AA Housing and Urbanism

HOUSING: incorporating local production exploring the potential of mobility infrastructure through urban design

Sigen Margarita Palis Castellanos MArch Housing & Urbanism 2014

Architectural Association School of Architecture MArch Housing & Urbanism 2014

Sigen Margarita Palis Castellanos IN COLLABORATION WITH:

Zohreh Ahmad Te e r a p a t A m n u e y p o r n s a k u l Diana Medina Nitisha Popat GUIDING TUTORS:

Jorge Fiori Elena Pascolo Alex Warnock-Smith

2

Ta b l e o f c o n t e n t s

Exploring the potential of mobility infrastructure through urban design

4

Housing: incorporating local production

6

The role of infrastructure in urban transformation

9

Bangkok: an expanding metropolis

15

Klong Toey: resisting urban homogeneity

39

A neighbourhood of productivity

51

Challenging housing policies

67

Appendices

71

Bibliography

76

3

Exploring the potential of mobility infrastructure through urban design

This research explores the requalification of productive

to Bangkok’s dynamism starker than in the case of the

space by testing new potentials for infrastructure.

Port Authority (Klong Toey) property, a desirable strip of

Having

work

land bypassed by infrastructural expansion plans and

aims to reposition it as a key element of social and

currently slated for redevelopment. It is also currently

economic progress, while also addressing its physical

home to Bangkok’s largest slums and concentration

realities. Across nations, heavy investments in regional

of industry. In our interventions, we propose different

and cross-border infrastructure have facilitated trade

ways of retaining these features that enhance the area’s

relationships and growth. Our research brings into

complex productive relationship with the rest of the city.

question the appropriateness of these investments and

We will focus on the adaptation of Bangkok’s underserved

their implications within inner-city regions. We intend to

yet vital industries to their particular urban environments.

identified

mobility

infrastructure,

our

test ways of revealing infrastructure’s scope with regards to manufacturing, residential and civic space.

Using key design tools, our five individual projects address the difficulty of merging new urban fabric with

Our test case is Bangkok, a megacity perpetually in flux

these older industries by exploiting existing infrastructure.

and hyperphysical in its climate. Much like other cities

Each intervention relies one of two methodologies. The

in the developing world, Bangkok faces major problems

first is a systematic approach that considers relations

in managing its growth and its urban infrastructure.

within the industries; the second is contextual and

Without any significant influence of urban planning, it has

attempts to elaborate on existing morphologies.

expanded. Instead, the drivers have been accessibility (public sector) and land development (private sector).

It is commercialized to a degree that is extreme even by comparison with other mega cities.

Our [systematic projects] re-examine the relationships within the textile and food production industries, both

central to Thailand’s high-value export economy. We speculate that with issues of food security, increased

4

The spread of monofunctional developments across

shipping cost and demand for efficient innovation,

the metropolitan area have been typically isolated from

the equation of inner city production will change. The

their supporting infrastructure. Nowhere is the threat

projects aim to assess the influence of mobility on

productivity, and how it can organize the distribution of

This thesis is presented as one of the morphological

urban economic activity. Using the textile industry within

interventions, where housing is used as a comprehensive

the derelict patch of the Klong Toey, the first project tests

structuring device to articulate relations, challenging the

the provision of a logistics hub, production space and

current housing programs.

public space to allow for engagement between different communities. At the adjacent junction, a second project envisions the impact of a multi-nodal hub that facilitates food production and distribution. Both aim at creating synergies by reinforcing links between the area’s industries and local institutions.

Our three [morphological interventions] occur in the

civic and residential contexts, with the latter addressing the water. The first addresses it by focusing on edge conditions, where housing is provided with continuous productive and service space. The other reclaims its navigability through housing that stitches existing networks back into the dead end streets. Finally, the third project enhances the public realm by creating interfaces between the city and its massive tourist base in which micro-economies will be able to thrive.

Ultimately, both the systematic and morphological interventions seek to maintain the productive capacity definitive of the area and deeply embedded in Thai cultural practices.

5

HOUSING: incorporating local production

Mobility

infrastructure

developments

occurring

in

by infrastructural expansion plans and currently slate

megacities have the ability to bring closer regions, while

for redevelopment.

Due to Bangkok’s Comprehensive

at the same time creating large gaps and inequalities.

Plan (see Appendix A), the spread of monofunctional

Bangkok is a city where urban development has been

developments across the metropolitan area have been

designed by land speculation, bringing along uneven

typically isolated from their supporting infrastructure,

distribution and great disparity among social groups.

and the future development proposed is no exception.

The current government housing programs could benefit from incorporating certain aspects of traditional housing

As privatization of this area occurs, the threat of eviction

typologies so as to present the end users with something

amongst Klong Toey’s residents rises. The area offers a

more than a place to sleep. If the government were to

complex condition because of its adjacency to the canal

incorporate productive ecologies

as an essential part

and the motorway, which cause segregation from the rest

of the housing programmes, then the urban poor would

of the community, but at the same time offers complexity

be able to further integrate themselves to the formal city

because of its close proximity to the market and to a

and the other way around, giving them the opportunity to

wood production and distribution micro-economy. This

contribute productively to the development of the area.

project presents a way to retain the communities’ local

1

features by enhancing its relationship to the canal and The term housing does not involve only a place that

its surroundings as an alternative for the homogenization

provides shelter, but as John F. C. Turner suggests,

redevelopment

“Housing is a verb” (TURNER, John F. C., 1972, p.151).

livelihood and living conditions by adapting their current

Especially for the urban poor, it encompasses more than

housing typology through the use of courtyards in order

affording a roof above their head, as this is not sufficient

to develop a more productive ecology.

process

and

strengthening

their

for a ‘house’. The house plays an important role as a social and economic space, since most of the informal-

In order for a neighbourhood of productivity to thrive,

sector activities take place not only in the streets but also

collaborations must be created across economic, social,

in the dwellings.

and cultural processes, where the quality of life amongst the residents is improved. Through this work, the aim

6

This is the case of Klong Toey, one of the largest slums in

is to link housing upgrading to service and income-

Bangkok, Thailand. Located on land owned by the Port

generator spaces to further create these ecologies by

Authority of Thailand (PAT), on the banks of the Chao

testing the use of courtyards in housing typologies,

Phraya River, it is a desirable strip of land bypassed

creating a differentiation of spaces that are able to

1 For the purpose of this thesis, the term ‘productive ecologies’ is defined as the synergies emerging from economic and social processes, as well as cultural mixes, including public space.

support the dwellers.

HOUSING: incorporating local production

Klong Toey

7

8

THE ROLE OF INFRASTRUCTURE I N U R B A N T R A N S F O R M AT I O N

9

Infrastructure: dissolving boundaries while forging inequality

A multiplicity of simultaneous processes – such as

Urban transformation, however, is not associated only with

political, economic, social, and cultural – are necessary

positive consequences, such as technological innovation,

in order for urban transformation to occur (HARVEY,

various forms of creativity, economic progress, higher

David, 2010).

Across nations, heavy investments

standards of living, enhanced democratic accountability

in infrastructure have enabled trade relations and

and women’s empowerment. It can also have significant

dissolved

effects such as extreme inequalities, conflict, and

national

boundaries.

Associations

like

ASEAN (see Appendix B) work together to strengthen 1

inadequate or ineffective policies (UN-HABITAT, 2010).

economies through integration, linked production bases

10

and expanded consumer bases. Thailand profits from

Economists

being part of this association. By facilitating movement,

inequality is a natural consequence of urban growth

have

long

supported

the

idea

that

they hold the ability to shape economic relations and

and development.

territories, however on an inner-city scale, the results are

productive sector, income inequality increases as city

more complex.

size grows, as large cities tend to feature higher income

1 The Association of Southeast Asian Nations was established on 8 August 1967 in Bangkok, Thailand, with the signing of the ASEAN Declaration (Bangkok Declaration) by Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Currently, there are ten Member States, including Brunei Darussalam, Viet Nam, Lao PDR, Myanmar, and Cambodia.

disparities than smaller ones (UN-HABITAT, 2010). This

Both for the labour force and the

inequality is clearly seen where the creation of squatter settlements are visible.

CONDITIONS: Mobility infrastructure connecting urban centers

© http://www.inspiringcities.org/wp-content/uploads/Bangkok.jpg

CONTRADICTIONS: Real estate development results in uneven growth

CONSEQUENCES: Realities often mean marginalization

THE ROLE OF INFRASTRUCTURE IN URBAN TRANSFORMATION

© Phil America 11

Infrastructure beyond mobility

The role of infrastructure within the context of mobility

As megacities have generated much money at a rapid

is usually reduced to the issue of connectivity. Through

pace, they have spent most of it on infrastructure and

the development of global networks and connections at

facilities that match their ambitions, and Bangkok is not

a larger scale it is easy to disregard the surrounding and

the exception.

people at a smaller scale. The spatial qualities created

infrastructures and pollution, while its banking system

by these large lines tend to have a negative impact,

has fuelled property speculation” (SUDJIC, Deyan,

generating marginalization and disconnect as well as

2010, p.181). Due to its paradoxical and hyperphysical

creating deep pockets of interstitial space.

state, it raises the question of the appropriateness of

It “teeters on the brink of dysfunctional

these infrastructural investments and their implications As

these

physical

realities

created

‘hard’

in relation to the informal sector and its potential to

infrastructures persist, there is another reality that works

perform at the scale of production processes, which is

along with it which comes from ‘soft’ infrastructures,

often overlooked within contemporary discussions of

which are the facilities and conditions that allow

urbanism.

connections between people to happen.

by

It is mainly

composed of the intangible, that which contributes to the

According to UN-Habitat, urban development policies

attractiveness of an area and keeps labour and talent

should go further than the usual conventional approaches

around (HAYNES, Kingsley E., 2010). Hard infrastructure

when trying to address the issue of livelihood of the

suggests ‘economic’ physical structures such as roads,

urban poor, which tends to focus on improving housing,

airports, water networks, telecommunications systems

infrastructure and the physical conditions.

etc., while soft infrastructure, focuses on the quality of

suggests that the policies should try to provide support by

life, such as recreation, social services and education,

allowing the informal sector activities to thrive by linking

and is just as economically important.

low-income housing developments to income generation,

The report

making sure that there is also easy access to jobs The relationship between hard and soft infrastructure

through “pro-poor transport and low-income settlement

is what composes urban life. Haynes compares it with

location policies” (UN-HABITAT, 2003, p.xxvii). If one

hardware inputs (hard infrastructure) to produce service

tries to read more into the definition of infrastructure, then

outputs (soft infrastructure) needed to glue a society or

housing can become part of it, shaping and structuring

region (HAYNES, Kingsley E., 2010).

It is where they

a productive territory, bringing about spaces that foster

confront each other that a multiplicity of interstitial spaces

connections between the communities, becoming part of

and nodes of exchange occur, generating possibilities to

the hard and soft infrastructure simultaneously.

explore the intensifying contradictions that arise where accelerating urbanization processes transpire (HARVEY, David, 2010).

12

BTS Dark Green Saphan Mai - Bang Wa

MRT Purple Bang Yai - Rat Burana

Orange Bang Kapi - Bang Bamru

Pink Taling Chan - Suvarnabhumi Airport

Historic Core BTS Light Green Pran Nok - Samut Prakarn

CBD

BRT Blue Dash Tha Phra - Chong Nonsi MRT BLue Cityloop Tha Phra - Bang Khae

Green Lung

Light Pink Makkasan - Suvarnabhumi Express

Yellow Ladprao - Sri Nagarindra BTS Udomsuk - Wat Si Wari Noi

Red Rangsit - Mahachai

Transport expansion plans

Economic opportunities THE ROLE OF INFRASTRUCTURE IN URBAN TRANSFORMATION

13

14

BANGKOK: A N E X PA N D I N G M E T R O P O L I S

15

A growing megacity

Bangkok’s growth rate (see Appendix C) in the last 20

Bangkok’s particular case allows us to investigate

years has caused its commercialization and physical

the requalification of productive space by examining

complexity to extend to a degree that is extreme even by

different ways to perceive infrastructure’s opportunities

comparison with other megacities. On the national scale,

with regards to economic, living and civic space, as

there are approximately 3,000 slums and poor urban

the transportation and developments plans continue in

communities, including 25 million people throughout

order to expand the city and create further city-region

Thailand. Bangkok has a population of 10 million people,

connections.

containing the oldest and largest overcrowded area close to the Port Authorization of Thailand. This congested

These lines were initially designed to relieve congestion

stretch consists of 18 low socioeconomic communities,

and have economic benefits. By connecting dependent

which cover an area of 320 acres. These areas include

concentrations and systems of productions it’s possible

approximately

320,000

to create better trade networks, attracting companies

individuals who are suffering from overcrowding, poor

70,000

households

with

through quicker production and build a higher level of

housing, poor hygiene, and poor sanitation (PIASEU,

competitiveness.

Noppawan, 2003).

reinforce the pattern of segregation. The land next to the

However, the physical implications

infrastructure is mostly undervalued leading to informal With unclear initial land use planning, it has been the

settlements to establish next to it.

evolution of transport infrastructure that determined the city’s patterns of urban expansion. Economic activities

The urban poor tend to settle on empty sites that are

were drawn by the development of these urban corridors,

government owned, as they can claim that it belongs

creating clusters of private monofunctional residential

to the people.

and commercial developments.

These infrastructure

creating a community and livelihood for as long as they

lines weaved throughout the city either splitting once

can, until this changes once the entity owning the land is

contiguous communities or creating vacant lots that have

privatised, such as the case pertaining to this project in

been taken over by informal settlements.

Klong Toey by the Port Authority of Thailand (PAT). This

They live there, mostly undisturbed,

results in threat of eviction for the dwellers.

16

Thailand Population 2011 Thailand BMR Vicinity Bangkok

64,076,033 10,376,753 4,701,910 5,674,843

Bangkok

BANGKOK: AN EXPANDING METROPOLIS

17

Bangkok’s morphology

Bangkok’s expansion has shifted from water-based

waste disposal, poor sanitation, and lack of green or

development, which was initially centred on canal networks

public space.

and agriculture, to land-based development centred

Michael, 2012)

(SHERMAN, Lindsey and Contento,

on road networks, consequently leading to separation of land use, new forms of control, marginalization, and

Relying on public infrastructure, but private development,

inequality. As the economy grew and boomed during the

the devised transit lines do not consider functions other

1980s, there was a considerable population growth that

than movement. With no significant influence of urban

initiated widespread infrastructure advancement.

planning, the city has faced issues managing its growth, since the switch from a canal-based to a car-dominated

The city’s morphology did not always originate from land,

fabric. It offers many unique features that are jeopardized

as it was initially a water-based city. Waterways, villages,

by typical transformation patterns.

gardens and rice fields dominated its initial semi-aquatic landscape (ASKEW, Marc, 2002).

The water-based

Bangkok is composed of three types of ‘streets’ systems,

system progressed as a consequence of modernization

which are the avenues, the canals, and the sois. The

and the development of land-based infrastructure and

avenues are the main area used for communication and

the change of agricultural-based to production and

commercial purposes. The canals, or khlongs, are the

service-based economy.

waterways used for the transport of goods and people.

The sois (alleys) are areas where people live recreating

Subsequent rapid population growth called for massive

the village

new construction and inevitable infrastructure upgrades.

1982) (MATEO-BABIANO, Iderlina B., 2012).

Cheap labour was the foundation of this growth, but at

this project the importance of both the khlongs and the

the cost of becoming the eventual target of its logic of

sois are stressed, as they form an inherent part of the

marginalization. Development was uneven, and the city

Thai culture.

still suffers from high levels of urban poverty, limited 18

(cited in Bunnag, Nopkhun, & Thadaniti, Through

AL

1975

1955

1935 Bangkok’s historical expansion

BANGKOK: AN EXPANDING METROPOLIS

ROAD 19

The khlong fabric

Historically, water was the generator of the physical

The city’s canals have been gradually sacrificed to

fabric as well as a centre of production for the city. It

the supremacy of the roads; nevertheless they are

served as its circulation and communication network for

still utilized as part of the mobility infrastructure that

its inhabitants. It also functioned as inter-provincial and

connects certain areas.

intercity-network, but its importance subsided with time

express boat services operating in Bangkok, the Chao-

with the development of road infrastructure taking over.

Phraya Express and the Khlong Saen Saep Express (see

There are currently two main

Appendix X). The first runs north-south and the latter Thailand’s

canal-based

east-west, although they are not connected. Both are not

settlements, and their inhabitants lived in suspended

key

centres

were

initially

only express services, but used by tourists and do not

houses on the river or in the canals (cited in Askew,

reach the entire river and canal system. Smaller wooden

1996). Thus socio-economic aspects were initially linked

boats and other means of transportation are still used in

to the water. Residents used the rivers and canals for

smaller khlongs by locals, not only for mobility purposes

daily life as well as for economic purposes, using docking

but also for economic ones, such as the famous floating

zones as trading places and therefore creating natural

markets. Floating markets were often located at the

movement and social activity areas. (Mateo-Babiano).

intersections of the river and the canals, making these intersections important nodes.

In Thonburi, canals once provided its sole means of transportation. Although they are currently still active,

Part of this project’s goal is to reactivate the canal in the

they are less important and are part of a much larger

area of Klong Toey, currently saturated with settlements

transportation system. Roads and interconnected alleys

that are giving their back to it, polluting it and ignoring

have been superimposed over the original waterways

it instead of taking advantage of it. If the canal, once

creating a multiplicity of layers in a dense interdependent

central for community engagement and productivity, can

system without a coherent order (Bell 79).

bring back these characteristics to this neighbourhood,

Thonburi

remains as the best physical reminder of an original Bangkok.

20

it would be beneficial to the community.

Chao Phraya River

Canal Market © John Goss BANGKOK: AN EXPANDING METROPOLIS

21

Soi spaces

Bangkok is not only a city of streets and avenues, as the

working locally, such as motorcycle repair shops and

sois, which are alleys, compose a major part of its fabric

washing business, hairdressers, dressmakers, laundries,

and shelter a hidden life. Avenues and major streets are

as well as “the persistence of the urban informal sector in

the primary conduit for vehicular transportation and urban

sustaining what one researcher has designated an ‘urban

traffic, where main office buildings, shopping centres

foodscape’ […]: cheap, freshly cooked snacks and

and banks are located, while the sois have a smaller

meals remain an important feature of urban existence,

scale, allowing support for local markets, housing, and

especially in a city where many people have no time

local commercial activities. It is in the juxtaposition of

to prepare their own evening meals (cited in Yasmeen

the avenues and the sois that the inherent culture of the

1995)” (ASKEW, Marc, 2002, p.248).

Thais and the life of the city are found.

The pattern of soi development differs according to length The soi structure supports the creation of ecologies

and location:

dead-end, narrow, through-sois, sub-

scattered within Bangkok’s general fabric.

With the

sois, etc. Each one preserves different characteristics,

extension of private roofs over the public passages, the

including apartments, freestanding modern homes and

areas take an internalized quality, obscuring its public

old compound houses, as well as slums.

nature even though they are commercially and socially active. They also support a great deal of domestic life,

These urban spaces have a natural fluidity and ecology

as they lead to residential neighbourhoods, which are

that must be preserved and enhanced within the city

sheltered from the large-scale commercial city but yet

and neighbourhood. Through this project, the inherent

just steps away from it (BELL, Barry, 2003).

nature of the sois in heightened, as these tertiary lines meet the canals and create natural nodes of exchange.

Within the soi, there are layers of labour markets that occur, including services for the people living and 22

Soi supporting market area

Covered soi

Residential soi BANGKOK: AN EXPANDING METROPOLIS

23

The housing problem

Housing developments in Bangkok occur along high

maker or by a commercial developer than it does from

and low value infrastructure developments. Based on

the point of view of the urban poor. The solutions offered

transport systems, the gap has been widening in urban

at the national level, when massive housing deficits are

conditions with each line embodying a clear pattern. For

obvious, include economies of scale, industrialization

instance, the canal tends to be flanked with low value

and infrastructure. But from the dwellers perspective,

housing and low density and speed, while the quick MRT

the most important issues are “availability (low rent or

is straddled by high density, luxury condos. Whether high

price level), quality, location in relation to jobs, good

or low value, most developments occur in the form of

schools, transportation, and sufficient control over one’s

enclaves, being also representative of a cultural attitude

living space to make a personalized home” (HARMS,

that has informed the spatiality.

Hans H., 1972, p.73).

Changes to the housing policy and programs have been

Both of these programs offer shelter, which is what a

notorious in Thailand since 2003, when the initiation of the

‘house’ is, but ‘housing’ is more than that. According

two most significant programs on housing development

to Turner, “in English the word ‘housing’ can be used

started: the Baan Eua-Arthorn (BEA) [‘We Care Program’]

as a noun or as a verb. When used as a noun, housing

program, which is subsidised by the government and

describes a commodity or product. The verb ‘to house’

implemented by the National Housing Authority (NHA).

describes the process or activity of housing.

The second one is the Baan Mankong program (BMK)

the idea of housing as a collective noun is obviously

[‘Secure Tenure’], implemented by the Community

associated with housing activities, the word itself does

Organization Development Institute (CODI).

not generally indicate this fact. On the other hand, the

While

activity of housing is difficult to conceive without including The BEA program serves the lower-middle income group,

the houses promoted, built, or used” (TURNER, John F.

while the BMK program works with slum settlements.

C., 1972, p.151). Especially in Bangkok, and particularly

Both programs transform the urban fabric and social

in Klong Toey, the house is used also as means of

organization; however, they seem to contribute to the

economic production. If the government is to provide

creation of mono-functional and mono-cultural enclaves.

housing alternatives, they should be in accordance to the current needs of the local communities.

The problem of housing seems rather different when observed from the national level by a public policy 24

BANGKOK: AN EXPANDING METROPOLIS

25

26

Contrasts in housing developments

Canal River

Expressway BTS (Skytrain) MRT (Underground Train) Train BRT (Bus Rapid Transit) Airport Link Water Bus Informal Settlements

High-end developments Low-income housing High-income condos

BANGKOK: AN EXPANDING METROPOLIS

27

TEN Bangkok: collective housing for the middle class

This project is born from a group of ten friends, who

participants in the process of designing their dwelling,

realized that as part of the middle class they didn’t

by holding meetings and workshops.

have many options for housing. The members include four architects, one lawyer and one designer.

It was

The experimental project is in a single plot of land that

implemented by CASE, Community Architects for Shelter

is divided into ten equal subplots. The design of each

and the Environment, which, as the architects participant

home is done by the dweller in collaboration with their

of TEN Bangkok, has been working mainly on projects for

neighbours, creating an individual design that takes

the urban poor.

into account community living. The units are staggered; blurring the boundaries between the public and private,

28

The first design solution that they arrived to doing a

forming shared spaces including a courtyard, gardens

building with several floors and units and collectively

and a pool. In an interview to one of the dwellers, she

own the land, but since land ownership was an issue

mentions that’s it’s easy to get lost if you’re an outsider,

the idea was discarded. The final design was an 800m2

as it’s not easy to distinguish between the common or

plot divided equally amongst ten. The group is mainly

private space, although for the owners it’s quite easy.

concerned with the relationship between the economic,

The dwellers share more than the communal spaces,

cultural and social dimension of the Thai society. The

although this has been agreed previously, such as

project originated from the current housing problems

laundry and kitchen areas. Others need to go through

in Bangkok, where the middle-income citizens are left

their neighbour’s stairs in order to reach their rooftop.

in between, where they cannot afford the overpriced

Negotiation was key during the design process. Anyone

housing and don’t qualify for government issued housing

can extend up onto the roof space in the future, as it was

solutions.

left for incremental purposes.

CASE, as participating designer and future user (through

During the interview it was evident that it’s difficult

architect Pattama Roonrakwit), takes a similar approach

to live in such shared environment with others, but

as what they do with informal settlements, creating a

although it has its challenges it also has its advantages.

housing project that involves the community members as

Having land tenure and collective space is important

to all of them.

Managing daily issues is part of the

consequences that one must deal with when deciding to live collectively, but these are overlooked once the overall benefits are weighed in. The tenants have spaces that they never dreamed of having before, as one of the interviewees mentions she feels as if she’s in ‘every day vacation’ because ‘living here is very comfortable’.

(ROOMRAKWIT, Pattama, 2012) The importance of this pilot project is the precedent it creates, to take individual’s needs for housing and create a collective environment, creating a community.

The provision of housing can then be tailored to both

© http://architechnophilia.blogspot.co.uk/2012_05_01_archive.html

individual requirements as well as communities. There are very few options in the market that allow you to tailormake one’s living space, accommodating it to whatever needs one may have. It also raises awareness for the government programs as well as for the existing financial and the available market, to understand that the middle class is able to have different alternatives, and the creation of cooperative housing and design might be also possible for them if only given the chance.

A NEIGHBOURHOOD OF PRODUCTIVITY

29

Baan Eua-Arthorn

This program is based on partial state-subsidy targeted

The informal sector tends to work at home or around the

fro the low and lower-middle income class, with the NHA

place they live, which is why they adapt the settlements

playing a regulating role rather than that of a contractor.

to their needs. When they move to these flats they find

According to the 2011 Annual Report, the program will

it hard to adapt because of their configuration. During

construct 281,525 housing units. Through the program’s

a visit to one BEA project it was possible to see spillage

eight years, it had constructed and sold 226,385 units,

into the hallways or even using the living room as

including Bangkok and other provinces.

commercial space, which should give the state reason to think beyond the current housing design being provided

BEA offers design-ready flats that, although they offer

by this program, as it neglects their day-to-day lives.

a place to live and sometimes even public spaces, they disregard the needs of the low-income sector. As mentioned by Davis “[…] In Bangkok according to a survey by two European researchers, the poor actively prefer their old slums to the new tower blocks. ‘The agencies who plan slum eviction see an alternative for the people in the cheap high-rise flats: the people in

LLING

STORAGE /and SPILLAGE the slums know that eviction life in these flats would

reduce their means of reproduction and the possibilities for subsistence production. Furthermore access to work is more difficult due to the location of these flats. This is the simple reason why the slum dwellers prefer to stay in the slum and are starting to fight against eviction.

For them the slum is the place where production under deteriorating circumstances is still possible.

For the

urban planner, it is a mere cancer in the city’” (DAVIS, Mike, 2006, pp.64-65).

30

Baan Eua-Arthorn flats in Klong Toey

BAN-EUA-ARTHORN National Housing Authority

INDOOR SELLING

STORAGE / SPILLAGE

Improvised economic spaces

Monofunctional enclave

BANGKOK: AN EXPANDING METROPOLIS

31

Baan Mankong

This program started in 2003 and has a different

land swaps or cooperative land purchase (COMMUNITY

approach than the BEA. Rather than providing ready-

ORGANIZATIONS DEVELOPMENT INSTITUTE).

made housing units to the urban poor, it incorporates these families into the process of developing solutions

They present several housing prototypes, some of

to the problems of land tenure and housing. Through

which are two or three-stories row houses, two-stories

the

detached houses or two-stories duplex (COMMUNITY

program’s

ten-year

course,

there

have

been

upgrading projects implemented in 1,637 communities

ORGANIZATIONS DEVELOPMENT INSTITUTE).

While

that are either finished or underway in 286 towns and

visiting some of the BMK projects in our visit to Bangkok

cities, in 71 provinces, providing secure housing to

we notices that most of the housing units were trying to

93,100 households (COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS

use the ground floor as a commercial space. However,

DEVELOPMENT INSTITUTE).

the premises were designed as gated communities, which meant that the businesses catered mostly to the

One of the key elements that distinguish this program from

residents.

conventional tactics is that the community organizations and their networks are the key actors, empowering

Through a set of interviews we were able to appreciate

them through a participatory process that includes

the sense of community that was created by the process

internal and external negotiation, finance, management,

of the housing development. The dwellers were in fact

design and construction. This program is also demand

happy with their new home and those that were in the

driven, supporting those communities that are ready to

process of getting theirs were also very enthusiastic,

implement it with a range of responses depending on

as they had seen the results from their neighbouring

their needs. It boosts the communities’ confidence and

communities. Nevertheless, through this work I argue

their managerial skills, as they design and manage their

that the creation of these enclaves are not beneficial

own improvements, also accepting their process into

for the urban-poor, as they would benefit from spaces

becoming a legitimate part of the city. Lastly, land tenure

that would integrate them to the formal city rather than

is negotiated on case-by-case basis through different

separate them.

means, such as long-term lease contracts, user rights, 32

Gated entrance

Economic spaces on ground floor

Open living space

BANGKOK: AN EXPANDING METROPOLIS

33

Shophouses

The shophouses developed by the Chinese changed

the shops, as the dwellings have no separate entrances.

the city’s character from the waterscape to land-based

It provides a ground floor that can accommodate a

commercial users. They were typically low-rise, two to

variety of public programs, benefitting from the passers-

three stories high, and very compact. After World War

by, bringing about vibrancy to the street level.

II, these shophouses became denser and even part of the informal settlements that still exist within Bangkok.

Having both residential as well as productive functions in

Throughout time they have been turned into a variety of

the same structure allows for the local economy to thrive,

uses, although mostly its main characteristic of living

as most street level spaces serve fruitful purposes, such

and working condition remains.

as stores, workshops, service shops, storage rooms, and

Their mix-use adapts

depending on where the clusters of shophouses are found.

business enterprises.

For instance, when located within a soi are

sometimes used as cheap rental units as well as family-

By taking the basic understanding of the shophouse, this

based manufacturing and services (ASKEW, Marc,

project seeks to integrate spaces in which communities

2002).

can

develop

economic

activities

in

conjunction

with housing in order to foster a more productive This is an interesting typology to analyse due to its twofold character.

It provides residential as well as business

space. The upper floors are usually accessed through 34

neighbourhood.

Economic street level

Live / Work environment

Shophouse cluster BANGKOK: AN EXPANDING METROPOLIS

35

Settlements

Most squatter settlements occupied land in the inner and

stay in the city. They have constantly struggled against

middle ring areas of the city because of accessibility

eviction by the PAT, but have eventually been recognized

to work and the fact that a vast amount of the unused

as city-dwellers with legal rights to stay in the centre

government land was located there. Others were formed

of Bangkok, resulting in the 1980s with a land-sharing

on private land plots (rented with agreements with

agreement that allowed for them to stay in the PAT’s land

landlords) or on areas unsuitable for building, such as

for 20 years (BOONYABANCHA, Somsook, 1988).

the banks of the canals (cited in Sopon 1985). Levels of tenure agreements depended on a series of factors

According to UN-Habitat, due to unsuitable workshop

relating to the value of the land and the type of landowners.

and commercial space, most of the informal-sector

Regardless of the agreement, the settlements where

activities take place within the home or in the streets,

usually located in poorly drained, unsanitary and flood-

which presents a problem as seen by the official minds,

prone areas (ASKEW, Marc, 2002).

because they tend to take over public space (UNHABITAT, 2003).

The largest settlement in the city, Klong Toey, is comprised of over 25,000 people (79 per cent of whom were born

The upgrading of settlements by the canal is one of

outside Bangkok) and covers around 325 acres of land.

the aims of this project, seeking to avoid eviction by

Its development was tied to the labour demands of the

providing the necessary spaces for living, working and

Bangkok Port and the persistent shortage of affordable

creating social interaction so they can further integrate

shelter. For about half a century the residents of these

with the formal city.

settlements have struggled for survival and the right to 36

PERMEABLE IMPERMEABLE

Klong Toey settlements BANGKOK: AN EXPANDING METROPOLIS

37

38

K L O N G T O E Y: RESISTING URBAN HOMOGENEITY

39

The Port Authority of Thailand

Klong Toey is the home district of the Port Authority of

The PAT’s demand for cheap labour in the 1950s

Thailand (PAT). The Bangkok Port stands on a plot of

resulted in the creation of the largest slums of Bangkok.

land of about 941 acres. 344 acres are enclosed within

It’s comprised of twenty-one settlements, which are

the Customs area and are used for operational purposes.

varied in size, socio-economic status and history, but the

It contains transit sheds, warehouses, open storage

unifying element amongst them is land ownership, since

areas, administration buildings and wharves. Another 51

the PAT owns the land in which they stand. One can

acres are outside this customs area, 29 acres for future

only agree with Askew’s view of Klong Toey, as “the least

expansion. 344 acres are for business use, 100 acres

typical settlement of the urban poor (a ‘rich’ slum), yet

are slum area and 76 acres are for access roads. (PORT

the source and lynchpin of the assertive and politicized

AUTHORITY OF THAILAND, 2005)

Klong Toey has

slum movement – a site of conflict and factionalism which

changed from being just a squatter area to a government

expresses much about the political economy of urban

showcase, as it has proved to be a powerful community

space in contemporary Bangkok” (ASKEW, Marc, 2002,

that has increasingly led participatory changes in the

p.140).

city, as it has negotiated eviction and land tenure for decades (BOONYABANCHA, Somsook, 1988).

Klong Toey settlements 40

Port Authority of Thailand

KLONG TOEY: RESISTING URBAN HOMOGENEITY

41

Land speculation

Throughout the entire city of Bangkok land speculation has designed urban land use.

Along with the uneven

spatial distribution comes an equally uneven allocation of benefits among target groups, with a distinct favouritism towards the more wealthy and powerful groups, leaving large parts of the city to its own devices.

Through the new development plans presented by A49 for the land owned by the PAT, the public-private initiative plans to rework the urban fabric in such a way that the resulting potential rent for the new developments will be significantly higher than the actual rent levels.

Their targets are segments of high-income population or high productivity based economic activities, which does not contribute much to alleviate the problem of social segregation and exclusion currently found in Klong Toey, leading to the creation of islands of wealth in an impoverished environment, resulting in a mixture of socio-economically distinct exclusive areas.

The Bangkok Land Use Comprehensive Plan intends to homogenize the area, whilst through this project the aim is to enhance and protect the existing informal ecologies found in Klong Toey, which offer a multitude of layers worth sustaining.

42

MRT BLue Cityloop Tha Phra - Bang Khae

BTS Light Green Pran Nok - Samut Prakarn

Institution (Service and Infrastructure) Medium Density Residential High Density Residential Commercial

BRT Blue Dash Tha Phra - Chong Nonsi

Klong Toey’s Land Use Comprehensive Plan

KLONG TOEY: RESISTING URBAN HOMOGENEITY

43

49GROUP Bangkok Port masterplan

44

© 49GROUP

KLONG TOEY: RESISTING URBAN HOMOGENEITY

45

Local economy

Most slums inhabitants are in low-paying activities, such as informal jobs in the garment industry, recycling, home-based businesses, or they are security guards, domestic servants, piece-rate workers, furniture makers and hairdressers.

The informal sector is their main

sustenance, either within or outside the slum areas (UNHABITAT, 2003, p.xxvi). The role of the informal sector has an important contribution to the urban economy in relation to urban consumption, production and recycling of goods (cited in ESCAP, 1993; Romijn, 1993; Sungsidh and Somchai, 1996) (ASKEW, Marc, 2002).

In the informal sector workers sell their goods outside the slums and the home itself constitutes an important site of production, or preparation, in the case of food selling. The multiple benefits of the home and neighbourhood in the pursuit of livelihood are the reason for hesitancy of slumdwellers to live in the flats and housing estates offered by housing programs.

According to Askew, several

studies performed, including Klong Toey, have showed that slums can be considered as strategic locations for “household engaged in the urban economy and also as spaces of economic transactions, or consumer micromarkets. They are not just residential quarters� (ASKEW, Marc, 2002, p.143).

46

Food vendor

KLONG TOEY: RESISTING URBAN HOMOGENEITY

47

Klong Toey Market

Markets and street food The market takes an important economic and social role in Klong Toey. It is one of the focal points of activity, Klong Toey Market

recreating older forms of public life.

Despite the

existence of supermarkets, the locals, due to the different relations that it naturally fosters, prefer the traditional market environment.

In the vicinity the existence of street food is also abundant, for it makes up a big part of the local economy of Klong Toey. In this context, the sidewalks are important social urban spaces, as they become the venue of the informal street economy. Often, vendors occupy the area planned as space for the circulation of pedestrians, since there is no space planned for them. For these vendors, the home is an important site for production.

Food vendor 48

Storage and selling area

Timber recycling and production The area underneath the motorway gives way for storage space of all sorts as well as the set up for Adjacency to the highway

productive activities.

This is a multifunctional place

that is impenetrable and disorienting to outsiders but permeable to residents.

Behind them, after the motorway crosses the canal, the communities managed to create a micro-economy from timber scraps coming from the port’s shipping containers. Although an infrequent rail line runs through their working space a couple of times a day, they have managed to create a successful economy adapting to their surroundings.

Location for them is key, as they are located adjacent to the highway, which gives them access the formal city.

Rail line passing through

The underutilized rail line is used as a production and community transportation space.

KLONG TOEY: RESISTING URBAN HOMOGENEITY

49

50

A NEIGHBOURHOOD OF PRODUCTIVITY

51

Housing as infrastructure

The community being studied has already formed a set

Turner proposes, “by approaching housing as an activity,

of economic activities that have proven successful within

a process involving everyone, along with most of the

their territory, having relied on the existing infrastructure

resources on which life depends, we have a paradigm

and leftover spaces left formed by it. The site offers a

for the world as a whole� (TURNER, John F. C., 1988,

complex condition due to its adjacency to the canal and

p.14).

the motorway, which segregate it from the rest of the community. The existing infrastructure and housing form

Observing the relevance of infrastructure for the local

an urban barrier.

production of settlements in Klong Toey, this thesis proposes to test the use of housing as an inclusive

Most informal settlements rely on the street and sois

structuring device to create productive relationships of

network for domestic production, as they spill into public

social, economic and cultural character, challenging the

space with high levels of intensity and efficiency. The

current housing programs that currently disregard the

strip along the canal relies not only on the ground level

need for urbanity of the communities.

for economic activities, but also on the home, for a great percentage of the occupants are street vendors.

52

As

E

B

STREET

F A

D

C

SOI Existing fabric

CANAL

A NEIGHBOURHOOD OF PRODUCTIVITY

53

Relocation vs. in-situ upgrading

According to Davis, the urban poor have a dilemma

for themselves will be harsher. It is a better option to

when it comes to housing, as optimization of cost,

upgrade the living quarters they currently have to include

tenure, quality, distance to work and sometimes safety is

spaces that facilitate and promote further production

at stake. Some believe that close proximity to their job is

ecologies.

more important than a roof; while others think that free, or almost free, land is worth the longest commute. For

When relocated, tenants must be given adequate housing

all, the worst condition is an expensive location without

that provides them accessibility to their previous and

services or secure tenure (DAVIS, Mike, 2006).

new jobs. It’s important to preserve and enhance the livelihood of dwellers, as successful relocation is only so

Threats of eviction as well as actual displacements cause

if it benefits residents and greater society by giving them

a lot of damage to communities and fragile economies

an opportunity to contribute productively to the local

(TURNER, John F. C., 1988). “National approaches to

economy and the development of the area. According

slums, and to informal settlements in particular, have

to UN-Habitat, “Eradication and relocation destroys,

generally shifted from negative policies such as forced

unnecessarily, a large stock of housing affordable to

eviction, benign neglect and involuntary resettlement,

the urban poor and the new housing provided has

to more positive policies such as self-help and in situ

frequently turned out to be unaffordable, with the

upgrading, enabling and rights-based policies” (UN-

result that relocated households move back into slum

HABITAT, 2003, p.xxvi).

accommodation. Resettlement also frequently destroys the proximity of slum dwellers to their employment

If the people from Klong Toey were relocated to another

sources […] Easy access to livelihood opportunities is

sector, they would be too far from their place of work,

one of the main keys to the success of slum upgrading

which is near their current home. The need to find a new

programs” (UN-HABITAT, 2003, p.xxviii), which is one of

job or to find a way within the home they will be offered

the goals of this proposal.

(which will most probably be unsuited for it) to provide 54

Existing site A NEIGHBOURHOOD OF PRODUCTIVITY

55

Design approach

Using the concept of courtyards to perforate the strip and structure a set of external and internal networks, this project aims to extend the system of economic and social activities already occurring this particular community, reaching the vicinity scale.

The water-based neighbourhood can take advantage of their proximity to the canal by extending a platform that can provide access to it and facilitate movement, bringing back the cultural aspect of the khlong and the diverse opportunities it might contribute to the residents.

Within the courtyards and layering platforms, a system of interconnecting hierarchical spaces integrates this strip to the rest of the neighbourhood. Crossovers of activities happen in these nodes, where housing serves now as an enabler rather than a blocker.

56

Selective removal for internal and external courtyard implementation

A NEIGHBOURHOOD OF PRODUCTIVITY

57

Establishing networks

The border along the soi is currently the active boundary, but its accessibility is constrained by the housing itself and by the canal. Both can be seen as opportunities to establish the linkages necessary to create a more permeable area.

By addressing the edge with building in clusters rather than in the traditional rows, it is possible to create a hierarchy of networks through external courtyards that have a primary backbone network for public collaboration and association and a secondary network created by internal courtyards for spaces for live/work interaction between dwellers.

Enabling movement by creating a platform along the khlong brings life back to it, and consequently the return of its navigability. This links it, not only directly to the market, but also to the neighbouring localities and, in a much larger extension, to the Chao Phraya, as the waterways are the driver to reshape the city, a radical form of infrastructure that alleviates dense urban areas and acts as economic driver.

58

Soi network Canal network Internal courtyard External courtyard

A NEIGHBOURHOOD OF PRODUCTIVITY

59

Stimulating a productive centre

If the aim is to enhance the already existing local economy and to offer opportunities for more entrepreneurial businesses by providing adaptable spaces on the sois, then the ground floor needs to be opened up to develop economic as well as service spaces.

Creating a public platform along the Khlong generates key physical crossing points and nodes of interaction, thus intensifying the canal edge. This is a great opportunity for commercial activities with collective potential.

The internal courtyards create a network of secondary voids that generate shaded spaces for live/work interactions. Within it, it’s possible to find collective space for production and learning of the living community.

Along the internal corridors there are storage facilities for vending carts and other necessary elements for the dweller’s economic or social activities.

Housing is on the upper levels, with open corridors and shared spaces.

They can be adapted according to

family size or incremental with the passing of time.

60

PROPOSAL: [ A ] Activate waterfront [ B ] Public realm [ C ] Network [ D ] Economic spaces [ E ] Service spaces [ F ] Housing A NEIGHBOURHOOD OF PRODUCTIVITY

61

[D] [A] [C]

[F]

[B]

[E]

Intervention

Existing fabric

[ A ] Activate waterfront [ B ] Public realm [ C ] Network [ D ] Economic spaces [ E ] Service spaces [ F ] Housing 62

HOUSING

Vending

Service Shop

ECONOMIC SPACE

Business enterprise

Storage Workshop

INTERNAL COURTYARD

SERVICE SPACE

User defined

EXTERNAL COURTYARD

A NEIGHBOURHOOD OF PRODUCTIVITY

63

Inducing exchange

By integrating this mixed-use typology into the fabric, it is possible to create a hyperized layer on the ground floor, maximizing productivity in key areas. In this way, the livelihood of the neighbourhood can be intensified towards a more productive centre, which can then be weaved into the urban fabric.

Through

the

establishment

of

extended

webs

of

connectivity, both internally and externally, this project hopes to create and promote a platform for sharing, not only at the economic level but also through knowledge, skills, and social exchange.

64

Articulation of different spaces

A NEIGHBOURHOOD OF PRODUCTIVITY

65

66

CHALLENGING HOUSING POLICIES

67

Fostering productive ecologies

The continuous growth of cities is determinant in the lives

Following Jeanne van Heeswijk’s argument, “We want to

of the urban poor. Mobility infrastructure developments

establish a place where people teach each other what

could have a different understanding, as they have the

it takes to become active citizens and where they take

potential of crossing physical and relational scales,

collective responsibility to produce change in order

promoting and contributing to the engagement of the

to make the processes work in a larger social-political

city.

context.

For this to occur, it is important to not just

offer a platform for good intentions, but to find ways to It is the intent of this collaborative effort to critique

re-set the public value of urbanism as a contributor to

the contemporary role of mobility infrastructure and to

greater solidarity, one that acts as a real public faculty

address it in a way that is not only through the standpoint

that co-produces an alternative. For this we have to go

of mobility. This particular effort seeks to use Bangkok’s

back again and again to create an understanding of the

natural morphology, the khlongs and the sois, as a method

public domain as a shared space, a space that everyone

to structure networks through housing, forging social and

can contribute to and can change. This concept of the

economic relations in the intersections created by these

public domain means that we all have the right to an

elements.

environment that creates opportunities to work and to live well” (PHILLIPS, Andrea, 2012, p.81).

68

CHALLENGING HOUSING POLICIES

69

70

APPENDICES

71

Appendix A

72

The Bangkok Comprehensive Plan Regulation B.E. 2549. (2006 A.D.) Landuse Categories Factory area < 100 sq.m.

Factory < 200 sq.m.

Factory < 300 sq.m.

Factory < 500 sq.m.

Factory > 500 sq.m.

Concrete Plant (Tempory) Gas Storage/ Gas Station Petral Storage/ Petral Station Animal Farm / Sanctury Marine Animal Farm Cemetery Hotel Theater Night Service/Entertainment Single House Twin House Row House Residential Building Large Bld. Residence High Bld. Residence Extra Large Bld. Residence Commercial Bld. < 100 sq.m.

Commercial Bld. < 200 sq.m.

Commercial Bld. < 300 sq.m.

Commercial Bld. > 300 sq.m.

Comercial Row Bld. Commercial Large Bld. Commercial High Bld. Commercial Extra Large Bld. Market > 300 sq.m.

Market < 400 sq.m.

Market > 400 sq.m.

Large Bld. Market Office < 100 sq.m.

Office 100-300 sq.m.

Office > 300 sq.m.

Row Bld. Office Large Bld. Office High Bld. Office Ex.L.Bld.Office

R. 1 R.2 R.3 R.4 R.5 R.6 R.7

R.8 R.9 R.10 C.1 C.2 C.3 C.4 C.5

I.1

I.2

I.3

A.1 A.2

A.3 A.4 H.1 H.2

9 9 9 x x 10 11 11 x x

9 9 9 x x 10 11 11 x x

9 9 9 9 x 10 11 11 x x

9 9 9 9 x 10 11 11 x x

9 9 9 9 x 10 11 11 x x

9 9 9 9 x 10 11 11 x x 7

9 9 9 9 9 10 11 11 x x

9 9 5 5 x 10 11 11

4

4

x 2 x

2 4

2 4

2 x

x x x

12 x x x x 10 11 11 x x x x x x

9 9 5 5 x 10 11 11

x x x

9 9 9 9 9 10 11 11 x x x x x x

9 5 x x x 10 11 11

x x x

9 9 9 9 9 10 11 11 x x x x x x

x x x

x x x

x x x x

x x x x x x

x x x x x x

x x x x x x

4 x x x

x x x x x x x x x x x

1 2 x x x x x 2 2 x x

1 2 x x x x x 2 2 x x

1 2 x x x x x 2 2 2 2

x x x x x x x 4 x x

x x x x x x x x x x x x x

x x x x x x x 4 2 3

x x x x 4 x 3

3

x 5

x x x x

12 x x x x x 11 11 x x x x x x

9 x x x x 10 11 11 x x x x x x

x x x x x x

x x x x x

x x x x x x x x x x x

1 2 x x x x x 2 2 2 x

x x x x x x Large Bld. Club house in land subdivision Project x Advertisement Sign/ Bill Board x Warehouse x Convention Hall / Exhibition Hall x Slaughterhouse x Agro-industrial Warehouse x Amusement park / Zoo x Education Bld. 8 Hospital 8 Garbage Disposal x Risk Garbage Disposal x Used Machine / Auto Parts x Scrap / Recycle Material Storage x

x x x x x x x 4 x x x x x

x 3

6 x x 1

6 x x 1

Elderly House / Nursing Home Child Nusery % of Minor Use Floor Area Ratio: FAR* (: 1) Open Space Ratio: OSR** (%) Bonus Public Parking Open Space Front Set Back (m.)*** Side Set Back (m.)*** Back Set Back (m.)***

1 3 x x

1 x x

2 3

3

9 9 9 9 x 10 11 11 x x 7

4

9 9 9 9 x 10 11 11 x x 7

x

9 9 9 9 x 10 11 11 x x 7

x

9 9 9 9 x 10 11 11 x x 7

x

9 9 9 9 x 10 11 11 x x 7

x

9 9 9 9 x 10 11 11 x x x

x

9 9 9 9 x 10 11 11 x x x

4

x x x

3

2 3 x x 2 2 2 x

2 x x 2 2 2 2

2

1

1

1

3 x x x 4 x 3

2 x x x 4 x 3

2 3 3 x 4 2 3 x x 3

2 3 3

3 3

3

3

2 x

4 2 3 x x 3

4 2 3 x x 3

4 2 3 x x 3

4 2 3 x x 3

4 2 3 x x 3

4 2

4 2

4 2

4 2

x 3

2 3 3 x 4 2 3 x x 3

x x 3

x x 3

x x 3

x x 3

6 x 2 1

x x 2 x

x x 2 x

x x 2 x

x x x x

x x x x

x x x x

x x

x x

x

x

x x x x

x x x x

x x x x

3 x

3 x

3 x

x x x

3 3

3

3

2 x

3

3

x x x

x

x

x x x x x x x

x x x x x x x

5 x x x 4

5 x x x 4

5 x x x 4

x

x

x x 5 6 5

x 5 6 5

x x x x x 8 6 x

x 5 10

x 5 10

x

x

x x x x x x x x x x 7 x

x x x x x x x x x x 7 x

x

x

x x x

x x x

x x x

x x x

x

x

x x x

x x x

3

x x 5 x x x

x x 5 x x x

6 5

6 x x x

x x x x

x x x x

5

x x x x 2 2 2 2

5

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

10

x 5 10

5

10

5

10

5

1

1.5

2.5

3

4

4.5

5

6

7

8

5

6

7

8

10

2

1.5

1

1

1

1

2

3

4

40

20 12.5 10

7.5

6.5

6

5

4.5

4

6

5

4.5

4

3

15

20

40

40

40

40

15

10

7.5

B

B

B

2 2 1 1 2 2 1,000 100 100 12 12 12

2 1 2

2 2 2 Min. Lot size in land subdivision project (sq.wah)* 100 Maximum Height of Building (m.)

12

B B

B

B

B

B

B

B

B

2 1 2 50 12

Condition X = Prohibitted B = Bonus 1 = Road width 10 m. / or sited within 500 m. of mass transit stations 2 = Road width 16 m. / or sited within 500 m. of mass transit stations

2 1 2

12

7 = Reconstruction 8 = Bld. Size / Service Size

3 = Road width 30 m. / or sited within 500 m. of mass transit stations

9 = Addemdum Table

4 = Site / Location

10 = Temporary located in the construction site or surroundings

5 = Related Activities

11 = Excluded some activities in the Ministerial Regulation

6 = BMA Regulation, By-Laws * FAR (Floor Area Ratio) is not enforced to single house and twin house ** OSR (Open Space Ratio) is not enforced to single house and twin house *** Set Back : excluding single house on land plot size <40 sq.wah or road width < 6 m. which subdivided before this Ministerial enacted. **** 1 sq.wah sq wah = 4 ้ sq.m. sq m ้

Remarkable Note:

This summary table of the Ministerial Regulation on the Bangkok Comprehensive Plan B.E. 2549 (2006 A.D.) is might be slightly unclear or differed from the original Thai version.

It was due to the English translation and definitions. Accordingly, the original Ministerial Regulation in Thai version must be authenticated for all applications, implementations, discretions, and permissions.

8 พฤษภาคม 2549

73

74

+ SERVICES

350 KM

4.3%

Textiles

50 Billion - Port + Industry

Dawei

4.5%

5.8%

Machinery

Weaving Apparel

6.8%

8.6%

Radio & Television

Furniture

x 10 (Map Ta Phut Industrial Estate, Rayong)

ASEAN TRADE NETWORK - Dissolving boundaries

35,000 People - Relocated

IMPACT:

Dawei Industrial SEZ

Dawei Port

x 5 (Laem Chabang)

15.3% 12.8% 9.6%

Motor Vehicles

Office & Computing

Food & Beverages

8.5 Billion in infrastructure

Area: 50,675 acres, r-205 km

$

INVESTMENT:

Bangkok

5 Hrs

44.2%

12.3%

+ AGRICULTURE

DISTANCE/TIME:

42.6%

+ INDUSTRY

GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT:

DAWEI

SINGAPORE

KUALA LUMPUR

BANGKOK

HA NOI

HO CHI

MACAU

HONG KONG

Appendix B

Appendix C

UN-Habitat, State of the Worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Cities 2010/2011 75

References

49GROUP. 2007. 49GROUP. [online]. [Accessed 25 Nov

CORNWEL-SMITH, Philip. 2013. Very Thai: Everyday

2013]. Available from World Wide Web: <49group.com>

popular culture. Thailand: River Books Co., Ltd.

ASKEW, Marc. 2002. Bangkok: Place, Practice and

DAVIS, Mike. 2006. Planet of Slums. London: Verso.

Representation. London: Routledge.

HARMS, Hans H. 1972. The Housing Problem for LowBELL, Barry. 2003. Bangkok: Angelic Allusions. London:

Income People. In: Freedom to Build, New York: The

Reaktion Books Ltd.

Macmillan Company, pp.73-94.

BOONYABANCHA, Somsook. 1988. Klong Toey: A slum

HARVEY, David. 2010. Possible Urban Worlds. In:

community’s thirty year struggle in Thailand. In: Building

Megacities: Exploring a Sustainable Future, Rotterdam:

community: A Third World Case Book, London: Building

010 Publishers, pp.166-179.

Community Books, pp.75-80.

HAYNES, Kingsley E. 2010. The Glue of Megacities. In: COMMUNITY

ARCHITECTS

FOR

SHELTER

AND

ENVIRONMENT. 2006. CASE. [online]. [Accessed 27

Megacities: Exploring a Sustainable Future, Rotterdam: 010 Publishers, pp.93-98.

Jan 2014]. Available from World Wide Web: <http://www. casestudio.info>

JUMSAI, Sumet. 1988. Naga: Cultural Origins in Siam and the West Pacific. Singapore: Oxford University Press.

COMMUNITY INSTITUTE.

ORGANIZATIONS Baan

Mankong:

DEVELOPMENT

Thailand’s

City-wide,

MATEO-BABIANO, Iderlina B. 2012. Public life in

Community-Driven Slum Upgrading and Community

Bangkok’s

Housing Development at National Scale.

International.

COMMUNITY

ORGANIZATIONS

urban

spaces.

Habitat

DEVELOPMENT

NATIONAL HOUSING AUTHORITY. National Housing

INSTITUTE. CODI. [online]. [Accessed 31 Jan 2014].

Authority. [online]. [Accessed 28 Jan 2014]. Available

Available from World Wide Web: <http://www.codi.or.th/>

from

World

Wide

Web:

php?filename=background> 76

Queensland:

<http://eng.nha.co.th/main.

PHILLIPS, Andrea. 2012. Social housing-housing the

In: Building community: A Third World Case Book,

social: art, property and spatial justice. Amsterdam:

London: Building Community Books, pp.13-16.

SKOR. TURNER, John F. C. 1988. Issues and Conclusions. In: PIASEU, Noppawan. 2003. Food Insecurity and Health

Building community: A Third World Case Book, London:

among Low Income Families Living in Crowded Urban

Building Community Books, pp.169-181.

Areas in Thailand. Washington: University of Washington.

UN-HABITAT. 2003. The Challenge of Slums: Global PORT AUTHORITY OF THAILAND. 2005. Bangkok Port.

Report on Human Settlements 2003. London: Earthscan

[online]. [Accessed 25 Jan 2014]. Available from World

Publications Ltd.

Wide Web: <http://www.bkp.port.co.th/bkp/about/eng/ about.asp?link=2>

UN-HABITAT. 2010. State of the Worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Cities 2010/2011.

London: Earthscan Publications Ltd.

ROOMRAKWIT, Pattama. 2012.

UNITED NATIONS. 2013. Convention on the Protection SHERMAN, Lindsey and Michael CONTENTO. 2012.

and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions.

Relational Territories. S.L.U.M. Lab - ASIAN MODE,

Paris: UNESCO.

Spring, pp.40-42.

USAVAGOVITWONG,

Nattawat.

2012.

Successful

SUDJIC, Deyan. 2010. Identity in the City. In: Megacities:

Approaches to National Slum Upgrading and Prevention,

Exploring

Thailand.

a

Sustainable

Future,

Rotterdam:

010

Publishers, pp.180-188.

WUNGPATCHARAPON,

Supreeya

and

Supitcha

TURNER, John F. C. 1972. Housing as a Verb. In:

TOVIVICH. 2012. Baan Mankong at Klong Bang Bua

Freedom to Build, New York: The Macmillan Company,

Community Guidebook. [online].

pp.148-175.

TURNER, John F. C. 1988. An Introductory Perspective.

77

78

79