The Mumbai Paradigm

THE MUMBAI PARADIGM

A STUDY OF QUALITIES FOUND IN INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS TO DIRECT SLUM REHABILITION BY EMBRACING THE PARADOX OF DHARAVI

SHAWN KAY

CONTENTS

2

1. ABSTRACT 2. INTRODUCTION 3. SLUMS IN CONTEXT 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5

Defintion of slums Chawls - Formal Slums Squatter Settlements - Informal Slums Pavement Dwellers - Informal Slums Location of Slums

4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6

Introduction Slum Improvement Programme, 1971 Slum Improvement Programme, 1976 The Prime Minister’s Grant Project 1985 Slum Redevelopment Scheme 1995 Dharavi Redevelopment Project 2004

5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5

Introduction Sao Paulo, Brazil Bangkok, Thailand Lima, Peru Ahmedabad, India

7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4

Urban Morphology Urban Space Structures and Road Networks Urban Block Patterns

8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4

Introduction People and Space The Public Realm Communities

4. GOVERNMENT INTERVENTIONS

5. THE MAKING ROOM PARADIGM

6. HYPOTHESIS 7. MORPHOLOGICAL DIMENSION

8. SOCIAL DIMENSION

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8.5 Safety and Security 8.6 Accessibility and Exclusion

9. PERCEPTUAL DIMENSION 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 9.5

Introduction Enclosure - A Private Perception Sense of Place - A Public Perception Variety and Order Chapter Summary

10. ECONOMICAL DIMENSION 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4

Introduction Flexible Typology The Circular Economy Chapter Summary

11. CASE OF RENEWAL

11.1 Introduction 11.2 Sao Paulo, Brazil 11.3 Villa 31, Buenos Aires, Argentina

12. The Mumbai Paradigm - Conclusion 13. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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3

LIST OF FIGURES

4

LIST OF FIGURES Figure

Figure Name

Source

page

1.1

Location of Mumbai, Maharashta, India

Google Maps, Author Edited

2.1

Mumbai Figure Ground

SchawrzPlan.EU

9

2.2

Mumbai Figure Ground

SchawrzPlan.EU

11

3.2

Floor Plans and Sections of Chawls

Adarkar, N. (2011). The Chawls of Mumbai galleries of life. Gurgaon Haryana: Imprint One.

13

3.3.1

Squatter Settlements Figure Ground

NO GOT IT YET XX

14

3.3.2

Squatter Settlements

NO GOT IT YET XX

14

3.4

Pavement Dwellers

Author: Unkown. Retrieved from https://theperfectslum.blogspot.com/2014/02/pavementdwellings.html

15

3.5

Mumbai Slum Map

DAS, P.K. (2011). [online] Pkdas.com. Available at: http://www.pkdas.com/maps/3Mumbai%27s-Slums-Map.pdf [Accessed 1 Feb. 2019].

16

4.3.1

Relocation of Janata Colony SchwarzPlan.EU, Author Edited

19

4.3.2

Original Location of Janata Colony Today

Google Maps, Author Edited

19

4.4.1

Markendeya Slum, South Dharavi

Google Maps, Author Edited

20

4.4.21

Markendeya Slum, 1985

Mukhija, V. (2000). SQUATTERS AS DEVELOPERS? Mumbai’s Slum Dwellers as Equity Partners in Redevelopment. Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

21

4.4.22

Markendeya Slum, Today

Google Maps, Author Edited

21

4.4.3

Markendeya Slum, Rehabilitation

SPARC and Society for Participatory Research in Asia (1985), We, the Invisible, available athttp:// sparcindia.org/pdf/articles/We%20The%20 Invisible.compressed.pdf.

21

4.6

View of Dharavi

Carr, C. (2019). The best idea to redevelop Dharavi slum? Scrap the plans and start again. [online] the Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/feb/18/bestideas-redevelop-dharavi-slum-developers-india [Accessed 27 Jan. 2019].

22

5.2.1

São Pãulo Figure Ground

SchwarzPlan.EU

25

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6

Figure

Figure Name

Source

page

25

5.2.2

City limits of São Pãulo

Google Maps, Author Edited

5.3.1

Typical Urban Block in Bangkok

Google Maps, Author Edited

26

5.3.2

City limits of Bangkok

Google Maps, Author Edited

27

5.3.3

City extents of Bangkok

Google Maps, Author Edited

27

5.4

BARACCO, J. and BARACCO, P. (2013). LIMA MEGACITY Available at: https://www.ntnu. no/documents/10310/17113240/AAR4605_LimaMegaCity_Hoeger_2012-09.pdf Damayanti, R., Asri, A. and Wijayanto, T. (2009). Urban Shape of Ahmedabad City Triggered by Industrial Activity, Case Study of Industrial Estates of GIDC. Undergraduate.

Jabbar, S. (2011). buddesign. [online] buddesign. Available at: https://buddesign. wordpress.com/page/3/ [Accessed 11 Feb. 2019].

29

7.1

Informal Settlements in Lima, Peru, 1980s - Present Ahmedabad expansion timeline Dharavi Figure Ground

7.2.1

Dharavi Urban Spaces

Jabbar, S. (2011). buddesign. [online] buddesign. Available at: https://buddesign. wordpress.com/page/3/ [Accessed 11 Feb. 2019]. (Author Edited)

36

7.2.2

Scales of Urban Spaces

37

7.3 8.1

Street and Urban Block Structure Narrow Street in Dharavi

8.3

Pocket Spaces in Dharavi

8.4

Extent of Dharavi

Boano, C. (2013). Contested Urbanism in Dharavi. London: University College London, The Bartlett Developpement Planning Unit DPU. Jabbar, S. (2011). buddesign. [online] buddesign. Available at: https://buddesign. wordpress.com/page/3/ [Accessed 11 Feb. 2019]. (Author Edited) Sarkar, S. (2019). Dharavi Stock Photos and Pictures | Getty Images. [online] Gettyimages.co.uk. Available at: https://www.gettyimages.co.uk/photos/ Unkown (2016). Design Museum Dharavi | Seethisway, the work of artist Jorge Mañes Rubio. [online] Seethisway.com. Available at: https://seethisway.com/portfolio-item/designSchwarzPlan.EU, Author Edited

8.5

Narrow Street in Dharavi

45

9.2 9.2.3

Principles of Spatial Containment Section through Chawls

Sarkar, S. (2019). Dharavi Stock Photos and Pictures | Getty Images. [online] Gettyimages.co.uk. Available at: https://www.gettyimages.co.uk/photos/ CARMONA, M. (2017). PUBLIC PLACES URBAN SPACES. [Place of publication not identified]: ROUTLEDGE. Adarkar, N. (2011). The Chawls of Mumbai galleries of life. Gurgaon Haryana: Imprint One.

9.3

Section through settlement

10.2

The Work/Live Typology of Squatter Settlements Dweller’s Stages of Construction

5.5

10.3

31 34

39 40 42 43

47 47 49

Dey, S. (2018). The Circular Economy of Dharavi: Making Building Materials From Waste.

Masters. The Pennsylvania State University.

Dey, S. (2018). The Circular Economy of Dharavi: Making Building Materials From Waste.

Masters. The Pennsylvania State University.

11.2

Street upgrading in São Pãulo UN-HABITAT

11.3

Satellite view of Villa 31, Buenos Aires

Google Maps, Author Edited

51 52 55 57

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5

6

“Informal Settlements are just cities in progress” (Turner, J. and Fitcher, R. 1972).

ABSTRACT “In art there are only fast or slow developments.

Essentially it is a matter of evolution, not revolution.” – Bela Bartok. This is a study that embraces the paradox of slums to highlight that their spontaneous and authentic morphological form blooms in the absence of public support, in an effort to stem the tide of negative development of informal settlements and suggest a new approach to slum rehabilitation. This paper will provide a comprehensive literature study of the definition of slums and the range of typologies of slums to frame their barbarous and challenging lifestyle into a context that will suit the intentions of this paper and prove where previous government interventions failed. Then, a discussion which introduces the Making Room Paradigm to present a solution that prevents the problems of informal settlements from the earliest development stage. The Making Room Paradigm is an urban solution which prepares for the development of informal settlements before they begin to evolve by establishing a grid-formed

Figure 1.1. Location of Mumbai, Maharashtra, India.

(Source: Google Maps, Author Edited)

“In art there are only fast or slow developments. Essentially it is a matter of evolution, not revolution.” – Bela Bartok.

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infrastructure to make room for the informal settlements to exist within. That way, settlements have direct access to public services and are both physically and socially included in the city.

After introducing the Making Room Paradigm, an

which Mumbai can conserve by including them within

insightful and qualitative review of morphological,

this new paradigm in order to preserve the character

social,

of 60% of the city and successfully achieve change.

perceptual

and

economic

urban

dimensions of slums will be studied as they contain valuable lessons in which Mumbai must

Cases of renewal will demonstrate examples

adopt and possess in a new paradigm in order

where

existing

to achieve change whilst preserving its character.

directly

treated

informal with

settlements

improved

are

infrastructure

culminating stunning evidence of the slums The Making Room Paradigm is a solution that Mumbai

ability to flourish and economically enhance.

can use to evolve informal settlements and allow

Case studies found in developing cities in Asia

them to be more included, whilst preserving their

and Latin America will be included in an attempt

characteristics within a strict and managed arterial

to differentiate paradigms and their efficiency.

grid that is capable of catering public services for the most poor, low-income working class. This grid

This study will conclude with an overview

can inhabit the social, economic and perceptual

that although it is evident that slums are not

qualities that the formation of slums contains by

a silver bullet, neither a desirable place to

studying the strengths of these dimensions to

live, they have got compelling characteristics

suggest a proposition for the infill for a planned

that combined with a sustainable and resilient

infrastructural grid. This will allow these settlements

planning

to grow and provide access to public services

prosperous to teach and direct for preserving

and improved drainage and sewerage systems.

the character of Mumbai in future interventions.

system,

will

have

something

very

By allowing informal settlements to develop within this new paradigm, this will encourage them to progress and their social, economic and environmental values can be enhanced in this progressive approach to slum development. The objective of this paper is to highlight these lessons, the qualities and the values that slums hold and

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7

8

INTRODUCTION The world’s urban areas now account for over 55% of the global population (UNFPA, 2018) and this percentage is estimated to increase to 60% by 2030 and an astonishing 70% by 2050 (UN-Habitat, 2014a). The United Nations called all Member States to take action in 2015 to enrol the challenge of tackling United Nation’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030 which is an action plan that aims to achieve all 17 goals to essentially make the world a more environmentally rich place to live in preparation for rapid population growth in our urban zones. The SDGs promote the progression of three significant dimensions: social, perceptual and economic, that they believe will aid to the achievement of these 17 goals. The United Nations recognise that these goals will decline poverty by improving socio-economic and environmental needs. Sustainable Development Goal number 11 (SDG 11) perpetuates to making cities a safe place to live with access to public services to allow the lower classes to adopt a sense of inclusiveness and equality. SDG 11 aims to upgrade all the slums by 2030 to provide healthier living conditions and promote wealth. One billion people, which is approximately 1 in 7 people are living in informal settlements and the United Nations Habitat

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(UN-Habitat) predicts that this figure will increase to 1.4 billion people by the year 2020 (UN-Habitat, 2018).

Mumbai, India, is the fourth largest city on the planet and home to the largest slum in the world and is a city that contains the most informal settlements in Asia. Greater Mumbai holds a growing population of 21.4 million people (Burdett, Ricky, ed. 2007) where it is estimated 60% of this population are living in slum developments in the city centre and in peripheral regions of the city (Arputham, J. 2016). The complication that Mumbai will now face, is achieving change for the 60% of the population who reside in informal settlements in Mumbai. What is the impact and what should be considered for the upgrading of existing slums and preparation for future slums in Mumbai? If 60% of Mumbai’s characteristics are contained in these areas which are subjected to upgrade, how do we respect and preserve its character whilst achieving such momentous change proposed by the SDGs? This study will begin with a short introduction to slum typologies in Mumbai in an effort to frame the challenge as proposed by UN-Habitat into the context of Mumbai to provide the reader with the ambitious insight of SDG11 and demonstrate how this compares to the United Nation’s definition of slums. Case studies of common government

9

interventions of slum development will be analysed to illustrate the failure of conserving social, economic and environmental dimensions in the past. The objective is to prove there must be a new method of intervention to achieve SDG 11 through the research question posed in this chapter: what went wrong in previous government interventions? Did they learn from their failure for the next intervention?

There are efficient and low-cost solutions to prepare cities before the development of informal settlements and secures achievement of SDG 11 before development commences. UN-Habitat posted an online lecture by Professor Shlomo Angel called “The Making Room Paradigm� which is a paradigm designed to suit cities for coming to terms to with rapid urbanisation. The Making Room Paradigm is preparing an infrastructural grid-form network in the peripheral regions of the city centre to allow development to exist within this grid form.

Thus, securing the infilled development with access to a network that provides them with public services and access to sewerage and drainage systems before the development has a chance to exist. A paradigm like so, can become the platform for informal settlements to develop within this grid and this dissertation will discuss what social, economic and environmental advantages informal settlements are capable of with the provision of this platform.

Figure 2.1. Mumbai Figure Ground (Source: ShawrzPlan.EU)

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10

Slums, of course, are for the most part not good

destruction of the communities that exist in slums is

places to live. They are liable to suffer from disease

the most powerful form of destroying their culture,

and a rather dangerous lifestyle. Kevin McCloud

their character and the livelihood of a community

documents Dharavi (the world’s largest slum),

(UN-Habitat 2003). Dharavi, Mumbai will be

Mumbai, in his BBC documentary “Slumming It” by

presented as a case study to analyse its societal,

introducing contaminated water pipes covered with

perceptual and economic strengths in an attempt

toxic slum, dead rats in open sewers and children

to illustrate their qualities which Mumbai must

playing beneath a bridge above human waste all

possess. The objective of this study is to shine a light

under parental supervision. Therefore, it is obvious

on five performance dimensions of urban design

that informal settlements are a model which cannot

(Kevin Lynch 1981, pp. 118-119): Vitality, sense, fit,

be adopted into our developing cities, however,

access and control. The purpose of shining a light

the spontaneous and organic morphological

on these dimensions is to evaluate the strengths

formation of slums in Mumbai prove that they

for the new paradigm and direct similar methods of

hold immense social, economic and environmental

approach to intervene in other informal settlements.

values that our cities can learn from. The studies of social, perceptual and economic dimensions of

In addition to listing the urban qualities of

informal settlements will discuss how the qualities

Dharavi, case studies of low-cost slum upgrading

are closely linked to its morphological form and

solutions will provide evidence where infrastructure

the objective of these studies is to propose this

upgrading is the first stage to end poverty and

morphological form and to integrate these qualities

encourage economic activity. The aim of these

into the infill of the Making Room Paradigm

case studies is to elaborate from Professor

to achieve change. For Mumbai, this solution

Angel’s Making Room Paradigm theory and

will prove integral in successfully achieving this

demonstrate this action can be proposed as the

morphological change whilst allowing the social,

initial step for Mumbai’s existing slums, without

economic and perceptual characteristics to be

eradicating communities and tackling SDG 11.

flourished and catered for inside an organised grid.

Each slum has their own identity and sense of community and the threat of exploitation and

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11

Figure 2.2. Mumbai Figure Ground (Source: ShawrzPlan.EU)

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SLUMS IN CONTEXT

12

3.1

DEFINITION

OF

SLUMS

defining slum households. The United Nations five indicators for defining slums are as follow: • Access to improved water. “A household is considered to have access to improved drinking water if it has at least 20 litres/

This chapter aims to frame the challenge of SDG

person/day for family use, at less than 10%

11 into context by discussing the typologies of

of

household

income”

(UN-Habitat

2003a).

informal settlements and how they qualify as a slum in accordance to the United Nation’s definition of an informal settlement. The typology of slums can be recognised both as formal and informal and

• Access to improved sanitation: “A household is considered to have access to improved

sanitation if an excreta disposal system, either

this chapter is structured to precisely define each

in the form of a private toilet or a public toilet

typology to provide background knowledge of the

is shared with a reasonable amount of people is

extent of this urban problem. Where formal types

available to the househould” (UN-Habitat 2003a).

of slums that are located in the city are typically recognised as housing purposely built for working

• Structural quality/ durability of housing: A house

class citizens, known as ‘Chawls’ which may have

is considered durable if it is built on a non-hazardous

become slums through natural disaster such as

location and has a permanent structure adequate

flooding and monsoons, therefore, limiting their

enough to protect its occupants from extremes

access to sewerage systems (Davis 2006). Informal

of

climatic

conditions”

(UN-Habitat

2003a).

types of slums are ‘squatter settlements’ and take the form of densely irregularly arranged huts and ‘pavement dwellers’ literally build shelters on the edge of sidewalks beside the road and their home is determined by the width of the pavement.

The typologies of these formal and informal slums qualify for the indicators and thresholds for

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• Sufficient living space: “A dwelling unit is considered to provide sufficient living area for

household members if there are fewer than three persons per habitable room” (UN-Habitat 2003a).

• Security of tenure: “Security of tenure is the

13

right of all individuals and groups to effective protection

by

unlawful

evictions”

3.2

CHAWLS

the

state

-

against

arbitrary

(UN-Habitat

2003a).

FORMAL

SLUM

The formal type of slum accommodation that exists in Mumbai are known as ‘Chawls’ which were purposely constructed to house the low-income factory workers between 1920 and 1956 (Risbud, 2002) which was considered to be the most convenient form of living at the time since was owned by the factory and within proximity to work (Adarkar, 2011). The chawl is a unified, continuous tenement styled structure and form an internal courtyard that the occupants have access to from an internal veranda. The scale of chawls would typically be two to six identical stories and each floor is composed of a series of compact dwellings arrayed along the block (Figure 3.2). Toilets and washing areas in the chawls are communal and this contributed to the poor hygienic issues that the dwellings would suffer as well as open sewers which results in a constant ambient stench.

Figure 3.2. Floor Plans and Sections of Chawls (Source: Adakar, 2011)

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14

3.3 SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS - INFORMAL SLUM Similar to chawls, squatter settlements are also congested but form a dense low-rise urban sprawl in Mumbai. Squatter settlements range an exhaustive diversity of construction materials but adopt a similar urban grain as the pattern of the plot positions are consistently irregular in their settlement (figure 3.3.1). Each dwelling is generally below eight by eight feet in size in the form of a hut structure (figure 3.3.2) and will take refuge in vacant land in the city. Approximately 48% of slums are built on private land (Burdett, Ricky, ed. 2007) so it can be later targeted for public facilities in the development plan. The average accommodation is as little as 12.5m2 and the density of these huts would range from 250 huts/ha and 750 huts/ha. Once architecturally understood as a temporary form of accommodation in proximity to employment, the squatter settlements had gradually shifted to the least desirable such as swamp land or adjacent to rail lines and most vulnerable locations prone to flooding.

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3.4 PAVEMENT DWELLERS - INFORMAL SLUM

15

Pavement dwellings are a variation of squatter settlements that are probably most vulnerable to eviction by the municipality. This type of community makes up 10% of slum inhabitants in Mumbai and adopt a similar scale as squatter settlements but typically the plot is enclosed by tarpaulin plastic and old saris [women’s attire] (Swaminathan, M, 2003). These dwellings are typically four by five feet determining on the width of the sidewalk beside the road. Pavement dwellers are the most socially excluded citizens in Mumbai (Harris, M.C. 2009), they are typically the most noticeable settlement as they are along the street but also the most invisible in the eye of the public policy.

Figure 3.4. Pavement Dwellers (Source: The perfect slum spot)

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16

3.5

LOCATION

OF

SLUMS

The percentage of the poor population living in slums in Metropolitan Mumbai is 20% where the remaining 80% of the poor live in slums located in peripheral regions of Greater Mumbai. A comprehensive study carried out by P.K.Das & Associates, Planners and Architects mapped out the location of these slum communities throughout greater Mumbai. The map (Figure 3.5) was published in August 2011 at a period when 52.5% of Mumbai’s population lived in slums and had only occupied 42.8sqkm out

of

Greater

Mumbai’s

482.72sqkm

(P.K.Das, 2011). The figure is overwhelming as this illustrates 52.5% of the population of Mumbai in 2011 were living in just 8.75% of the city’s boundary. This map concludes that should 52.5% of the poor population have the same living standards as the remaining 47.5%, there simply will be a shortage of land to accommodate the full population of Mumbai and the city will become congested.

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Figure 3.5. Mumbai’s Slum Map (Source: P.K.Das, 2011)

17

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18

GOVERNMENTINTERVENTIONS 4.1

GOVERNMENT

INTERVENTIONS

of slum today in an effort to diminish the hygienic conditions. The plans to provide such necessities; water, electric power, sanitary and sewerage systems could not be implemented because there was never an exhaustive and thorough census of the informal settlement inhabitants in Mumbai

The Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai have attempted to intervene in informal settlements to

(ibid) and particularly in Dharavi where even today there is still not a census of the mega slum.

tackle the problems of slums since the 1880s during the rule of the British empire. These efforts to

4.3 SLUM IMPROVEMENT PROGRAMME, 1976

eradicate informal settlements have excelled since the 1970s, and particularly after the mid 1980s. This

The demolition of Janata Colony makes an

chapter is structured to trace the Government’s

interesting

intervention strategies in an attempt to prove

of one of the most hostile and inhumane slum

that these efforts are not effective and cause

clearances. The eviction and flattening of the

further problems in Mumbai’s urban slums. This

Janata Colony of 1976 saw the demolition of a

chapter will discuss each significant intervention in

community of 70,000 inhabitants without any

order of when it happened and discuss how each

negotation and compensation. The interventions

intervention failed to succeed slum rehabilitation.

taken by the government was unsatisfactory for the

government

intervention

example

Janata Colony as their habitat was destroyed within

4.2 SLUM IMPROVEMENT PROGRAMME, 1971 The government’s first initiations to overcome inhumane living conditions and to recognise the significance of redeveloping Dharavi was in 1971 (Chatterjee, R, 2005). The Slum Improvement Programme (SIP) had objectives to upgrade slum inhabitants with the basic amenities defined by what the United Nations recognises as qualifications

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45 days (Rohit H. & Jagdale, B.E. 2014). The local community had to take refuge and reside in Cheeta Camp to the east of Mumbai which is approximately 14.2 km away from their original habitat in the Central district of Mumbai (Figure 4.3.1).

Current evidence from aerial maps (Figure 4.3.2) prove that the Janata Colony had become reoccupied by informal settlements since the 1976 clearance which demonstrates that the intention of the demolition scheme was an unproductive expense.

0 10

19

0 10 100

0 10

200

200

100

100

200

200

100

600

100 100

300500

100

300

0 30

200

40 0 400

100 200

100

14.2 km

600

300 700

500

300

400 600

500

20 0

100

100

300

100

200

100

100

300

10 0

Figure 4.3.2.

Original Location of Janata Colony Today 200 (Source: Google Maps, Author Edited) 300

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Figure 4.3.1. Relocation of Janata Colony (Source: SchawrzPlan.EU, Author Edited)

200

200

2 0 4.4 THE PRIME MINISTER’S GRANT PROJECT 1985 The Prime Minister’s Grant Project was established in 1985 when the Prime Minister agreed to grant 1 Billion rupees for dwelling projects in an effort to upgrade slums. As Dharavi was then recognised as the largest informal settlement habitat in Asia, the grant was therefore specified for tackling the largest problem first. The redevelopment of the Markendeya Slum is south of Dharavi and is laid on the perimeter of the mega slum (Figure 4.4.1). The PMGP had plans to redevelop the area in figure 4.4.21 by initially upgrading the infrastructure to improve the accessibility before the construction of tenement blocks as a proposal to replace the dense layout of 92 huts of the Markendeya Slum.

The slum was replaced with a five-storey tenement (Figure 4.4.3) which was unsuitable for Dharavi dwellers who are fisherman, pottery workers and vegetable vendors who are more suited to a lowrise form (Independent, 1989). Many dwellers could not afford the new apartments and this persuaded many households to sell and reside elsewhere (Dua, 1989). The ability to sell goods from ground floor dwellings was taken away from the dwellers .

Figure 4.4.1. Markendeya Slum, South Dharavi (Source: Google Maps, Author Edited)

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21

Figure 4.4.21. Markendeya Slum 1985 (Source: Mukhija, V., 2000. Author Edited)

Figure 4.3.1. Markendeya Slum, Today (Source: Google Maps)

Figure 4.4.3. Markendeya Slum Rehabilition 1985 (Source: SPARC, 1985)

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2 2 4.5 SLUM REDEVELOPMENT SCHEME, 1995 The

government

of

Mumbai

organised

the

Slum Rehabilitation authority (SRA) in 1995 as a sub-division of Maharashtra Housing and Area Development Authority (MHADA) in an attempt to address the problems of informal settlements in the province through a Slum Rehabilitation Scheme (SRS). This scheme appeared to be the most promising scheme and carried the most potential as it took in feedback from previous SRDs. The SRS of 1995 granted each slum occupant accounted for in the 1995 election to qualify for benefits (Rohit H. & Jagdale, B.E. 2014). This granted the benefits under SRS to pavement dwellers for the first time and was regarded as a major step as they are regarded as the most socially excluded form of slum inhabitant.

The SRS proposed a 33% increase in floor area for tenements, and proposed free accommodation for slum inhabitants in new housing (as campaigned by the government party ‘Shiv Sena’ in 1995).

However, the scheme required consent from at least three quarters of all slum occupants which posed a challenge as the government underperformed and failed to meet expectations. In a nine-year period, the SRS of 1995 redeveloped 3486 units of an estimated 100,000 units (The Times of India, 2000).

It has been argued that the SRS urgently required an improved guidance (Mukhija, 2003) and was described as the “mother of all bluffs” (Das, 2003).

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Figure 4.6. View of Dharavi Slums (Source: The Guardian, 2015)

4.6 DHARAVI REDEVELOPMENT PROJECT, 2004 2 3 The Dharavi Redevelopment Project of 2004 was introduced by the government with the proposition that dwellers will be rehoused in 300 square feet dwellings in high rise apartment blocks with the intention of creating vacant land for their own development projects. The tower blocks resolved hygienic and sanitation problems, however, occupants feel that a highrise apartment structure eradicates the community sentiment that establishes Dharavi’s economic capabilities to thrive as it relied on Dharavi’s lowrise sprawling form (Rohit H. & Jagdale, B.E. 2014).

Despite

the

best

intentions

of

government

interventions, the issues in informal settlements are not seeing the development that was campaigned and promised out of the programs.

UN-habitat scored India ‘at risk’ according to their 2006/7 ‘State of the world cities report’ for accomplishing the development of at least 100,000 slum-dwellers by 2020. This figure is alarming and demands India to take action and call for a new sustainable platform to satisfy UN goals.

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24

MAKING ROOM PARADIGM

once this city has maxed out its development zones, and is fully contained within its city limits, it can no longer peripherally expand and housing

5.1

INTRODUCTION

prices within this contained area will begin to rapidly increase and, therefore, will eventually be too expensive for the poor (Angel, S, 2014).

The government interventions to solve the rapidly growing slum population have proven a failure in the previous five decades. The population of the poor residing in informal settlements is expected to dramatically escalate and action must be taken immediately to provide the civic amenities qualified required by UN-Habitat in an effort to achieve SDG 11.

Professor Shlomo Angel, Professor of City Planning at the Marron Institute (NYU), presented ‘The Making Room Paradigm’ – an online lecture posted by UN-Habitat named “Making Room for a Planet of Cities” – which discusses typical urban planning systems in advanced westernised cities called “The Containment Paradigm”. The theory recognises that the containment paradigm will not be efficient in rapidly-urbanising third-world countries across Asia, Africa and Latin America.

Intead, Professor Angel calls for a new paradigm to sustainably progress cities so they can prepare for congestion: The Making Room Paradigm.

A containment paradigm is where a city is limited to its development zones and is not permitted to expand outside these boundaries. Therefore,

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5.2

SÃO

PÃULO,

BRAZIL

The containment paradigm applies to Sao Paulo where the city limits are constrained entirely within the city boundary as shown in figure XX and the aerial map evidently shows that there is very little green space within this boundary and any open green space exists out with this perimeter. In Sao Paulo, the designated areas for development have peaked and there is no more room for expansion allowing land value to inflate becoming too expensive for low-income class citizens. The figure ground of Sao Paulo (figure XX) suggests a densely compact urban morphology in response to a clear grid-form structure to connect the blocks at frequent junctions which accommodate the city’s sewerage and drainage demands. The lower-income communities are dispersed in the peripheral regions of the city, in the mountains, where the urban form becomes more disperse and difficult to connect due to the topographical

challenges. However, these poorer communities are residing in periphery of the city limits as the closer you get to the centre of the city the more expensive property will become and the city is unable to expand out with the contained area to accommodate affordable housing for the poor.

Figure 5.2.2. City Limits of S達o P達ulo (Source: Google Maps, Author Edited)

Figure 5.2.1. S達o P達ulo Figure Ground (Source: ShwarzPlanEU)

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25

2 6 5.3

BANGKOK,

THAILAND

In comparison to containment principles seen in Sao Paulo, the capital city of Bangkok in Thailand is a city where expansion and development is

partially responsible. The drainage systems are struggling to compete with natural disaster as the flood prevention systems are located within these arterial roads and cannot accommodate the drainage of the large area of infill within.

allowed to exist much more freely without any parameters. Bangkok experiences an entirely opposite paradigm to Sao Paulo where it is evident that development can take place without any strict containment rules as the aerial photograph suggests there are no defined boundaries to the city limits (figure 5.3.21). Arterial routes in the

2.53 km

periphery of the city accommodate accessibility to citizens regardless of the distance to the city’s core (figure 5.3.1) and this resulted in much more

2.88 km

affordable housing because development was permitted in this zero limited infrastructure city. infrastructure was disorganised – there were only

m 3.92 k

However, the issue with Bangkok was that this very few arterial roads in the core of the city and in most cases the grid formation was 8km apart (figure XX) so the management of the citizens who dwelled

m 0k 2.0

in the infill of these super grids would experience congestion and this resulted in Bangkok becoming one of the most inconvenient city to walk in (Shlomo, A, 2014) as public services are 8km apart.

Commonly known as the sinking city, Bangkok was

built

on

a

swamp

and

is

extremely

vulnerable to flooding and the infrastructure is

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Figure 5.3.1. Typical Urban Block in Bangkok (Source: Google Maps, Author Edited)

27

Figure 5.3.2. City Limits of Bangkok (Source: Google Maps, Author Edited)

Figure 5.3.3. City Extent of Bangkok (Source: Google Maps, Author Edited)

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2 8 5.4

LIMA,

PERU

to economically thrive and advance into a rather robust and trendy neighbourhood 35 years later (figure 5.4).

Professor Shlomo Angel argues that The Making Room Paradigm is the best solution for a city to prepare for expansion. This paradigm essentially makes correct estimates of the amount of land required for development, to enable generous city limits with the aid of 1km by 1km arterial road grids.

An example where this paradigm has proven a success is in Lima, Peru, where a grid infrastructure was installed during the 1980s to cater for informal settlements. Generous boundaries were planned to provide sufficient infrastructure so the land value will not be inflated uncontrollably - like Sao Paulo – which will provide opportunity for affordable accommodation

so

low-income

citizens

can

dwell within the city’s limits forever. A deliberate overestimate of space was planned as Lima peripherally developed a grid formed infrastructure to the outskirts of the city and deliberately expected the infill to be initially be vacant to encourage the informal settlements to establish.

The infrastructure was to prepare for services, public transport to accommodate the estimated population and provide the generous required space for arterial roads before development happens. The informal settlements which inhabited the infill of this well-connected grid progressed by taking an advantage of the convenient connectivity

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Figure 5.4. Informal Settlments in Lima, Peru. 1980s - Today (Source: Google Maps, Author Edited)

29

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3 0 5.5

AHMEDABAD,

INDIA

An Indian city closer to Mumbai where the Making Room Paradigm has catered for rapid growth by providing regional planning in the early stages to prevent informal settlements is Ahmedabad in the north-western region of Gujarat. This map indicates the three expansions outlined by the state government at the years 1960 (pink), 1986 (purple) and 2002 (green) as a result of the demand of rapid urban growth through increased population.

The original 1960 boundary experienced an expansion in 1986 to the eastern side to cater for industrial estates (Asri, A. Damayanti, R &

(Asri, A. Damayanti, R & Wijayanto, T, 2009).

The structural moves that deal with the preparation of informal settlements can eventually progress into

a

well-established

neighbourhood

as

evidence shows, but what we must know need to consider is the infill components of the Making Room Paradigm and what form they will take.

Perhaps we need to analyse and evaluate the dimensions of informal settlements with stronger detail as we need to be careful we infill the grid with familiar morphological characteristics of slums to ensure that this habitat conserves the essence of community that they possess.

Wijayanto, T, 2009). In 2002, the government expands the area of Ahmedabad by offsetting the original 1960 boundary to the peripheral regions to cater for the population increase. Furthermore, Ahmedabad began to see ring roads and highways

1960

which would circulate the city centre and spatially become more apparent as the arterial roads progressed to the city boundary. Satellite images evidently illustrate a generous amount of space for the city to expand as it clear, in the outskirts

1986

of the city, that development does not exist yet and is infilled with agriculture which would later become developed land, housing occupants and commercial occupants if the demand is necessary 2002

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Figure 5.5.

31

1960 1986 2002

Figure 5.5. Ahmedabd expansion timeline (Source: Asri, A. Damayanti, R. & Wijayanto,T. 2009, Google Maps & Author Edited)

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32

HYPOTHESIS Evidently, government interventions have never been in the interest of residents of informal settlements as the scenarios are not suitable to the dweller’s way of life. A large proportion of the population of Mumbai adopts this way of life and reside in slum areas due to their economic situation. It is true that the living conditions in slums are alarming and it is crucial that the Municipal Government of Mumbai must adopt a sensitive approach that satisfies the dweller’s lifestyle by studying the qualities of the urban dimensions found in informal settlements.

Planners, architects and urban designers must embrace the paradox of informal settlements to understand the characteristics studied from the morphological form of slums that flourish social, perceptual and economic qualities before intervening with a solution that eliminates the five qualifiers of informal settlements as defined by the United Nations. The following chapters studies the morphological, social, perceptual and economic qualities of Dharavi, Asia’s largest informal settlement, in an attempt to evaluate the values and strengths that influence the character of the community and vice-versa, studies how the community is influenced by the typologies and the morphological form. The aim of these chapters is to teach how to identify design lessons that can be applied to future development projects that intervene with slums, but more importantly, it stresses characteristics that must be preserved in a new paradigm that respects social structures.

Reincarnation is a philosophical concept in Hinduism, where a living being starts a new life in a different physical body. The urban fabric of Dharavi with its cultural background should experience a similar process of rebirth that preserves the spirit of the community. The morphological, social, perceptual and economic characteristics of Dharavi can teach lessons that proposes an infill for the making room paradigm in preparation for future informal settlements.

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33

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34

Figure 7.1. Dharavi Figure Ground (Source: Jabbar,S. 2011, Author Edited)

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MORPHOLOGICAL DIMENSION 7.1

URBAN

MORPHOLOGY

Sqautter settlements like Dharavi suggest an extremely compact and congested environment. It is estimated that over one million people live in this settlement in an area of only 2.36km2 (Burdett, Ricky, ed, 2007). The extreme congestion of the densely packed huts force socio-economic and cultural activity to exist in the street and in urban spaces.

The figure ground of Dharavi (figure 7.1) illustrates the variety of patterns in the urban sprawl and demonstrates dwellings as constituent components in an irregular highly interconnected mass which defines the urban spaces and road networks of varying widths. The buildings are predominately low-rise and vary from one to three stories in height.

A significant urban design quality studied in this figure ground and cadastral street pattern between these urban blocks is the permeability. The dense composition of the informal settlement provides an extensive opportunity for movement and navigation through the streets that curve around the dwellings generating a network of short cuts and passages that reveal different urban spaces which will be defined in greater detail later in this chapter.

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35

36

Figure 7.2.1. Dharavi, Urban Spaces (Source: Jabbar,S. 2011, Author Edited)

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7.2

URBAN

SPACE 3 7

Studying the morphological patterns in closer detail, we can categorise the definitions of informal open spaces and their connectivity to the road network.

The typology of these urban spaces is typically in the shape of a square and are enclosed by the outline of the irregular form of the plot massing. The spaces

PRIVATE LEVEL

are typically open in nature and only connected

OPEN SPACE AROUND PRIVATE OWNERS

to the narrowest streets concluding that the user group is the occupants of the dwellings rather than external citizens of the community. The relationship the dwellings have with the shared urban space influence the form of the open space and the open space influences the position of the dwellings and the interconnected irregular open spaces identify the location of neighbourhoods and the character

SEMI-PUBLIC LEVEL

of communities. Figure 7.2 illustrates that private-

OPEN SPACE AROUND CLUSTER/NEIGHBOURS

level open spaces are located off the arterial routes in Dharavi, these spaces are in proximity to semi-public level spaces where the markets and commercial of each community in Dharavi is found.

Public level spaces are closer to the arterial roads in Dharavi signifying these spaces require direct and ease of access in and out of Dharavi. Public level spaces are typically mass dumping grounds and recycling centres or larger commercial markets.

PUBLIC LEVEL

OPEN SPACE FOR THE AREA

Figure 7.2.2. Scales of Urban Space (Source: Boano, C. 2013)

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3 8 7.3.1

STRUCTURE AND ROAD NETWORKS

7.3.2

URBAN

BLOCK

PATTERNS

Another major element in the morphological

The layout and configuration of the urban block

structure of Dharavi is the accommodation of

structure is important both in determining the

movement within the circulation network for transit

pattern of movement and in setting parameters

and dwellers that contribute to the accessibility

for subsequent development. The block sizes

of the slum in the context of the public realm.

highlighted in figure 7.3 are established by

Since the dominant mode of mobility in Dharavi

considering primary and secondary arterial routes

is by foot - since 75% of the Dharavi population

as well as narrower streets that form a perimeter

work inside Dharavi and within proximity to their

around the enclosed area. Internal access to the

home - there is relatively no alarming demand

urban blocks are in the form of human scaled paths.

for transit accessibility within every narrow path of the slum. However, for reasons of safety and

7.4

CHAPTER

SUMMARY

traffic flow for emergency services, there is simply not a sufficient enough number of arterial routes

This chapter has discussed the morphological

through Dharavi accommodate the safety of the

dimensions of Dharavi, focussing on two key

estimated one million dwellers who reside here.

strengths of urban space and urban layout.

As shown in figure 7.3 there are only two direct

Lessons from this urban dimension to consider

primary arterial routes of 90-feet in width through

for the form of the paradigm’s infill are as follows:

Dharavi that connect back to Mumbai and these

•

are connected by a secondary arterial route of 60-

from a dense and composed organic form

feet in width. Dwellers access Mumbai via foot by

•

Interconnected

crossing the main road on the eastern border of

of

private,

Dharavi, or more dangerously, by crossing railway

• Strong circulation network of pedestrian mobility

lines on the western and southern perimeter.

• Access to defined urban blocks from arterial

Dwellers do not typically cross the northern border

routes

of Dharavi where exists 600 metres of swamp land

Such a principle will be able to tend permeable grids

and a river that eventually leads to suburban areas.

and prioritise the most popular form of movement.

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Extensive

opportunities irregular

semi-private

through

of

human

and

movement

open

spaces

public

scaled

scale

walkways.

0.01 km2

0.01 km2

0.21 km2

0.35 km2

0.3 km2

0.06 km

2

0.09 km2 0.27km2 0.2 km2

0.23 km2

0.1 km2

0.01 km2 0.12 km2

0.1 km2

dweller crossings arterial routes Figure 7.3. Street and Urban Block Structure (Source: Jabbar, S. 2011,, Author Edited)

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39

40

Figure 8.1. Narrow Street in Dharavi (Source: Sarkar, S. 2015, Author Edited)

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SOCIAL DIMENSION 8.1

INTRODUCTION

integrated into the exterior of the dwellings which is only found in slums. These personalised alterations to the architecture are not adopted in middleclass dwellings across Mumbai suggesting that the physical environment of informal settlements has an important influence on the dweller’s perception

This chapter discusses the social dimension in informal settlements in Mumbai to demonstrate how society is influenced by its morphological shape. The research undertaken in this chapter highlights social qualities in Dharavi and studies the relationship between space and society to understand how the urban morphology of the settlements manipulate the behaviour of the dwellers. Of course, the human behaviours are

of space. Figure 8.2 reveals the dweller’s ability to project their personality onto their home: the paint on their exterior walls, the vibrant colours in the materials and textures suspended from cantilevered upper floor reflect their interests, preferences and style. It is easy to forget that this street is in one of Asia’s largest slums as the way people perceive this space and claim it as their own is far more rich than a standard social housing scheme.

dependent upon the individual’s personality but this chapter is structured to demonstrate quality lessons urban designers can adopt to understand the

8.3

THE

PUBLIC

REALM

relationship between people and space, the concept of the public realm and public life, the notion of

The concept of public life in Dharavi exists in the

communities, safety and security, and accessibility.

form of external public space and enclosed semipublic space. Activity is entirely influenced through

8.2

PEOPLE

AND

SPACE

In the squatter settlements of Dharavi, there is no such existence of social housing schemes with a predicted form based on the satisfaction of government regulations and building standards.

There

is,

however,

evidence

of

personality

the dense morphological form of the informal settlements since there is not enough space for social activity to exist inside. External spaces exist in the form of interconnected pockets (figure 8.3) where dwellers are influenced to gather and do their daily rituals. The narrow streets that curve through these urban blocks of slums has an intriguing sense of mystery as the approach to the pocket spaces are

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41

42

apparent. The large scale of Dharavi is not a suitable model for urban designers to adopt as there must be a consistent awareness of navigation that arterial routes can imply, however, a valuable quality of connectivity in the public realm that Dharavi teaches is the intriguing desire to discover pocket urban spaces that portray the communities character.

8.4

COMMUNITIES

As activity is influenced externally in Dharavi, due to the huts densely compact side-by-side, the dwellers are swayed to have discussions with their neighbours to build relationships and trust which strongly portrays social interaction.

The concept of communities in Dharavi hold the value of resident interaction to exist and to build confidence with strangers who share the same traits. This is influenced by the ability to visually contact with one another (Carmona, M. Health, T, Oc, T. Tiesdel S. 2003). Although, the social valuables confined in Dharavi are resilient, the satellite image (figure 8.4) of the morphological form of Dharavi in a Mumbai city context suggests social exclusion. The southern, eastern and western perimeter of Dharavi are segregated from middle-income neighbourhoods by railway lines Figure 8.3. Pocket Spaces in Dharavi (Source: Author Unkown, 2016)

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which act as a border to the informal settlement.

The lesson that communities in Dharavi teach is the ability to interconnect between communities without overpoweringly defined borders. Jane Jacobs (1961) argues that cities work best without a beginning and ending to multiple neighbourhoods, she argues that the success is entirely dependent on how the communities are able to cross connect and contribute to the urban form as a whole. The argument that Jane Jacobs suggests can be achieved in a paradigm that replicates the interconnectivity of narrow streets and pocket urban spaces that is settled within a grid formed infrastructure to

8.5

accommodate

SAFETY

the

demand

AND

of

mobility.

SECURITY

The narrow streets and a constant influence of external activity influence drivers to take caution while circulating the urban fabric of informal settlements. This encourages a social environment in the streets as there is a low frequency of transit, the streets are safer and they are more peaceful than arterial roads that accommodate a fast pace of mobility. The streets become a meeting point and an urban space that dwellers experience unintended exchange and everyday encounters. The height of the dwellings are only two to three stories, the lowFigure 4.3.1. Extent of Dharavi (Source: SchawrzPlan.EU, Author Edited)

EXTENT OF DHARAVI THE MUMBAI PARADIGM SUB-HEADING

43

4 4 rise density in the streets do not feel like alleyways that are bounded by high rise buildings – having connotations of anti-social behaviour, vandalism and crime – and are, therefore, safer as the streets have direct exposure from the dwellings and this creates a joyful atmosphere of shared public space.

See figure 8.5 where what appears to

be the full community working their daily chores in a narrow street. There is an evidence of mass trust as their personal belongings are exposed.

8.6

ACCESSIBILITY

AND

EXCLUSION

8.7

CHAPTER

SUMMARY

The social dimension raises issues concerning values and this chapter suggests design choices that have careful regard to dwellers in their community. The role of designing within this paradigm is to deliver particular social goals that protect the public. Key design lessons to be considered in the paradigm are: • The ability to personalise the typology to reflect the occupant’s preferences and taste.

•

Forcing

of

the

external

urban

blocks

to

interaction

by

the

influence

external

activities

social dimensions to teach for a new paradigm

• A network of interconnected communities

but what crucially secludes Dharavi from the urban

that

fabric is the lack of mobility and accessibility to

• Designing for low frequency transit so the priority

the rest of the city. “By definition, the public realm

of space is dedicated to the occupants so they

should be accessible to all” (Carmona, M. Health,

are able to take more ownership of the streets.

no

with

density

It is evident that informal settlements have many

have

and

activity

overwhelming

neighbours. borders

T, Oc, T. Tiesdel S. 2003) and it is crucial that Dharavi maximises its socio-economic potential

Social dimensions can face difficult and challenging

by providing the transport and mobility through a

political questions but the aim for urban designers

paradigm that can accommodate the infrastructure.

should be to provide an accessible, safe and

A paradigm that accommodates the fast pace is

secuire public realm that satisfies and considers all.

crucial particularly for emergency services to reach occupants who are living deep in the informal settlements who travel great distances to reach arterial roads that connect with the rest of Mumbai.

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45

Figure 8.6. Narrow Street in Dharavi (Source: Sarkar, S. 2015, Author Edited)

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46

PERCEPTUAL DIMENSION 9.1

INTROUDCTION

provides the residents with a sense of ownership and identification that forms containment. However, in most cases, the formation of slums is far more complex as there is no organised structure to allow enclosures to be obvious in the urban form and are, therefore, often appear disjointed and clumsy.

This section aims to study the visual organisation of the components of slums to create an insight of the environmental perception in the slums, and, in particular, the perception of experience for a ‘sense of place’ that will provide a valuable urban design law for inheriting Mumbai’s characteristics.

This section will analyse principles of spatial containment and enclosure as demonstrated

by Booth, N.K. (1983) that are found in the morphology of slums and provide evidence of the occupants’ experiences as a result of the density of slum formation. The objective of this chapter is to suggest a coherent yet complex environmental characteristic to be infilled into the new paradigm.

Containment and enclosure are valuable qualities that the informal settlements succeed in as they encourage visual connections, experiences comfort and, ultimately, establishes a ‘positive space’. Positive space as described by Carmona, M. Health, T. Oc, and T. Tiesdel S. (2003) is a space with the ability to visually measure enclosure with defined boundaries to provide an element of safety. A ‘negative space’, however, is defined as continuous and lacking the perception of form and an end (fig 9.2.1). The environmental impact this has on the dwellers provides security and establishes a community like no other. Enclosure in informal settlements is where communal life is rich, it holds qualities of trust, participation, and

9.2

ENCLOSURE

-

PRIVATE

PERCEPTION

a socio-cultural ambience. Godbole. S (2017) describes an enclosed settlement as a ‘delightful

The environmental aspect that informal settlements

experience’ that is promoted by the relationships

achieve very well is the sense of containment and

of residents living inside. She explains that

enclosure, however, what slums are lacking is the

residents were happy to allow their front doors

element of coherence to allow the individual to have

to always remain open and during meal times

a sense of place and direction in a city scale context.

neighbours would navigate to different dwellings

When several huts are clustered around a space this

to offer their cooked dishes and the occupants of

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47

these enclosed communities are influenced to do so from the veranda which connects the dwellings and forms the transition between dwelling and open space. Public engagement is a positive symptom of morphological patterns similar to fig 9.2.2.

Figure 9.2.1. Principles of Spatial Containment (Source: Carmona,M. 2003)

9.3 SENSE OF PLACE - PUBLIC PERCEPTION We must not forget that the living conditions in these dwellings are dangerous. The open sewers, poor sanitation, and toxic waste are overwhelmingly present in these living conditions. These conditions suggest depression, however, award-winning book

Figure 9.2.2. Principles of Spatial Containment (Source: Carmona,M. 2003)

and film “Slumdog Millionaire” captures the welldressed and smiling hard-working dwellers that seem to adopt an attitude to ‘get on with it’ and have become an iconic repertoire to represent the low-income dweller lifestyle similar to how Godbole.

S (2017) describes the environment in slums.

Unlike the square, the streets in Dharavi have only two walls to define the shared space and direction of movement. The ratio of the street section is 1:2, peripheral glimpses of the sky equal the amount of visual field devoted to the street wall. The view of the sky is in the less dominant peripheral vision, so increasing the three-dimensional sense of enclosure. The ratio of the walls to street provide a good sense of enclosure to the street.

Figure 9.2.3 Section through Chawls (Source: Adakar, 2011)

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4 8 9.4

VARIETY

ORDER

9.5

A variety and order formation can be adopted to

This

secure these perceptual lessons in contribution

dimension of Dharavi and stresses the influential

to

qualities

preserving

a

AND

character

for

Mumbai.

A

CHAPTER chapter of

has

SUMMARY

discussed

residents

the

perceive,

perceptual value,

draw

variety, or, an irregular morphologiy can infill

meaning from, and add meaning to the urban

the ordered grid infrastructure in a Making

environment. A summary of perceptual lessons

Room paradigm which features containment

as follow will preserve the sense of psychological

and enclosure

can adopt a ‘variety and order’

connectedness in the new paradigm and will

strategy to visually cater for people who need

successfully achieve change due to the familiarity:

to pass through the infill and get from A to B. •

Establishing

enclosure

my

measuring

The energy that this law enables for the urban form

boundaries visually at human scale will the

is to possess two paces of movement: the fast

creation of containment provides a sense of

pace and the slow pace. Allowing the slow life to

open

take the form of containment and enclosure within

•

the infill, and the fast movement to live on the

through

arterial roads. What is important when adopting

dwellings are involved but not interrupted.

these morphological environmental elements is

• Allow a street to wall ratio of 1:2 so streets are

to perfect the visual balance of variety and order.

perceived less like an alleyway yet the peripheral

People are drawn through the sense of mystery and

view of the sky is less dominant than the buildings.

are intrigued to discover more of the hidden realm

• Provide the element of mystery with navigation,

but simultaneously a sense of bearing must always

so that spaces are still influential to the occupants,

be present to prevent the sense of being lost by

but

allowing the arterial streets to interweave outside

grid that involves them in the public realm.

the containment within reasonable proximity.

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public

Separate

also

space

but

semi-public

transitional

managed

not and

spaces

through

claustrophobia. private

so

that

and

spaces private

integrated

49

figure 9.3, Section through squatter settlements

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50

ECONOMICAL DIMENSION 10.1

INTRODUCTION

element in the economy. Dharavi implements waste as a resource which is collected, categorised and utilised for the produce of building materials and furniture until it is ready to be refurbished or reused in another building material and this constant cycle will reserve the demand of locally skilled dwellers.

Once

social

and

environmental

dimensions

are provided to the paradigm, the economic dimensions of informal settlements are able to flourish. This section will analyse the economic qualities in Dharavi and studies the hidden engine of the well established- informal economy where it estimated that 75% of the dwellers who live inside Dharavi are also employed within their communities (Risbud, 2002). This chapter analyses the subdivsions of Dharavi to reveal where the areas of employment are distributed with reference to the morphological form. This chapter will then

India being the world’s fifth largest economy with Mumbai contributing to 40% of this sum (Babones, 2017), the slums of Dharavi hold quite a fundamental role in the outcome of this figure. The 15,000 factories inside this informal settlement is estimated to have an annual turnover of 660 million US dollars (Yardley, 2013) and these economic activates are influenced by the characters of the occupants who take pride in their industrial talents from pottery and steel fabrication to clothing and jewellery and many more.

discuss how the typology of informal settlements provides dwellers with an entrepreneural drive to begin a risk-free buisness from home by illustrating the flexibility that the form of informal settlements benefits from and the adaptability to expand their home depending on the success of buisness.

In Dharavi, industries of various crafts and skills are positioned around the urban block patterns and this offers the dwellers the opportunity to live in proximity to their employment, facilities and amenities that Dharavi has to offer. Residents will not waste time commuting to work as they

10.2

CIRCULAR

ECONOMY

benefit that

Dharavi adopts the concept of a circular economy which is one where it targets waste as a negligible

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from their

the local

employment communities

opportunities can

offer.

zones (Boano, William, & Newton, 2013). In the Dharavi home, during the day, the room with direct street access is used for a small business or a shop. The upper floors of the dwelling are more private where the family will sleep in at night. Here is where business ambitions can be experimented without the expense and risk of renting office or commercial space. The dweller has the opportunity for trial and error in the business, should the business fail, it can be converted into another business idea. Successful businesses will see an addition to the dwelling as the profits will upgrade the home and add a second story with stronger materials. There is a variety of quality in the construction of dwellings in Dharavi which range from delicate wooden structured with metal roofing to concrete structures or brick and mortar dwellings. As the dweller’s business economically progresses, the revenues will fuel the permanency of the household’s construction material. Stages Figure 10.2. The Work/Live Typology of Squatter Settlements (Source: Dey, S. 2018)

10.3

A

FLEXIBLE

TYPOLOGY

The occupant’s house in Dharavi is much more than a place to sleep, a place to eat and a place to spend time with family - it is a platform for economic opportunity and adaptability. The composition of informal settlements forms a complex labyrinthine physical layout in-sync with the work-life living

one to six elaborates the typical adaptability of dwellings over time as the occupants upgrade their home as their economic situation progresses.

These different stages (figure 10.1) illustrates the primary structure and the cladding materials used to insulate and shelter their home. By stage four the dwelling becomes more permanent when concrete is utilised for construction. The housing is mostly constructed with recyclable

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51

5 2 materials with a low embodied energy that is reused and sourced within Dharavi (Dey, S. 2018)

STAGE ONE

(source: Sourav Dey)

. Studying this typology significantly emphasises how unsuitable it would be for the government to upgrade the dwellers into a private dwelling vertically stacked in high-rise apartment blocks as it segregates the occupant from their network of business. This concludes that forceful intervention that expects Dharavi dwellers to live in high-rise apartment blocks will require the residents to upgrade their spending and their ways of life from low-income working-class slum inhabitants to a middle-class lifestyle. This should not be expected for the inhabitants which is why the study of the typology should be stressed to recognise the style of living to direct the design for rehabilitation.

10.4

CHAPTER

SUMMARY

The economic qualities are influenced through the functionality of social and perceptual objectives.

The economic dimensions of informal settlements flourish as the authentic morphological form provides a platform for densely compact dwellings that adopt a work/live function. Arterial routes from the paradigm infrastructure will encourage the economy to be included with the rest of Mumbai - providing access for the public as well as importing and exporting goods more conveniently.

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STAGE TWO

(source: Sourav Dey)

STAGE THREE

STAGE FIVE

STAGE FOUR

STAGE SIX

(source: Sourav Dey)

(source: Sourav Dey)

(source: Sourav Dey)

(source: Sourav Dey)

Figure 10.3. Dweller’s Stages of Construction (Source: Dey, S. 2018)

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53

CASE OF RENEWAL

54

11.1

social exclusion. Streets are not only a common good and a spatially shared space where sociocultural and economic dimensions are expressed,

INTRODUCTION

encouraged and promoted, but they are the basis of providing sewerage systems, fresh water, drainage systems and power lines. A street will have

The

morphological,

social,

perceptual

and

economic dimension chapters illustrated economic abilities influenced through the formation of slums and the spatial relationships of slums to influence socio-cultural activities that establish and contribute to a positive environment. This chapter is focused on case studies in Latin America which provide sufficient evidence that socio-cultural characteristics flourish to economically develop a neighbourhood after upgrading the infrastructure.

This chapter looks at slums in Sao Paulo, Brazil and Buenos Aires, Argentina before interventions of renewal and discusses the impact after renewal.

an official address recognised by the municipality and provide the legal basis and obligations of property rights, ownership and citizenry that socially includes them as a part of the city.

Image (FIG 11.2.2) shows the same neighbourhood in Sao Paulo after the infrastructure has been upgraded to provide access and mobility for the occupants in the community. The results of this street improvement have allowed the community to be more socio-cultural as the occupants appropriate the street to define it as their own. The refinement of public space and private space has defined ownership for the residents and this clear spatial organisation has reinforced investment on

11.2

SĂƒO

PĂƒULO,

BRAZIL

their private domain. The street articulates activity since it defines the enclosure of public space to

Image (FIG 11.2.1) shows a socially excluded

enhance the community and encourage people to

neighbourhood in the hills of the outskirts of

approach the space. This approachable effect that

Sao Paulo. The blocks suffer from neglect and

the upgraded infrastructure has is economically

the rubble suggests that the buildings are not

vigorous since it provides accessibility to small

maintained. There is a community that lives

businesses which can now progress as they can take

here but is excluded from the rest of the city as

advantage of an arterial network, this is beneficial for

the streetscape is both non-desirable and not

the residents as it creates opportunities of income.

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55

walkable. The street should take the role in providing access to connect occupants and form a spatial relationship where socio-cultural activities exist and distinguish a transitional space between private dwelling and public space. It is clear that this is a very informal area where poverty and deprivation exist since there is a lack of accessibility.

Architect and Urban Planner Claudio Acioly (UN Habitat) discusses this case study in elaboration of Professor Shlomo Angel’s Making Room Paradigm lecture. The emphasis of this lecture is to initially address existing informal settlements by allowing them to be reconnected to the city. Acioly describes the integral roles of streets as providing mobility and accessibility to occupants to prevent

Figure 11.2. Street Upgrading in São Pãulo (Source: UN-HABITAT)

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5 6 12.1 VILLA 31, BUENOS AIRES, ARGENTINA Planners and urban designers, Gehl Architects, who are based in the United States, posted an article which reveals an interesting and appropriate approach to slum rehabilitation and renewal.

The designers visited the informal settlement in Buenos Aires to gain an understanding of the existing slums to appreciate their socioeconomic ways of living. What is interesting in this article, is that the designers are not quick to critic the flaws of the construction, the unhygienic atmosphere and the dangers of exposed electric wires. Instead, the designers study the relationship between public life and the urban form to comprehend the success of the urban vibrancy.

The occupants have demanded basic infrastructure to socially include Villa 31 in the urban fabric of Buenos Aires (Risom, J. Madiz M. 2019) which is an opinion the government should appreciate as the aerial photograph (figure 12.1) suggests that Villa 31 is located in an undesirable location, bounded by railway and highway links – a similar case to Dharavi.

However, what is interesting, is that Gehl architects recognise similar qualities in Villa 31 that are found in Dharavi and the most significant morphological

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design lessons portray the social, perceptual and economic dimensions. The designers study the importance of proximity from home to work and illustrate the environmental atmosphere generated

through

the

convenience

of

the

resident’s ability to walk or cycle to work. The form of the dense neighbourhood is at human scale as the routes are well connected to form short cuts and urban pocket spaces. The diversity in age that occupy the street portray delightful perceptions as they encouraged to engage in activity together in public space. The designers discuss the economic opportunities of starting a risk-free business from the occupants dwelling.

The article was posted in January 2019 and will be an interesting project to follow as it progresses through design development stages. The planners study the qualities in Villa 31 but are aware of the poor living conditions. The objective for this study is to preserve the character of Villa 31’s rich and vibrant comunity and translate these characterstics into a new paradigm that socially includes them with the rest of Buenos Aires. This case study reveals that there can never be a singular solution for each global slum as each informal settlement has its own characteristics, however, the principles for directing the improvement of each slum should be the same.

57

Figure 11.3. Sattellie View of Villa 31, Buenos Aires (Source: Google Maps, Author Edited)

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58

A NEW PARADIGM “By comparing your system to others, you get to see your own in context and are more prepared to question why things are done the way they are.”

Mumbai has an overwhelming informal economy which is in the path of expansion as the population of slum inhabitants will reach 1 in 3 people globally by 2050 (Neuwirth, R. 2012). It is important that the government urgently recognises the qualities of informal settlements and protect these qualities in a new paradigm, as they momentously contribute to the overall economy of Mumbai.

The government’s temptation to establish an ideology that instinctively demolishing informal settlements with the initiative to rapidly rebuild affordable tower blocks for low-income citizens as a quick method of satisfying SDG 11 targets must be obliterated by enlightening a logical approach to intervene. We must understand our slums and listen to the occupant’s needs in order to satisfy communities after intervention.

“It is easier to build strong children than mend a broken man” - Frederick Douglass.

This paper has framed the targets of the United Nation’s sustainable development goal into the challenging context of Dharavi by discussing the typology of forma and informal slums and their sprawl to population ratio across the urban fabric of Mumbai. This paper has addressed government interventions of slum rehabilition over the previous four

decades

and

demonstrated

how

each

intervention has either failed to satisfy the dwellers, or, resulted in the establishment of informal settlements to sprawl elsewhere in the urban fabric.

The making room paradigm demonstrated a solution for how to prepare rapidly urbanising cities for growth of informal settlements and how to include them in the public realm throgh an organised grid infrastructure that secures accessibility to public services and satisfying SDG 11 goals. The paradigm forms a platform for the social inclusion of slum dwellers in the public realm and provides the opportunity to economically flourish and expand.

The hypothesis in this study states that each slum habitat is unique, it has its own character that determines the success of the community, and thus, these characters must be studied in order to achieve success in a making room paradigm.

Morphological, social, perceptual and economic qualities should be studied to comprehend

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and then construct a personalised paradigm

informal settlements that pays close attention

that inhabits the community’s socio-economic

to influence the morphological structure and

traits

the

its effect on human behaviour. We believe that

environment will be familiar to that of before.

proposing architectural solutions that feature

that

will

prove

successful

as

generous, vertically stacked, floor spaces is a This study then analysed the morphological

service for the occupants, however, as designers,

dimensions of Dharavi and highlighted the urban

we must recognise the lifestyle and the income of

qualities that revealed the influential socio-

the occupants and realise that the only sufficient

economic and perceptual treasures that western

urban solution exist in the qualities studied in this

council communities could only dream of in their

paper. These congested spaces in Dharavi are

social housing projects. This paper provided a

desperate for public support and infrastructure

case study by the United Nations Habitat of the

that does not overregulate the spontaneous and

renewal of an informal settlement in Sao Paulo

authentic form that has bloomed in its absence.

through street upgrading. It demonstrates that narrow streets can economically flourish the occupants by providing sufficient infrastructure that includes them in the public realm and this solution should be considered for the inclusion and access to public services for residents in Dharavi.

The

urban dimensions of Dharavi play an

important role in establishing their culture. These dimensions are influenced by the morhpological form and the morphological form influences the socio-economic and perceptual dimensions. The elements of people and space are vital when considering a sustainable and resilent planning solution that cater for a community. So the Mumbai paradigm is a proposal for the rehabilition of

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59

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Declaration AB 420 Dissertation 2018/19 BSc Honours Architectural Studies BSc Honours Architectural Studies with International Study MArch/Pg Dip Advanced Architectural Design MArch Architectural Design International

Declaration “I hereby declare that this dissertation submission is my own work and has been composed by myself. It contains no unacknowledged text and has not been submitted in any previous context. All quotations have been distinguished by quotation marks and all sources of information, text, illustration, tables, images etc. have been specifically acknowledged.

I accept that if having signed this Declaration my work should be found at Examination to show evidence of academic dishonesty the work will fail and I will be liable to face the University Senate Discipline Committee.�

Shawn Kay

Name:

_____________________________________________________________

Signed:

_____________________________________________________________

Date:

_____________________________________________________________

12.02.2019

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