Dissertation- Impact of renewed public spaces by sharvari mate

MA A+U

Sharvari Ravindra Mate 20100976 Manchester School of Architecture MA Architecture and Urbanism Academic year 2021

Copyright © 2021 Manchester, United Kingdom ALL RIGHTS RESERVED Manchester School of Architecture Manchester Metropolitan University (Student ID: 20100976) University of Manchester (Student ID: 10810406) Copyright reserved by Sharvari Ravindra Mate MA Architecture and Urbanism

Acknowledgement The compilation of this study would not have been possible without the giudance and support from my thesis mentor Aissa Sabbagh Gomez. I would like to thank Aissa for her feedbacks and encouragements during the course of my reserch. I would like to thank Prof. Eamonn Canniffe for reviewing my work and helping me during the course of my reserch. I would also like to thank Karan Gandhi for his time during the interview regarding the Castlefield Viaduct project and providing me with insight and information that helped me with my analysis. Lastly I would like to thank my family and my friends at Manchester School of Architecture for supporting me and keeping my spirits high during the academic year.

Abstract Impact of Renewed Public Spaces is the study of public spaces conceptualised and executed on underused spaces within urban context. This research provides a timeline of the growth of public spaces in the urban districts of New York, Copenhagen and Melbourne. The case studies mention the impact of urban public space projects on the parameters of their accessibility, activities, participants, users, design and its usage during the period of pandemic. Through the research a 10 point outcome is achieved regarding the factors that positively impact a neighbourhood through a public space project. Lastly, the conclusion suggests the changes in the designing process and utilisation of public spaces in post pandemic situations by studying an upcoming project in the City of Manchester.

Contents

Introduction

Concepts and definitions

Case studies

Comparative analysis

Conclusion

Appendix

Bibliography

List of figures Fig 2. 1. Attributes of good public space Fig 2. 2 Car to pedestrian ratio of road in 1900s Fig 2. 3 Car to pedestrian ratio of road in 2000s Fig 3.a.1. New York City’s five boroughs Fig 3.a.2. Districts within Manhattan borough Fig 3.a.3.Initial planning of Manhattan as walled city by the Dutch colonists in 1624 Fig 3.a.4.Commissioner’s proposal for the Manhattan grid- 1807 Fig 3.a.5.Three- dimensional model of Manhattan showing the extension of buildings Fig 3.a.6.Setback regulations and resulting shape of skyline Fig 3.a.7.Public space plaque showing the ownership and the accessibility of the POPS Fig 3.a.8.Distribution of POPS in Manhattan Fig 3.a.9.Mixed use neighbourhood of Chelsea, Manhattan Fig 3.a.10.The high line location within the districts and streets Fig 3.a.11.Joel Sternfeld’s photography of the High Line in its abandoned stage Fig 3.a.12. Peel up seating design elevated from the pavement planking pattern Fig 3.a.13. Amphitheatre overlooking the traffic at street level Fig 3.a.14. Points of access to High Line Fig 3.a.16. New architectural projects in the vicinity of High Line Fig 3.a.17. Low-income housing between the new luxury developments Fig 3.a.18. Social distancing circles in Domino Park, Brooklyn Fig 3.a.19. Social distancing markers on the High Line Fig 3.b.1. Copenhagen’s ten administrative districts Fig 3.b.2.Locations within Nørrebro Fig 3.b.3.Evolution of Copenhagen from walled city into municipality from 1100AD Fig 3.b.4.Five finger plan development of Copenhagen Fig 3.b.5.The city delivered almost four times more car-free spaces from 1968 to 1996 and the result was almost four times more activity Fig 3.b.6. Bicycle highways connecting inner city to the outer districts

Fig 3.b.7. Location of Superkilen and Mimersparken in Ydre Nørrebro Fig 3.b.8. The three zones of Superkilen Fig 3.b.9. Red Zone in Superkilen Fig 3.b.10. Black Market in Superkilen Fig 3.b.11. Green Zone in Superkilen Fig 3.b.12. Red Square stationary activities and users during Covid 19 Fig 3.b.13. Black Market stationary activities and users during Covid 19 Fig 3.c.1. Melbourne’s city centre and suburbs with postcodes Fig 3.c.2.Locations within Melbourne 3000 Fig 3.c.3.Figure ground map comparison Fig 3.c.4.Placement of public buildings on elevated ground in Hoddle’s grid (5m contours) Fig 3.c.5.Location of parks in the green belt Fig 3.c.6.Location of public recreation space in the form of parks around Melbourne’s CBD Fig 3.c.7.List of principle use allotted to each park Fig 3.c.8. Fitzroy Garden with physical separation between pathway and green area Fig 3.c.9. Carlton Garden with wrought iron fence around pond Fig 3.c.10. North and South bank development of Yarra river into public spaces under parklands typology Fig 3.c.11. Jolimont railyard in 1969 Fig 3.c.12. Birrarung Marr and Federation Square on the North bank of Yarra River Fig 3.c.13. Terrace design concept of Birrarung Marr Fig 3.c.14. Pedestrian access routes through Birrarung Marr Fig 3.c.15. Residential locations of users Fig 3.c.16. Frequency of use Fig 3.c.17. Usage of various zones of the park Fig 3.c.18. The Covid 19 impact on the pedestrian count in parks and public spaces of Melbourne Fig 3.c.19. The Covid 19 impact on the pedestrian count in Melbourne CBD Fig 4. 1. Development timeline comparison Fig 4. 2. High Line public space functioning Fig 4. 3. Superkilen public space functioning

Fig 4. 4. Birrarung Marr public space functioning Fig 4. 5. Castlefield viaduct project proposal Fig 4. 6. Castlefield viaduct project proposal Fig 5. 1. Contrasting construction types along the High Line, W 23rd street Fig 5. 2. Aboriginal art installation and sustainable flooring in Birrarung Marr

Abbreviations Friends of High Line- FHL New York City- NYC Project for Public Space- PPS Municipal Arts Society- MAS Central Business District- CBD

Terminology Reconquered city- Term used as described in the book New City Spaces (2016) by Jan Gehl and Lars Gemzøe

Chapter 1

Introduction

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Introduction

01 Chapter 1

Introduction

-Aim and objectives - Research questions - Structure of research

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Chapter 1

Introduction

1. Aim and objectives This research aims to study the evolution of public spaces in cities that have implemented strategies and policies to reconquer urban space for public usage. The connection between the first public space planning with the renewed public space projects is studied to understand the city’s development timeline. The objective is to understand the impact of renewed public space projects on the neighbourhoods and local communities along with their uses in the time of pandemic. 2. Conditions to choose case studies The public space case study must fulfill the following conditions• • • • • •

Different previous land use or underused area before the renewal Located within high density urban area Located within a community/ residential/ educational/ commercial area Social or cultural impact on the city or community Minimum 5 years in public use Independent of retailing or transit activities

The above conditions are fulfilled by the public space projects of the High Line in New York, Superkilen in Copenhagen, Birrarung Marr in Melbourne and the upcoming project of Castlefield Viaduct in Manchester 3. Research questions The research will follow the questions related to the city and its public spaces during various time intervals of its development. The main research question is to find the impact of renewed public space projects on cities and urban life? This main question is answered through the subquestions which together determine the impact experienced in urban neighbourhoods. • What caused the need for public space project in the city? • How did renewed public space projects evolve? • How are the renewed public space projects impacting the city? • How have these projects reacted in times of a pandemic and affected urban life?

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Introduction

Chapter 1

4. Structure of research The research used analytical material by authors about the particular cities to study the history, evolution and policies of public space development. The authors referred to are• Jane Jacobs and Rem Koolhaas writings to analyze New York • Jan Gehl’s writings to analyze Copenhagen • Kim Dovey’s writings to analyze Melbourne The research proceeds from the city wide planning study to the location based study of the public spaces and its neighbourhood. The chosen public spaces are designed by the following firms• High line in New York (James Corner Field Operations, Diller Scofidio + Renfro, FHL) • Superkilen in Copenhagen (Superflex, Bjarke Ingels Group, Topotek1, Realdania) • Birrarung Marr (Ronald Jones, Helena Piha, City of Melbourne)

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Concepts and definitions

- Public space critiques - Reconquered city - Strategies of the reconquered city - New public spaces defined - Renewed public spaces defined

Chapter 2

Concepts and definitions

1.The public space critiques Public space critiques form two arguments with respect to the management of public spaces. One argument is that of under managed public space and the other is that of an over managed public space (Carmona, 2010b). The critiques of under managed public space state that the condition of outdoor space is dismal and unfit for safe activities by all groups of users. Places are neglected and the responsibility of maintaining cleanliness and physical repairs is not taken up by the users or the organisers. Lost spaces that do not contribute to their surroundings like unused and abandoned parking spaces, industrial sites, train yards or edge of freeways are in dire need of redesign. These in-between spaces have great potential for design and development of new public domains (Hajer and Reijndorp, 2001). The poor physical condition of these public spaces is due to the lack of clarity as to who should be maintaining them. Thus, a vicious spiral of unmaintained hence unused spaces establishes itself. Places are also undermaintained when they are not accessible to all and hence avoided for social activities. Exclusionary spaces that are difficult to access for young children, elderly and the disabled get overlooked by a large user group. The second argument is that of over maintained public spaces. The privatisation of public space for the interest of corporate and commercial interest has controlled the policies of activation and design within the parks and streets. The constant security, monitoring and policing around these corporate district public spaces affects the freedom of activities within these realms. The financing and ownership of these privatised spaces is increasingly governed by national and multinational companies thus severing the connection between the locals and the decision makers (Madanipour, 2005). Company invested public spaces are creating a consumption space where the urban user is consuming the space as a short-term experience activity. Such over managed spaces promise excitement and experience connected with the public space to lure the crowd but is affecting the public space interaction activities as temporary and unmemorable eventually. Such spaces create a barrier of financial exclusion where the user group with lower financial status are made to feel unwelcome. Such spaces segregate the people who have the ability to pay and visual cues or physical barriers separate the ones who cannot afford the experience of the place (Carmona et al., 2010). These categories of spaces do not have the potential to become a public domain. Public domains are those places where an exchange between different social groups is possible but a public space is a place which is accessible to all. Not all public spaces are public domain but more should function to be more accessible and support shared experiences for people from various backgrounds and

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

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dissimilar interests (Hajer and Reijndorp, 2001). A new approach to the public domain is to conceptualise a new understanding of design and utilisation of public spaces. Within these situations of unsatisfactory public space management, the development of reconquered cities is a positive outlook on the strategies implemented by a few cities post the 1970’s (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2006). A well-regulated and documented efforts of policy makers in these cities have brought about a change in public space usage, creating more public domains and public forums that are completely activated and utilised by the city’s urban public. These cities are further creating fertile grounds for new and renewed public spaces. Fig 2. 1. Attributes of good public space (Project for Public Spaces)

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

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Concepts and definitions

2. The reconquered city Public spaces mainly support the urban functions of meeting, shopping, and commuting. The balance of public spaces as meeting place, marketplace and traffic space ensures the quality of urban life. Public space users consisted of pedestrians and carts. In the 19th century, trams and bicycles were introduced to the street traffic which still accommodated a fair number of pedestrians. By 20th century the transportation pattern changed dramatically, and the walkability of the public spaces started to get effected by motorised traffic. The timeline of public space development has been heavily influenced by the introduction of motorised vehicles on streets. The disappearance of public life from the streets and appearance of vehicles and parking spaces coincides with the industrial era. It affected the way people used the city. The narrowing public spaces and expanding vehicular traffic toppled the urban balance. Cities can be described in four very different typologies, according to their levels of changes in public space usage (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2006): • The traditional city-where meeting places, marketplaces and traffic continue to coexist in balance • The invaded city-where a single use, usually car traffic, has seized the territory at the expense of the other uses of city space • The abandoned city-where public space and public life has disappeared • The reconquered city-where strong efforts are being made to find a new workable balance between the uses of the city as meeting place, marketplace, and traffic space. The reconquered city is an important typology that sets the precedence as to how city development strategies can be adopted to initiate the balance between spaces for pedestrians and motorists. The important source of inspiration for developing pedestrian and public friendly spaces started with the conceptualisation of malls in 1920`s. Retail spaces offered traffic free shopping experiences and well-designed public spaces attracted pedestrians which in turn encouraged them to enter the shops. This symbiotic relationship further enhanced the development of cities that were reconquered from the domination of polluted, congested, and unaesthetic car ridden public spaces. By 1970`s new public space designs started being implemented in which increasing number of urban spaces were created or renewed, to ensure good public space for a balanced urban life. Pioneering cities that have been continuously renewing the use of public spaces for a better urban experience that set a precedent are-

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

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Copenhagen, New York, and Melbourne. These three cities have been influenced by writers and urbanists Jan Gehl, Jane Jacobs, and Kim Dovey, respectively. The study follows these cities through the writers and further analysing the beginnings of urban planning followed by the reasons for the need for urban spaces within the initial plans of the city.

Fig 2. 2 Car to pedestrian ratio of road in 1900s

Fig 2. 3 Car to pedestrian ratio of road in 2000s

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Concepts and definitions

3. Strategies of the reconquered city Cities that have effectively reconquered public spaces for its users have implemented policies in favour of pedestrians and outdoor activities without intermingling it with motorised traffic. A major change is seen whenever political and administrative reforms prioritize urban space regeneration (Charlesworth, 2005). An official documentation of the existing roads, transport systems and public space networks creates a powerful base for future urban planning projects. Whenever required, few sections of the public space development and maintenance is privatised by offering incentives to urban construction companies as is seen in Melbourne (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2006). Privatisation is also positive in places where a café culture has encouraged the use of streets as a public space for seating and maintained by the outlets that use this space on regular basis as seen in Copenhagen (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2006). Reconquering the city happens in planned phases of consistent and gradual motorised traffic reduction into the city. Data analysis and documentation of each phase of pedestrianisation and smaller studies of individual location ensure a network of public space growth. Every further development is based on the statistics of the previous user behaviour as in the case of inner city of Copenhagen. As the opportunities to drive through the city are reduced by restricting motor movement and parking spaces, users are encouraged to access the city through walking, cycling and public transport (Dextre et al., 2013). 4. New public spaces defined Once a city is reconquered for a balanced urban activity of public use, it starts encouraging development of public domains. The space is not just experienced through a moving vehicle from one location to another but is retained as public use place. The once neglected channel of movement becomes a place by itself (Moor and Rowland, 2008). Public space can be defined with respect to the ownership, control, access and use as with the view of the various public space critiques. Looking at public space as a free, accessible by most, widely inclusive, socially active and in mixed use neighbourhoods widens its user groups (Mehta, 2013). Public space is defined with its characteristics of accessibility as “publicly accessible places where people go for group or individual activities” (Carr et al. 1992) Defining a public space without depending on the categories created by the critiques, it can be seen as “the space that is open to the general public, which generates public use and active or passive social behaviour, and where people are subject to the general regulations that govern the use of the space” (Mehta, 2013).

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

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An important argument is that of idealistic existence of all user group activities and accessibility co existing in the same public realm. A conflict of interest between a few user groups is a realistic situation in the use of public space. The aim is to develop a category of new public space that promotes a balance between accessibility, user activity and urban policies. A new public space exists in “... cities in which urban policy initiatives has raised urban quality. Traffic, noise, and pollution has been reduced, foot traffic and bicycle traffic has been reinforced. Public life has blossomed on the streets and squares of the city in a way not seen 20 or 30 years ago, certainly not in the form it has today, which is not even a new version of an older urban tradition, but a truly new phenomenon.” (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2006) Recognising the need for new public spaces within the diverse land use districts of the city to redefine their functioning as a public domain opens more opportunities for safe accessibility, interesting user activities and urban design projects (Hajer and Reijndorp, 2001). 5. Renewed public spaces defined Renewed public space and their design today, tackle not only the agenda of providing a place for public interaction and respite but also key issues like urban regeneration, revitalisation of older communities and re-purposing of the existing neglected infrastructure of the city. Rethinking the land use pattern and creating public interaction corridors in previously underused urban spaces is a sustainable way to invite users into the space. The renewed public spaces need to strike a balance between the diminishing land resource and the ephemeral nature of trends. Contemporary designs have an activated public use that is either created by the participants or intended by the designer. Spaces of activities to promote social interactions or interaction with the nature of design invoke a sense of belonging within the community. Such public spaces uplift the previously disengaging image of a neighbourhood. An active and engaging neighbourhood attracts positive movement and safety for its residents and daily users.

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Case studies

- New York - Copenhagen - Melbourne

Chapter 3

3.a. New York

Case studies

MAN

HAT

TAN

BRONX

QUEENS

BROOKLYN STATEN ISLAND

Fig 3.a.1. New York City’s five boroughs (author’s own)

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Fig 3.a.2. Districts within Manhattan borough

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City wide planning strategy 3.a.i History of planning The planned city traces its origin to the Dutch colonists arriving at the southern tip of Manhattan in 1624 and setting up a port town named New Amsterdam. The Dutch brought with them instructions to plan and develop New Amsterdam like the original one back in Netherlands (Koolhaas, 1979). The presence of the linear port along the edges of Manhattan, enabled direct access and the likeness to Amsterdam in Europe. The initial development plans were greatly influenced by European City planning with a walled city consisting of a church, market, court, and prison. Outside the walls was a hospital (Fig. 3.a.3). Koolhaas (1979: p 10) describes this plan as ‘kidnapped from their context and transplanted to a mythical island.’ A commission was set up to design Manhattan in 1807 for its complete citywide occupancy and activities (Fig. 3.a.4). In 1811, the city was demarcated with 12 avenues running north to south and 155 street running east to west. The city from its southern tip to the north of the island is described within the 13 x 156 = 2028 blocks. This system of streets goes beyond the walled city set up by the first Dutch colonists and lays the foundation of ‘The Grid’ pattern that has dominated the development of the city within its blocks over the centuries. Koolhaas (1979: p 12) views this step of the city’s development as ‘... a negative symbol of the shortsightedness of commercial interests’ as the planning of the grid was implemented to ‘facilitate buying, selling and improving of real estate’. The development of the city is directed by these blocks and the introduction of an activity into the city takes place at the expense of replacing a previous activity within the blocks of the grid (Koolhaas, 1979).

Fig 3.a.3.Initial planning of Manhattan as walled city by the Dutch colonists in 1624. (Koolhaas, 1979)

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Fig 3.a.4.Commissioner’s proposal for the Manhattan grid- 1807

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3.a.ii. Need for public space The first observation for the requirement of a public space was made in 1850 due to the density of the city developing within the grid and the explosion in population on the island of Manhattan. In 1853 the plan for Central Park was assigned within the grid between the 5th and 8th avenues, 59th and 110th streets. The design of Central Park within the city is described as an ‘arcadian carpet grafted onto the grid’ by Koolhaas (1979: p 16) due to its existence as a perfectly shaped planned natural reserve within the constraints of the blocks and the contrast it provides to the now developed skyline at its periphery. Jacobs (1961: p 265) analyses Central Park with respect to the activities generated and the ‘border vacuum’ created around its periphery. According to the Commissioners’ proposal (Fig. 3.a.4), the public spaces were allotted as five small squares and a centrally located parade ground used for military training purposes. The open space on the periphery of the river was used for trading and

Fig 3.a.5.Threedimensional model of Manhattan showing the extension of buildings

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commercial activities. Increasing land prices and the categorisation of the perimeter of Manhattan by the two rivers as open spaces for recreation left insufficient public spaces. The segregation of city into blocks meant that the land ownership extended within the plot lines in two-dimensional space and straight into the sky as three-dimensional structures (Willis, 2016) (Fig. 3.a.5). This has resulted in the footprints of built structures being shaped in the form of the plots allotted for the construction resulting in the block pattern. The density of vertical growth and unregulated ratio between the street level open space and the height of the buildings posed a serious threat to the quantity of natural light and air reaching the public spaces between the buildings (Kayden, 2000). 3.a.iii. Reconquering strategy

Fig 3.a.6.Setback regulations and resulting shape of skyline (Commission on Building Districts and Restrictions, 1916)

The 1916 Zoning Resolution defined the regulations for the design of the height and bulk of a building with respect to the width of the open space before the building line commences. Districts were divided according to the land use, building height and plot area. Separate sets of construction rules were introduced in the zones to facilitate open space management and height restrictions to facilitate light and air at street level. The height restrictions and setback rules resulted in the creation of the distinct ‘wedding cake’ or ‘ziggurat’ style of tower buildings (Fig. 3.a.6) (Kayden, 2000). The resolution was succeeded by the 1961 Zoning Resolution after the saturation of the previous resolution due to amendments and change in design technology. The 1961 Zoning Resolution not only crafted a zoning envelope that would favour open space at street level, but formally inaugurated the public policy of encouraging the provision of privately owned public space. This introduced ‘incentive zoning’ and a new typology of public space called the privately owned public space (POPS) which was physically accessible to public at all times (Kayden, 2000).

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3.a.iv. New public spaces POPS can be defined with relation to its ownership and the right to access (Fig. 3.a.7). ‘Privately owned refers to the legal status of the land and/or building on or in which the public space is located.’ And ‘public space means a physical place located on private property to which the owner has granted legally binding rights of access and use to members of the public, most often in return for something of value from the City (Planning Commission) to the owner.’ (Kayden, 2000: p 21).

Typologies of POPS developed after the 1961 Zoning Resolution was introduced. Primarily, the POPS were plazas and arcades proposed and designed by the designers of corporate office buildings. Fine tuning of the resolution was done with the requirements and design proposals by the City Planning Commission of New York City. The reforms resulted in the formation of the typologies- plazas, arcades, urban plaza, residential plaza, elevated plaza, sunken plaza, wide sidewalks, open air concourse, covered pedestrian space and through block access routes (Kayden, 2000) to develop as public spaces distributed around the densely developed districts of Manhattan (Fig. 3.a.8). This public space designing, and development has continued from 1961 to the present.

Fig 3.a.7.Public space plaque showing the ownership and the accessibility of the POPS

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3.a.v. Renewed public space

Fig 3.a.8.Distribution of POPS in Manhattan (www1.nyc.gov)

The presence of POPS can be linked to the development of office buildings in districts with commercial businesses and company headquarters like the districts of Midtown and Wall Street. In districts related to factory and industrial activities like the Meat Packing Districts and Chelsea, the infrastructure of rail yards, factories and warehouses were prominent. The residential typology also included low-cost housing for working class residents. Development of office buildings that bring along the facilities of POPS were rare occurrences. The construction of West Side Highway after the World War II period further isolated the neighbourhood by bypassing the district completely and isolating the inner roads. These highway networks planned by ‘master planner’ Robert Moses were elevated structures which resulted in the neglect of many neighbourhoods including Meat Packing District and Chelsea. The highway network also reduced the frequency of goods delivery by rail due to the cheaper and quicker transportation introduced by highway trucks. The High Line elevated freight rail system that was built in the 1930s as part of the Larger West Side Improvement Project, funded by the city and state of New York and the New York Central Railroad to eliminate dangerous street level railroad crossings received decreasing number of goods-based trains since the introduction of highway networks. The last train ran on the High Line in 1980 since then, the abandoned metal structure had accumulated a layer of soil and natural vegetation grew wild due to the unuse and lack of maintenance (Per and Arpa, 2008).

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By the 1990’s, art galleries that could not afford the property rents in the high-end district of Soho shifted to Chelsea (Ascher and Uffer, 2015). The Chelsea neighbourhood, where most of the High Line is located (Fig. 3.a.9), used to be an economically, socially, and racially diverse neighbourhood due to the opportunities of cheap housing and industrial jobs. Many of the neighbourhood residents belonged to the counterculture of the time and thrived in Chelsea as they were members and patrons of the LGBTQ+ community and businesses like bars and bookstores, grunge culture shops, and renters of warehouses that had been converted into art galleries, apartments, or studios. The neighbourhood’s underdeveloped aesthetics in terms of infrastructure and character deterred developers and city officials from intervening, which kept rent and property values low and supported the inclusion of diversity (McEntee, 2012). The abandoned High Line contributed to the disreputable character due to the anti-social activities of illegal and unregulated prostitution and drug dealing, and the platform above was used for homeless encampments. Chelsea thrived on the developed cultural elements, such as restaurants, art galleries, and renovated lofts, on which developers would eventually capitalise (David and Hammond, 2011).

Fig 3.a.9.Mixed use neighbourhood of Chelsea, Manhattan (Shutterstock)

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HELL’S KITCHEN W 34TH STREET W 30TH STREET

CHELSEA

MEAT PACKING DISTRICT

Fig 3.a.10.The high line location within the districts and streets (author’s own, 2021)

W 14TH STREET GANSEVOORT STREET

The private sector, through means of donation, purchase, allowance for temporary use has made possible the use of POPS and its maintenance. The absence of such public spaces in economically diverse and mixed-use neighbourhoods initiated the creation of the intermediary figure between the private sector and the public, that educate the public on the importance of urban awareness, are the urban platforms. These organisations include PPS (Project for Public Space), MAS (Municipal Arts Society) and Friends of High Line. In 1999 a study was conducted by the CSX Corporation who owned the High Line rail yard structure in Chelsea and the Regional Plan Association. The study was presented at a community board meeting which was attended by Joshua David and Robert Hammond who eventually formed the Friends of High Line (FHL). This organisation was initially a citizen interest group with the aim to save the High Line structure from demolition. It evolved into funding, managing, and maintaining the High Line project during its renewal as an urban park (Hynes, n.d). FHL functioned as the caretakers, custodian, fundraiser, operations, and communications coordinators of the park space (McEntee, 2012). The FHL partnered with the City of New York to host an international design competition to design the High Line linear park executed on the 1.45 miles long elevated rail corridor. The competition was won by the team James Corner Field Operations (landscape architecture) and Diller Scofidio + Renfro (architecture). The first phase of the park opened in 2009, followed by the second phase in 2011. The opening of third phase took place in two parts which opened in 2014 and 2019 that completed the design execution of the 1.45-mile linear park.

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Renewed public space functioning 3.a.vi. The High Line The placement of rail line around, between and through the buildings of warehouses posed a challenge for the designers and a risk for the administration of the then Mayor Bloomberg to support an innovative and untested design (David and Hammond, 2011). The visual identity of the neighbourhood is preserved with the retention of the metal frame structure treated like the heritage of the industrial past. The existing layers of metal and concrete are then treated with layers of asphalt, polyester fabric, protection board, root blockers, drainage mats topped with vegetation growing material and then the plants that level up with the pedestrian pavement made of precast concrete planks (walking paths) or timber decking (activity areas). The element of ‘agri- tecture’ as experienced on the High Line was inspired by the natural state of wild plants growing on the rail line in its period of abandonment (Fig. 3.a. 11).

Fig 3.a.11.Joel Sternfeld’s photography of the High Line in its abandoned stage (highline.org)

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Fig 3.a.12. Peel up seating design elevated from the pavement planking pattern

Chapter 3

This organic phase was photo documented by Joel Sternfeld which acted as an inspiration for the designers while visualising the future of High Line’s use as a linear park (McEntee, 2012). The development of planking and planting system was designed on the principal of ‘pathless landscape’ where a clear distinction between the path and the planting does not exist and variations between hard and soft surfaces direct the users into strolling in many possible directions (Per and Arpa, 2008) in what can be describes as ‘where nature and design have been arranged to simulate neglect’ (Davidson, 2009). The planking system elevates in places (peel up) to act as urban furniture and benches without breaking the rhythm of the floor planking pattern while the form of activity changes on the path (Fig. 3.a.12). Regulatory constraints like the mandatory eight-foot-high barriers have been converted into an amphitheater with the glass separator looking at the moving traffic at street level (Ascher and Uffer, 2015) (Fig. 3.a.13). Similar activity areas are reserved on the rooftops and under the protection of existing buildings. These are spaces that can hold up to 1000 people during events. The spaces provided on the High Line are adaptive and have the potential of being used in multiple ways. The presence of guards and additional security during private events and plantation areas cannot be ignored in the activity space’s functioning which restrict the user activities to the walkable paths on occasions (Moss, 2012).

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Pedestrian accessibility is of prime focus while cycling and skateboarding is prohibited on the elevated path. The design and locations of access points are present as durational experiences to approach the park elevation as well as discover the implemented design elements (Fig 3.a.14). The connectivity happens over two layers, one is at the ground level where the access works between the urban activity and the High Line, and two is the connection of access taking place on the High Line due to the design elements (Per and Arpa, 2008). The street level access points are in the form of stairs and elevators (Fig 3.a.15). The connection on the park level take place over the pavements assigned for walking with the thinnest width of 914cm. The High Line receives 6 million visitors each year that come to experience the exclusive view of New York neighbourhood at an elevation along with the unique presences of natural elements like the vegetation and water body above street level. While the 1.45 miles of traffic, uneven sidewalks and dense urban blocks can be easily crossed through the High Line, it has been criticised for being crowded by tourists which accounts to half the footfall of visitors per year. As there is waiting involved in the experience, pre booking and numbering the entry was seen as a possibility after the first phase inauguration (Davidson, 2009) The crowding is observed not just on the High Line but also on the streets near it (Moss, 2012).

Fig 3.a.13. Amphitheatre overlooking the traffic at street level

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Fig 3.a.14. Points of access to High Line

Fig 3.a.15. Access points at street level on Gansevoort St.

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Fig 3.a.17. Low-income housing between the new luxury developments (The New York Times, 2015)

architecture

elevated the twin pleasures of the high line: a petite new park, and a district of lively architecture. by justin davidson

The High Line Building 450 West 14th Street; Morris Adjmi

459 West 18th Street Della Valle Bernheimer

A muscular former meatpacking plant that was always impaled by the elevated tracks will, when it’s finished, now also carry an office tower on its shoulders and shelter shopping in its base. Old industrial buildings are generous and strong, and it makes sense to reuse them rather than tear them down.

Standard Hotel 848 Washington Street; Polshek Partnership

The concrete-legged brute offers its guests prime views of the High Line; its glassed-in rooms will present park visitors with equally stimulating spectacles.

A smaller and more successful companion piece to 245 Tenth (seen on the following pages). The interlocking black and white volumes suggest an M. C. Escher print, but there’s nothing impossible about the way sunlight streams in one of the penthouse’s mammoth windows and out the other side.

The Caledonia 450 West 17th Street; Handel Architects

The High Line pioneer is a big but surprisingly retiring building, deftly disguising its bulk and leaving the limelight to its neighbors.

The IAC Building 555 West 18th Street; Gehry Partners

Chelsea Modern 447 West 18th Street; Audrey Matlock

Diane Von Furstenberg headquarters 440 West 14th Street; Work AC

The pursuit of personality is mostly a matter of façades. Here, a stack of zigzagging blue glass facets disguise the ordinariness of what’s behind them.

In a literally brilliant stroke, the crystal tuber on the roof scoops up sunlight and funnels it down a glittery hanging staircase into the masonry building.

a walking tour

The High Line runs through an architectural theme park that’s still in development. At the Gansevoort Street end, the Whitney Museum dreams of a new branch; uptown, the park runs into the future Hudson Yards complex. In between, you’ll find New York’s densest thicket of ambitious early-21st-century design.

Frank Gehry’s glass schooner, one of the few new workplaces in the area, set the neighborhood standard for fanciful design.

L start the tour

west 13th

west 14th

west 17th

west 18th

Fig 3.a.16. New architectural projects in the vicinity of High Line (New York , 2009) 134 n e w y o r k | j u n e 1 5 – 2 2 , 2 0 0 9

june 15–22, 2009 | new york

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The innovative design of High Line and its success regarding the program functioning, annual footfall and material execution has inspired further innovations of new building projects within its surroundings. In 2011, after the opening of the second phase, 29 new projects were commenced in the neighbourhood (Ascher and Uffer, 2015) (Fig 3.a.16). The area of Chelsea was a mixed-use district of working-class residents and light industrial businesses. There existed an interdependence between the auto repair related businesses and the major food establishments that gave an identity and purpose to the district which was distinct from the upscaled downtown and the growing luxury-based districts. Between 2003 and 2011, property prices in the neighbourhood rose by 103%, affecting first the residents and businesses and then the diversity of the district (Moss, 2012). The luxury high rise developments are being designed by some of world’s most famous design firms, making Chelsea an architectural district moving away from its industrial past (Fig 3.a.17). The gentrification of Chelsea has created isolated islands of low-income housing groups that are finding it difficult to sustain within the expensive standard of living around them (Navarro, 2015). The ideation, visualisation and conceptualisation of the High Line as a linear park was to conserve the rail line and work with the industrial structure surrounding it, the loss of the diversity and the identity of the neighbourhood has changed the demographics of the local user groups. 8

520 West Chelsea 520 West 19th Street; Annabelle Selldorf

100 Eleventh Avenue Ateliers Jean Nouvel

HL23 515–517 West 23rd Street; Neil Denari

The terra-cotta tiles at the base are so sumptuously glazed they look edible, but they’re really just an accent on an otherwise bland box.

Metal Shutter Houses 524 West 19th Street; Shigeru Ban

The Hudson dispenses more stiff winds than balmy breezes, so it’s hard to know how regularly residents will raise the glass garage doors or their bodega-style shutters and turn their apartments into openwalled Caribbean cabanas. They’re certainly paying for the privilege.

This irresistible, ostentatiously inventive tower, with its harlequin window pattern and its observation-deck living rooms, is either the last boom’s aftershock or the next one’s portent.

200 Eleventh Avenue Annabelle Selldorf

Not even finished, and already so 2007. Luxuriantly wavy window frames, terra-cotta with a gunmetal glaze, and private parking just outside the apartment door. The marketing term for that perk—“en suite sky garage”—could spark a class war all on its own.

Adaptive, vaguely retro, and undeniably cool, the building balloons once it clears the High Line and holds itself together with a pleasingly asymmetric web of struts and leaning columns.

245 Tenth Avenue Della Valle Bernheimer

High Line 519 519 West 23rd Street; Lindy Roy

The amoeboid shapes of perforated steel looked pretty arbitrary hanging on this skinny building’s glass façade—until its organic-looking neighbor HL23 came along to complete the biological motif.

Architectural ambitions collide with a cumbersome site, resulting in an ungainly building clad in diamondpattern stamped steel and windows that look haphazardly, rather than inspirationally, arranged.

L west 19th

west 23rd

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Renewed public space during pandemic 3.a.vii. Functioning of High Line during the pandemic The High Line was closed during the first phase of lockdown in mid-March due to the restricted space its pathways provide (refer Appendix I). The width is insufficient for following social distancing protocols (Leaden, 2020). The official statement mentions‘As an elevated park, the High Line’s design includes staircases and narrow paths. These unique conditions make it hard for us to meet the social distancing requirements of keeping at least six feet between people.’ This temporary closure was essential as open spaces saw an increase in the number of users after the lockdown period for mental and physical health purposes (McPhearson et. Al, 2020). The High Line reopened on 19 July 2020 with social distancing restrictions and strict space usage rules applicable to visitors. The three major rules to follow were to stay six feet apart, wear a face covering and move in one fixed direction which was from the Gansevoort street entrance in the south and move towards the north with all other access points as exit only. The number of entries was restricted, and admissions based on free online reservation ensured no crowding at the street level. Social distancing marks on the pathways were created as green dots by graphic designer Paula Scher. These dots placed at repeated intervals on benches, seats and ground indicate a safe distance for space usage within the lockdown rules (pentagram.com) (Fig 3.a.19). The organisation of the space with the help of the dots along with signages to follow the three major rules while visiting the High Line was adopted to make the experience as easy as possible in the time of a pandemic. A year after the reopening, the High Line is open with covid restrictions in place. While on weekdays the access is open and no reservation is required, a reserved time slot is required on weekends to control the footfall and ensure safety (thehighline.org) (As of July 2021).

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Fig 3.a.18. Social distancing circles in Domino Park, Brooklyn

Fig 3.a.19. Social distancing markers on the High Line (pentagram. com)

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3.b. Copenhagen

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BISPEBJERG BRØNSHØJHUSUM

ØSTERBRO NØRREBRO

VANLØSE

FREDERIKSBERG KOMMUNE

VALBY

INDRE BY

VESTERBRO/ KONGENS ENGHAVE

AMAGER ØST AMAGER VEST

Fig 3.b.1. Copenhagen’s ten administrative districts (author’s own, 2021)

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TA J

MIM

VE J

YDRE (OUTER) NØRREBRO AD

INDRE (INNER) NØRREBRO 4

NØ

1. SUPERKILEN 2. NØRREBROPARKEN 3. MIMERSPARKEN 4. HANS TAVSENS PARK Fig 3.b.2.Locations within Nørrebro (author’s own, 2021) Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

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City wide planning strategy 3.b.i History of planning Copenhagen received its charter as a city in 1254 and the significant definition and development of the city took place under Christian IV of Denmark in 1596 in the form of thick military walls composed of earthwork and surrounded by moat to safeguard the city against attacks. This historic walled city developed in the district of today’s Indre By. The strengthening of the walled city made Copenhagen the centre for trade, naval port and administration of the Danish Kingdom until the reign of Christian IV in 1648. In 1650, the expansion beyond the walled city is carried out by repairing the existing walls and construction of connection routes in the form of bridges (Fig. 3.b.3). In 18th century, two major fires shaped the development of Copenhagen’s districts. In 1795, about a quarter of the city was affected but was soon repaired by the beginning of the 19th century due to the city’s rich economic status. In 19th century, the city experienced attacks resulting in destruction of fortification and economic instability. In 1840, a new municipal constitution opened the city beyond the historic boundaries to enable the construction of housing. The old fortification was rendered ineffective and the lack of space and sanitation in the historic walled city was unable to support the growth in population. The relaxation of the city demarcation resulted in unplanned growth of the city. This caused the considerable growth in Nørrebro, Vesterbro and Frederiksberg by 1852. By 1900, the development of Brønshøj and Valby districts followed.

Fig 3.b.3.Evolution of Copenhagen from walled city into municipality from 1100AD

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3.b.ii. Need for public space After the second world war, Copenhagen faced the option to either develop on the principles of the modernist movement or to implement changes to the existing pattern of development (Cathcart- Keays and Warin, 2016). Due to the lack of funds post the war, Copenhagen was developing at a slower rate than other big European cities which also meant the need for immigrant labours moving into Denmark’s neighbouring countries. By 1960’s when Copenhagen picked up the pace of construction of housing and infrastructure, the inflow of immigrant labours from various nationalities already working in UK, Germany and France moved into Copenhagen. The immigrants that came in as labourers were of diverse ethnic and national backgrounds, mainly from Pakistan, Turkey and North Africa. The second flow of immigration came in the form of refugees fleeing from civil and political turmoil in mid 20th century. These consisted of refugees from Lebanon, Syria and Iran (Nielsen, 2011). The 1972 oil crisis changed the pattern of Copenhagen in two ways- one was the less use of cars in the inner city initiating the use of pedestrian facilities (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2006) and second in the form of less immigrants choosing to move out of the city causing permanent settlements in outer districts (Nielsen, 2011). The settlement outside the inner city due to the absence of a comprehensive development plan resulted in unplanned urbanisation in the form of urban sprawl. Throughout the 1920’s and 1930’s, the urban sprawl could not be curbed and the congested city space comprised of housing units located in close proximity to industrial units with unmanaged access to green areas and public transport facilities. Post war Copenhagen was developed interspersed with green areas in the form of the 1947 finger plan with linear urban development planned in the form of fingers and green space wedged between these fingers (Fig. 3.b.4). Fig 3.b.4.Five finger plan development of Copenhagen

The settlement of immigrants took place in the suburban district of Nørrebro. The suburb had also previously experienced the migration of Jews during the First World War and Nielsen (2011) describes the flow of immigrant settlements in Nørrebro- ‘As the immigrants established themselves, they moved out of the district to more attractive suburbs, making space for the next generation of immigrants.’ This made Nørrebro one of Copenhagen and Denmark’s most ethnically diverse neighbourhood. Nørrebro lacked public spaces and infrastructure due to spur of housing projects. The neighbourhood has been an active place for protests and resistance since the Battle of Commons in 1872 (Nielsen, 2011). A protest in 1970 against the Copenhagen Municipality was for the conservation of a playground that was being used for construction of a new housing complex. The construction workers were blocked by the neighbourhood residents in an effort to save the public space (Nielsen, 2011). While Nørrebro fought for its public space, the city centre was already experiencing the effects of pedestrianisation of streets.

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3.b.iii. Reconquering strategy The first pedestrian only street was introduced in 1962. Strøget street was made pedestrian and cars were not allowed to run on a street for the first time which concerned the shop owners who were convinced that no one would come to their shops if the street were shut for cars (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2006). Prior to the pedestrianisation efforts, the city streets were dominated by vehicles while the pedestrians occupied the sidewalks. The reconquering strategy of the streets greatly focused on the collection of data regarding the activities and space usage by people on the pedestrianised streets. In 1968, Professor Jan Gehl with a team of students and researchers from School of Architecture in Copenhagen developed a method of public space study to observe, record and analyse the public space usage behaviour in the pedestrianised street. This data collection and analyses demonstrated the problems and the solutions for changes in implementation in the future networks of pedestrian streets. As people on foot and on bicycles are more likely to be in contact with the street environment (Dextre et al., 2013), the shops received active involvement and increased footfall indicating the prior concerns of shop owners as inaccurate (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2006). The data from research was used to pedestrianise more streets within the city centre and the increase in the pedestrianisation was directly proportional to the increase in the number of activities within the streets (Dextre et al., 2013) (Fig 3.b.5). 3.b.iv. New public spaces Policies and planning efforts in 1980 initiated the wider use of travel through bicycles within the city and its surrounding districts. In 1983, The Danish Road Traffic Act was passed and provided the legislation that promoted streets as liveable spaces for all users specifically children, pedestrians, and cyclists. In 1999, six inner city streets had painted cycle lanes installed forming link ups with important roads that lead to the outer districts. The cycle paths were connected to the pedestrian streets forming an inner-city network. One of them was the connection with Nørrebrogade that leads into the Nørrebro district. The development of cycling and pedestrian network became the new public spaces linking the inner city and the outer districts (Fig 3.b.6.). 3.b.v. Renewed public spaces The streets of Nørrebro have been the spaces for political actions leading to either conflicts or negotiations but continue to be an active part of public life and identity. Nørrebrogade has experienced reaction against the religious and ethnic diversity during a crusade parade by a revivalist preacher in 2002.

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Fig 3.b.5.The city delivered almost four times more car-free spaces from 1968 to 1996 and the result was almost four times more activity. (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2006)

Fig 3.b.6. Bicycle highways connecting inner city to the outer districts (Sudhakaran.S, 2015)

The same street also becomes the route for the Ashura parade in the Islamic month of Muharram every year (Nielsen, 2011). The far-right political ideology bases the national identity on being ‘ethnically Danish’ that clearly excludes the ethnically and racially diverse immigrants that form 25% of the population of Nørrebro. Post 2000, the immigration demographics included asylum seekers from various origins and Eastern Europeans who following the enlargement of European Union had access to Danish labour market (Stanfield and van Riemsdijk, 2019). This growth in immigration population coincided with the decision to develop two public spaces in forms of urban parks. This was an initiative of the City of Copenhagen and the real estate company Realdenia. The Superkilen and the Mimersparken developed in Nørrebro initiated the discussion of community participation in the development of the project. This posed as a great opportunity for the diversity of the immigration community to be displayed in the city to initiate inclusivity (worldarchitecture.org) (Fig 3.b.7). An abandoned rail yards on either side of Mjølnerparken became, respectively, Mimersparken and Superkilen. Construction of both parks began in 2004 and was completed in 2012. Superkilen touches the Nørrebrogade on the South side making it a part of the street experience and the cycling path connection with the inner city.

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AR SP

MIMERSGAD

NØ

SU PE RK ILE N

Renewed public space functioning 3.a.vi. The Superkilen

Fig 3.b.7. Location of Superkilen and Mimersparken in Ydre Nørrebro

Kilen translating to ‘wedge’, this super-sized wedge located between streets, buildings and adjacent to a rail yard is designed by the artist group Superflex with the collaboration of Bjarke Ingels Group a Danish architecture firm and Topotek1, a German landscape architecture firm. The decision to display elements from countries represented by the migrant population within the design of the park was done with public participation. The park spanning over 3 zones The Red Square, the Black Market and the Green Zone (Fig 3.b.8), are referred with their distinct names rather than as the whole park. The Red Square to the South hosts sports facilities. The presence of the boxing ring demonstrates the discipline of the sport as opposed to the streets as unsolicited spaces for fights and confrontations (Fig 3.b.9). The Black Market focuses on cultural activities like board and card games. This displays the space as an extension of a living room as public interaction activities invite social interaction (Fig 3.b.10). The Green Zone is a conventional park space with activities of light sport and picnics within the space (Fig 3.b.11). The colour composition and flooring pattern stimulated a two dimensional art seeping within the boundary of the space from corner to corner also act as access routes through the park with cycle paths parallel to the length. The issue with the execution of colour on pavement surface was the wearing out of paint at places that needed repair to maintain the colour coded imagery and visual branding of the

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space (Balik and Balik, 2020). The material selection of asphalt flooring with polyurethane coating to implement the floor art worked well in lab trials but turned slippery after being exposed to rain and snow . This issue was addressed by replacing the flooring at a cost of 11 million kroner. Realdania payed half the cost while the design team paid 560,000 kroner with the prize money won for the design. The rest of the cost was borne by the City of Copenhagen creating a burden on the city’s financial resources for the design decisions made by the designers (Whitbread 2018). The prime function of walking and cycling was hampered due to the choice of materials. The precise branding of the project along with the conceptual story line has promoted the neighbourhood of Nørrebro as a place for experiencing public space along with exposure to the elements of immigrant cultures. The transportation of objects from countries display the ownership and sense of belonging while the city branding and repeated production of the visuals over media of community participation created a strong narrative towards the neighbourhood and the project. The level of public participation and implementation of public survey outcomes has been questioned while only 5 out of the 108 ethnic objects and elements displayed at the park as installations are selected by the residents (Stanfield and van Riemsdijk, 2019). The park has been a success in terms of the footfall it receives and the usage of facilities and activities provided in the public space.

Fig 3.b.8. The three zones of Superkilen (Superkilen / Topotek 1 + BIG Architects + Superflex, 2012)

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Fig 3.b.9. Red Zone in Superkilen (Superkilen / Topotek 1 + BIG Architects + Superflex, 2012)

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Fig 3.b.10. Black Market in Superkilen (Superkilen / Topotek 1 + BIG Architects + Superflex, 2012)

Fig 3.b.11. Green Zone in Superkilen (Superkilen / Topotek 1 + BIG Architects + Superflex, 2012)

Renewed public space during pandemic 3.a.vii. Functioning of Superkilen during the pandemic The activities and demographics of usage during the Covid- 19 restrictions were documented by the Gehl research team along with Realdenia and the City of Copenhagen (Fig. 3.b.12). The data collection for the lockdown phase was done between March and April 2020 (refer Appendix I). This further initiates the public space network of bicycle routes to help travel within the city efficiently as well as safely. Superkilen being an open public space was successfully used during the pandemic by locals as by the data in Fig. 3.b.12 and Fig. 3.b.13. Provision of facilities for seating, games, exercise and dedicated cycle path along with ample space for effective social distancing improved the chances of the space usage.

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Fig 3.b.12. Red Square stationary activities and users during Covid 19 (covid19.gehlpeople.com)

Fig 3.b.13. Black Market stationary activities and users during Covid 19 (covid19.gehlpeople.com)

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3.c. Melbourne

FLEMINGTON 3031 KENSINGTON 3031

PARKVILLE 3052

NORTH MELBOURNE 3051

WEST MELBOURNE 3003

YAR R

DOCKLANDS 3008 A RIV

PORT MELBOURNE 3207

CARLTON NORTH 3054

CARLTON 3053

MELBOURNE 3000

EAST MELBOURNE 3002

SOUTHBANK 3006

SOUTH WHARF 3006

MELBOURNE 3004 SOUTH YARRA 3141 Fig 3.c.1. Melbourne’s city centre and suburbs with postcodes (author’s own, 2021)

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CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT (CBD) 1 4 3

1. BIRRARUNG MARR 2. ALEXANDRA PARK 3. MELBOURNE AND OLYMPIC PARKS 4. MELBOURNE CRICKET GROUND 5. ROYAL BOTANIC GARDENS Fig 3.c.2.Locations within Melbourne 3000 (author’s own, 2021) Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

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City wide planning strategy 3.c.i. History of planning The grid plan of the city centre was initiated in 1837 by Robert Hoddle. The original Hoddle Grid has been proved to be the most resilient and sustainable element in the urban structure as the grid pattern set out in the planning remains as the primary layout (Fig. 3.c.3).

Fig 3.c.3.Figure ground map comparison. Above: Hoddle’s Grid of 1837. Below: Evolution of street structure in 2005.

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Hoddle’s grid was influenced by European town planning system of grid with the systematic hierarchy indicated in the placement of Civic Buildings. Buildings in the high ground indicated the position of power centre (Fig 3.c.4). Supreme court, public library, mint, church, school, and public reserves were aligned to the contours descending from hill down to seaport with respect to the building relevancy to governance. A major attribute missing from the planning was the placement of public squares. A decision was made to plan new towns and cities without public spaces to avoid public grievances in the form of rebellions and demonstrations (Magro, 2017). The surge in immigration post the 1850s gold rush caused a sudden increase in the population. The surge resulted in the overcrowding of the grid and an eventual spread into the first suburb of South Melbourne.

Fig 3.c.4.Placement of public buildings on elevated ground in Hoddle’s grid (5m contours)

The major open spaces in Melbourne were set aside at the time of European settlement from 1842 onwards on the outskirts of the central city (Hoddle Grid) as part of the then Governor La Trobe’s vision of a green belt of parks encircling Melbourne (Fig.3.c.5). The 1929 Plan for General Development was the first strategic plan for Melbourne. It involved extensive survey work by an appointed commission and proposed documents for urgent works, zoning of city and suburbs, public recreation and bylaws for construction and land use. The section for urgent works composed of road widening and bridge construction projects, and the overall zoning was planned with typologies of residential, business, and industrial districts (Plan of General Development 1929). The Plan provides an overview of how planning issues for Melbourne were conceived at the time, and the solutions proposed. The 1929 plan was concerned in large part with traffic, and with speeding up traffic flow (Taylor and van Bemmel-Misrachi, 2017).

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These parks within a 2-mile radius of the CBD (Fig.3.c. 6) had a principal use allotted to them (Fig.3.c. 7) and the segregation and exclusion were enforced with the presence of iron fences and barricades within the space of the park (Margo, 2017). This allotment of activities and placement of physical separators restricted movement within the park area (Fig.3.c.8), (Fig.3.c.9). The first implemented metropolitan level plan introduced in 1954 in the form of Melbourne Metropolitan Planning Scheme. This plan consisted of surveys and analysis, the planning scheme document, statutory ordinances, and separate chapters dealing with public transport, road communications, central business area and recreation.

Fig 3.c.5.Location of parks in the green belt. (City of Melbourne)

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Fig 3.c.6.Location of public recreation space in the form of parks around Melbourne’s CBD. (Plan for General Development, 1929)

Fig 3.c.7.List of principle use allotted to each park. (Plan for General Development, 1929)

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Fig 3.c.8. Fitzroy Garden with physical separation between pathway and green area.

Fig 3.c.9. Carlton Garden with wrought iron fence around pond.

No new public spaces within the grid or the inner city were planned, and the usage of the parks remained for field-based sports, public parks, and playgrounds in greater detail (Melbourne Metropolitan Planning Scheme 1954). The context was rapidly increasing regarding car ownership and use, and the 1954 plan was concerned to a significant extent with trying to adapt the city to this. Parking was not as central a concern as in the 1929 plan but was still explicitly named as a challenge for planning (Taylor and van Bemmel-Misrachi, 2017).

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3.c.ii. Need for public space During the 1960’s until the 1980’s, Melbourne was experiencing a decentralisation due to poor planning strategies concerning the inner city. The dominance of vehicles in inner city, the residential and retail development in suburbs shifted the focus away from city. The residential activities were declining, and the workplace activities took over within the inner city (Charlesworth, 2005). In the period 1961 to 1972 the city had experienced a drop in the number of people employed in retail by 4382 or 15.9 per cent, a drop in manufacturing employment of 6615 or 34.7 per cent and a decrease in the residential population from 5534 to 4082. This was to drop further to about 2000 by the late 1980s and hence Melbourne was on its way to become a ‘soulless’ business district surrounded by a belt of parks and residential suburbs (Charlesworth, 2005). The concentration of residential areas outside the CBD resulted in vehicular traffic flow, to and from the inner city. The density of traffic and the absence of open public spaces within the grid of the inner city did not facilitate the natural breaks for pedestrians and places for stationary public activities (Gehl and Gemzøe, 2006). 3.c.iii. Reconquering strategy The 1985 strategy plan identified important heritage buildings and streetscapes and declared all parks and gardens heritage areas. Plans were produced for the preferred land use future of each neighbourhood. Three factors lay behind the successful implementation of this urban design agenda: political support, design-led delivery and private-public partnerships. A change in city’s political leadership after 1985 brought about the establishment of an Urban Design Branch. Its mandate was to implement the urban design components of the 1985 plan along with a balanced approach towards the private interest against those of the public space needs. Each committee and subcommittee were headed by councillors with strong urban design agendas. Innovative programmes were initiated to repopulate the city centre along with pedestrianisation of city streets, arts and culture initiatives and introduction of a $200 million investment fund designed to allow the pursuit of strategic projects that provided an economic return to the city (Charlesworth, 2005). Design philosophy was implemented on master plan level by identifying the geographical locations of parklands, waterfronts like riverscape and bayscape and docklands (Dovey, 2016). The design based segregation

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of projects according to their locations concentrated on the physical aspects of these areas which allowed for forward designing, budgeting, and allocation of resources. Finally, the city developed a city projects division capable of negotiating, designing, and project-managing the delivery of private-public partnerships. The division identified key sites within the framework of the masterplan to be developed by private-public partnership to help accelerate the implementation of urban design strategy (Charlesworth, 2005). 3.c.iv. New public spaces After the successful implementation of the 1985 strategy plan, new public spaces developed either through strict place development control rules for private developers or through private-public partnership. The space close to Yarra River has a network of rail roads which isolated the city centre. New public spaces evolved with the need to connect the CBD with the riverscape through a corridor of parkland (Dovey, 2016). The initiation of this brought the parkland projects on the North bank and Southbank area of Yarra River (Fig.3.c. 10). These planning efforts to connect the CBD with through public spaces revived the city centre. Over the period 1992–2002, over 9000 new residential units were added to the central city area. The impact of these new residences was to deliver, for the first time, a mixed-use area in the central city with a dramatic increase in convenience stores, supermarkets, bars, cafes and restaurants. In the late 1990s the number of bars, cafes and restaurants rose from 587 to 1200 within the central area (Charlesworth, 2005).

birrarung marr

Fig 3.c.10. North and South bank development of Yarra river into public spaces under parklands typology (http://maps. melbourne.vic.gov.au/).

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Similarly, the project of Postcode 3000 was initiated with the aim to develop the Central Business District into a ‘central activities district’. The issue addressed was the inactivity of the workplace dominated city centre during the weekends and after the work hours. The strategy was to increase the number of residential units by providing incentives for residential developments. Over the period of 1992 to 2002, 9000 new residential units were added to the city centre area. The inclusion of workplaces, retail outlets, food-based businesses and residential units along with public space projects revived the city centre into a 24-hour active city (Charlesworth, 2005). 3.c.v. Renewed public space

Fig 3.c.11. Jolimont railyard in 1969 .

With the introduction of the Postcode 3000, renovation of underused riverscape spaces were planned for parkland projects. The location of the marshy site of Birrarung Marr on the north bank of Yarra river was first proposed to be a site for park in 1856 however institutions including a morgue and an old State Swimming Centre were already present there. The first railway line was introduced in 1859 and eventually this occupied the space between the river connecting to the CBD up until the 20th century known as the Jolimont railyard (Fig.3.c.11). The planning and execution of Federation Square provided a new centre of cultural activities within the rail dominated space (Per and Arpa, 2008). The construction of a park at the Birrarung Marr site began in 2000 with the joint participation of the City of Melbourne and the State Government of Victoria which funded the railway rationalisation and clearing of the site. The design concept for the park was developed by City of Melbourne’s inhouse landscape architects Ronald Jones and Helena Piha (Fig.3.c.12).

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Chapter 3

Case studies

CENTRAL BUSINESS DISTRICT

SQUAR FEDERATION

JOLIMONT R

AILYARD

BIRRARUNG

MARR

YARRA RIVE R

ALEXANDRA PARK

Renewed public space functioning 3.c.vi. Birrarung Marr

Fig 3.c.12. Birrarung Marr and Federation Square on the North bank of Yarra River.

Birrarung Marr and Federation Square are results of land use reforms as well as inclusion of activities promoting culture. This strategy was used for the conceptualisation of the park by visualising it as series of open terraces each with an activity and event space. The lower terrace, next to the river, has a gravel surface. The middle terrace is on the east side of the park and has a grassed surface. The upper grassed terrace on the north side of the park is about 10 metres above the riverbank. Spoil generated by works on the adjoining rail lines, Federation Square, and construction of the nearby Melbourne Arena were reused. Basalt boulders from these excavations were also re-used in the park to form retaining walls. Access paths flow between the terraces and custom designed Tenderrum bridge and William Barak Bridge allows pedestrian crossing over the City Link road and the railway lines and extends safe pedestrian accessibility beyond the park area and into the city. This connection has facilitated the park to be used by local residents located within 5 to 10 minutes of walk. A detailed survey was carried out by the City of Melbourne to document data regarding the user demographics in terms of residence location, age, activity usage and park space usage in 2018. The survey results conclude that the design integration has inspired more locals to use the space especially the riverside promenade while the activity carried out at the space is for relaxation purposes (City of Melbourne, 2018).

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

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Chapter 3

Fig 3.c.13. Terrace design concept of Birrarung Marr. (City of Melbourne, 2018)

Fig 3.c.14. Pedestrian access routes through Birrarung Marr (City of Melbourne, 2018)

LAB Architecture Studio, who had also designed the Federation Square were commissioned to design the space above Jolimont railyard for the optimum utilisation of the space. The initial design included retail outlets, commercial developments and spaces for social and cultural events (see video of proposal https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wJjoGNnyiqg). The opposition leaders then saw the possibility of over commercialisation of the area due to the proposal and opted out of it. This started a discussion regarding the needs of community and the executed design of Birrarung Marr is versatile and well used by the communities on a daily basis (Yeoh, 2014).

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

PARTICIPANT PROFILE Chapter 3

Case studies

A total of 98 participants were consulted as part of the Phase 1 community engagement. The average participant lived in Melbourne’s inner suburbs and was over the age of 40. Participants were not asked their gender or for their relationship to the city (i.e resident, worker, student, visitor).

LOCATION OF RESIDENCE • 48

•

30% of participants lived within a 5-10 min walk of Birrarung Marr. Two-in-three members of this group were over the age of 40. 62.5% of people under the age of 40 lived in Melbourne’s inner suburbs. The engagement only attracted 6 participants (6.2%) from outside of Melbourne - including interstate and overseas visitors.

20 15

3 0 3

3 1 2 Total participants Participants under the age of 40

0 Within a 5-10 min walk of BM

Melbourne Inner Suburbs

Melbourne Outer Suburbs

Elsewhere in Victoria

Interstate / Overseas

Participants over the age of 40

PARTICIPANT EXPERIENCE

Fig 3.c.15. Residential locations of users (City of Melbourne, 2018) PARTICIPATION BY AGE

•

Participants were more likely to be over the age of 40, with This section relates to participant’s experience in Birrarung Marr. Asofpart of the being nearly 60% respondents 40 38 engagement, participants were asked six questions relating to group. why they visit the space, in this what areas they generally go to, how frequently they would on whatwere days they • Onlyvisit, 9% ofand participants 35 under the age of 24. were most likely to go31to the park. 45

26 23

20 HOW OFTEN DO YOU VISIT BIRRARUNG MARR?

20 15

40 10

•

30 0 >18

3 4

2 0 2

18-24

•

25-39

61+

40-60

•

BIRRARUNG MARR - MASTER PLAN

COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT REPORT 5

Out of the 98 participants, over 50% visited Birrarung Marr on a daily or weekly basis, with less than 4% having only visited Birrarung rarely. People who lived within a 5-10 min Total participants walk of thewho park werea 5-10 nearly three Participants live within min walk times morewho likely to visit daily than Participants live beyond a 5-10 min walk those who lived further away. 50% of participants under the age of 40 said they visited the park either daily or weekly compared with 41.7% of people over the age of 40.

0 Daily

Weekly

Monthly

Occasionally

Rarely

Fig 3.c.16. Frequency of use (City of Melbourne, 2018) A higher portion of participants visited Birrarung Marr on weekends, however over 45% of participants had visited on both 45 weekdays and weekends. • Participants who live within a 5-10 min walk of Birrarung Marr were nearly twice as likely to visit on both weekdays and weekends. • People over the age of 40 were nearly as likely to visit Impact of renewed public spaces on cities andtwice their effect on urban life during the pandemic the park on both weekdays and weekends.

WHEN DO YOU USUALLY VISIT BIRRARUNG MARR?

45 40

20 20

•

Case studies

Chapter 3 WHAT AREAS OF BIRRARUNG MARR DO YOU GENERALLY VISIT? From participant responses, the most popular places to visit within Birrarung Marr are the Riverside Promenade (68 responses) , Lower Terrace ( 64 responses) and the Main Entry (48 responses) at Federation Square. People living in a 5-10 min walk of Birrarung Marr were more likely to visit all the areas of the park. People over the age of 40 were more likely to visit Riverside Promenade and ArtPlay compared with the total group. The full table of results can be found in Appendix 1.

RIVERSIDE PROMENADE

LOWER TERRACE

75.9%

71.0%

UPPER TERRACE

54.8%

MIDDLE TERRACE

54.8%

MAIN ENTRY

ARTPLAY

SPEAKERS CORNER

51.6%

22.4%

29.0%

BIRRARUNG MARR - MASTER PLAN

COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT REPORT

WHY DO YOU VISIT BIRRARUNG MARR?

RELAXATION

36.7%

Events was the third most popular reason to visit the space, and people over the age of 40 were twice as likely to visit for an event than those under the age of 40.

RECREATION

16.3%

People under the age of 40 were nearly twice as likely to visit for recreation than those over the age of 40.

EVENTS PL

6. 1%

None of the participants said they come to Birrarung Marr for the bars and cafes along Princess Walk. The full table of results can be found in Appendix 1.

TI U

1% 6.

BY 1% 4.

OTHER 12.2%

N M % TI M 3.1 K 3.1% MU EA CO GH M BR OU % CO CH THR N S0 LU SING AFE S DC PA AN RS BA

12.2%

Relaxation and Recreation were the most common reasons for visiting Birrarung Marr recording over 50% of participant responses(52 responses). Participants who lived within a 5-10 min walk of the park were the most likely to visit for Relaxation (13 responses).

Over

1 in 3

Fig 3.c.17. Usage of various zones of the park. (City of Melbourne, 2018).

participants visited Birrarung Marr for Relaxation

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

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Case studies

Renewed public space during pandemic 3.c.vii. Functioning of Birrarung Marr during the pandemic On 25th January 2020, the first case of Covid- 19 was confirmed in Australia. The implementation of state of emergency for the state of Victoria on 16th March 2020 resulted in a sharp decline of pedestrians (Fig.3.c.16). Birrarung Marr is a location for daily walks and exercise for local neighbourhood. As the restrictions did not prevent these outdoor activities, the pedestrian count in the park remained constant even through the period of state emergency (Fig.3.c.17). The spike in counts seen on the graph for Birrarung Marr is due to the cultural events organised on the terrace areas that resulted in a higher number of footfall during particular days before the restrictions (Bandara, 2020).

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

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Chapter 3

Fig 3.c.18. The Covid 19 impact on the pedestrian count in parks and public spaces of Melbourne. (Bandara, 2020)

Fig 3.c.19. The Covid 19 impact on the pedestrian count in Melbourne CBD. (Bandara, 2020)

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Comparative analysis

- Development timeline - Public space functioning - public space design post pandemic

Chapter 4

Comparative analysis

Fig 4. 1. Development timeline comparison (author’s own, 2021) Historic walled city

1600 Dutch colonists arrived

Plan of walled city

1650

Expansion of original walled city

1700

1750

Major fire in walled city

1800 Grid planning

Expansion beyond historic boundary

1850 Population explosion

Density within grid

Central Park planning

1900 Zoning resolutions introduced

Urban sprawl during industrialisation

Unm

1950 Privately owned public spaces

Pedestrianisation of streets Danish Road Traffic Act

2000 2010 2020

Public initiative organisations High Line 1st phase

High Line closed in March

Friends of High Line

High Line 2nd phase

High Line 3rd phase

High Line reopened in July

Public space s

Cycling & pedest

Urban park development plan in Nørrebro Superkilen completed Superkilen used for regular outdoor activities

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Chapter 4

Reconquering strategies

Need for public space

Expansion of boundary

History of planning

Comparative analysis

Hoddle’s Grid planned

study

New public spaces

Five finger planning

Plan of General Development, 1929

Decentralisation of CBD

trian network Superkilen and Mimersparken planned

1985 Strategy Plan Private- public partnership

Urban Design Branch

‘Central activities district’

Birrarung Marr parkland project Public space data documentation report Birrarung Marr used for regular outdoor activities

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Pandemic use

managed green areas

Expansion beyond the grid

Renewed public spaces

Surge in immigration

Chapter 4

Comparative analysis

Users from the neighbourhood as well as tourists and visitors occupy the space. There were 8 million visitors in 2019 but no data is documented about the user behaviour and origins. Crowding on the High Line and nearby streets also observed due to high number of visitors.

Walking and sitting are two major outdoor activities. Pedestrian transit through the neighbourhood. Decks can be booked for private and public events. On occassions of private events, additional security causes segregation within the space. Presence of adaptive spaces increase the possibilities of activities.

Preservation of original metal structure and path through neighbourhood buildings encorporated within the design concept. The success achieved in terms of footfall and design quality, attracted more high end architectural projects into the neighbourhood causing a change in density and land use pattern of the neighbourhood.

ACTIVITIES

USERS

DESIGN

HIGH LINE ACCESSIBILITY

Street level access through types of stair case designs and elevator points. Cycling and skateboarding is prohibited on the High Line. Preference is given to pedestrians.

PARTICIPANTS

PANDEMIC USE

The restricted space of the linear park was insufficient for social distancing measures. The High Line closed to public in March 2020 and reopened with social distancing guidelines in July 2020. The park was not accessed by the neighbourhood and public for four months during pandemic.

Friends of High Line a public initiative organisation initiated the preservation of High Line and manages the linear park through public donations. Local community involvement in planning the activities of the park. The park is owned by City of New York. Mayor Bloomberg’s office supported the preservation and renovation of the High Line.

Fig 4. 2. High Line public space functioning (author’s own, 2021)

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Comparative analysis

Chapter 4

Users from the neighbourhood compose maximum of the daily footfall. The park provides cross transit for the neighbourhood habitants to reach the major road network of pedestrian and cycling paths. The use of space is documented in detail according to the zones and activities.

The inclusion of cultural elements in the design involved the community participation during the designing and as users. The colours of the zones have provided a distinct identity to the neighbourhood. Use of colours to demarcate zones focuses maintenance work on the colour and material of the public space. Use of materials that became slippery and unsafe after rains caused large scale repair process post completion.

Movement like walking, cycling and skateboarding done around the zones. Facilities are provided for stationary activities and physical exercises. The presence of multiple activities divided within the three zones distribute the crowd.

ACTIVITIES

USERS

DESIGN

SUPERKILEN ACCESSIBILITY

Provides safe connectivity and easy accessibility for cyclists and pedestrians to neighbourhood and road networks. Demarcated paths for pedestrians and cyclists throughout the park promote cross access within neighbourhood

PARTICIPANTS

PANDEMIC USE

The park was used for connectivity and stationary activities daily during the period of pandemic and local restrictions in place. The footfall density, user demographics and user activities were documented in detail by Jan Gehl’s firm between March and April 2020.

Public survey outcomes were used to integrate the neighbourhood and suggest the cultural elements and furnitures placed in the park. Meetings conducted with potential user group and representatives from the design firm, estate developers and the Municipality of Copenhagen from initial stages.

Fig 4. 3. Superkilen public space functioning (author’s own, 2021)

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Chapter 4

Comparative analysis

The user groups most frequently using the space are from the immediate neighbourhood, inner suburbs of Melbourne and outer suburds of Melbourne. The City of Melbourne has documented the user behaviour and location in detailed report released in 2018.

Relaxation is the most common form of activity documented in the community engagement report of 2018 followed by recreation, public events and kid’s play. The report has also been helpful in documenting which space of the park is used most for specific activities.

The open terrace plan dedicated for multi use activities provides space for wider range of user groups. The decision to integrate various flooring materials in different terraces reuse materials from local sources. This makes the project sustainably renewed.

ACTIVITIES

USERS

DESIGN

ACCESSIBILITY

Pedestrian bridges designed for users to connect with the park is a major reason for immediate neighbourhood to use the park frequently. These bridges help pedestrians cross over highways and railway lines to reach the space safely. Pathways within the park connect the terraces and activities through walking and cycling. The access routes have initiated the use of Yarra river promonade.

BIRRARUNG MARR

PARTICIPANTS

PANDEMIC USE

The park saw a steady flow of users for outdoor activities (except for public events) during the city’s social distancing restrictions. Locals used the space for relaxation and outdoor exercises.

A major participant and planner is the Urban Design Branch of the City of Melbourne. Involvement of public space oriented governance avoided the possibility of the project turning into an over commercial space. The park was designed by City of Melbourne’s inhouse designers. The park was developed with joint participation of the State Government of Victoria.

Fig 4. 4. Birrarung Marr public space functioning (author’s own, 2021)

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Comparative analysis

Chapter 4

The planning and execution of a renewed public space impacts the functioning of neighbourhood and its future development as seen in the comparative analysis. The 10 outcomes observed through the analysis conclude the steps that positively impact a neighbourhood through a public space project.

Detailed data documentation of community engagement with the public space to understand neighbourhood demographics as user group.

Designing of multi use spaces for flexible activity use to involve wider user groups within the neighbourhood.

Involvement of local community in determining the activities and facilities required by the neighbourhood.

Usage of sustainable and local materials to ensure durability and low recurring maintenance works.

Design elements inspired and focused on the identity of local neighbourhood or community.

Preservation of local heritage and characteristics through design integration.

Public space accessibility working on two levels-connectivity within the space and connectivity with the city’s road networks.

Integration of distinct neighbourhood experience while using the connectivity within the public space.

Involvement of public initiative organisations from the neighbourhood to liason with the designers and government body to ensure safeguarding of public interest

The involvement and support of government bodies in decision making, funding or data documentation.

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Chapter 4

Comparative analysis

Castlefield Viaduct, Manchester The project was initiated by the National Trust for development of a public space on the currently unused viaducts in Manchester. Twelve Architects is designing and liasoning the project with Manchester City Council and National Trust. The initiation of the concept by the designers began with a public survey outcome, involving the public in decision making. This followed by a public response observation will be documented in June 2022 when the project’s first phase is inaugurated (Gandhi, 2021) (Refer Appendix II). An initial observation at the planning of the project is the presence of waiting area at the entrance for the people who book the guided tour of the linear park. Karan Gandhi, the architect of the initial concept of the project agrees that a booking system affects the democratic use of the space but mentions that pandemic has brought forth a ‘tug of war between safety and accessibility of the space’. This is especially important while dealing with a heritage structure hence limiting the footfall and the internal circulation within the linear space is important (Gandhi, 2021). Provision of event space overlooking the historic centre of Manchester and the future plan to provide co working spaces and study spaces keeping the demographics of Manchester in mind, is planned for the second phase which is proposed in 2024. The design decisions for the second phase will be directly influenced by the public survey outcomes making it a project shaped by the users. Gandhi, an alumnus of Manchester School of Architecture, has been a local observer of the site while studying the regeneration possibilities of the Viaduct as a student. This experience of the city’s identity is the reason for the decision to add a graffiti wall running across the length between the public access and the existing metallic cross bracing to avoid vandalism to the original structure (Gandhi, 2021). The location of the Viaduct is within a public space surrounding and the designers have a detailed density and land use study regarding the immediate neighbourhood. This study has helped them evaluate the future scenarios when the project is inaugurated.

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Comparative analysis

Chapter 4

An improvement required for the project processing is the proactive involvement of the Manchester City Council. The Council portal is a good resource to receive informations regarding the public survey outcomes and design proposal details. Along with the distribution of information, the Council must identify the presence of underused spaces around the city and initiating public space projects along with an active fund for management and maintenance. The involvement of a design conscious government body has produced successful projects like Birrarung Marr. The outcomes observed through the research of this dissertation are seen implemented in the project of Castlefield Viaduct as a post pandemic public space design, further proving the analysis provided by the comparison of case studies.

Fig 4. 5. Castlefield viaduct project proposal (Twelve Architects, 2021)

Fig 4. 6. Castlefield viaduct project proposal (Twelve Architects, 2021)

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Conclusion

- Research questions answered

Chapter 5

Conclusion

The study of the development timeline of the case studies bring forth the observation regarding the need for new public space projects within cities that have made efforts to reconquer the space for public use. In the cases of New York and Copenhagen, the growing density and unplanned urban sprawl created a need for public spaces while in the case of Melbourne, the opposite is seen in the form of decentralisation and abandonment of the CBD. As the problems were different, hence the measures taken for reconquering the city were customised to the problem. The common early participant in the reconquering process is the initiatives taken by the governing bodies through the introduction of resolutions, acts and strategy plans. The introduction of these city level strategies resulted in typologies of public spaces. In case of Manhattan, the density of POPS are concentrated near business districts, causing uneven distribution of public spaces. In Copenhagen, roads were reconquered as public spaces for pedestrians and cyclists which still did not address the lack of public spaces in suburbs with high immigrant populations. In Melbourne, the restrictive use of the park spaces created the need for democratic public spaces. As seen through the comparative development timeline, the planning, development and growth of the three cities have taken place over different centuries. The presence of a smaller walled city can be seen in cases of New York and Copenhagen while the Grid was planned much later in Melbourne when the first two cities were already in the process of expanding their older plans. The timeline also shows that the planning and development of renewed public spaces in the cities took place around the similar time at the end of 20th century and the execution of the projects took place in beginning of 21st century. The limitations displayed by the new public spaces created the need for renewed public spaces in neighbourhoods that were devoid of public spaces but retained a characteristic individuality. An interesting observation is the presence of railway elements in or close to the renewed projects. They have been the remnants of the industrial age and the abandonment of few railway goods lines and the rail corridor post the industrial age deprived these locations of activities and maintenance. The case studies demonstrate a positive precedent for the revitalisation of the railway structures and neighbourhoods into active outdoor spaces, making the city safe due to the frequency of users to the renewed spaces. Low income neighbourhoods with mixed cultural demography have received an identity post the inauguration of renewed public spaces. In the case of Chelsea, the rate of development has been unprecedented, but this could be avoided by the governing body with restrictive measures. The economic growth of the neighbourhood ousted its original inhabitants and affecting the identity of the neighbourhood due to rapid gentrification.

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Conclusion

Chapter 5

Fig 5. 1. Contrasting construction types along the High Line, W 23rd street

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Chapter 5

Conclusion

The lack of data documentation makes it difficult to ascertain the user demographics and activity usage. In the case of Superkilen and Birrarung Marr, the detailed documentation has clearly concluded the success of the public space for daily use by the local communities. A detailed documentation is of vital importance to determine the parameters of successful use of a public space. Between the case studies, with respect to the comparison of functioning, the City of Melbourne and Birrarung Marr emerge to be a success in terms of reconquering strategies and participation of government body along with private public partnerships. A design oriented approach by the government and dedicated Urban Design Branch functioning within the City has provided well planned public space while sustainably executing its development. This proves the proactive need for government based initiatives in terms of public space conceptions. The pandemic was an unprecedented test for the city’s public spaces as the relation between the neighbourhood and parks evolved during this time. Elevated linear parks such as the High Line and Castlefield Viaduct have limitations in terms of widths and vertical access. The closure of High Line rendered it useless for its neighbourhood for four months and the space along with the landscaping could not be a source of respite. This suggests that every public space needs a contingency plan ready for unprecedented events so that the space can be effectively used by its immediate neighbours creating resilience and support to its inhabitants. The most notable outcome of the research are the public space decision outcomes that positively impact a neighbourhood. As urban designing is a multi disciplinary field, it is capable of applying each outcome in detail during the ideation and execution of a public space project. The bridge between the community, responsibility of local heritage and the liaising with government body is a crucial step followed by the statistical knowledge of survey and documentation of user activities and demography of users. The balance between preservation and renovation is achieved by community involvement.

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Conclusion

Chapter 5

Fig 5. 2. Aboriginal art installation and sustainable flooring in Birrarung Marr

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Appendix

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

APPENDIX I Covid- 19 pandemic lockdown timeline for the case study cities. New York The first covid case was detected in New York State on 1 March 2020. Between March 16 to March 17 of 2020, the closing of schools, bars, restaurants take place in the first phase of lockdown (Kerr, 2021) Open parks and public grounds in New York City like the Central Park, Madison Square and Washington Square remain open with social distancing measures of 6 feet distance in place (Leaden, 2020). Isolation bubbles made with paint or chalk are provided in open parks to help people use the space abiding with the safety measures (Fig 3.a.18). On 22 March 2020, non-essential workers are required to work from home, and this increases the importance of open parks as a source for safe outdoor activities in urban areas (McPhearson et. Al, 2020). Copenhagen Denmark confirmed its first case of covid patient on 27th February 2020. From 11th March to 18th March 2020, restrictions were announced in phases. These included closure of schools and universities, restaurants and cafes and non essential businesses. Public gatherings of more than 10 people were banned. The relaxation of lockdown began phase wise from May 2020 and a year later the safety measure remain in place. These include face coverings in public places and transport facilities, restriction of 100 people gathering in outdoor settings and 50 in indoor settings, restricted opening hours for cafes, restaurants and bars, and the access to museums and libraries with a corona passport. The use of public transport must be avoided where an option for alternate transport is available.

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

APPENDIX II Interview with Architect Karan Gandhi from Twelve Architects conducted by Sharvari Ravindra Mate on 18th September 2021. Sharvari Ravindra Mate I would like to know your role with the project? Karan Gandhi (Guest) I’ll give a descriptive answer to this, uh, so when when National Trust contacted Twelve Architects, they asked us to prepare a proposal for Castlefield Viaduct because they already had a proposal. I worked with one more of my colleague to prepare a design concept and I was the architect of the concept at the time and also the one talking to National Trust from Twelve Architects. So there were two roles to this. If I were to sum this up, I was the architect of the initial concept and I was the one who was talking with National Trust on behalf of Twelve Architects. Sharvari Ravindra Mate You overlooked the whole conceptualisation from the starting point. Did it all start before we could experience pandemic? And how did the whole concept change during the pandemic and your vision for the project that would take place after the pandemic? Karan Gandhi (Guest) So the discussions had been going on long, long before the pandemic. Initially, the the project was designed by BDP in 2012. The structure in itself was unused, since 1969. And because it was a grade two listed building, it was untouched and unused for a very long period of time. This actually put us in a position where the structure in itself had become quite ruined and as you already know, that the structure is made with Iron, so it was intended to hold railway tracks on it, so the structure had an enormous strength in it. In the long, because of the time and the rusting it had, we couldn’t put rails on it. So there were already plans by BDP in 2012 which is about a decade from now to have an open public space. But then these things were halted because National Trust wasn’t able to procure funding for it. So with the push of the pandemic, when we were all put behind doors, the importance of public space grew naturally, and that’s when we realised and National Trust had contacted Twelve Architects about this project that was designed by BDP, but nobody actually liked it (design proposal) a lot. Can you do a re thought version of this? That’s where 12 and I actually created this design, which was then approved by National Trust, and it’s actually liked. A design which is going forward basically. So there are a lot of layers to this.

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Sharvari Ravindra Mate Layers in terms of stakeholders and decision makers? Karan Gandhi (Guest) In parts of the stakeholders, in parts of reaching to this design as well. Because BDP designed what I was mentioning before was in 2012 and everybody keeps calling it the High Line. The High Line was developed and built in 2009 so that is when the understanding of public space changed that, you know, if you have a large scale derelict railway track in the centre of the city then you can actually use that structure. In 2009, when High Line showed us that it could be successful and we had the BDP’s proposal, it has been growing on a in terms of design. And finally, in 2021 we got the actual funding for it, and the real interest of people to actually get it built. Sharvari Ravindra Mate So in terms of changes in design decisions, that must be a big step because the initial part was somebody else’s design. But as the pandemic started, and designers realised how public spaces use is being changed. So how did that change again, especially in terms of public space usage and activities as designers? What did you think about it? Karan Gandhi (Guest) So as you rightly said, the understanding of public space has evolved way too much in the last two years. We’re looking at what the government is providing in terms of the guidelines for social distancing. So even though the structure of the viaduct remain the same, the physical dimensions of the viaduct cannot be changed, but the internal usage within it had to be rethought. So one of the examples I’ll give you here is that we have to think about the public circulation flows in this. So as you know the viaduct is a 300 meter long track with a short width to it. So we were thinking about if the flow of the public should be unidirectional or should we have bidirectional movement so can people actually go in and then come out from the same channel? So we had this initial design where we did the uni directional design of the public circulation flow, whereby we would allow people to access the viaduct from the existing staircase which is near the Roman ruins and then have people come down to the wire duct all the way, all the way across the canal and basically, at the end of the viaduct you would allow people to go down the viaduct span using hanging cantilevered bridge to have a circulation below the viaduct so that people can then join the Riverside to the Science Museum. It was a very ambitious plan at the time of using hanging bridges and cable ropes to allow people to have a unidirectional flow.

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

But then we had discussions with structural engineer they advised us against using the existing structure as a mainframe for all other structure. Then we got around it and then the distancing rules also changed. We had 1 meter distancing rules so as I mentioned, like the understanding of public spaces has been evolving all this time and now I think we are at the confident point where we can anchor the rules of it. I think it’s been an interesting journey in that sense. Sharvari Ravindra Mate Yes, because a linear park brings with it a lot of challenges, especially when it is within a set our heritage based structure and the heritage part of it again brings out a lot of challenges with it. So what would you say were the challenges that you had to face with it? Karan Gandhi (Guest) So the heritage part challenges to be honestly, it wasn’t a challenge, it was a privilege, I would say. This structure was completed in 1845, so it’s been long before any of us, existed. So I think working with the heritage was a privilege to us. We had received plans from the original engineers that did this structure in 1890, so all the plans and elevations were in feet and inches. We don’t use that convention anymore. So we have to understand what the engineers at the time thought about it. We figured what bedrock was used. We figured how the structures has been involved. Those drawings that I saw A and I still have those with me were absolutely beautiful because they are all hand drawn. It was a privilege as I say. In today’s time because it’s a Grade II listed structure, the moment you tamper with Grade II buildings, you have to involve a lot of other parties. It’s not just a planning permission element then. So we try to refrain from that in order to stay on track for an early opening. Because the moment you, start working around Grade II structure, it becomes really complicated. We wanted to aim for 2022 initial opening of the structure. So what we did was we kept this main structure intact without changing it and we’re working on the base plate, which is the core width of the viaduct to design everything that we did. I’m just imagining when the moment it’s completed, the structure would remain the same. So from the outside you wouldn’t see any difference to it at all. But everything that’s happening is happening inside of it. And we are using existing staircase. We’re not even proposing new staircases to it because the existing staircases can be used to have public come into the park so there’s going to be an additional lift core for accessibility point of view. I guess in that sense I say that it’s been privileged, but it has also been quite a challenge. Because as as a designer you have this strong structural element that you have to design something for, but it shouldn’t

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

affect and it shouldn’t hinder anything that is already existing. So in that sense, it was a good challenge for me. Sharvari Ravindra Mate Pre booking is a system that has been developed a lot during the pandemic, especially for the structure of the public space to be experienced more safely and to have an enhanced experience while the people are in the public space. But do you think the addition of pre booking systems around public spaces is actually creating a less democratic and a less freely accessible character to the public space? Karan Gandhi (Guest) That is absolutely true. I totally agree with that. It’s a tug of war, basically between safety and accessibility of the space. See, public spaces should be accessible to everybod, but the moment you add bookings you added layer of difficulty for people to actually come in. But then with the viaduct specifically you can only allow set number of people on the viaduct. So, because of the space restrictions on it, the booking system actually helps to kind of curtailed down the number of people that are present at the viaduct at any given time. But then it also kind of poses challenges to the public because most of the public, if they want to use public spaces, usually around Fridays to weekends. So you have a high concentration of people who want to use public spaces in that time, and a low concentration of people who want to use public spaces during the weekdays, in the working hours. So I think in that sense, the booking systems actually allows people to enjoy the public space nicely. So that you don’t have a crowd that is ruining your experience with the viaduct. Again, it is one of those things that’s constantly evolving and it’s going to be addressed even better when the viaduct is open for initial public response in June 2022 because the actual project is going to be opened in 2024, so the response that we receive in June next year would help us further understand of what people are liking and what people are disliking in it. Sharvari Ravindra Mate What where the different aspects of deciding on what materials should be added to enhance the design and how did evolve? Karan Gandhi (Guest) So in terms of materiality, we had a brief discussion recently as well, which was quite unique in itself. It was about the patina of the structure itself, so the structural in itself has got a beautiful patina to it, which is the rustic element to the to the viaduct. We had this discussion about what do we do with the patina of the metal? Should we consider about repainting this or should we consider about actually leaving it as it is?

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

So this brings back to the actual question that you asked about the heritage element. So we decided to leave this as it is treated in a way that it doesn’t harm people and that it becomes like corten element. It becomes like a corten effect to the actual viaduct because the moment you hinder with such layers of history then it kind of confuses the user as well. So the patina is one of those things which is not generated in a day. It’s generated in like decades and decades of time. We were having these sorts of discussions with the client. Obviously there would be a landscape element that would be needed to add, we are using sustainable timber as the flooring uh for the park. Most of the materials that we came across are going to be sustainable in this project and. because it’s a landscape, it’s largely a landscape element that is going to be added to this. So in that sense it’s safe to say that. The heritage of the site, frames of the viaduct and the columns have kept have been intact. The new materials that we are using are sourced sustainably and the other large element that we are adding is the landscape. That also revolves around how much you can add over the viaduct so there is a physical number to it. There is a cap to it. You can’t add a lot of structure to it. You can’t add a lot of dead weight to it, so it’s again revolving around all those modern things that are in present day structure and whatever you keep and preserve from the past, so I think it’s really tricky. Sharvari Ravindra Mate uh, So what I believe I see the structure that I have been seeing for the previous years, but I see a few landscaping elements peeping out from the existing structure when the project is opened? Karan Gandhi (Guest) So from the ground you can see bits and pieces, but obviously it’s empty at the moment, so you would be able to see the structure itself, but when the landscape and the project is developed, you would be actually able to go up to the structure and be able to see the landscape. The way it’s designed is to have least amount of impact to the neighbourhood. In terms of landscape peeping out would only happen from the ceiling part of it. It won’t happen from the sides if that’s if that’s what you’re thinking. Sharvari Ravindra Mate Because I believe the sides also have grills and chain link fences. That wouldn’t allow much of a visual connection between the ground and the viaduct? Karan Gandhi (Guest) So for that there’s going to be 1.5 meter high edges that are going to be attached internally which would have graffiti to it in the park. So that would

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

be like a visual barrier. So the 1.5 element is going to run across the cross. The metallic part that you just mentioned, the cross bracing of it, that is also done to have an additional layer between public and the structure so that public cannot vandalise the actual structure from internally. So imagine if you have people coming in then you would want to allow people to experience whilst protecting the structure so that 1.5 meter element that we are adding to both the sides of it is going to have graffiti on it, which would be like a physical barrier between the cross bracing and the public so that the structure cannot be vandalised from within actually. But obviously, as you rightly mentioned, that would in my opinion, create a visual barrier from the ground level, but it’s again give or take. It’s again how do you protect the structure whilst allowing people to access so it’s again one of those questions where you have to decide what’s more important in this case. Sharvari Ravindra Mate So does Manchester retain this particular behaviour that its citizens have in public spaces? And how did you all, while designing the project, try to support this behaviour or try to stop a few negative behaviours of people in public spaces? Karan Gandhi (Guest) It’s a good note to add that we just had our public consultation. And there was a 99.7% positive response to building this design and this proposal. So it’s a really strong response that the public consultations showed us. This might be the 99.7% was the positive support and there was 100% response to visiting the viaduct when it is built. So in that sense, I think the people of Manchester wanted to have a public space in that area. The talks about the viaduct has been going on for about a decade, so people subconsciously already have heard or knew that the viaduct was a derelict space. Obviously we all love it in Manchester, so I think the repurposing of this viaduct has been super positive and has been taken super positively by the public in the consultations. In terms of appreciation by public it’s one of those rare projects that is being appreciated and allowed to be developed. Now what happens normally is when you have public spaces, there’s always involvement of councils, and there’s always involvements or government bodies and they try to find ways so that the public spaces are also kept intact, and the public spaces are also usable, and the public spaces are also able to generate funds for the Council to be able to maintain them so it’s a highly bureaucratic process. I’ll give you a small example about it. If you have a look at the Piccadilly Gardens in Manchester, the Piccadilly Gardens in 1980 were way different from what they are today. There are shops, there are walls, there are so much of commercial activities involved in it which actually ruins the public space a lot. But the Council has this argument that they

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

need commercial spaces within them to be able to generate funds out of it which a lot of people don’t buy into because the Council already has a lot of funds from Council taxes. The reason we pay Council tax is to have good spaces. Coming back to Castlefield there’s so much of heritage around the space there’s a science and industry museum, the viaduct, The Dukes, there’s Castlefield and Deansgate station, the locks, and then the university area comes around, so it’s perfectly located the City of Manchester to have a good public space. Sharvari Ravindra Mate So talking about the immediate neighbourhood, what vision does the project have in terms of their development? Especially after the High Line in New York was studied in such detail and seen how it has actually progressed to create a very different Chelsea and Meatpacking District in the coming years. So as designers, what is this vision that you all have for your immediate neighbourhood? Karan Gandhi (Guest) I think the High Line effect can certainly be controlled by the designers. Let me start with with establishing this difference here. See the High Line runs across a lot of elements within the city. It runs across the residential neighbourhoods of the city, so there were a lot concerns of privacy within the neighbourhoods which the High Line actually did not address. So there were concerns about people peeking into neighbourhoods and invading other people’s privacy. And this is happening right in the core of the city, so in the case of Castlefield, it’s slightly different here. On the North part, we are separated by the Roman ruins. Then we are separated by the Castlefield Bowl and then we are separated by the YMCA. On the South side we have the Castlefield Park area and we have Dukes and it’s a public space as well. So, the Castlefield viaduct in itself doesn’t intrude from any residential area directly like the High Line, so that is the benefit that we have here. Now, in terms of the neighbourhood Earlier there used to be a large car park which was supposed to serve Deansgate train station, so there were a lot of cars that were running all the way from that neighbourhood to be able to park in Deansgate car parking next to the station. So that is being eliminated now. So we would not allow cars to be parked on the entrance of the viaduct from the side where the people are entering so that that has been a positive addition, in my opinion, now what happens is when propose a public space, then obviously there would be a number of people who would be walking down those neighbourhoods to be able to reach the Roman ruins 1st and then through the entrance of the staircases. And there would be a lot of people throughout the daytime or throughout the non working hours that is like after five or after six. They would be roaming around within the neighbourhoods. So there are plans and idea being put

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

forward with the Council in the consultations to be discussed with this. So far it has been positive response because the Roman ruin helps as a buffer space between the Castlefield viaduct. And in that sense, it’s been quite a positive and dare I say easy to deal with in terms of neighbourhood. Apart from that, I think the neighbourhood in itself wanted a public space to happen there, so it’s not just people who are coming out to visit the castle divider. They themselves lived in the neighbourhood would be allowed to go into the public space. So if we look at the map of that part of the city, the closest public space is the Deansgate basin which is the canal on the other side, where the Dukes is. So people at the moment people have to cross the viaduct. So that is an addition that people can also cross the viaduct. Plus they can go to the elevated park. So I think it’s a benefit in that sense to the to the community there. Sharvari Ravindra Mate Coming to the situation of developing the project in phases, will there be a detailed documentation and study after the opening of the first phase which you will utilise for second phase designing? And how will that work? Karan Gandhi (Guest) Yes. So the initial opening of it is planned to be June 2022 which is the phase one of the design. This is where the feasibility of the design is being seen and understood. The response of the public is being seen and understood. There would be a large set of surveys that would happen. At the moment, in the initial public consultation we had about 300 surveys on the design elements and aspects that have been proposed and out of the 300 the response, as I was mentioning was 99.73%. So on June 2022 when the plan is proposed to be open that is the first phase of the operational of the park, which is the half part of the park. So at the moment only 150 meters of the park is being used. The park in total is 330 meters long. National Trust would also understand the business case of it and how the park is generating responses. All of these would be considered to go into the additional planning permission. That would be done after the park is open for about six months. We have the set document that we have planned until 2024 for opening of the park in its full fledge sense. That park would also have studio spaces where people can rent and use co working spaces and where students like us can go and study in the daytime similar to how we book spaces in the libraries in the University. I’m not sure, but it would probably be paid or something like that to be able to use that part of the park. So a part would be free of use and then another part that would be proposed after 2024 would be the one where National Trust would involve students, artists, studio spaces and all of that. So I think it largely dependent on the responses that we receive in the opening. If the public so it it could go either ways, it could go into a way where.

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

So at the moment it’s quite uncertain in that sense, and the June opening there I say is quite important to achieve would then address the summer opening in 2024. The second opening, would again consider the same aspects that are discussed initially about the modification of existing structure. It is a challenging aspect that National Trust has taken upon because not only this project is elevated off the ground, it also needs to consider so many accessibility points to it. So I think there’s a lot of involvement of public that is important in this case. It’s one of those rare projects where the public is shaping the park. Sharvari Ravindra Mate Any other important dates that we as users of the city should know about and we could actually be a part of ? Karan Gandhi (Guest) So I think one of the important dates is to keep the planning portal of the City of Manchester. So we have sent our initial planning applications, but obviously these are initial. We haven’t actually formally submitted it yet, so the moment the planning application is submitted formally, that’s when the City Council uploads it to the portal. So as a student who is working on a research project on this, I would keep a tab open on the planning portal to see what’s happening. Because the planning portal would also have plans and elevations. Most importantly, design access statement, which would have all the details. Sharvari Ravindra Mate How can the city best make use of such spaces for a resilient and sustainable growth for its urban experience? Karan Gandhi (Guest) I think in that sense the city. It’s not just the cities, the Council needs to be more proactive. But more public spaces like this is not enough in Manchester. The public spaces that we have in Manchester could be much more than what we have at the moment and it’s again, a struggle that the city has and is having with the Council within Manchester. So I think in that case Castlefield sits quite nicely in a position where the Council is feeling comfortable, because otherwise they would want to do something with the viaduct. They obviously can’t demolish it. And I think in that sense the city is benefiting from the viaduct itself. The city needs to be proactive about sharing what it feels and as a citizen, you, yourself, and when I was a citizen in Manchester, we we did our part about making our voices heard about what we need in the city, and I think that’s what is quite important. And again questioning things like the booking systems as you said rightly said, I think that’s a great step to be doing.

Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

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Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

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Impact of renewed public spaces on cities and their effect on urban life during the pandemic

Sharvari Ravindra Mate 20100976 Manchester School of Architecture MA Architecture and Urbanism Academic year 2021