the Kremlin, “Tear down this wall!” (right, top); toasting his partner in Cold War reform, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev (right, bottom).
licans, who found their way to the Democrats. The process took a full generation, culminating in the 1990s, after which liberal Republicans and conservative Democrats were essentially nonexistent. Reagan became president midway in the transformation. This was crucial to the success of his administration. Reagan was a conservative but a pragmatic one. James Baker, Reagan’s chief of staff and then-Treasury secretary, recalled, “If Reagan told me once, he told me fifteen thousand times, ‘I’d rather get 80 percent of what I want than go over the cliff with my flags flying.’” Reagan believed that the purpose of getting elected was to govern, not to score political points. He met regularly with Tip O’Neill, the
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onald reagan liked to tell stories. As president he told one to a convention of Protestant ministers, about a preacher and a politician who died on the same day and were greeted by St. Peter at the gates of heaven. Peter explained heaven’s rules and escorted the newcomers to the homes they would occupy for all eternity. The preacher’s proved to be a single room with a bed, table and chair. The politician’s was a huge mansion with handsome furnishings. The politician was grateful but puzzled. “How do I deserve this grand place while that good man of the cloth has to live in a single room?” he asked. Peter replied, “Here in heaven we have plenty of preachers. You’re the first politician to get in.” The humor was vintage Reagan, not side-splitting but good for a chuckle. It flattered his listeners while deprecating himself, the only politician in the room. It caused people to think he was a friendly fellow, one they could get along with. People liked Reagan, even when they didn’t like his policies. Humor and amiability weren’t the only reasons Reagan was the most successful president of the last half-century, in terms of putting his ideas into practice. His good timing helped, too. Reagan became president in 1981, when Americans had grown weary of a government that had been expanding incessantly since Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal of the 1930s. Reagan announced, in his first inaugural address, that “In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem,” and his words summarized what millions of Americans were thinking. They applauded his tax cuts and efforts at deregulation, and they reelected him overwhelmingly in 1984. Reagan’s timing was right in another sense, as well. Until the 1960s, the Republican and Democratic parties had each been a coalition of conservatives and liberals. Liberal Rockefeller Republicans coexisted with conservative Goldwater Republicans; conservative Southern Democrats shared their party with big-city liberals. Things changed when Lyndon Johnson made civil rights a Democratic cause; those conservative Southerners began to leave the party for the Republicans. As they arrived, they pushed out the liberal Repub-
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Democratic Speaker of the House, and the two thrashed out compromise after compromise: on taxes, on welfare, on Social Security, on immigration, on defense. Bolstered by defections from O’Neill’s own party—conservative Democrats who hadn’t completed their long march to the Republicans—Reagan usually got his 80 percent. Timing helped in foreign policy, too. Reagan had been an ardent anticommunist from his days in Hollywood, when as head of the Screen Actors Guild he struggled to keep communists out of film-industry labor unions. He rejected the containment policy of his White House predecessors in favor of a strategy designed to win the Cold War. He built up America’s defenses and threatened to take the arms race into outer space with the Strategic Defense Initiative. He dramatically stood at the Berlin Wall and challenged the Kremlin: “Tear down this wall!” Yet Reagan’s actions had scant effect until changes in the Soviet Union produced a reformist leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, willing to deal with the U.S. Reagan met with Gorbachev, developed a personal relationship, and proceeded to negotiate historic arms control agreements. The Cold War didn’t end until after Reagan left office, and its peaceful conclusion required adept diplomacy
Reagan believed the purpose of getting elected was to govern, not to score
POLITICAL POINTS.
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egregiously overstepped what many of those Republicans once considered the bounds of decency and presidential decorum. To some degree their reticence reflects the partisanship produced by the elimination of liberal Republicans and conservative Democrats. But it also follows the example of Reagan, who articulated what he called the Republican Eleventh Commandment: “Thou shalt not speak ill of any fellow Republican.” (Trump himself flouted that rule.) Trump took one page directly from the Reagan playbook. Reagan was called the “great communicator” for his mastery of the dominant medium of his day, television, which allowed him to speak directly to the American people without the filter of reporters and editors. Trump adapted the idea to the age of social media. His millions of Twitter followers got their daily dose of Trump undiluted, unchecked,
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by George H. W. Bush. But Reagan rightly received much of the credit, for his adroit combination of threat and accommodation. Reagan left behind a different world than he had inherited. Some of the changes were positive; others were not. Reagan’s critique of big government caught on until even Democrat Bill Clinton felt obligated to announce that “the era of big government is over.” Deregulation facilitated dramatic changes in the economy, including democratization of air travel, globalization of production and supply chains, and the digital revolution that continues today. Yet the post-Reagan economy favored the few a great deal more than the many, producing inequality not seen in America since the Gilded Age. Globalization aggravated the deindustrialization of America and made supply chains sensitive to unforeseen disruptions like the COVID-19 pandemic. The digital revolution spawned corporate giants with unprecedented reach and influence. Reagan was a decent and temperate man, who chose his words carefully. Those who came after him were not always so circumspect. Combative Republicans dropped the qualifying clause—“in this present crisis”—from Reagan’s assertion that government was the problem, and mounted an unrelenting attack on Washington D.C., treating defenders of government programs as the enemy of the American people. Donald Trump rode the rhetoric of attack into office; in Trump’s last days as president, the attack on government turned physically violent. The Republican party of Donald Trump is not the Republican party of Ronald Reagan, but there is a recognizable lineage. Reagan was not a racist, but by invoking “states’ rights” as justification for his conservative policies, he let Southerners who were racists know they’d find a home in the Republican party, where Trump has done little to make them feel unwelcome. Republicans have been slow to criticize Trump, even when he has
POLITICS
The Republican party of Donald Trump
IS NOT THE
Republican party of Ronald Reagan, but there is a recognizable lineage.
and unrefuted—until the company pulled the plug on his account. In perhaps the most important respect, though, Reagan’s core values were strikingly at odds with those common in his party— and often in America at large—today. Reagan lived through some of the most trying periods in American history: the Great Depression, World War II, the Cold War, the turbulent Sixties, the unsettled Seventies. Yet he never lost his faith in the country’s future. Reagan was the eternal optimist on everything essential about America. He was diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease a few years after he left the presidency. But still his faith held firm. “I now begin the journey that will lead me into the sunset of my life,” he wrote in a farewell letter to the American people. “I know that for America there will always be a bright dawn ahead.”
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Ơ H.W. Brands, a history professor at the University of TexasAustin, is the author of 25 books, including Reagan: A Life.
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CAST OF CHARACTERS
“NO ONE PLAYED THE ROLE BETTER” Exclusive: On the set of Reagan, star Dennis Quaid and the filmmakers reveal their own views of the iconic leader—and of American politics now by
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Ơ guthrie, oklahoma—ronald Reagan and Jane Wyman have just entered Hollywood’s Cocoanut Grove circa 1940. The director is shouting “action” and the extras at the famous nightclub begin to chat amongst themselves and sip their cocktails. Too tame, so the director shouts again. “Action!” Not good enough. “Action!” Each time the directive comes with more urgency, suggesting that the scene lacks the requisite enthusiasm. No, this isn’t a decades-old movie starring the famous actors, it is the set of the September 2020 shooting of a movie titled Reagan, and it stars Dennis Quaid as the title character and Mena Suvari as his first wife. Subbing for the Cocoanut Grove is a Masonic temple that sits on 10 acres in Guthrie, Oklahoma, a site that also doubles for the Oval Office and the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin where Reagan pleaded, ”Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” The movie is one of the signs of conservative resilience in notoriously liberal Hollywood: a biopic of a man
whose loyalty to the Christian right and hard line against communism earned him a landslide reelection in 1984, winning 49 of 50 states. Reagan’s campaign cry four years earlier might sound familiar even to those who weren’t alive at the time: “Let’s Make America Great Again.” The script touches only briefly on perceived Reagan flaws such as his slowness in addressing the AIDS crisis, but the filmmakers say the work is no hagiography. “The greatest challenge is not to be a super-fan,” says producer Mark Joseph. “There’s a lot of us who respect Reagan, but we had to get over that to tell his story. Nobody cares about Superman without Clark Kent.” The $25 million film, which was made and financed independently, finished with principal photography on July 19. The filmmakers are aiming for a wide release in 2022. A C-SPAN poll of presidential historians this year ranked Reagan 9th among all U.S. presidents, while in a 2018 Quinnipiac University poll, 28
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percent of Americans surveyed rated Reagan the best president since World War II—putting him at the top of the list. Those folks are the low-hanging fruit, but filmmakers hope that even moviegoers antagonistic to the 40th president will put aside partisanship to check out the movie. “In our movie, Democrats aren’t Reagan’s enemies, the totalitarian Soviet Empire was,” says producer Mark Joseph. He cites a scene where Reagan prays with Tip O’Neill, the Democratic Speaker of the House at the time, as an example of the film’s bipartisan spirit. Quaid, a lifelong registered independent, doesn’t hide his love for Reagan. “He was my favorite president,” he says while holding his broken surgical mask onto his face on set in the midst of the coronavirus emergency. “One thing audiences may not remember is that Reagan started off a Democrat, and he was against the Vietnam War,” says
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given that its director, John Avildsen, had signed on to direct Reagan just prior to his death in 2017. The job fell to Sean McNamara, whose production credits include Soul Surfer and who directed several Christmas movies and lots of Disney Channel live-action shows. Not to mention that as a young man in 1981 he handled sound at Reagan’s first inauguration. Like Quaid, McNamara identifies as an independent. “I grew up in a time where political foes could fight like
hell all day but have a beer in the evening,” he tells Newsweek. “They started with a respect for one another. I go to the set every day, politically neutral.” While Quaid won’t shy from a good political debate, he rarely uses his fame to amplify his views. “Who cares what an actor thinks?” he asks. “I’ll leave politics to the people who have a month of cushion before things go wrong. I lead a privileged life, so I shouldn’t be speaking for them. Actors think, ‘Oh boy, I’m famous.
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Quaid. “They’ll also find out he wasn’t a rich man. His famous Reagan Ranch is smaller than my ranch in Montana.” Another of the film’s stars, Jon Voight, is a self-described former leftist who draws plenty of media attention now that he has assumed the late Charlton Heston’s role as the most outspoken conservative in Hollywood. “The things Reagan faced have taken hold. He said we have to be vigilant or our great freedoms will be in danger,” Voight told Newsweek. “The indoctrination of children and everything else perpetrated by the left, he understood that danger. We’re fighting an important war against leftist forces and we must prevail. That’s the story to me.” Penelope Ann Miller, who plays Nancy Reagan (and carried My Turn, the former first lady’s autobiography in her handbag while on the set, calling it her Bible), has a different view. “I don’t do politics,” says Miller. “We’re making a biopic, telling how Reagan went from football, to radio, to acting, to president of the Screen Actors Guild, to marrying Jane and then Nancy. We’re not pushing an agenda.” When Miller first read the script, written by Howard Klausner and Jonas McCord, she felt it failed to show Nancy’s impact on her husband. To strengthen the portrayal, she adlibbed tidbits from My Turn here and there, for example when she says, “Let Ronnie be Ronnie,” while he’s being prepped for a debate. “People who see this movie will say, ‘I didn’t know his dad was an alcoholic; I didn’t know he met Nancy like that.’ There’s a lot behind the scenes that people will be fascinated about,” Miller says. “It’s like Rocky: it’s not about a fighter, it’s a love story between him and Adrian. That’s what we’re capturing. Ronnie loved Nancy so much that it was difficult for them to be apart.” The comparison to Rocky is apt,
H O L LY W O O D
People want to talk to me. I must know a lot of stuff.’ So they get vocal. But they know so much that isn’t true.” Nevertheless, Quaid found himself in a political controversy last September when published reports suggested he was part of a secret plan to help re-elect Trump, a rumor that generated a good amount of online hate. That incident reinforced Quaid’s focus on the First Amendment—an issue on which, he says, his colleagues in the entertainment community are too often on the wrong side. “There used to be free speech in this country, and Hollywood is helping to take that away,” Quaid says. “What is Hollywood afraid of? It used to be rebellious. Now they’re always toeing the line of political correctness.” Joseph said he reached out to several
PLAYING THE PART Actress Penelope Anne Miller
(left) ad libbed tidbits from the autobiography of First Lady Nancy Reagan (below) to add to the movie role. Reagan (right) was a lifeguard for six years, credited with 77 rescues, decades before assuming the role of presidential candidate in 1980.
actors to play Reagan—Christian Bale, Nicholas Cage, Kyle Chandler—but Quaid was always his top choice because “he’s all American.” The producer credits fate for the idea of making a film that tells Reagan’s life story beginning at the age of 11: on a road trip with his family, Joseph was ticketed for speeding and forced to spend the night near the former president’s hometown of Dixon, Illinois. “We had to appear in court the next day so my wife took video of me driving the speed limit, and the people passing me were flipping me off,” Joseph recalls. “Then we figured we’d check out Reagan’s home and other haunts, and I realized that America’s greatness comes from small towns, and that no one has made a movie about Reagan growing up. The judge refused to watch my video and gave me a $500 fine, but I got a movie out of it.” Teenage Reagan is played by David Henrie, best known for his role as the older brother on the Nickelodeon show The Wizards of Waverly Place. Henrie’s portrayal of Reagan includes some of his six years as a lifeguard at Dixon’s Rock River, where he is credited with 77 rescues (the movie includes a rescue—along with another of a female swimmer faking distress to meet the handsome, young guard), which Voight sees as important foreshadowing. “He sees this dangerous current in the river, and knew he had to protect people from it. It’s a metaphor for how he tried to keep our country safe as president,” says Voight. While the movie is based on actual events, it does introduce a couple of fictional characters that Joseph rather sheepishly acknowledges came to him in a dream: one is a curmudgeonly, retired KGB officer (played by Voight) who kept tabs on Reagan’s anti-communist activities for three decades; the other is a young, rising
Russian politician who asks the elderly ex-spy for the inside story on how the Soviet Union collapsed. After that, the movie is largely a flashback to Reagan’s upbringing and rise to fame as an actor and to international power as president of the free world. The young Russian is played by Alex Sparrow, a popular actor in that country before moving to the U.S. and landing a recurring role in Netflix’s Space Force comedy. On the set in Oklahoma and accompanied by his dog, Mozart, Sparrow says it has been surreal to work with an Oscar winner—Voight earned Best Actor for Coming Home in 1979—on a high-profile movie with consequential political overtones, given the Russian-collusion narrative around Trump. “No one believed it in Russia, because everything bad there is always blamed on America and everything bad in America is always blamed on Russia,” he quips, before Voight sings the praises of his young co-star.
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WORKING THE AUDIENCE (Above) Actor Jon Voight speaks at the conservative Voter Values Summit in 2016; AIDS activists make their feelings about the former president and others known. (Right) Quaid as Reagan and the man himself, but the jelly beans are the real star.
who “loathed” him. Brolin then scurried to correct the record, saying the 2003 TV movie he starred in was not a “hit job” on Reagan and announcing publicly he had even voted for him— once. “He represented America quite well,” Brolin told this reporter. “There were some clandestine things going down, but for the most part I think he was a good president.” Then Brolin made a prediction: Joseph’s movie “will never get made.”
AUGU S T 06, 2021
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“You see his energy. I went to his apartment and there were musical instruments in every room. He plays them all. So I start reading a scene and he’s on his electric piano, really rocking it, and I start dancing,” recalls Voight. “Can you imagine?” asks Sparrow. “One minute I’m a new actor from Russia trying to make it in Hollywood; the next minute Jon Voight is dancing in my living room!” Joseph has been making Reagan for more than a decade. He stumbled into controversy early on, when he told this reporter in 2010 that he intended to hire a lead actor who actually respected Reagan, rather than someone like James Brolin, star of The Reagans,
He was almost right. Financing was a struggle, as is often the case with an independent film. “I was flown out to Nashville and paraded in front of a group at a $20 million mansion and they promised me $60 million, so we took ourselves off the market,” recalls Joseph. “The money never came. Then I had a woman in Monaco who signed a contract but, again, the money never came.” In the end, Joseph raised $25 million from a variety of largely non-partisan individual film investors he won’t name, with the largest source chipping in $5 million. Joseph also earned funding for the movie via product placement, which seems fitting: Reagan himself was a pitchman for GE, a cigarette maker and other brands. The most significant of these deals for the movie came from the Jelly Belly Candy Company, maker of the snacks that Reagan kept in a jar on his desk in the Oval Office. The production saved money by shooting in Oklahoma, where its Film Rebate Program kicks back up to 37 percent of qualified expenditures. In the middle of a pandemic and lockdowns in some states, Governor Kevin Stitt declared the motion picture industry an essential business in order “to message certainty to the production companies,” he told Newsweek. Stitt said Reagan spent 24 days filming in his state plus three months of pre- and post-production work, employing 155 locals, not counting a few hundred extras in scenes such as a union strike in the 1940s and the night Reagan won the California governorship in 1966. Joseph, who helped market a variety of films including Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ, also arranged for Quaid to guest star in an episode of Pawn Stars, where he’s seen purchasing some authentic Reagan memorabilia for several thousands of dollars.
HOLLYWOOD
One hiccup occurred when Dawn Ferry, the film’s supervising art director, reached out to the New-York Historical Society, hoping for the name of an artist she presumed recreated six paintings that hung in Reagan’s Oval Office, since the Society recently built a replica office of its own for a Reagan exhibition. Ferry was told the Society deemed three of Reagan’s actual Oval Office paintings insufficiently “universal” or “appropriate” so it had substituted others. Ferry scrambled to find vendors who could recreate the historically accurate six. It’s worth noting that one of the works that the Society declined to include is a portrait of President Andrew Jackson by Thomas Sully; another is called “Preaching to the Troops,” by Sanford Gifford; and the third is “Passing the Outpost” by A. Wordsworth Thompson. “I just thought it odd that they’d deem something important enough to replicate, but then they didn’t actually replicate it,” Ferry tells Newsweek. “I know people like to change history,
but I thought certain bastions—like something called a ‘historical society’—would be above that.” (The Society says it was a simple matter of wanting to use original paintings it already had. Still, the incident might symbolize how polarizing Reagan has become over the years.) Funding mishaps, the death of a director and alleged political correctness weren’t the only difficulties: next came COVID-19. Shooting had to be
The adventure of making this movie has made everyone who worked on it try to think out of the box,” says McNamara, “and to find the core attributes that made Reagan such an interesting historical figure.”
suspended for several weeks last fall while 30 cast and crew members recovered from the virus, which they’d contracted despite adhering to masks and social-distancing protocols. “They quarantined and followed our health guidelines,” Stitt says. In Reagan’s day, it was the spread of a different, deadly ailment that was grabbing headlines: AIDS. It’s addressed briefly in the film in the form of protests demanding government help, and Quaid acknowledges it’s an area where his favorite president stumbled. “It was one of his failures, and it hurt a lot of my gay friends. It made them feel like outsiders,” says Quaid. “Reagan came from an era where you hid that you were gay; I’m sure he would have evolved by now.” As for Voight, his goal with the film is to explain Reagan’s popularity and why his message of American exceptionalism ought to still resonate today—even among L.A. liberals. “Hollywood and the Democratic party has been taken over by the left. There’s no room for other interpretations, so a person like me is looked at as being out of line,” says Voight. “I was on the left; I know the shallowness of that attitude. People on the left have to avoid the truth to sustain themselves. They only know caricatures of conservatives. We’ve been moving left since the 1960s, and our only break was with Reagan.” “The adventure of making this movie has made everyone who worked on it try to think out of the box,” says McNamara, “and to find the core attributes that made Reagan such an interesting historical figure.” It’s a theory that filmmakers hope Democrats and Republicans alike will embrace on the big screen. “We can still yell at each other, but we should work together,” says Quaid. “Reagan was a B-movie actor. When he got into politics, no one played the role better.”
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the pandemic has been a scary and lonely time for a lot of us and over the last year many Americans turned to domestic animals for companionship, comfort and fun. According to the American Pets Product Association, an industry trade group, pet ownership in the U.S. increased from an estimated 67 percent of households in 2019 to 70 percent last year, an all-time high. According to the APPA, last year Americans spent $103.6 billion buying, feeding and caring for pets. The group estimated that number would rise to $109.6 billion by the end of this year. Pet owners want the best for their critters regardless of whether those animals walk, crawl, fly or swim. With that in mind, Newsweek teamed up with Statista, a respected market research and data firm, to come up with our ranking of the Best Petcare Brands 2021. We looked at 245 brands across a range of categories, ranging from food and accessories to care and health services, and found the best in each for dogs, cats, birds, fish and rodents. Our
rankings were based on the results of an independent survey of almost 10,000 U.S. customers who have either made purchases, used services or gathered information about relevant products or services in the past three years. (For more detail, see methodology, p. 36.) A few tidbits: The category where winning brands performed best compared to their competitors is treats for dogs. Products and services for fish had the best average scores compared to other kinds of pets. The individual brands with the highest scores were Nudges (dog treats), Fancy Feast (kitten food) and 9Lives (dry cat food). Nudges had a 9.48/10 score for the treats for dogs category, Fancy Feast a 8.95/10 score for the kitten food category and 9Lives a 8.92/10 score for the dry food for cats category. Brands who were winners in multiple categories include Blue Buffalo, Hill’s and Kaytee. We hope you’ll find our ranking helpful as you shop for your pets. Ơ Nancy Cooper, Global Editor-in-Chief NEWSWEEK.COM
35
Cats
METHODOLOGY
1. Trust: measures whether respondents trust that a brand is safe and effective for their pets. 2. Quality: measures the overall quality of products/services received. 3. Transparency: measures whether a brand provides the respondents with all necessary information regarding its products and services. 4. Innovation: measures whether the brand continues to come out with new products or engaging marketing and communication. 5. Value for money: measures the quality of product in relation to price paid for it. The top 3 to 5 brands based on category size receiving the highest scores in each category were named America’s Best Petcare Brands 2021
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Accessories/Toys 1
8.79
.21*
2
8.72
SmartyKat
3
8.72
Meow & Me
4
8.25
Hartz
5
7.95
Cats Claws
Birds
Cleaning Products Accessories toys
litter 1
8.24
Purina
1
8.45
Wesco
2
8.24
Fresh Step
2
8.35
Bonka Bird Toys
3
8.21
Arm & Hammer
3
8.09
Caitec
self-cleaning litter
Food
1
8.09
Litter-Robot
bird food
2
8.03
Nature’s Miracle
3
7.92
PetSafe
1
8.78
Lafeber’s
2
8.62
Healthy Select
3
8.47
Kaytee
4
8.42
Wild Harvest
1
8.92
9Lives
5
8.30
Higgins
2
8.86
Fancy Feast
3
8.71
Iams
treats
Food dry
1
8.43
Kaytee
4
8.67
Natural Balance
2
8.13
Higgins
5
8.62
Blue Buffalo
3
7.91
Brown’s
kitten food
Furniture
1
8.95
Fancy Feast
cages
2
8.43
Hill’s
1
8.14
A&E Cage Company
3
8.33
Royal Canin
2
8.10
<0/
4
8.29
Meow Mix
3
8.09
Prevue Pet Products
5
8.29
Blue Buffalo
AUGU S T 06, 2021
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The 2021 America’s Best Petcare %UDQGV UDQNLQJV ZHUH LGHQWLɿHG IURP WKH results of an independent survey of almost 10,000 U.S. customers who have either made purchases, used services or gathered information about relevant products or services in the past three years. Customers evaluated several brands: in total more than 60,000 evaluations were collected. The awarded brands each received on average of around 60 evaluations from customers. The survey was conducted on retailers and service providers from 61 categories, providing results for a broad-spectrum of product experiences in a wide variety of categories. For each category, the most relevant brands were included in the scope of the survey according to reputation, turnover or market share. In the product categories availability in multiple (online) retail platforms or via their own U.S.-based web shop was required. For brickand-mortar categories, only retailers and service providers present in at least two census regions were included in the list. In the online categories, only retailers and service providers that are predominantly present online were eligible. For retailers and service providers with online presences and store networks, only the core business was taken into account. In total, the survey took an average of 9 to 10 minutes to complete. The survey SHULRG UDQ IURP $SULO WR -XQH 7KH ɿQDO assessment and rankings were based on likelihood of recommendation (50 perFHQW RI WKH ɿQDO VFRUH DQG ɿYH HYDOXDWLRQ FULWHULD DOVR SHUFHQW RI WKH ɿQDO VFRUH
ƴ Ơ Rank ƴ Ơ Score
cat trees & scratchers
treats 1
8.72
Rachael Ray Nutrish
1
8.41
Armarkat
2
8.66
*UHHQLHV
2
8.40
New Cat Condos
3
8.64
Temptations
3
8.11
New Age Pet
4
8.58
Meow Mix
5
8.52
Blue Buffalo wet
Grooming Products hair accessories 1
8.04
Furminator
1
8.74
Hill’s
2
7.96
Magic Coat
2
8.74
Applaws
3
7.96
Coastal Pet
3
8.57
Tiki Cat
4
8.53
Blue Buffalo
5
8.48
Whiskas
Furniture
shampoos & conditioners 1
8.28
9HWŠV %HVW
2
8.17
Burt’s Bees
3
8.09
Espree
beds & sleep 1
8.24
*R 3HW &OXE
2
8.17
Bessie and Barnie
3
7.94
Majestic Pet
1
Dogs Accessories boots & paw protectors 1
7.89
3URWH[ 3DZ=
Pharmacy Products
2
7.85
Musher’s Secret
eye, ear, dental care
3
7.79
Pet MD
8.27
clothes
9HWHULQDU\ )RUPXOD Clinical Care
1
8.43
Wagwear
2
8.24
Miracle Care
2
7.87
Blueberry Pet
3
8.19
Animax
3
7.87
Pets First
flea and tick control
collars
1
8.47
Revolution
1
7.96
Pets First
2
8.24
Seresto
2
7.79
Coastal Pet
3
8.13
Comfortis
3
7.78
Fresh Pawz
4
8.08
Wondercide
5
8.08
Advantage
1
8.09
Midwest
heartworm
2
8.06
Precision Pet
crates
1
8.77
Revolution
3
7.96
Animaze
2
7.86
Interceptor
4
7.94
Petmate
3
7.85
Advantage
5
7.76
Carlson Pet Products
7 + ( / , 6 7 , 6 $ / 6 2 $9$ , / $ % / ( $7 1 ( :6: ( ( . & 2 0ʔ$% 3%ʝ
Dogs leashes 1
8.13
Harry Barker
2
8.06
ThunderLeash
3
7.96
Bond & Co
4
7.93
Buckle-Down
5
7.87
Petmate toys
8.78
.21*
2
8.17
Chuckit!
3
8.06
BARK
4
7.99
Nylabone
5
7.90
Chew King
treats
poop bags and dispensers 1
8.17
Earth Rated
1
9.48
Nudges
2
8.00
BioBag USA
2
8.69
Pup-Peroni
3
7.93
So Phresh
3
8.67
Rachael Ray Nutrish
day camp & day care services
4
7.80
The Original Poop Bags
4
8.65
*UHHQLHV
5
7.71
*/$' IRU 3HWV
5
8.62
Pedigree
Care Services
1
8.23
Pet Paradise
2
7.87
Dogtopia
3
7.85
Camp Bow Wow
training services
Food dry
wet 1
8.83
Beneful
1
8.80
Hill’s
2
8.79
Pedigree
1
8.02
Camp Bow Wow
2
8.67
Rachael Ray Nutrish
3
8.61
Hill’s
2
7.96
Petsmart
3
8.44
Nutro
4
8.59
Freshpet
3
7.75
Doggy U
4
8.42
Taste of the Wild
5
8.58
Merrick
5
8.35
Blue Buffalo
Furniture
puppy food
beds & sleep
Cleaning Products pads 1
8.07
Brilliant Pad
1
8.75
Hill’s
1
8.35
Dogs Rocks
2
8.06
*/$' IRU 3HWV
2
8.55
Pedigree
2
8.13
FurHaven
3
7.89
Four Paws
3
8.34
Taste of the Wild
3
8.04
3 Dog Pet Supply
4
7.84
Wags & Wiggles
4
8.33
6ROLG *ROG
4
8.03
Carolina Pet Company
5
7.76
Hartz
5
8.32
Blue Buffalo
5
8.01
Bessie and Barnie
38
NEWSWEEK.COM
AUGU S T 06, 2021
) 5 2 0 / ( ) 7 * $ 1 ' ( ( 9$6 $ 1 ʔ* ( 7 7 < & + $ 1 6 5 , 7 + $: ( ( 3 2 5 1 ʔ* ( 7 7 <
1
ƴ Ơ Rank ƴ Ơ Score
carriers & tavel products 1
8.17
PetAmi
2
8.11
K&H PET PRODUCTS
3
7.88
-HVSHW
4
7.88
Miracle Care
5
7.67
Baytril
Fish Cleaning Products
flea and tick control
aquarium filter
1
8.43
1H[*DUG
1
8.72
Marineland
Grooming Products
2
8.41
Simparica Trio
2
8.33
Fluval
hair accessories
3
8.27
Bravecto
3
8.30
Tetra
1
8.39
Wahl
4
8.21
K9 Advantix
4
8.20
Lifegard Aquatics
2
8.17
*RQ]R 1DWXUDO 0DJLF
5
8.14
Frontline
5
7.87
Aquatic Life
3
8.00
Andis
4
7.87
Furminator
1
8.86
Simparica Trio
1
8.72
Aqueon
5
7.81
Magic Coat
2
8.74
Sentinel Spectrum
2
8.65
API
shampoos & conditioners
3
8.45
Heartgard Plus
3
8.40
Tetra
heartworm
water care
1
8.05
Wahl
4
8.17
Interceptor Plus
4
8.31
Coralife
2
8.03
9HWHULQDU\ )RUPXOD Clinical Care
5
8.01
Iverhart Max
5
8.17
Imagitarium
3
7.97
Earthbath
4
7.97
Hartz
5
7.96
Pets Are Kids Too
Pharmacy Products digestive support 1
8.17
HomeoPet
2
8.15
*ODQGH[
3
7.97
Epizyme
4
7.88
Chew + Heal Labs
5
7.86
1DWXU9HW
eye, ear, dental care 1
8.06
9HWHULQDU\ )RUPXOD Clinical Care
2
7.93
*UHHQLHV
3
7.91
Arm & Hammer
7 + ( / , 6 7 , 6 $ / 6 2 $9$ , / $ % / ( $7 1 ( :6: ( ( . & 2 0ʔ$% 3%ʝ
ƴ Ơ Rank ƴ Ơ Score
Fish
Mixed Food
Care Services
1
8.05
Petsmart
fish food
adoption
2
7.97
D Pet Hotels
3
7.67
Paradise 4 Paws
1
8.69
Tetra
1
8.75
Petsmart
2
8.67
Wardley
2
8.19
3
8.57
Hikari
Pet Shelters Across America
4
8.42
Omega One
5
8.33
Aqueon
Furniture aquarium 1 2
8.47 8.40
*OR)LVK Coralife Aqueon
3
8.17
Humane Society
grooming salons 1
8.28
Petsense
2
7.88
Pet Paradise
3
7.86
Petsmart
4
7.79
Hollywood Feed
5
7.78
Wag N’ Wash
pet-sitting websites 1
8.05
Rover
2
8.03
Wag
3
7.93
Fetch Pet Care
Cleaning Products odor & stain removers 1
8.42
Nature’s Miracle
2
8.38
Resolve
3
8.13
Febreze
4
8.12
6LPSOH *UHHQ
5
8.12
Bissell
) 5 2 0 / ( ) 7 * /2 % $ / 3 * ( 7 7 < 6 ( 1 6 2 5 6 3 27ʔ* ( 7 7 <
3
8.77
pet hotels & kennels
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AUGU S T 06, 2021
Rodents Accessories toys
Health Services
Cleaning Products
8.32
Bluepearl
cleaning supplies for reptiles
2
8.30
0HG9HW
1
8.51
=RR 0HG
3
8.12
9HWFR 9DFFLQDWLRQ &OLQLF
2
8.35
Imagitarium
3
8.09
2
8.38
3
8.26
Fluker’s
Food
brick & mortar pet stores 8.44
Pet Supplies Plus
reptile food
Tractor Supply Co.
1
8.53
Pet Supermarket
2
8.25
2QOLQH 5HWDLOHUV
3
8.16
pet stores
4
8.01
5
7.88
=LOOD =RR 0HG Tetra Fluker’s
1
8.67
Chewy
2
8.35
Allivet
Furniture
3
8.20
Petco
terrarium heating & lighting 1
8.58
Chewy
2
8.11
3
8.09
pharmacies 1
8.90
2
8.45
Wedgewood
3
8.29
1-800-PetMeds
Oxbow Animal Health
2
8.07
<RX 0H
3
7.98
Kaytee
Food
1
1
8.90
Reptiles
clinics
2IʀLQH 5HWDLOHUV
1
rodent food 1
8.34
9LWDNUDIW
2
8.29
Wild Harvest
3
8.27
Oxbow Animal Health
4
8.18
Higgins
5
8.09
Mazuri treats
1
8.58
Sun Seed
2
8.33
Oxbow Animal Health
3
8.15
Science Selective
4
8.14
Kaytee
5
8.04
Higgins
-XUDVVL3HW
=RR 0HG =LOOD
Furniture cages 1
8.17
WARE
2
8.05
Prevue Pet Products
3
8.03
Kaytee
Exo Terra
terrariums & kits 1
8.53
=LOOD
2
8.41
=RR 0HG
3
8.27
Exo Terra
STAT I STA publishes worldwide estab-
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MU S I C
Moving Forward
Leon Bridges eclectic third album Gold-Diggers Sound ɿQGV WKH acclaimed singer-songwriter further moving away from the ’60s retrosoul feel of his breakout debut
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located on los angeles’ santa monica While the music is varied on the new record, what Boulevard, Gold-Diggers is not your typihasn’t changed are Bridges’ velvet singing and his cal recording complex. Dating back to the 1920s, romantic lyrics, evident on such tracks as the heartthe East Hollywood building has gone through breaking “Why Don’t You Touch Me”; the sultry balvarious incarnations: first as an inn and tavern; lad “Sho Nuff ”; the danceable, funk-like “Steam”; and then as a film studio where scenes for Ed Wood’s the sublime and dreamy “Motorbike.” infamous sci-fi flick Plan 9 From Outer Space were Bridges wrote “Motorbike,” the album’s first single, shot; and later as a rehearsal space for the likes of after celebrating his 30th birthday in Puerto Rico. the Doors and Guns N’ Roses; After it was bought “I got to experience that moment with some of my and renovated a few years ago, the property now best friends in the world. The sense of camaraderie houses nine studio recording rooms, an 11-room and living in the moment and being disconnected boutique hotel and a bar. For Grammy winning from everything really inspired the song. And so I R&B singer-songwriter Leon Bridges, Gold-Diggers literally left Puerto Rico and walked into the sesbecame a second home where he lived as well as sion not knowing what the vibe was, and ended up wrote and recorded his latest music. working on ‘Motorbike.’ I wanted to recreate that “A friend of mine and I threw a Grammy pre-party experience in the form of stepping in and living there,” Bridges, who discovered the place in 2018, in the moment with someone you love.” The song’s recalls. “I was totally unaware of the studio-in-hotel accompanying video, whose storyline is something aspect. Gold-Diggers had a history of being used as out of Bonnie and Clyde, was directed by hip-hop a soundstage in the ’40s for some films, and a strip star Anderson .Paak. “Anderson and I crossed paths club—a lot of crazy history about it. We at various events. Man, it was really felt the only way to unlock this unique dope working with him on the set. He’s sound was to fully immerse ourselves in really low-key and very clear with his BY direction. I’m just a malleable person a place that was aesthetically inspiring, when I’m in those situations and just considering we would be spending a lot DAVID CHIU open to whatever he wanted to make of time in this place. It just feels like step@newbeats ping in a time machine, and that was the whole thing come to life.” kind of one of the things that drew me to it.” Aside from tackling matters of the heart, The result of that time spent at the complex is Gold-Diggers Sound explores spiritual introspection Gold-Diggers Sound (due out on July 23 on Columwith “Born Again,” which Bridges says encapsulates bia Records), Bridges’ third studio record. Like its his roots and where he’s headed in life. “I was alludpredecessor Good Thing from three years ago, the ing to my experience through the pandemic,” he says, “and how it was somewhat of a purification new record marks a stylistic diversion from the for myself in the way of the disconnection from early ’60s R&B sound of his breakout first album, obligations. I finally got a moment to be still and 2015’s Coming Home. One can hear more contemporary influences like neo-soul, hip-hop and jazz kept up with the person that was on the move for on Gold-Diggers Sound, and Bridges cites such acts so long. It was a wonderful time for me, and that’s as Talking Heads, Little Dragon and Jodeci as some what inspired that song.” of the record’s reference points. On an even more serious note, the somber and “I conveyed to [co-executive producer Ricky Reed] haunting “Sweeter” is Bridges’ powerful statement that I wanted to push my sound forward,” Bridges on the deaths of unarmed Black men at the hands says,” but still keep it grounded with organic eleof police. Shattering any lingering perception that ments. And so everything lyrically unfolded in its Bridges is just a romantic balladeer, the devastatown way during the process. But one of the main ing song was written before the murder of George things was really creating just a progressive cohesive Floyd and was released a month after the tragedy full body of work.” (Bridges performed it at last year’s Democratic
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National Convention). “These are ideas that I have been dwelling on forever throughout my whole career,” he says, “I’ve been scrutinized for not making political songs. I honestly feel these things and I’m aware. It’s just finding that right moment of putting it in a song, and I was able to find that in ‘Sweeter.’” He acknowledges Bob Dylan’s “Blowin’ in the Wind” and Sam Cooke’s “A Change Is Gonna Come” as blueprints for his song. “I think it’s even more powerful when you come from an angle,” says Bridges, “a perspective as opposed to being preachy, and that’s kind of like how I wanted to approach that song.” Since the release of Coming Home, Bridges has been gradually forging a career of artistic maturity and depth that is comparable to the work of Marvin Gaye, Stevie Wonder and
MUSIC
Kendrick Lamar—which is ironic given that Bridges, who hails from Fort Worth, Texas, didn’t set out to become a musician at first. “I fell in love with dancing at an early age and initially wanted to be a backup dancer or a choreographer,” he says. “I never really saw myself in the music realm. That obviously took a turn as soon as I went to college. I met other musicians on campus that kind of inspired me to go down the path that I’m going down now.” Before being
“I fell in love with dancing at an early age and initially wanted to be a backup dancer or a choreographer.”
SONS OF THE LONE STAR STATE Musician Austin Jenkins, who helped launch Leon Bridges’
recording career, and Bridges at a music business reception in Los Angeles.
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discovered by guitarist Austin Jenkins of the Texas rock band White Denim in 2014, Bridges was working various jobs. “I washed dishes, I busked on the street and went to open mikes,” he recalls. “All those things prepared me for where I was heading.” Bridges has achieved milestones in the last six years that include winning a Grammy in 2019; sharing the stages with the likes of Sharon Van Etten and Harry Styles; recording with John Mayer, Kacey Musgraves, Khruangbin and Noah Cyrus; and performing at the White House in 2016 for then-President Barack Obama and first lady Michelle Obama, a moment he considers a personal highlight. Along with Gold-Diggers Sound, Bridges also has a song, “My Guy,” on the soundtrack for Space Jam: A New Legacy out this summer. “I think it’s moving at a perfect pace for me,” he says of his career trajectory. “I’m just happy that I’m able to navigate it gracefully. A lot of it has to do with my community and family that really helped keep me grounded through all that.” Bridges will be touring the rest of this year, including stops at the Bonnaroo and Governors Ball music festivals. Based on the evidence of Gold-Diggers Sound, it is clear Bridges refuses to be pigeonholed musically after the indelible throwback-sounding Coming Home. “One thing I noticed is fans want to put boundaries around Black self-expression. That’s one of the things that I experienced to the point of where my deviating from the traditional soul things was deemed as disingenuous or whatever. So definitely [it] has been a conscious decision with each album to push the envelope and remain unpredictable. I’m really happy with Gold-Diggers Sound, but even that is not indicative of my future sound.”
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Further Listening
Coming Home
Good Thing
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Khruangbin and Leon Bridges
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Adventures to Make Up for Lost Time We get it. You’re ready to have an adventure somewhere in the world again. With borders opening back up, vaccinated travelers are starting to pack their bags again, looking for a next-level escape to make up for dream trips canceled or put on hold. From soaring over the French Alps with a world-record glider pilot to trekking with chimpanzees in Uganda like Jane Goodall or even experiencing space with zero gravity on a flight minus the millions price tag, these post-pandemic thrills will make up for lost time. —Kathleen Rellihan
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over the past 30-plus years, audiences have watched joseph gordonLevitt go from child actor on 3rd Rock From the Sun to a string of successful films like Inception, 50/50 and 500 Days of Summer. Now he’s reflecting on the themes of adulthood and the anxieties they bring about in his new Apple+ series Mr. Corman, which he also created, wrote and directed. “My aim was to write something sort of about myself that was kind of self-reflective. The adventure I went on in making this was kind of like arriving in the place of adulthood.” Gordon-Levitt plays Josh Corman, a young school teacher facing the sometimes complicated realities of dealing with anxiety and family. “Mr. Corman is not a comedy-comedy, and it’s not a drama-drama. It’s somewhere in between, which is my favorite place because it feels like life to me. Life can be funny and life can be tragic.” Oscar-nominated actress Debra Winger plays Josh’s mother Ruth. “It’s been such a gift to get her on the show.” Josh’s journey is ultimately reflective of life for many millennials. “I think the truth is that adulthood just doesn’t have a real definition. It’s more of a state of mind.”