“Pronominal predicative markers" and other copula-like elements in Dan (Mande < Niger-Congo) In Dan-Gwɛɛtaa (South Mande < Mande < Niger-Congo), there are two formally different classes of copula-like words, and a verb in a process of grammaticalization into a copula. 1. “Pronominal predicative markers” (PPM) etymologically result from the fusion of personal subject pronouns with post-subjective auxiliaries and/or copulas. Depending on interpretation, there are 9 to 11 series of PPM in Dan-Gwɛɛtaa. PPM are syntactically and morphologically quite different from verbs; they represent syntactic heads of sentences. Most of the PPM series appear only in verbal phrases and can therefore be regarded as pure verbal auxiliaries. There are however three series (existential, conjoint, and negative imperfective) that serve both as verbal auxiliaries and as copulas. These PPMs assume their copula functions in categorization, characterization, locative sentences. 2. “True copula”, ɓɯ̰̏ , appears primarily in identification phrases (1), but also in categorization phrases (2), in the latter context it competes with PPM. (1) N̄ dʌ̄ ɓȁ gbɛ̰̂ ɓɯ̰̏ . 1SG.NSBJ father POSS dog COP ‘It is my father’s dog’.
(2) Dē ɓɯ̰̏ ɯ̄ ká? who COP 2SG.NSBJ COM ‘Who are you (sg.)?’
ɓɯ̰̏ combines with negative PPM (3); it is the only context where it behaves as a verb.
(3) Ȁbi,̰̋ n̄ dʌ̄ ɓȁ gbɛ̰̂ yáá ɓɯ̰̏ . no 1SG.NSBJ father POSS dog 3SG.NEG.IPFV COP ‘No, it is not my father’s dog’. ɓɯ̰̏ seems to be reconstructable to the Proto-Mande level (more than 5000 years ago), its cognates are attested in languages of other Mande branches: Vai (mù), Mandinka and Xasonka (mú), etc.
There are two other copula-like elements: ɗɛ̰̀ appears in a presentative sentence (“here is
X”), and ɓā (“this is X”). The latter undoubtedly comes back to the demonstrative adverb ɓā
‘there, near the listener’ (which has also grammaticalized into a definite article ɓā ); the etymology of ɗɛ̰̀ is less clear.
3. Auxiliary verb ɗɤ́ goes back to the content verb ɗó ‘go, leave’. It assumes several grammatical functions, with different degrees of morphological reduction. As a marker of the future and prohibitive construction, the auxiliary verb keeps main morphosyntactic features of the original verb (combinability with a PPM; grammatically conditioned modification of the tone), the only formal difference with the content verb is the optional variability of its vowel: ɗó ~ ɗɤ́. As a verb of being, ɗɤ́ appears with an invariable vowel ɤ and a high tone, even in the contexts where one would expect a tone change to mid. It can combine with negative (4) or conjoint (5) PPM, or appear without any PPM (6), in which case its transformation into a copula can be seen as completed (4) Ȁ ɗó ɗɛ̏ wɛ̋ɛ ̋ ɓá yáá ɗɤ́. 3SG.NSBJ go place other certain 3SG.NEG.IPFV be ‘He had no other place to go.’
(5) Mɛ́ ɤ́ ɗɤ́, yà ɗó ɤ̄ gɔ̏ kɔ́ɔɗ́ ɤ̄. human REL.3SG.JNT be 3SG.PRF go REFL.SG POSS.LOC house.LOC
‘Everyone has gone home’.
(6) Ȁ ɗú-nʌ́ ɗɤ́ yī gɯ́ , yɤ́-’ gɔ̏-lɤ̏. 3SG.NSBJ daughter-DIM be sleeping in CONS.3SG.JNT-3SG.NSBJ head-tie When her little daughter is sleeping, she braids her hair.