The Copula System in Saramaccan: synchronic and diachronic issues. In this paper we discuss the copula system in Saramaccan from a synchronic and a diachronic point of view. We show that this system is atypical from a cross-‐ creole perspective (cf. Michaelis et al 2013), and counts as an early reconstitution (Arends 1989, van den Berg 2007). Furthermore, we discuss the micro-‐parametric variation between the Surinamese creoles (Goury & Migge 2003). Saramaccan has two forms of the copula: dε and da. Both are derived from English demonstratives, there and that respectively. We show that these copulas have a different distribution, as well as a different categorical status. First, the two forms are not mutually exclusive in their combinatory possibilities as both may occur with NP-‐complements. Thus, da can only combine with nominal predicates, whereas dε can be combined with nominal, adjectival, and prepositional predicates, cf. (1). Second, they pattern differently with respect to TMA-‐marking. Only dε is possible with TMA-‐markers. We argue that this points towards a non-‐verbal status of da, since TMA-‐markers only occur before verbal elements. Third, negation occurs before dε as with regular verbs, but in the case of da a contracted form surfaces, i.c. na. Fourth, the form of subject pronouns is evidence for the different status of the two copulas. With da the subject can only be the strong pronominal form. In case of dε it can be either. Weak pronouns are Agreement-‐heads (Veenstra 1996), and occur only in the extended projection of a verbal construction. A further difference concerns the ability to undergo predicate inversion (Moro 1997, den Dikken 2006), which give an important insight into the proper analysis of these constructions. In sum, Saramaccan exhibits two copular constructions with striking differences that have both a different categorial status for the “copula” and different developmental paths for the two constructions. Data (1) a. Etnel dε/da wan malenge-‐ma. Etnel COP one lazy-‐AGT ‘Etnel is a lazy cat.’ b. Valerie dε/*da n’εn wosu. Valerie COP LOC-‐3SG house ‘Valerie is in his house.’ c. Kone dε/*da siki~siki. Kone COP sick~ADJ ‘Kone is sick.’ References Arends, Jacques (1989) "Syntactic developments in Sranan: Creolization as a gradual process" Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen. den Dikken, Marcel. 2006. Relators and Linkers. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. Goury, Laurence & Migge, Bettina (2003) Grammaire du nengee: Introduction aux langues aluku, ndyuka et pamaka. Paris: Editions IRD.
Michaelis, Susanne Maria & Maurer, Philippe & Haspelmath, Martin & Huber, Magnus (eds.) 2013. Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures Online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. (Available online at http://apics-‐online.info, Accessed on 2013-‐09-‐15.) Moro, Andrea (1997). The raising of predicates. Predicative noun phrases and the theory of clause structure. Cambridge University Press. van den Berg, Margot (2007) A grammar of Early Sranan. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam. Veenstra, Tonjes (1996) Serial Verbs in Saramaccan: predication and creole genesis. Dordrecht: ICG Printing. word count: 477.