Informality as a Method

Informality as a Method

Developing cities by the migration influx Sepehr Zhand

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AA School of Architecture Housing and Urbanism Programme

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Informality as a Method

Developing cities by the migration influx Sepehr Zhand

A design thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture (Housing & Urbanism) in the Architectural Association School of Architecture.

February 2013

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AA School of Architecture Housing and Urbanism Programme

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Table of Contents acknowledgements

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introduction

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1_The question of informality

1.1_Informality as an over growing urban phenomenon

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2_Informality as a method

2.1_Analysis of Dharavi as an extreme instance of informality

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1.2_Reflecting on the discipline of the design and planning 1.3_The spatial and political approaches towards the informal ity

2.2_The methodology and the argument

3_The expanding Dharavi

3.1_On Migration 3.2_The edge Condition 3.3_The Re-qualification of the edge

4_Informality as the design challenge

4.1_Expanding edge 4.2_The system of growth

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39 45 51

57 62

The Conclusion

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Bibliography

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Acknowledgements

The 16 month experience at AA Graduate school has been a milestone in my education so far. Housing and Urbanism Program at the AA provided me with the insight to place a foundation in my academic and professional life. I would like to exceptionally thank Professor Jorge Fiori who made this experience possible for me. I would also like to thank Alex Warnock-Smith for his constant care and supervision through the whole programme. I would like to show my gratitude towards my group mate, Juliana Ribeiro Muniz, Sidharth Malik and Bhushan Joshi. This project would not be done without their efforts.

I am also grateful to my parents whom I owe this experience to.

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Dislocation of goods and services happen in a fluid manner in the informal settlements. Photo: Sepehr Zhand. Dharavi, Mumbai. Summer 2012

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Introduction

Informality has been shaping an increasing portion of the cities for a long time now. Globalization has put the people on the move; usually from the rural areas to the cities. The process of urbanizing has dislocated the people mainly because of economic ambitions to the urban areas. And this procedure has been happening with greater pace in the developing world. For this fast growth the urban areas could not have coped with the incoming influx, and as a result a significant percent of the migrants have shaped their living spaces in the urban areas through an informal method.

Mumbai - the financial centre of India is now accommodating two third of its population in the informal settlements, and among these settlements Dharavi has reached an intense level in terms of the informal qualities. This dissertation explores Dharavi as an extreme instance of Informal Method.

By researching the qualities of informality in Dharavi, the project argues that Informality as a method can contribute to the process of urbanizing if it is maintained in an informed manner. Learning from the benefits and the shortcomings of Dharavi, this project (along with three other projects) will try to develop an enhancing program that embraces the productive characteristics of Dharavi.

The Latest expansion of Dharavi has been happening in a precarious manner. The recent flow of migrants has been shaping an edge condition that has not been taking advantage of the productive sectors. Consequently it has the worst living condition among all the other segments in Dharavi. by using the informal method the project tries to re-qualify this edge as well as suggesting a meaningful system that responds positively and productively to the growth of Dharavi.

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1_The question of informality

Billions

1.1_Informality as an over growing urban phenomenon

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“Also in Raissa, City of sadness, there runs an invisible thread that binds one living being to another for a moment, then unravels, then is stretched again between moving points as it draws new and rapid patterns so that at every second the unhappy city contains a happy city unaware of its own existence” (Calvino, 1997)

Source: United Nations, World Urbanization Prospects: The 2001 Revision (2002): tables A.3 and A.4.

Today, in most of the world, the growth and the development of the cities does not happen only through the conception of urbanism any more. Mostly in the developing world, the urban area grows, without the formal preparation by the city or regional planners. This informal growth of the city is not plannble through the traditional methods of planning. And yet they are not being seen as urban areas with the standard measures.

This unseen segment of the city is where the unpredicted expansion of the city is happening. And although the informal settlements are not socially integrated with the formal city, they can carry out some productive activities to support the city itself.

“In 1950 there were 86 cities in the world with a population of more than one million; today these are 400, and by 2015 there will be 550.”1

The phenomenon of the modern world is the tremendous upward trend of the economic activities. Advanced technologic triumphs, circulation of the power and the wealth amongst the economic powers and in general the globalizing world has caused the big flow of people towards the urbanizing world. Better qualities of life, economic accessibility, health, education etc, generate the pull factor of the urbanizing world.

With such intention to live in urban areas, the cities will hvave to accommodate more people than they are formally supposed to accept. The informality will be constructing a major part of the cities.

UN Department of Economic and social affairs, population division, World urbanization prospects, the 2001 revision, New York 2002 1

“Ninety-five percent of this final buildout of humanity will occur in the urban areas of developing countries, whose population will double to nearly 4 billion over the next generation. Indeed the urban population of China, India and Brazil already roughly equals that of Europe and North America” Due to these facts it is necessary to understand that the informality is growing in an immense way, and yet the city planning methods have failed to address the informality within their definitions. Learning from the methods of growth by the informal settlements would lead to an understanding that would benefit both formal and informal sec-

“According to UN Habitat, one third of the urban population lives in slums and in the next 20 years, that percentage is predicted to increase to about 50%. The informal city can therefore be considered a dominant component of the urban condition” (Angelil & Hehl, 2012)

tors of a city. By characterizing this phenomenon in the city as to be only the settlement of the poor and marginalized, one would not acquire the sufficient understanding of informality and the way it contributes to the urbanizing world. The broader perspective on the notion of informality deals with unequal distribution of resources in an urban condition. (Mehrotra, 2010)

Recognizing informality as an issue, rather than a problem to solve, would expose the governments to a more ambiguous challenge. The conventional planning methods using the top down actions for this challenge have commonly failed to deliver most of their ambitions.

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“The ‘kinetic’ quality of informal urbanism does not allow most governmental or formal systems to keep pace with or respond meaningfully to the spontaneity inherent in the nature of informal actions” (Mehrotra, 2010)

The necessity of gaining a meaningful approach towards the informality is even more apparent when the informal takes over certain activities in a city. Growth and development of the urbanizing world is becoming more dependent on the informality every day, and the lack of a proper approach causes the segregation between the formal and informal increasingly.

The response to this gap by the formal processes has happened in various ways and the issue still have not been addresses meaningfully.

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The Ghettoization of the informal settlements by the means of physical boundaries, not only does not stop the growth of the informal, but also increases the social segregation between the formal and informal. Photo: Sepehr Zhand. Dharavi, Mumbai.

Summer 2012

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1.2_Reflecting on the discipline of the design and planning

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The process of people settling within urban areas has been addressed formally by developers and designers in the modern time. The aim of designing an urban area has been to bring certain features and qualities required by a modern man. The fact that cities are designed with the intention to provide living space separates them from rural settlements that have been shaped spontaneously through time. Consequently the tradition of design and planning are supposed to come up with ideas that predict and suggests conditions demanded by the modern life. And the quality of life in the urban areas is measured by the standards that urbanists defined due to their ambitions.

The densest areas of the world. Increasing density in the developing world is happening in a spontaneous way. The cityscape is changing without the state intervening. As a result the growth of these areas is happening, implementing the systems designed and developed by the dwellers.

The informal reuses and recycles the space, invariably. This puts the area through the process of constant evolve. Various functions may superimpose simultaneously in one area. The viability of the informal is derived from these characteristics that are not defined within the orthodox planning method. Photo: Sepehr Zhand. Dharavi, Mumbai. Summer 2012.

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Promising for better quality of life, cities became the primary choice for groups who seek the better living standards. For the formal process create a living space with certain features, it has to be predicting certain conditions within a settlement. With the huge amount of exchange within the rapidly growing economies, the formal processes have not been able to cope with the growth, mainly in the developing countries. The incoming influx is more than what the cities have been predicted to absorb. Consequently urban infill and peripheries have been informally occupied by the incoming migrants. These portions of the population find themselves in conditions where the availability of job and dwellings is not enough to fulfil the need of the whole incoming population formally. The result of this informal growth is the emergence of a tangled, irregular condition which doesn’t comply with any of the designers’ predictions.

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The unstable consitions that emerge due to the informality, transform into lasting settlements.

Hutments at Dadar station, Mumbai. (O’Hare, et al., 1998) Photo: Greg O’Hare

Communities who occupy these lands immediately provide the basic life amenities for themselves which they have usually adapted from their origin. These informal urban fragments carry local intelligence that can be contributing to the conditions of a city. “... Informal settlement is an instance of localized expression, offering a new template for the reconfiguration of a liveable spatial system� (Pascolo, 2000)

So as to integrate the informality within a city, it has to be maintained as a kinetic condition that contains useful features.

Informality presents certain qualities for a city that can be immobilized simply if it is considered as a problem.

Informal settlements spring up almost over any physical condition. Consequently the approach towards informality deals with the planning as well as the physicality and design.

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When dwellers control the major decisions and are free to make their own contributions in the design, construction, or management of their housing, both this process and the environment produced stimulate individual and social wellbeing. (Turner, n.d.)

Photo: Sepehr Zhand. Dharavi, Mumbai. Summer 2012.

1.3_The spatial and political approaches towards the informality

The idiom of informality emerges as the actions happen outside of the regular framework of a certain decipline. In the urban terms informality is usually referred to the low quality living areas that do not fit within the set of predesigned and planned conditions of a city. Defined as slums, squatter settlements, shanty towns etc, the informal settlements have been approached by the governors and the planners as the parasite for the urban processes. Believed to be lacking the civil elements, expected from an urban area, the attitudes towards informality were aiming for correcting or compensating the shortcomings of this problematic sector.

Either top down or bottoms up, the practices have proved that as long as the policies consider these fragments of a city as parasite, they would create more questions than they answer. The top down solutions, were widely rejected as they were meaning to bring urban standards to the informal settlements. The bottom up solutions, on the other hand, were not able to reach the scale of the needs for this considerable portion of the urban population. And with the absence of coherent strategy, the gap between the formal and informal augments by hour. Most significantly, lack of a spatial approach hindered the improvement programs to affect the quality of the informal settlements.

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During the time of authorization of modernism and their determinism about the definition of a city, there was a lot of slums eradication and state mass housing among the solutions to solve the problem of informality. The despatialization of the policies was happening as a result of the deterministic spatial approach. The programs based on the strong belief in the standards created even more ambiguity. This set the whole critiques against the role of design tool in concrete position. Later on with the concept of progressive development there was a new attitude towards the informality.

“The radical change in the understanding of informal settlements led at the end of the 1960s, to a new set of policies in form of site and services and slum-upgrading programmes and projects. They combined the discourse about the merits of self organized and self produced settlements with the search of minimizing costs through extreme reduction of quality standards” (Fiori & Brandão, 2010)

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Transit camp (left) was constructed to be a temporary dwelling for relocating the sqatter occupants in Dharavi. The occupants never left the buildings and it became a permenant part of Dharavi. Photo: Greg O’Hare.

For me Dharavi is also emblematic of the real inequities that exist in our cities and that people have to create home for themselves without having their basic needs fulfilled, and a total failure on the part of the government to provide them housing. Rahul Mehrotra, GSD. “no other plan then bottom-up,” small representative cluster developing 5 acres for example, with people participation, is the scale that Dharavi should be developed in his opinion.

“Its not a green field development,…, you have to see what is there.” SPARC NGO.

3 A’s problems of housing in Mumbai: Availability, Affordability and Accountability– What is affordable is not available, neither what is accountable, sTo people squatter. Rajiv Mishra, Sir JJ College of Architecture.

Dharavi is most adaptable places in the world, its constant changing flexible nature is the key point for its success, you can not wipe that out. Matias Echanove, URBZ.

“The map changes, it redefines itself all the time, we need to understand the system [of change].”

Large-scale urban planning just understands things in a certain level; it can make an absTtraction of real spaces. Small-scale interventions help to develop local debates and sense of ownership. There should be a balance. Rajiv Thakkar, Studio X Mumbai.

In India the top down approach has been a mess and the architects in India have been looking at only bottom-up approaches.

“This causes a complete collapse of urbanity in Indian cities.”

Quaid Doongerwala, DCOOP.

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After a decade of such experiments that commonly resulted in isolated and fragmented interventions there happened an era of upgrading projects in 1970s. They generally faced failure as they couldn’t reach the scale of the city. And even within some ambitious upgrading programs the scaling up was not thought of as more than just numerical multiplication of projects without considering the quality of spatial connection with the overall city. The ambiguity of emerging informal settlements needed a general spatial attitude that considers urbanism as a central tool.

It was in the mid 1990s that there emerged a new generation of slums upgrading programs, combining a variety of components, in order to reach the scale of the city. The components were not necessarily new among the programs but the ambition to find new synergies between them was thought to be as scaling up the approaches.

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“Scaling up to the level of social needs in urban areas in general, and in relation to slums and squatter settlements in particular, is inexorably about reaching the dimension of the city itself through the articulation of multiple scales. This requires engagement with urbanism and appropriate spatial design strategies, perhaps the most absent and least spoken of component of the many attempts, over almost forty years, to develop a comprehensive and coherent approach to scaling up in slum upgrading and urban poverty reduction.” (Fiori & Brandão, 2010)

With all that said it seems that through all the experiences, those that consider Urbanism and design in an integrated approach along with social, political and institutional processes were more successful.

The history of the practices on the informality points out that the approaches towards the enhancement of the informal city has to be considering multiple scales including urbanism and design. Spatialization of any upgrading program has to be interconnecting the inner informal processes with the whole urban area. The informal settlements have now become a major part of the city’s production.

Slum eradication policies, consider informality as parasite for the urban processes. The advantages that the informality can bring to an urbanizing area, would be immobilized, if the policies do not embrace the informality as condition rather than a problem.

Photo: Sepehr Zhand. Dharavi Mumbai, Summer 2012.

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Claimed to be one of the biggest slums in Asia, Dharavi accommodates over one million people.

Photo: Google image, 2012.

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2_Informality as a method 2.1_Analysis of Dharavi as an extreme instance of informality

Known as the heart of Mumbai, Dharavi is an old urban fragment situated in the middle of the greater Mumbai region.

This informal settlement has been grown along with the formal Mumbai, almost all through the modern time. The former village of the fishermen is now claimed to be one of the densest areas of the world. By definition, it is the informality that has developed the small village into an extreme live and work urban area. Placed in the centre of Mumbai, Dharavi have been affected by, and has been affecting the urbanizing India. It maintains industrial, commercial and housing units that are fabricated in an intense manner. All these features in Dharavi have made it an extreme example of what is commonly known as informal.

Once a small fisher men village, Dharavi has developed with an immense pace through the last decades. If the same pattern of growth continues Dharavi would take over the Mahim river by 2030.

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Percentage of slum inhabitants in different areas of Mumbai. (Baud, et al., 2009) About 60 percent of the Mumbai great region is composed of informal settlement.

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Ward population (1991) and ward population decadal growth rates (1981–91) in Greater Bombay.

(O’Hare, et al., 1998)

Centrality of Dharavi in Mumbai

“Dharavi, in fact, symbolizes the problem the growing cities in most developing countries face-that of unequal development. The countryside is deprived, stagnant; the cities become the ‘engines of growth’, attracting capital, creating avenues for work, providing access to services ad allowing some people to make millions and many more to subsist. Inevitably, those who cannot survive in the countryside-usually the poorest-have no option but to migrate to the nearest urban centre.”

(Sharma, 2000)

Dharavi has been shaped by different communities that mainly migrated looking for jobs. A well established pattern of migration has fabricated Dharavi as a set of Nagars2 that represent the whole India. The industries and the businesses in Dharavi are well spread among these communities. The network that enables these productive activities in regional and global scale is supported by the social and community relations. The coexistence of these communities and their mutual benefits in the businesses empower the efficiency of industries. The fact that the people in squatter settlements are meant to fight for their basic needs make them united in struggling for life. This is when their expectation of life and its measures are redefined.

General growth trends in the population of Greater Bombay comprising the Island City, and in the inner and outer suburbs, 1901–1991. (O’Hare, et al., 1998)

Dharavi acts as an entry point for Mumbai. People from all India migrate to Dharavi to either make a profit or gain experience and then they migrate back to their original village or move on to another city in India 2

Nagar /N^g^r/ : a town, city, or suburb. – Oxford Dictionary. Term for the community territories

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The strategic situation of Dharavi among the external forces, increases the intensity of the area. The University of Mumbai and Bandra Kurla complex draw the developers attention to think of Dharavi as a potential profit maker.

Dharavi which was formerly located at the northern edge of Mumbai is now wrapped in the middle of this mega city.

The area which used to be out of the urban interactions is now surrounded by several infrastructure lines, Bandra Kurla financial district (BKC), University of Mumbai and a dense urban fabric. Because of this external forces and the highly productive fabric, Dharavi is like a gold mine.

There is a shared bed system in Dharavi that help the industries to run 24/7. The tenants who are employed in those industries pay for only 8 hour, and contribute their time to the industries.

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It produces approximately 4.8 cr (£714,000) of turnover in a day, a total of approximately 2,000 cr (£ 30,000,000) annually.

Over 10,000 businesses are located in Dharavi, the majority of which are light industries that play a crucial role in Mumbai’s economy.

On the other hand because of the profitability of the productive activities, cheap labour, low expenses of the industry the beneficial ratio between the incoming and outgoing goods, the owners are unwilling to upgrade the area in a resourceful manner. And Due to its proximity with BKC and University of Mumbai, The high rises will spring up if the owners sell out their properties. And Dharavi’s problem continues due to the high pressure of these forces would not approve of upgrading programs. As a result the various attempts to improve the living quality in Dharavi have failed.

A 1986 survey of Dharavi by the National Slum Dwellers’ Federat1on (NSOF) counted 1,044 manufacturing units of all kinds. big and small. A later survey by the Society for Human and Envionmental Development (SHED) noted 1, tOO units. The actual number is likely to be larger as many smaller umts, which work out of homes and lofts, would have fallen outside the scope of the surveys.

The NSDF survey estimated there were 244 small-scale manufacturers employing from 0 to 10 persons each. The 43 big Industries recorded in the survey were probably only medium-scale production units. According to the survey, there were 152 units making a variety of food 1tems like chikki, papad and chana dal; 50 printing presses; 111 restaurants; 722 scrap and recycling units; 85 units working entirely for exports; and 25 bakeries.

Dharavi’s gullies have their share of success stories: illicit-booze brewers who have switched to baking bread, a one-time teaboy who exports ready-mades to US malls, a one-time low level employee in a coal company who has moved way up in life- to a high-rise apartment! So no surprise that a 12-year old boy working on a 12-hour shift in a tailoring unit dares to dream.

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2.2_The methodology and the argument

Mumbai with all its potentials is a combination of various forces, and among this forces, informality has shaped two third of this rapidly growing economic city.

Photo: Sepehr Zhand. Kolaba, Mumbai. Summer 2012

With the explorations through Dharavi it has been stated that Dharavi is a massive production of informality with a fundamental role in Mumbai. The informal characteristics of this region have been aroused to an extreme level. Using Dharavi as an example, informality can be studied as a possible alternative method for the development of an urban area rather than just parasite. The kinetic features of informality in this method can be used if it is maintained in an informed manner. The accommodating systems, which are informally established by the communities in Dharavi, have been able to absorb the migrants and employ about 80 percent of them within itself.

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“You see all this in Dharavi. No one complains about the kind of enterprises that operate there day and night because they give jobs to successive waves of rural migrants till they can move on to something else. Many begin as workers and end up ‘owners” of small factories. Dharavi illustrates how the state, in fact, endorses and encourages illegality with one hand, while trying to curb it with the other.”

(Sharma, 2000)

In a way the informal method of Dharavi has been contributing to the development of Mumbai great region. Providing the labour force and supporting the activities in Mumbai, Dharavi has become a service provider for the city. Always adapting to the demands of Mumbai, Dharavi has been evolving through time. The various developments by the communities manifest the diverse nature of Dharavi that juxtaposes various conditions in an animated manner. And although there are a lot of productive facts about Dharavi, it is still segregated from the formal Mumbai.

The people suffer from the low quality of the living space in the most part and yet the area is growing in terms of the number of the dwellers and the occupied land. And in spite of the benefits it has for the state, it is almost being ignored by the government.

Dharavi development map

Dharavi communities map

Dharavi casts map

Dharavi Nagars Map

Dharavi main infrastructures map

32 Dharavi is composed of various social and physical layers. Superimposition of these layers create a fluid condition in Dharavi

Public voids

“Despite their precarious existence, however, in many slums enterprises and industries flourish even though they are deemed ‘illegal’ because they do not conform either to industrial location norms, or to working conditions required of such units. The state does not move against them-turning a blind eye to their apparent illegality because it must know that they provide gainful employment to millions of people.” (Sharma, 2000)

As said above, not all the aspects of Dharavi are working in an unproductive manner. The productive sector as well as the strategic situation of Dharavi adds to its land value. If Dharavi is left to grow as it has grown already, it will continue to grow towards the river, and becomes denser in the core area.

Private voids

Voids and negative spaces

High rise area

Low rise density

High rise dense

Built Topography

Housing Commercial

For Mumbai is dependent on the services that Dharavi offers, any contribution towards the enhancement of the quality of this significant urban area has to maintain the productive characteristics of Dharavi.

The businesses which are mainly relying on the industrial activities have to be taken into consideration. As discussed already, the improvement programs that involve the domestic procedures will be subsequently

Industry

Types and Uses

Private owner Green area Government owned Government owned

Physical topography of Dharavi Land Ownership

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Rather than a dense settlement, Dharavi accommodates a lot of businesses, including small scale commercials to industries Housing Commercial Industry

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connected to the other activities in Dharavi.

On the other hand, due to over population, Dharavi endures high congestion both in terms of the number of the dwellers and the housing units. As the dwellers are already jeopardizing their basic life amenities just to stay in Dharavi, the quality of life would decrease if this problem of over congestion is not improved. Lack of access, density and the decreasing rate of the civil infrastructure per person are some of the problems caused by the congestion of Dharavi.

Considering the discipline of urbanism as a tool of analyzing and developing a living space, Dharavi can become the source of understanding and adapting the strategies for a sustainable contribution towards the enhancement of it. Both in social and spatial aspects, Dharavi has developed certain relationships that enables it to become a productive settlement among other informal settlements through Mumbai and India. As analyzed both form inside and outside, one can see how it has managed to produce the basic elements needed for a dwelling. By providing a mixture of live and work units, in an organic manner, Dharavi has created a method for accommodating a large number of migrants. This spontaneous behaviour by a huge number of dwellers can be argued for its potentials that can contribute to the urbanizing world.

The way that Dharavi has placed itself as an important particle of the Mumbai urban area, has some principles that can be extracted

from, in order to construct an enhancing program that puts Dharavi into the process of integrating with formal Mumbai.

The improvement programs have to be taking Dharavi which faces quality problems both inward and out ward. Lack of a coherent relationship of this settlement with Mumbai from the outside, and the decreasing quality of the living spaces form the inside needs different perspectives for improvement. For this, the whole Dharavi is the case study and the site for the proposal at the same time. With the strategies ensued by analyzing Dharavi this project provides a set of strategies that affect the quality of Dharavi only when they happen all along each other.

The tools for implementing these strategies are also extracted from the productive systems in Dharavi. These startegies, along each other maintain the informality with as a method certain qualities. learning from these qualities, the strategies of relocation, de-densification, re-qualification, new connections and new uses, would try to decrease the gap between the formal and informal.

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- De-densification: is a way to enhance the efficiency of the living area and accordingly the productive sectors of Dharavi. Overload of activities and the growth of economic activities with only the profit advantages, has intensified the live and work conditions in a way that reduces the living quality of those areas. Although the intensity and the mixture of the activities function in a productive way for Dharavi, the growing pattern with such intensity can change the place to an unliveable condition. De-densification of such intense areas can be put in an overall strategy that improves the quality of Dharavi.

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- Re-qualification: is taking advantage of the present qualities of Dharavi. Trying to embrace such qualities, it will try to add to the overall productivity of Dharavi. The industries, businesses, and housing units have

been agglomerated in an organic way that makes Dharavi into a huge live and work area.

Although this organic mixture brings features for the businesses to run actively almost all through the year, the quality of living areas has been dwindled. By remarking the lost qualities, a re-qualifying strategy will try to restore some of those qualities in the living spaces.

- Relocation: as a strategy tries to maintain the quality of the productive sector and at the same time reduce the intensity of the core area of Dharavi. Taking advantage of the empty plots in the site, this strategy tries to deal with the uneven deployment of the intense nodes. As a response to the high congestion, relocating some of the activities would improve the efficiency of the dwellers and their businesses.

- New Connections: aims for integrating Dharavi mainly as an urban fabric to the other parts of Mumbai. The lack of appropriate connections between the formal and informal causes both sides to become more segregated, both in terms of the social level, and the physical living space. Creating new connections enables the formal sector to interact with Dharavi. This can contribute to the integration of the urban processes for both Dharavi and the formal Mumbai.

- New uses: tries to explore the potentials of Dharavi in creating new synergies between Dharavi and the surrounding active sectors. As Dharavi is able to adapt new uses by nature, this strategy can be used in a way that connects Dharavi to the growing sectors like the University of Mumbai and Bandra Kur-

la financial district. The new uses can increase the role of formal sectors in Dharavi. The new uses include mutual demands of Dharavi and the formal Mumbai. The interactions that happen through this new uses shape a blurry edge between the formal Mumbai and Dharavi.

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Migration feeds the growth of Dharavi. Because of its pull factor Dharavi has become the primary choice for the people who migrate to Mumbai

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to another, continuing the path that their families, ancestors or community groups have established before. As a result people who arrive to their arrivial city, in a systematic flow have a imagination about the place where they will expect improvement in one or more aspects of their lives.

3_The expanding Dharavi 3.1_On Migration “...They see migration not merely as a means to economic freedom, but also as a passport for social mobility. The wealthy can purchase the future they desire. But a migrant who chooses to rewrite an inherited destiny swims against the current and faces the wrath of gatekeepers who shape that destiny” (Alam, 2012) Migration acts as a discipline of dislocating the people who are searching for an improvement with their personal intentions. The dislocation of the people usually happens in a continuous flow of people who share a similar interest. It is very common to see that the people, who prefer to move from one place

“The first arrival city function is the creation and maintenance of a network: a web of human relationships connecting village to arrival city to established city. [...] second, the arrival city functions as an entry mechanism. It only takes people in, by providing cheap housing and assistance finding entry level jobs (through the networks), but it also makes possible the next wave of arrivals in a process known as chain of migration. [...] Third, the arrival city functions as an urban establishment platform: it provides informal resources that allow the village migrant, after saving and becoming part of the network, to purchase a house [...], to start small business [...], to reach out to the larger city for higher education or to assume a position of political leadership. Fourth, the properly functioning arrival city provides a social- mobility path into the middle class or the sustainable, permanently employed and propertied ranks of the upper working class.” (Saunders, 2011)

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The infrastructure functioning as a network between the productive sectors of Dharavi

The industries ran by certain communities

Occupation time of the communities

Because of the existence of such patterns of flow within the migrants, in the urbanizing world, the urban areas have been receiving this flow of migrants as an essential element of their growth. In the developing world, the pull factor in the urban areas has been a creating a huge flow from the rural, or ex suburbs to the urban areas. A great amount of the migrants have occupied the lands in the urban areas informally; bringing their regional knowledge to the city.

The adaptations by the communities to the neighbourhoods they establish, affect the solidity of the urban plans.

“One of the first images to surface from the architecture/migrancy association is that of the adaptations carried out by migrants on the architectures of their ‘destinations’. Such transformations are evident throughout many contemporary cities. [...] such architectures from the infrastructure of what sociologist Michel Laguerre refers to as the contemporary ‘ethnopolis’” (Crains, 2004)

Origins of the communities

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There is a well established pattern of migration that has shaped Dharavi through time. Certain Nagars have taken over certain industries, and territorialized their community.

With the authority of the ethics and the traditions in the developing world witnessing the qualities of a certain region in a city is usual. The flows of migration tend to re-territorialize the migrating communities.

Within their own territories, the communities are able to establish the living space. The customization of a living space according to the specificities of another area may bring the productive regional characters of a non urban area into a city.

The migrants in Dharavi have fabricated their territory spontaneously according to their demands. These logics estracted from these fabric bits can contribute to the development of Dharavi

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As the Modern Discipline of design and planning has tried to address the huge number of urban dwellers by homogenizing the urban condition, the development of regional intelligence in the urban areas has been disappeared. Considering Dharavi as an organic grown living area which has been shaped by the flow of migrants, the further development of the urban region of Dharavi can take advantage of such inventiveness by the migrants.

Being one of the fastest growing of the Asian cities, Mumbai have been populated with a great diversity among the dwellers. Because of the pull factor as an urban area, and an established system of dwelling, Mumbai has been able to absorb a large number of the migrants.

The established pattern of migration in Mum-

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bai has accommodated most of the incoming influx of the city, within the informal settlements. Due to such huge growth rate, the urban area of greater Mumbai has been mostly developed by the informal settlements in the recent years.

The continuous flow of migrants to Dharavi has made Mumbai a city with a diverse fabric of territories by different communities. The use of an analytic system to understand this system of growth by the ephemeral dwellers, can improve the development of Mumbai. Using the local intelligence that the immigrants bring into the solid framework of the city planners can improve the missing vitality of the homogenized urban areas. Using the tool of design in planning for such settlements by the informal dweller, one can learn from those regional customizations to achieve a

Dharavi can be analyzed in various layers. The informal development of this settlement lets it to superimpose several functions in the same place.

sustainable growth theme.

The variety of the social groups and levels need to be taken into consideration in order to form the developing scheme for the migrants.

Nodes of social engagement Built environment Types/Uses Land Ownership Community Origin Occupation time

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The involvement of the dwellers in the productive activities of Dharavi, detemines the quality of their built environment. The low quality of the edge is a result of segregation between this part and the productive core.

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3.2_The edge Condition

The latest growth of Dharavi had happened by a Tamil-Maharashtran Community at the northern edge of this area. Close to the Sion station and the significant roads of Dharavi Depot Road, Station Road and 90 Feet road, this edge condition is potentially one of the first places that the incoming migrants may encounter. Due to the high intensity of the core area of Dharavi, this edge area by the Mahim River has been receiving a percentage of the incoming dwellers.

The added percentage of the population grow Dharavi at the edges. The northern edge is developed by claiming the unstable land of the Mahim river coast.

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The core area of Dharavi has been developed by the migrants who established their own businesses and shaped their living area accordingly. The migration pattern of Dharavi has been usually replacing most of the people who have settled in Dharavi with the new migrants from the same origin. The immense growing rate of population in Mumbai, has added to the incoming population of Dharavi as well. The percentage who have not been received in the core area of Dharavi had settled down in this northern edge. As a result, the expansion of Dharavi in the northern part, have happened by the groups who are most likely to be left out of the active core of Dharavi.

Large hutment pocket adjacent to flood-prone tidal flats near Mahim Creek. Bombay suburbs. (O’Hare, et al., 1998) Photo: Greg O’Hare

46 The growing parts of Dharavi, have shaped intense precarious manner. The lands close to the stations, the forbidden empty service lands and the northern edge condition have the lowest quality of the built envirnoment

Being an intense workshop, Dharavi had been able to provide its dwellers with a career that supports their economical demands. The gap between this edge condition and the core area has affected the quality of the living area immensely. The greater poverty amongst the edge dwellers, and the lack of stable3 land in this area, has caused an apparent distinction between the way that the edge has been fabricated and the way that the core area has been developed.

The large number of the incoming dwellers and the lack of sufficient land is a common issue in all the informal settlements and especially in Dharavi. But at the expanding edge of Dharavi the issue has cause the emergence of the poorest quality of the built environment in comparison with the other Nagars of Dharavi itself. Overload of housing huts, on the unstable land and the lack of access in the fabric makes this fabric distinctive among all the bits of fabrics developed by the various communities of Dharavi. For this community is not accommodating any productive unit within itself, it has not been able to customize a live and work sector. This fabricated edge is mainly hosting the housing huts that are built in the worst quality possible. Providing only a weak structure, this fabric does not have any vehicular access and the pedestrian access is covered by the housing huts.

The fragile fabric of the edge is mainly composed of housing units with least number of productive units.

Comparing the edge condition (below) with a productive sector (top) in the middle of Dharavi there can be found apparent differences. The mixture of the units, variety of block sizes, hierarchy of access are the missing factors from the edge condition.

The lack of these urban factors have resulted in the fabric not to get involved in the active sector

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- The further expansion

As explained above the adding population of Dharavi, has been occupying the mud lands on the northern edge. Historically proven, the informal settlements usually tend to grow. Dharavi itself has become one of the biggest slums of Asia, form a village of fishermen. Taking this as a starting point one can see the further growth of Dharavi can happen with the same condition. For Dharavi already has a capacity to develop productive fabrics, the expansion of Dharavi can take advantage of this potential. Not only Dharavi has productive systems for growth, but also the poor condition at the edge can be improved using the same logics, extracted from Dharavi itself.

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The precarious edge would tend to grow in the same manner by claiming the unstable mud land over the Mahim river. A coherent system would has to contorl this growth as well as taking advantage of the incoming migrants in the active sector.

For the land at the river coast is not stable to the migrants have had to build their huts in a linear manner. The structure of the huts in this area are chained together to stand on the mud land.

Consequently the linear block have created intese congestion, and blocked vehicular access.

- The process of housing

Initially, any informal settlement emerges as a response to provide the basic need of dwelling. The process of occupying, settling, territorializing, and establishing the customized fabric, happens, using the element of house. Rethinking the process of housing for further of growth of Dharavi can take advantage of the existing experiences all over the area. As John Turner argues, the participation between dwellers and the governments can result in a better quality of the built environment. (Turner, n.d.) The self building method for the housing can help the development of settlements like Dharavi, not only because it gives the control to the dwellers, but because of the way it can activate the communities to contribute to the development program. Although the main objection against such approach is the decreasing standards, the whole notion of standards is somehow in valid in the context of informality. As a result the partnership between the state as the facilitator and the incoming dwellers as builders can be beneficial in the context of Dharavi. By providing basic facilities, the state can control the expansion and the growth over the river.

The participation of the state in developing an informal settlement cannot happen in the conventional ways. Nagars of Dharavi all have their own way of fabricating a living area. Contrasting the edge condition with the territories of the same community, there can be found several sets of principles to manage the further growth. With the element of housing as the driving factor, the other civil elements can be oriented around the housing units. In this case – Dharavi - the efficiency of the housing is measured by its involvement in the productive activities that run Dharavi.

In order to adapt the tools for the intervention, a productive Nagar by the same community can be explored. The dwelling system by this Nagar can be used to improve the quality of the edge condition.

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- De-densification

For the expansion of Dharavi is already happening in a precarious manner, and as it is assumed the further growth of Dharavi will also happen in the same way if it is not controlled. The dense core of Dharavi also is not capable of accepting more dwellers. The potential of the incoming immigrants from the outside, as well as the overcrowding population of the dense core, can be feeding the productive development of the edge.

As a strategy, the de-densification and relocation of the units of the dense core in Dharavi, is one of the priorities of the overall argument. After relocating the units from the dense core, the industries, businesses and the dwellers can be moved to the expanding edge. The informed use of the informal dwellers would develop the edge in a productive manner. Because of the proximity of this edge to the sector5, the dense industries of recycling and leather, the edge can accommodate some of these relocated productive units.

The apparent difference in terms of the density.

Chamara Bazaar (down) takes advantage of the open spaces to fuction producitvely.

The number of active units in Chamara Bazaar is comparable to the growing edge area. The lack of active units disables the edge to get involved in the active networks of Dharavi.

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3.3_The Re-qualification of the edge

Through the informality as a Method Dharavi is acknowledged as the case study and the site of the project at the same time.

In this method, Informality is understood as an alternative of the production of a site in the developing world, which can be used in an informed manner in order to be beneficial.

The tools for the interventions of the edge condition are extracted from the informal method of Dharavi itself. The northern edge area is the recent outward growth of Dharavi by a Tamil-Maharashtran community.

For it is not involved in productive activities, the economic exponent of the dwellers in this area is drastically different from the dwellers inside of Dharavi. The spatial qualities of this edge condition are also affected by the lack of the economic abilities of the dwellers.

51 Chamara Bazaar uses the open pocket spaces as the place of egagement. Different activities overlay in the voids and get enhanced by the fulidity that these voids add to the activities.

The units in Chamara Bazaar are juxtaposed with a hierarchy that help them to establish various relationships inside and outside of the Nagar itself.

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Chamara Bazaar is composed of Housing, Commercial and industrial units. The combination of these units shape an active live/ work condition

The chamara Bazaar is divided into smaller Nagars in itself.

Each of the Nagars take over a certain stage of the tanning process. Together these Nagar shape the leather industry of Dharavi

The top-down actions towards solving the urban poverty in these cases usually suggest the provision of the basic needs of the dwellers. It is assumed that by providing the housing units and the basic life amenities, the area is put towards the requalification.

As it has already experienced in many cases around the world and in Dharavi as well, this kind of top down actions would not solve the overall quality of the dwellers. The vertical slums and the static experience of transit camp in Dharavi itself manifest the lack of adaptability of the policies.

On another hand the Tamil-Maharashtran Community, have had established other Nagars already in Dharavi which are handling the social segregation and the migration better that this edge development. The Chamara Bazaar, in the middle of Dharavi, has been springing up since 1940. Being separated from the rest of the fabric by three infrastructure lines, Chamara bazaar has been handling the leather industry processes in the recent years.

The area composed of a series of housing, industrial and commercial units. The communities form Maharashtara and Tamil states have divided the Chamara bazaar into several Nagars. The leather industry process is distributed through the Nagars. Each of these nagars have their spatial logic that enable them to handle the process of the leather industry.

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The informal settlements have a kinetic state in their spatial organization and orientation. Enforcing the top down policies would act against this kinetic situation. The process of ever evolving is one of the characteristics of these settlements that allow them to adapt to change. As a result The applied interventions for this area should carry this kinetic factor. In order to put the edge through a flexible change, the factors extracted from the Chamara Bazaar can be used in a phasing to transform the edge condition to a more productive fabric - The negative space The infill in the informal settlements is the place of interactions. These shared spaces, is where the social engagement happen.

“Open space is where people work, sell and buy goods, prepare food and spices, or do laundary.” (Angelil & Hebel, 2010)

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The activities in chamara bazaar have been taking place in a set of units organized around a pocket space. The leather industry processes the leather from the raw skin to the leather in several stages. The stages of the processing of the leather industry takes place in the units that are organized around a pocket semi private space. The element of the pocket space enables the continuity of the process.

The connectivity of the pocket spaces provide a rhythm of activities that combine the social, economical, and industrial activities of Dharavi, through a series of spaces and routes.

- The clusters The nature of the live and work spaces ask for a combination of units that let the people to live and work in often the same time.

The agglomeration of the housing and businesses has created certain typologies in Dharavi. Using the idea of combining as the strategy that develops productive cluster. In Chamara bazaar, the clusters of housing, industry and commercial units, helps to put the industrial units in the commercial network.

- The use of institutions The lack of productive units inside the fabric of the edge has affected the quality the area tremendously.

“Public amenities located in the voids encourage the development of a viable community, which is the main goal of the design” (Angelil & Hehl, 2012)

Applying the principles extracted from Chamara Bazaar, to the growing edge, would enhance the quality of the area. Using the pocet spaces, a network of activites are created that helps the area to get involved in the active network of the core area. The network brings more active units, and the housing huts around the pocket spaces would star to shape live/wokr clusters.

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The incoming migrants can be thought of as potential agents of development. In this perspective, a productive system can use the migrants to enhance the quality of Dharavi

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4_Informality as the design challenge 4.1_Expanding edge

The growth of Dharavi by the incoming immigrants have been shaping a fragile edge condition which is not taking advantage of the informal capabilities in this immense informal settlement. For the flow of immigrants towards Dharavi has been adding to the population of this squatter settlement, there needs to be a system that manages the growing rate of Dharavi. The dense core area of Dharavi is not able to absorb more incoming immigrants. As a result the migrants will settle down at the northern edges by claiming the unstable land. The fragility of the edge will continue and add more problems to this unstable area.

The growth edge condition in Dharavi, has to be maintained in an informed manner. Lack of a developing system for this edge would result in a thick, dense edge which would be hard to segregate with the formal Mumbai.

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The requalification of the edge has happened by the missing factors, extracted from the active sectors. The lack of a proper system to absorb the incoming immigrants would lead to the same condition of a precarious. As Dharavi is capable of being developed in a resourceful manner, the use of the principles can help maintain the informal method in an informed manner.

For Dharavi to be able to cope with the incoming migrants there has to be a system that maintains the potentials of the immigrants in an informed manner. The immigrants usually bring the characteristics of their original home town to their destinations. For this reason, the accommodating system should be able to provide the living space, both on the inside and outside of the housing units. Bringing the features of living in neighbourhoods, this system has to be adaptable enough to juxtapose the various communities, by one another.

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Getting involved in the productive activities of Dharavi would enable the bottom up actions towards improving the site. The element of employment in Dharavi plays a vital role in the living quality of the dwellers. Being in the network of the activities, would either increase the possibilities of getting involved in the active sector or starting up a business using the support of the inside dwellers. the system that shaped the new development by the new migrants has spatial configura-

tion which physically enables the productive activities.

As discussed before, open spaces in the fabric, not only controls the density of an area, but also allows the interaction between the different layers of the social, economical, commercial etc to take place. The open pocket spaces allow the clustering of the units that are meant to shape a productive combination. In Dharavi, not only the units are designed individually to handle a certain activity, but also their role in their territory, their cluster and the community is customized by their spatial orientation and organization.

The variety of activities and businesses is a nature in Dharavi that makes it adaptable to change. The growing edge will have to be able to adapt the various kinds of activities. The variety of the activities needs to be happening in different scales. The growth of such condition has to be considering the different possible combination of the activities. The variety of these activities happens in different scales, and the demands of each of these activities. The pocket spaces block sizes, and the cluster change according to the demands of such activities.

The negative of the space. The voids play a significant role in any developmet system for Dharavi. As there are various systems overlaying at the same place in Dharavi, a place of egagement can help the productivity of the overall plan. As the scale of the activities may vary the open spaces, responding to certain activities may also vary. Consequently, the migration system combines the grid with open spaces to accommodate the variety of migrants.

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The proposed system of growth for the edge, is commposed of various types of units, the open space between them and an infrastructure that combines all together.

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The informality is an organic way of growth that takes over a place by customizing the area according to the immediate demands. The spontaneous nature of the informal growth of areas like Dharavi is dependent on the dwellers. While the dwellers build and use their living area at the same time they may not be able to predict the future of their product. The problem with the quality of the informal settlements rises when they fail to cope with the changes that happen within an urban area. the ability to response to the urban activities by the informal settlements rely closely on its ability to connect to the formal. The vital tool of the connectivity is usually can’t be thought of in a bottom down way. As a result providing a means of connectivity – efficient infrastructure – would equip the development plan with the ability to integrate with the formal urban activities. While the bottoms up activities shape the housing and businesses informally, a top down support can relate those productive activities to the city by an infrastructure. The integration of the social groups and communities also would be enhanced by the urban connectors.

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4.2_The system of growth

Although migration usually happens for a better change, the migrants may have to accept some conditions of their destiny.

There may be some unsettling effects for migrants, which would be causing problems. “... Jeopardizing social cohesion; straining housing and servicing infrastructure; disrupting sense of home and belonging; inducing social resentment and racism.� (Crains, 2004)

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The live work conditions in Dharavi take advantage of the clustering of the units. learning from that the project combined vairous types of the units around a pocket space, that are connected together via infrastructure. The hierarchy of the infrastructure determines the function of the units due to their juxtaposition with

As Dharavi has been mostly successful as an entry point to address these issues, it is more likely to predict such conditions for a resourceful development system. Taking advantage of the social networks in Dharavi, it is possible to categorize the migrants rather than just their social groups. A finer categorization of the users would provide a more comprehensive approach towards the growth.

Considering Dharavi as an entry point for Mumbai – the economical capital of India – makes it understandable, why there is such a variety among the people who migrate to Dharavi. The variety of people come with a diverse background and abilities; the variety that can feed the various demands of the industries. The demands of each category would sharpen the spatial proposals for the expanding edge.

Traditionaly, the indian families tend to live together in the groups. Taking advantage of this fact, the civil infrastructures can shared between a cluster of units. The social coherence resulted by this sharing of facilities would promote the live work condition in the clusters as well.

Traditional living pattern of the Indian families suggest the collective way of living.

Sharing the civil infrastructure among the related families is common. Using this traditional logic of the Indian living pattern, along with the use of the open space, the clustering principles of the housing units can be maintained. By combining the units, via open space, infrastructure and a grid the development system would be able to let the immigrants to shape their living space tailored to their social preference. The adaptability of the system relies on its ability to respond to the various conditions happening for it.

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The Proposed system for the expanding edge, uses the migration pattern as the driving force. Providing the basic infrastructure and the facilities, the system promotes a bottom up self built process of housing.

The process self built housing in this proposal happen in several stages. Within this stages firstly the areas close to the precarious edge will be accommodating the immigrants. As the growth goes by, the next plots of land are taken over.

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The proposal also accommodates the dwellers that are relocated due to the effects of de-densification strategy. The experieneced labour who were employed in the core area, would start their businesses in the newly expanded edge.`

The proposed system responds to the growth of Dharavi as well as the de-densifiying the intense core of the region.

Absorbing the migrants and the relocated immigrants it established living spaces tailored for the communities of Dharavi.

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The proposed system aims for requalifying the edge as well as responding to the growth of Dharavi in a resourceful manner.

By using the grid, basic infrastructure, and the pocket spaces, the system contorls the density. The overgrowing of the fabric is controlled by the use of the physical boundary of the canals.

The change of quality happens as the informal method of Dharavi is maintained in an informed manner. The productive characteristics of Dharavi can benefit Mumbai and yet due to the strategies of the proposal the living quality of the area would be enhanced.

Having the advantage of being a part of Dharavi’s productive sector, the proposed

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system of growth would be responding positively to the growth of Dharavi.

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The Conclusion

Informality is now an inevitable condition almost through all the cities of the world.

Significantly in the developing world the cities have been grown with the irregular methods of people who chose the urban areas to live.

The formal methods of planning have faced failure trying to solve the informality as a problem. Meanwhile the informality has been contributing to the development of the urban areas. People have expanding the urban areas via the act of informality, and yet the formal processes have not been able to provide sufficient living conditions for the incoming flux.

Dharavi is an instance of a condition that has been developed spontaneously by people. The informal growth of this settlement in Mumbai has accommodate migrants and provided them with gainful employment.

It has established migration networks, live/ work mixtures and social communities that function in a rather productive way. Although there are shortcomings in terms of the quality of living area, Dharavi has some principles that can be learnt from in order to develop a useful system for its development. Considering the benefits and the deficiencies of its system, with the example of Dharavi, it can be argued that informality as a method can promote the urbanizing world in a kinetic manner. The qualities that the informality as a method maintains, can be contributing for the design in the rapidly growing economies

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AA School of Architecture Housing and Urbanism Programme February 2013