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25 Years of Freedom

Interview with Jan Krzysztof Bielecki Ukraine One Year After Euromaidan Leadership Lessons from 1989 1/2014

in this issue

headlines

interview Jan Krzysztof Bielecki

in depth 25 Years Later, Central Europe Does Not Regret Choosing the West by Rastislav Káčer

Former Czechoslovak President Vaclav Havel.

Ambassador Ivan Korčok at the Tatra summit organised by Centre for European Aﬀairs, member of Central European Strategy Council in Bratislava, Slovakia.

Ukrainians light candles at a memorial for people killed in clashes with security forces in Kiev's Independence Square in Ukraine.

A ﬂower from bouquet held by children is seen on the red carpet before the welcome ceremony for visiting Czech Republic's President Milos Zeman outside the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, China.

Ukraine One Year After Euromaidan by Rafał Sadowski

visegrad news

opinion poll

university pick

EU insight

Ambassador’s advice

leadership Leadership Lessons from 1989 by Simona Kordošová

op-eds European Union’s Eastern Partnership Revisited by Valentina Gevorgyan Challenging the Leadership Paradigm of NATO, EU and Transatlantic Community by Umesh Mukhi Understanding the Present by Knowing the Past by Tiago Ferreira Lopes

on the map

activities Hub of Future European & Transatlantic Leaders

27quiz 28

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editorial

Published by Slovak Atlantic Commission

Twenty-five years have passed since the Velvet Revolution - "a time that changed" the lives of citizens of the former Czechoslovakia; a time, when longing for freedom finally triumphed over the deep-rooted Moloch of totalitarian regime, a regime marked by oppression and fear. When the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia assumed full control over the government in one quick coup d’état in February 1948, few expected the country to romp down the path of totalitarianism in such a short time after the experiences of the Second World War. The economic decline and the political oppression that ensued after Czechoslovakia’s inclusion into the Eastern Bloc marred people’s hopes for leading their lives in a free society: a fate shared with many other countries of eastern and central Europe. The erection of the Berlin Wall in 1961 would be the definite blow to liberty. It divided families, Berlin, Europe, and ultimately the whole world as the Cold War silently raged on. It is a well-known lesson of history that once you curb people’s fundamental rights and freedoms, the resistance is waiting just around the corner. The events in central Europe were no exception to this. The will to stand up for liberty had manifested as early as in 1956 in Poland and Hungary, and in 1968 in Czechoslovakia. People’s will, however, was not exactly congruent with the will of the regime, and these uprisings were met with a cruel response. In the following years, a policy of normalization held sway. Democratic processes were to be suppressed and the previous status quo was to be restituted and maintained on long-term basis. There were more than enough reasons to put a stop to this regime. Only in Czechoslovakia, 248 people were executed for their political actions, and up to 250 000 were illegally incarcerated. Many others were detained to forced labour camps, persecuted or even shot at the borders. The fundamental human rights and freedoms - such as the freedom of speech, the right to physical integrity and privacy, prohibition of forced labour or the freedom of thought and confession - were concepts fairly distant from the reality before 1989. Ultimately, the Europeans east of the Berlin Wall got their chance to contribute to the regime’s downfall, which was becoming inevitable with the power of the Soviet Union slowly waning over the decades. The communist dream remained unfulfilled as the last bastion of socialism in Europe - The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic - fell on 17 November 1989. The Velvet Revolution, as it is often nicknamed, marked the beginning of uneasy changes in Czechoslovakia, setting the country on the hard road from totalitarianism to-

wards democracy. Between 1992 and 1993 central Europe had to face another great challenge. Fortunately enough though, the separation of Czechoslovakia happened without a single shot fired or blood drop spilled. The Yugoslavia scenario has not repeated itself, and to this day, Czechs and Slovaks consider each other brothers. The two separate countries now went down two separate paths towards democracy. While Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary were getting ready to be incorporated into the European structures, Slovakia struggled with the newly established authoritarian regime of Vladimír Mečiar. As Madelaine Albright quaintly put it, Slovakia had become sort of a “black hole in the heart of Europe”. For Slovakia, becoming a part of NATO was still just as unimaginable in 1998, as it was back in 1989. However, after the free elections in 1998 important changes occurred. As the country opened up to reforms and cooperation with the transatlantic structures, what was at first unimaginable slowly shifted towards real. In 2004, Slovakia entered NATO and the European Union. Having finally integrated itself into the European and transatlantic structures, our country has gone a long way since. There is, however, much more left to be done. In all honesty, blind spots and loopholes are still to be found in every sphere of public life: from jurisdiction and the problem of poor law enforcement, obsolete education and health care systems, the unflattering state of Slovak defence, to the omnipresent corruption. Indeed, the amount of work that awaits us in future is hardly lesser than before. Turning our sight towards this future, however, we must be careful not to forget about our past - about all that shaped us, influenced us, brought us where we are. That is why we need to remind ourselves of the Velvet Revolution even (or perhaps especially) today, so that the period between 1948 and 1989 does not evaporate from our memory. More than sixty years ago, George Orwell wrote: “He who controls the past controls the future. He who controls the present controls the past”. In the age of ever expanding information war, we better not forget the era prior to the Revolution, unless we want to condemn ourselves to repeat the mistakes of our predecessors. Dear readers, just as revolutions take place in our societies, so do they appear in the world of media: this is the first issue of our new webzine Euro-Atlantic! think.act.lead., and I am happy to invite you to read it. I wish that the time you spend doing so will benefit you greatly.

MIKULÁŠ VIRÁG Editor-in-Chief 2014 • 3

headlines

Ex-ruler Hosni Mubarak Freed in Egypt

Obama Announced Ash Carter the Next U.S. Defence Secretary

Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly in Russia

On 29 November, an Egyptian court dropped its case against Mubarak over the killing of protesters in the uprising that ended his 30-year rule. The ruling was seen by activists as the latest sign that the rights won during the Arab Spring demonstrations are being eroded. Protests erupted at universities shortly after court decision to drop criminal charges against former president over the killing of protesters in 2011. Mubarak’s deposition led to Egypt’s ﬁrst free election. But the winner, Mohamed Morsi, was removed from power last year by Abdel Fatah al-Sisi, another military ofﬁcer, who went on to win a presidential vote in May. Egyptian authorities have since jailed Morsi and thousands of his supporters within the Muslim Brotherhood, sentencing hundreds to death in mass trials that drew international criticism. By contrast, Mubarak-era people have been released and new laws curtailing political freedom have been passed, raising fears among activists that the old leadership is back. The Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, a leading rights group, said: “The verdict of the Egyptian court further reinforces concerns about the alarmingly selective justice system in Egypt, which appears more intent on settling political scores and punishing dissent than establishing justice.” “Down with Hosni Mubarak, down with every Mubarak, down with military rule,” was the declaration on one Facebook page that called for protests against the ruling.

On 5 December, President Obama formally nominated Ashton Carter to be his fourth defence secretary who will replace outgoing Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel, who resigned in November. “With a record of service that has spanned more than 30 years as a public servant, as an advisor, as a scholar, Ash is rightly regarded as one of our nation’s foremost national security leaders,” Obama said at a White House ceremony during the ofﬁcial announcement. Obama also listed the array of challenges including battling the Islamic State militants, confronting cyber-terrorism and using military resources to help control the spread of Ebola. Outgoing defence secretary Chuck Hagel, a former Republican senator from Nebraska, announced that he would depart the Pentagon following weeks of speculation about a rift between the Pentagon leadership and the White House. Hagel, a decorated veteran of the Vietnam War, took over in early 2013 charged with reforming the Pentagon budget and ushering the U.S. military out of a dozen years of war. The newly nominated defence secretary Ashton Carter was deputy secretary of defence between 2011 and 2013, serving as the Pentagon's chief operating ofﬁcer under both Hagel and Hagel's predecessor, Leon Panetta. Before that, he'd served in a variety of roles within the Pentagon under Mr. Obama and former President Bill Clinton. Carter, who holds a doctorate in physics, has also been on the faculty at Harvard and MIT, and is currently a lecturer at Stanford.

On 4 December, Vladimir Putin made his Annual Address about the State of the Nation to the Federal Assembly. In his address, he concentrated on the landmark events, which had recently taken place. “This year we faced trials that only a mature and united nation and a truly sovereign and strong state can withstand. Russia has proved that it can protect its compatriots and defend truth and fairness”, he said. Regarding Crimea, he sees this as the historical reunification with Russia. Crimea is of strategic importance for Russia and it is a place where its own people live. Furthermore, he stated Russia will always support its brotherly republics as it is doing now in Ukraine. President accused the United States from their efforts to break Russia into pieces as it was done to Yugoslavia. From his view, the West is trying to build a new “Iron Curtain” around Russia. The behaviour of the United States is not only a threat for Russia, but for the international security as such, he added. Concerning Russian economy, Putin said the difficulties his country faces also create new possibilities and he defends the principle of private property and the freedom of enterprise. He also mentioned the Eurasian Economic Union, which is about to start fully work from January 2015. More than 1000 people, including members of the Federation Council, State Duma deputies, and governmental members, representatives of the Constitutional and Supreme Courts, regional politicians as well as heads of Orthodox Church, public figures and media representatives gathered in the Kremlin´s St. George Hall, where Putin made his address.

4 • 2014

headlines

Putin Abandoned the South Stream

Swedish Government Collapses Only After Two Months in Power

Verkhovna Rada Approved New Ukrainian Government

Vladimir Putin, speaking during his official visit in Ankara, said the South Stream pipeline is over and Russia will not continue implementing this project anymore. Russian officials have defended South Stream for years as an important step towards strengthening European energy security. This pipeline aimed to transport natural gas of the Russian Federation through the Black Sea to Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary and Slovenia, further to Austria. Putin strongly argued they will not continue building the pipeline without permission from Bulgaria and with lack of support from the EU Commission. “I think it’s clear to everyone that it would be ridiculous to start the construction in the sea, reach the Bulgarian shore and stop. So we are forced to reconsider our participation in this project”, he said. Project raised several controversies due to non-compliance with the EU competition and energy legislation. Additionally, on 17 April 2014, the European Parliament adopted a resolution opposing South Stream and recommending a search for alternative sources of gas supplies for the EU due to the conflict in Ukraine backed by Moscow. South Stream pipeline along with the North Stream, an offshore gas pipeline from Russia to Germany, would aimed to bypass pipelines going through Ukraine and Belarus. During a joint press conference with his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Putin announced Moscow will increase gas supplies to Turkey and instead of South Stream, a new hub could be possibly built on the Turkish-Greek border to supply Southern Europe with gas. Currently, Russia carries natural gas to Turkey, through Blue Stream, a major trans-Black Sea pipeline.

Sweden will hold fresh elections in March following the collapse of its centre-left government as coalition had been split on budget vote on Wednesday, 3rd of December 2014. A period of political uncertainty in the normally stable Nordic country has begun after the populist, anti-immigration Sweden Democrats joined the centre-right opposition to vote down the government’s budget. “I cannot let the Sweden Democrats dictate the terms. I think this is irresponsible and would be unprecedented in Swedish political history,” Stefan Löfven, the Social Democrat prime minister, said. Mr Löfven’s government will go down as the second shortest-lived administration in Swedish history after a day of political drama in Stockholm. "The Sweden Democrats want the election to be a referendum on immigration," the party's interim leader Mattias Karlsson said, according to Swedish news agency TT. The opposition centreright’s budget was passed, with the help of the Sweden Democrats, who shocked the establishment by coming third in September’s elections with nearly 13 per cent of the vote. The rise of the populist party, which wants to cut immigration by 90 per cent, has plunged Sweden into its worst government crisis in decades and strained traditional consensus politics as the country faces its first snap election since 1958, set to take place on March 22. The Sweden Democrats are shunned by all parties for their stance on immigration. The country of 10 million people takes more immigrants per capita than any other European nation.

On 27 November, the inaugural session of the newly elected Ukrainian Parliament was held. Due to the ongoing war in Donbass and the unilateral annexation of Crimea by Russia, the elections were not held in all constituencies and 30 seats remain vacant. In the unicameral parliament with 420 deputies, The Petro Poroshenko Bloc gained the most seats (148), before the People´s Front (81), the Samopomich (Self Reliance, 32), the Opposition Bloc (40), the Radical party (22) and the Batkivschyna (Fatherland, 19). In addition, two deputy groups have been formed – the People´s Will (20) and the Economic Development (18). 40 deputies stayed independent. For the first time since Ukraine’s independence (1991), communists have no parliamentary representation. Shortly after election, new Ukrainian government with constitutional majority of 302 seats was formed. The parliamentary majority include Petro Poroshenko Block, People´s Front, led by Ukrainian Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk, Samopomich, Radical Party and Batkivschyna, led by former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. Petro Poroshenko, Ukrainian President, in his extraordinary message to Verkhovna Rada declared, that “…a unique chance given by the responsible Ukrainian people to our state after electing the pro-European constitutional majority to the Ukrainian Parliament for the first time – these colossal opportunities have never been available for us before…our task can be explained with a simple formula: to avert the threat and use the chance”. New Ukrainian government will now focus on hard economic and political reforms in order to avoid national bankrupt and to stabilize security situation in its South-East. New government also reconfirmed its ambitions to integrate to the European Union as well as NATO.

2014 • 5

interview

Jan Krzysztof Bielecki: It Is a Duty of All Visegrad

Countries to Give a Hand to Ukraine interviewed by RADKA ČÍŽOVÁ • Euro-Atlantic! think.act.lead. cession, it let us to slow-down, slower growth. It is like swimming, it is good unless you sink. You have to relax for a moment, but keep it going – that’s the most important principle, keep it running! Because once you sink then to regain trust is much more difﬁcult.

Mr Prime Minister, you played a very crucial role in the Solidarity movement and during the transformation processes in Poland. How would you describe the period of the last 25 years? Did Poland and its governments fulfil the expectations, which had arisen after the fall of communism? Is it really a new golden age (the second Jagiellonian age) for Poland? At that time when Solidarity movement decided to go for the parliamentary elections in 1989, of course, the expectations were very high. It was a dangerous, risky decision for us to sit down with the communists and to find the solution for transition from one system to another. Then, full responsibility was taken by Solidarity governments and finally unbelievable change took place. Why am I saying unbelievable? Because it was a huge change in terms of Polish security. Poland is not only independent but I think also a secure country, it is a fully-fletched member of NATO. So, the most important objective is fulfilled, which is to defend your independence and to produce necessary protective instruments. Secondly, Poland is also better off than it was in 1989, Poland was the first country in the Eastern bloc, which overtook the standard of living in the 80s, so today Poles are more than twice as economically good as before transformation.

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economic transformation is to go without drops, or as you call it recession. On this basis you can produce optimism level necessary for the consumers to buy products and as you know consumption is impor-

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Yes, that is a very good case. In my opinion the most important for successful 6 • 2014

I think for us it is very important as the countries that regained our independen-

“Each generation has its role, you face also many hardships and challenges, so now it is time for you to do something about it.”

tant, or even more important than ever, for investments and future growth of GDP. In professional literature it is described as uninterrupted growth period and since the end of the 2nd world war the longest such period took place in Japan. In Poland it is the last 22/23 years, which means we have some more years to co-

“I think it is a duty of all Visegrad countries to give a hand to Ukraine”

And also Poland was the only country in the EU, which was not hit by recession during the recent crisis in 2009.

During the TATRA SUMMIT conference you have identiﬁed many areas in the economic sphere where the possibilities for common V4 projects are, what about common take in foreign policy? Are there any possibilities for the common Visegrad approach towards the crisis in Ukraine and Russian assertive foreign policy? Have our governments failed?

me to beat the Japanese result. As an outcome we have a generation that has never experienced deep recession. For the young, the only way to move forward is to grow compared to our generation which was used to the business cycle, right? Business cycle never leads to re-

ce to stand by the values which facilitated our independence recently, particularly the right of nation for self-determination. And as the Ukrainian public took the democratic election, chosen its government and they want to build their independence and they want to get another chance for political and economic transformation, I think it is a duty of all of us to give them a hand, to help them and I hope this is a shared view by all Visegrad countries, not only mine. What does Poland expect from Slovakia in these terms? Slovakia is a very important member of the EU and Visegrad group and I believe it will also stand by these important principles, which we respect: territorial integrity of any country, right for self-de-

interview termination and human rights. This is the cornerstone of our democracies. What would be your message for disillusioned young people with politics, who do not see these democratic principles in everyday politics of today? To some extent, we may say that people have been disillusioned with democratic principles for quite a long time, that’s why Churchill coined his famous phrase about democracy as a system that is not ideal, but no one yet developed anything better. We have to develop better democratic institutions. Young people should also develop their own institutions through which they can contribute toward their democratic countries. Each generation should add its own contribution.

Jan Krzysztof Bielecki: M. Bielecki was a leading ﬁgure of the Gdańsk-based Liberal Democratic Congress in the early 1990s and also served as Prime Minister of Poland for most of 1991. In his post-political career, Bielecki served as president of Bank Pekao between 2003 - 2010, and presently serves as the chairman of the Polish Institute of International Aﬀairs. Since the early 2000s, Bielecki has been a member of the Civic Platformparty. Mr Bielecki studied sea transport economics at the University of Gdańsk, graduating in 1973. For much of the latter half of the 1970s, Bielecki was employed as an economist at the Center of Heavy Industry, an applied economic research institute in Gdańsk. In 1980, Mr Bielecki joined the Solidarity movement. Since March 2010 Bielecki has served as president of the Chancellery’s Economic Council after his appointment by Prime Minister Donald Tusk. Mr Bielecki has also published articles within a number of newspapers and magazines, including The Wall Street Journal, Die Welt, Rzeczpospolita and Gazeta Wyborcza.

which was a good exercise. We did not need to go to the gym to get ﬁt. Our generation should be very thankful for the freedom we can enjoy today.

Each generation has its role, you face also many hardships and challenges. For example, youth unemployment, so now it is time for you to do something about it.

What was your inspiration when you were young? One of the biggest inspirations was the visit of Pope John Paul II. in the 70s to Poland, only a year after his election. When he called for us to wake up and to stand for people’s dignity; that was something natural for us to do. The system was breaking your spine, when you were ﬂexible and you joined the communist party, your career was much better. The ﬁrst big decision after I graduated was whether I join the party or not and for me, somebody who comes from Gdansk, the party membership could open up fantastic job opportunities in maritime business, in maritime economy it gave you many travelling opportunities, you could work abroad under one simple obligation: to be a member of the communist party.

G N I T I WR PETITION COM SO SIMILAR, SO DIFFERENT, SO EUROPEAN.

Did you have an ambition to become a prime-minister once at that time? Not at all, I worked for the Polish underground, I worked as a truck driver. And I asked myself a question how could I be a successful truck-driver also in the age of 50, because it was a very difﬁcult, exhausting physical work, which needed a lot of muscles and physical ﬁtness. I drove always with a friend of mine, because we had to load and unload the cargo, which was roughly 6/8 tons heavy,

Share your thoughts on an enlarged Union and win a trip to BRUSSELS For more information: writingcompetition.eu g p #EUEnlargement

2014 • 7

in depth

25 Years Later, Central Europe Does Not Regret Choosing the West AMB. RASTISLAV KÁČER • Honorary President of the Central European Strategy Council, Ambassador of the Slovak Republic to Hungary Former Czechoslovak President Vaclav Havel.

25 years ago the Wall came down and the Soviet Empire started to melt like morning snow in an April sun. The world of communistic dictatorships collapsed for a simple reason - it could no longer compete. It became completely rotten from the inside, morally and economically. For forty years Europe and its people had lived divided into two worlds. ne of free choice, free will and free competition - the other of very limited choices. One of strategic cooperation and integration by choice (European integration/NATO) - the other one of imposed, or supervised “integration” by COMECON and the Warsaw Pact. Any signs of reforms or just a wishful ﬂirtation with the idea of reforms in this Soviet realm produced only blood, even more pain and less freedom. Any attempt to walk straight and think like a free man was quickly put down, in 1956 in Hungary, 1968 in Czechoslovakia, and 1981 in Poland. 1989 brought us back freedom, dignity and the possibility of making choices. Our choice was simple: liberal democracy and a free trade economy. That choice was seen as being something as natural as breathing, and integration with NATO and the

8 • 2014

EU was an inseparable part of it. To people like myself, the end of the Cold War was the victory of common sense. We saw this as the victory of all freedom-seeking people, no matter what side of the Wall they had lived before 1989. This was not a defeat of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Treaty by the USA and NATO, but a simpler affair: collapse of communism as represented by the Soviet Empire. This is very important essence of changes of 1989. Unfortunately, as we see it today, this perception was not widely shared and understood in the same way throughout the whole Soviet dominated space. For Slovaks, Czechs, Poles, Hungarians, and the Balts, membership of both NATO and the EU was seen as a very rational but also an emotional choice. As between individuals, the most durable relationships are those where love and reason come to-

gether, and for us this was the NATO/EU option. In terms of security, there were some who spoke of neutrality, but what would that entail exactly? Firstly, a very fragile international position, as no one dared to predict for how long the post imperial Soviet sentiments in Moscow would hibernate. Secondly, it would mean marginalization in European policy-making. We concluded that a place at the table in the room where strategic decisions are made is always better than hanging out in the lobby, hoping you do not one day appear on the menu. Finally, many of us also saw the “pick and choose” approach to alliances as morally doubtful. If you want to proﬁt from a close economic or security cooperation, you should be also willing to share the risks involved. In the early 1990s we did not know how deep the wounds caused by communism and the divisions created of the Cold War were. We expected fast integration into NATO and smooth transition towards the European Union. Instead, we witnessed plenty of hesitation to enlarge the EU, and frustrating stages (some may say hurdles) on the road to NATO membership such as North Atlantic Cooperation Council, Partnership for Peace, and even Membership Action Plan. However, today I admit that this was a prudent way to enlarge. It helped to build trust, and motivated the aspirants to perform better. I also think that an informal link between NATO and the EU qualiﬁcation processes at that time was very useful. Still, in the years when I represented my country at some NATO and EU meetings, I was often struck by the difference of “corporate cultures” between the two organizations and the schizophrenic approach of some states, pursuing different, and sometimes contradictory, policies at the EU and NATO.

in depth To apply for membership was our free choice and an expression of our free will. Both NATO and the EU are based on this principle. It was not a result of a geo-strategic competition between the US and Russia or the US wishing to recruit allies against Moscow. On the contrary: our accession process was more than a decadelong struggle requiring plenty of dedication and hard work, also involving an effort to convince the US about the merits of enlargement. I laugh when I hear now how NATO (as if it was some mysterious creature) “expanded” to push Russia away. As if the Central European countries were forced into NATO, as if NATO was just another kind of Warsaw Pact, as if history could not be driven by choices of free people, and as if all of the post-1989 dynamics were a puppet theatre performance. I do not know whether I should cry or laugh when I hear all those conspiracy theories today. When negotiating our accession, I had never heard a word which would be hostile towards Russia. On the contrary, many meetings were dedicated to the issue on how to engage Russia in a closer stra-

tegic relationship, based on its willingness to engage. The hand was stretched, and at best ignored, at worst knowingly snubbed. I will never forget my trip to Moscow shortly before Slovakia joined NATO. At a high level meeting, the only reaction to my sincere explanation of our choices was: “Mr. State Secretary, let me assure you, when you join NATO we will put you on the list of our enemies”. And that was 2003. I had never heard that type of language at any NATO meeting before. Since 1992 I have spent a lot of time at NATO and EU formal and informal strategic meetings. I have had access to top classiﬁed strategic documents. In none of those did I see even a hint of a policy to fence out, push away or dominate Russia. Maybe a problem for Moscow was that a close cooperation with NATO would require it to accept a few simple rules like: cooperation of equals, respect for smaller states as well as the big ones, and a basic degree of transparency. Current events in the east of Ukraine are unacceptable and unprecedented in the post-World War Two history of Europe. An information war of an immense dimensi-

on creates a twisted reality where we ﬁnd the wolf laying in the grandma’s bed with a bulging belly, saying that he has never seen any Little Red Riding Hood, or grandma. When pushed a bit harder, he would yell back “So what that I’ve eaten them? Grandma was old and Little Red Riding Hood was provoking me and got what she deserved”. The bottom line 25 years from the fall of communism is this: Slovakia has reached the level of freedom and prosperity that it most likely has never seen before. That has been partly due to our membership of NATO and EU and our commitment to modernise and reform, linked with the accession process. Liberal democracy, as well as NATO and the EU themselves, are imperfect instruments which can get out of tune. Still, they are preferable to other options. Most importantly, since 1989 we have had the possibility to make free choices. And we ended up not bad at all. The article was originally published by the European Leadership Network on 20 November 2014 at www.europeanleadershipnetwork.org

2014 • 9

in depth

Ukraine One Year After Euromaidan RAFAŁ SADOWSKI • Senior Fellow at the Centre for Eastern Studies Ukrainians light candles at a memorial for people killed in clashes with security forces in Kiev's Independence Square. By (AP Photo/Sergei Chuzavkov)

A year ago no one expected that events in Ukraine would take such a dramatic course. the end of November 2013, the general perception was that Ukrainian society was passive, the system of power would slowly transform into an authoritarian regime centred around the former president Viktor Yanukovych, and Ukraine would gravitate in its foreign policy towards Russia. However, Yanukovych’s decision to suspend the signing of the Association Agreement with the EU led to a protest organised by a group of students in Kyiv in late November last year, which subsequently triggered a sequence of events that led to radical changes in Ukraine (and not only in Ukraine, but also in the EU – Russia relations). As a result of the mass protests of Euromaidan (now referred to locally as the Revolution of Dignity), which took place not only in Kyiv but throughout the country, the former president and government were brought down, a new leadership was elected in democratic elections, and Ukraine ratiﬁed the Association Agreement with the EU and pursued the path of European integration. At the same time, it faced a military assault from Russia, which annexed Crimea and has be-

10 • 2014

en supporting a separatist armed rebellion in the east of the country (aided by regular Russian armed forces). Despite all the changes so far, the process of transformation in Ukraine has only just begun. Also, it still remains an open question as to whether it will lead to any substantial and profound change and the creation of an efﬁcient and well-run state integrated with the EU, or whether it will merely amount to another shift of power which does not alter things fundamentally.

System of power The Euromaidan revolution revealed a deep crisis in the system of power, which ceased to fulﬁl its functions and was not controlled by society but by a narrow entourage gathered around the former president. Ukrainians protested not only for integration with the EU but ﬁrst and foremost against dysfunctional state institutions, corruption and growing authoritarian tendencies. The stabilisation of the political situation after the change of power went rather smoothly despite the ongoing conflict with Russia and local separatists. Two

subsequent elections – presidential in May and parliamentary in October – were carried out in a democratic manner and elected the new state’s leadership. The newly elected president and the majority of political parties in the parliament declared a will for deep reforms and have opted for integration with the EU. A large proportion of MPs are newcomers, which augurs a process of reformation in the political sphere. The unanimity among key political players regarding the main directions of state policy strengthens stability on the political scene and gives hopes that genuine reforms will be implemented (unlike the situation after the Orange Revolution in 2004). However, the key challenge for the ruling political forces will be to preserve the unanimity and political will needed to carry out the reform process. It is important, because each of the political parties were established just before elections (apart from the Batkivshchyna party) and they are more of an alliance of different political groupings and politicians rather than tight and coherent political movements united by a common ideology. A possible defragmentation in the political domain as well as the conﬂicts between post-Maidan political leaders cannot be ruled out, although this is not an option for now.

Society One of the most important consequences of the ‘Revolution of Dignity’ is the changes which have occurred within Ukrainian society. Even now it is hard to entirely assess the scale of this process, which is still ongoing. There is definitely a feeling among Ukrainians that civil society has the right and means to exert some control over the governing authorities. If the authorities do not answer to people´s demands, they feel that they are able to mobilise mass protests and demand their rights on the

in depth streets. As a consequence, social activity is growing and the number of NGOs and independent media has increased. This is a positive factor serving to stimulate democratisation of society. There is, however, one caveat to this. If the process of social resistance transgresses beyond the legally permissible to more extreme measures (e.g. certain cases of so-called “people lustration”, where local officials were forced to resign by a mob), it could lead to the growth of anarchy in the country. However, so far social activists and organisations have generally refrained from radical actions (and these are rather marginal). Nevertheless, the economic crisis in the country and military conflict in the east could strengthen radical attitudes within society. Another important change in society is a surge of social mobilisation around the Ukrainian state and the Ukrainisation of social life. This process is not only a product of the Euromaidan but, more importantly, a response to Russia’s assault on Ukraine. Now we can observe the eruption and formation of a modern Ukrainian identity and patriotism, especially among the younger generation. This process will have further long term consequences and lead to the creation of a modern and civic nation. However, a division between those who support the post-Euromaidan changes and those who are against them remains in society. Furthermore, the conﬂict in Ukraine's President Petro Poroshenko speaks during parliament session in Kiev, Ukraine. By (AP Photo/Efrem Lukatsky)

the east of the country widens the gap between these two main groups, which is and will remain a challenge for the leadership.

Strategic choice: between the EU and Russia The Revolution of Dignity proved that integration with the EU is a strategic choice for the country’s further

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makes the difﬁcult situation of the Ukrainian economy even worse and has a negative impact on political stability in the country. Russia demonstrates its determination and political will to achieve its political goals in Ukraine at any cost. However, Ukraine has been able to withstand Russian aggression and internal destabilisation so far. Despite some defeats, namely the annexation of Crimea

,,Ukrainians protested not only for integration with the EU but ﬁrst and foremost against dysfunctional state institutions, corruption and growing authoritarian tendencies.”

development made by Ukrainian society. At this moment it is not possible to turn towards integration with Russia or Russian-led integration structures (i.e. the Eurasian Economic Union). Ukrainian society does not accept any rapprochement with Russia at the expense of progressing with European integration and implementation of reforms, even if the leadership in Kyiv wished to attempt it. At the same time, Russia is putting pressure on Ukraine to withdraw from any integration projects with the West (not only with NATO, but with the EU as well), which is Moscow’s condition for the de-escalation its hostile activities against Ukraine. Russia’s aggressive move against Ukraine (i.e. political and economic pressure, military intervention)

and the separatist rebellion in parts of the Dontetsk and Lugansk regions (mainly due to Russian military support), Ukraine has kept political stability in the country and prevented the outbreak of an anti-Kyiv rebellion in the eastern and southern regions. The new authorities quickly gained command over state institutions and took control of the internal situation as civil society consolidated around them. In this sense, one cannot envisage a scenario of further defragmentation of the country unless Russia pursues its military operations on a larger scale. In the current situation it will be an enormous challenge for the authorities in Kyiv to efficiently implement deep structural reforms and accelerate the process of European integration, yet Ukraine does not have any other option. The declarations of Ukrainian politicians now have to be backed up by concrete actions. A new parliament has been legally elected, the government should soon be formed and now it possesses all the competencies to carry out a comprehensive reform programme. However, it will be hard for Kyiv to do this alone, given the internal economic crisis and the conflict with Russia. That is why the political and financial support of the EU and its member states should be increased, as it is in their own interest to create stability in their neighbourhood by strengthening ties and integration with neighbouring states. It is also important to keep pressure on Russia by the EU states unless Moscow withdraws from its current aggressive policy towards Ukraine, which threaten also the security interests of the EU states. 2014 • 11

visegrad news

Visit in China: Have the Values in Czech Foreign Policy Changed? President Milos Zeman paid a state visit to China from Oct. 24 to 27. Zeman met the Chinese President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Li Keqiang. Additionally, the Czech Republic and China signed several deals on civil nuclear energy, finance, tourism and public health. While President Xi was asking his Czech counterpart to strengthen the bilateral exchanges at many levels, the Czech national intelligence agency (SIS) disclosed the information that the Chinese industrial espionage in the Czech Republic in 2013 was noticeable, with “very high” numbers of identified spooks. Zeman confirmed in Beijing that he considers Tibet and Taiwan a part of China and invited Xi to revisit the Czech Republic soon. The new Ame-

rican Ambassador to the Czech Republic Andrew Schapiro did not explicitly comment on Zeman's attitude to communist China, but by boldly prai-

sing former President Havel’s role in protecting human rights and democracy on the Forum 2000 Conference, he made his opinion quite clear.

Current Political Situation in Hungary On 16 June 1989, a young democracy activist, a founding member of Fidesz (Alliance of Young Democrats), gave a ground-breaking speech in Heroes' Square in Budapest. He demanded free elections and the withdrawal of Soviet troops. This brave man was Victor Orban, the current Prime Minister of Hungary since 2010. In the four years since he took power, he managed to monopolise political power and now he openly praises the Russian president. As the head of state of Hungary, once an iconic pro-democratic NATO and EU member, he has been successful in copying Putin’s “best practises” by obstructing media freedom and looking for “foreign agents” in several NGOs, as well as changing the internal energy law allowing the construction of South Stream pipeline on Hungarian territory, without a con12 • 2014

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.

sent from the European Commission. The worst thing is that there is no alternative for Fidesz, because the second biggest political power in Hungary is

an openly fascist Jobbik party. After elections in 2018 the conservative-nationalist Fidesz may still rule alone or with Jobbik as a coalition partner.

visegrad news

Slovak V4 Presidency in Turbulent Times Slovakia took over the Presidency of the Visegrad Group from 1 July 2014, and will hold it until June 2015. The motto of this V4 Presidency is “Dynamic Visegrad for Europe and Beyond.” The current negative dynamics within the V4 is more than obvious. The unity of the V4 has been undermined by the polarised attitudes towards Moscow’s actions in eastern Ukraine. Poland has consistently remained a hardliner when it comes to the sanctions against Russia and the stationing of NATO forces in Eastern Europe. The V4 countries expressed support for the new Ukrainian government, but it does not go hand in hand with the condemnation of Putin’s policy. In late September, the Czech President called for a lifting of EU sanctions against Russia, and the Slovak Prime Minister talked about the need to re-

Slovak Prime-Minister Róbert Fico during a press brieﬁng on Russia.

establish good relations with Moscow. The openly pro-Russian position of the Hungarian President does not help to narrow the rift in V4 either. Now the V4 agrees basically on two things: bringing the Western Balkans countries closer to the EU and opposing renewable energy sources. At the EU Council summit la-

ter in October, the V4, joined by Bulgaria and Romania, won a compensation for the CEE economies relying on coal in exchange for their approval of reduction of greenhouse gas emissions by at least 40% by 2030. It was a big success showing that a unity within the Group can be to V4 mutual beneﬁt.

Donald Tusk as President of European Council On 1 December 2014, Donald Tusk, former Polish Prime Minister, replaced Herman Van Rompuy as the President of the European Council. European leaders elected Tusk as next EC president already in August. According to the Treaty on European Union, the European Council elects its President by a qualiﬁed majority for a period of 2,5 years, renewable once. From the start he will have to deal with the tense relations with Russia, as well as with the UK conservative government’s growing eurosceptical stance. Concerning Russia, analysts concurred that Tusk will take much tougher position than his predecessor. In fact, he already proved it in his statement that “Russia is not a strategic partner of the European Union, but it is rather a strategic problem.” Tusk also stated his key goals, including completing of a genuine Economic and Monetary Uni-

Incoming European Council President Donald Tusk listens to an introduction during a handover ceremony for the European Council Presidency at the EU Council building in Brussels.

on, supporting countries in the EU´s neighbourhood, strengthening transatlantic partnership and protecting the EU fundamental values of freedom and solidarity,

and preserving the unity of the EU. Tusk is the ﬁrst politician from the former communist country who has taken a major European leadership position. 2014 • 13

opinion poll

Should we expect any major changes within NATO in the face of Ukrainian crisis?

Y Daniel Tichý

Long-term efforts to build a strategic partnership between NATO and Russia have failed. Annexation of Crimea was a wake-up call for NATO to redeﬁne its ties with Russia and to focus more on collective defence issues. Generally speaking, NATO needs a genuine discussion about its priorities, speciﬁcally answering the issue of Russian attempts to restructure the European security architecture. Such a debate would have to address the dilemma whether to push the expansion process forward or to 'freeze' it substantially. Paradoxically, the revisionism of Putin's regime might give NATO a fresh impetus, as its importance has been recently rediscovered by many Western Europeans, who, throughout the decades of comfortable security, seem to had forgotten that this security is nothing to be taken for granted.

Major structural changes within NATO are not likely to occur since the organization is built to tackle conventional military threats with identified international actors, which is not the case with Ukraine. Asymmetrical warfare in Ukraine is a good example of how widespread foreign insurgency in conjunction with massive, directed media coverage shifts public opinions and blurs the line between external and internal conflicts, as well as our understanding of who is responsible for them. Baltic states with significant Russian-speaking populations now face a similar danger. NATO may be confronted with a different enemy, which has no international persona, no obligations, and which comes from within. This calls for increased internal cooperation between the member states as well as with Ukraine in order to find ways of countering Russia in the issues of intelligence, while reinforcing Alliance’s borders with personnel and equipment.

Anna Belianska

The crisis in Ukraine, or ‘the Revolution of dignity’ as some would call it, was one of the forces that triggered changes on the world political arena. NATO pledged to further support Ukraine in deescalating the crisis. But it is highly unlikely that Ukraine will become a NATO member due to the lack of political consensus inside the country’s government itself. Ukraine is not inﬂuential enough to make any changes in NATO. However, it has become a cause for rapid deterioration of relations between Russia and the West. The Ukrainian economy is in the doldrums and it seems that politicians try and distract people from what is really vitally important. Stability, peace and sustainable growth do not exactly seem to loom on the horizon.

14 • 2014

Oleksii Zhyvora

Robert Nahapetyan

It is obvious that NATO has a tendency towards growth. Even though the two competing poles agreed not to expand any further, it is now not a secret that both of them currently produce efforts to gradually swallow up more and more nations, especially those, that have no other choice but be integrated due to their position either on borders with one of the two imperialistic powers, or between them. Ukraine is now on its way to join NATO – a process, which started years ago, and the logical response to which was Crimea and the attempts to unify it with (or annex it to) the Russian Federation. Meanwhile, Georgia and Moldova have also chosen the path of European integration. This means three countries of Eastern Partnership are now expected to join NATO, thus physically tightening the space between the borders of inﬂuence of the two main powers.

university pick

University of Oxford: The Weidenfeld-Hoffmann

Scholarship and Leadership Programme The Weidenfeld-Hoffmann Scholarship and Leadership Programme supports exceptional scholars devoting their studies and professional careers to international development or environmental management and conservation. These studies encompass a number of subjects offered within the University's School of Geography and Environment and Department of International Development. The scheme targets exceptional individuals from the transition and emerging economies of Europe's wider neighbourhood including Central and Eastern Europe, the Balkans, the Caucasus, Russia and Central Asia, as well as North Africa and the Middle East. The Leadership Programme includes: • an annual Moral Philosophy Seminar including moderated discussions and workshops on political philosophy and leadership development; • practical skills training in presentation, interviewing, exam and op-ed ('opposite the editorial page') writing techniques;

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The scholarship will cover 100% of University and college fees and a grant for living costs (of at least £13,863). Awards are made for the full duration of your fee liability for the agreed course.

Scholarship outcomes The current status of the scholarship application process is summarised under Scholarship status on this page. Decisions are expected to be made around May

“Deadline for applications already from January 2015. Hurry up!”

• a London Leadership Forum at the end of the academic year; • engagement in the Institute for Strategic Dialogue's projects and conferences; • organisation of an annual Weidenfeld Debate; and • numerous networking opportunities throughout the year. Financial support is generously provided by the Foundation Hoffmann, a Swiss-based grant making institution created in 2000. Its mission is to support the emergence and expansion of concrete projects which address global problems in today's societies. The Foundation is particularly committed to fostering research and encouraging talented students. To date the Foundation has supported the creation of four academic chairs and funded a number of scholarship schemes and research projects with a particular focus on the environment and economics.

2015. If you have not heard from us by the time this page is updated to say that successful applicants have been notiﬁed, then please assume that your application has been unsuccessful. Due to the volu-

me of applications we receive, we regret that we are unable to contact unsuccessful applicants individually or provide feedback on applications. You should be applying to start a new graduate course at Oxford. The complete list of eligible courses is below: • DPhil in Geography and Environment • MSc in Biodiversity, Conservation and Management

• MSc in Environmental Change and Management • MSc in Nature, Society and Environmental Governance • MSc in Water Science, Policy and Management • DPhil in International Development • MPhil in Development Studies • MSc in Economics for Development • MSc in Refugee and Forced Migration Studies • MSc in Migration Studies • MSc in Global Governance & Diplomacy You should be intending to return to your country of ordinary residence once your course is completed. Students currently at Oxford are not eligible to apply unless they are already Weidenfeld scholars. You should be able to demonstrate a connection between your subject of study and your longer-term career objectives, explaining how you see your professional work contributing to the improvement of public life in your country of origin or at a wider regional or international level. Please ensure that you meet the selection criteria for your course (see the Courses page for more information). This scholarship is not open to applications from candidates who hold deferred offers to start in 2015-16. If your scholarship is offered for a course lasting more than one year, the continuation of your scholarship each year is subject to an annual renewal process based upon satisfactory academic progress. 2014 • 15

EU insight

IVAN KORČOK: In Searching for the

Fiscal Balance We Will Continue in Targeted Pro-Growth Policy interviewed by KATARÍNA SCHWERTNEROVÁ • Euro-Atlantic! think.act.lead. In the recent weeks, we were presented with the final composition of the European Commission (EC) under the leadership of Jean Claude Juncker. Slovakia was at last successful in obtaining an important position of Vice-President of the EC for which Maroš Šefčovič was appointed again. Besides, now former Prime Minister of Poland, Donald Tusk, was nominated the President of the European Council. It is safe to say that Central Europe is now at the epicentre of forming European politics for the next five years. What might this situation mean for Slovakia and Central Europe as a whole? What kind of challenges does it bring to this region? First of all, we need to point out that we are no longer perceived as “new” member states in the EU. This division into the “new” and “old” member states might still exist in the minds of certain people but this concept starts to fade away on the highest European level and not only during the negotiations. The positions of Maroš Šefčovič as the Vice-President of the EC and Donald Tusk as President of the European Council starting from December 1, 2014 are clear evidences of this. On one hand, we can look at it as a success of the Central Europe offering qualified and respected people. On the other hand, we should not forget that it is not possible for the Vice-President of the EC or the President of the European Council to promote national or regional interests. When adopting new legislation or defining strategic direction for the EU it is necessary to find common European interest. Since the formation of the EC, it is clear that its main priority is to restart economic growth and secure investments and employment. You yourself have emphasized in the in16 • 2014

stitutions dealing with start-ups and innovations in the V4 countries. The goal of this work group will be to coordinate common approach towards the support of start-ups from V4 region in foreign countries. Together the V4 countries have an ambition to found Visegrad House in Silicon Valley in California, USA. There will be an expert group helping start-ups coming from V4 region to the Silicon Valley in identifying local investors, mentors and in organising events for experts and workshops. vitation for the Tatra summit that economic growth is the precondition for creating jobs. In all of this, what is the role of the private sector represented for example by startups which usually are the ones bringing innovation to economy thus rendering it more competitive? What is the attitude of Visegrad Group towards supporting startups and what ways of doing it V4 suggests? When it comes to reaching the EU average, it is important for the whole V4 region to stimulate economic growth wisely. Despite the fact that the debts of V4 countries are way under the average debt in the EU28, according to this fall´s economic prognosis, V4 still has limited opportunities to invest using public ﬁnances due to respecting the rules of the Stability and Growth Pact. At the same time, we focus on encouraging the private sector to make quality investments and create jobs. Start-ups have their indisputable part in the additional value of national economy. That is why current Slovak presidency of the Visegrad Group aims to create synergic effects on the supranational level. For example, on November 10, 2014 the Visegrad Group agreed on cooperation which resulted in creating a work group consisting of representatives of in-

Recent Tatra summit taking place in Bratislava, Slovakia was dedicated to the topics relating to future economic growth. Part of its agenda was also a presentation of Slovak Investment Holding. Slovakia as the only Eurozone member among Visegrad countries with current presidency over the Visegrad Group has a great position in the discussion about necessary measures for Central Europe. What are the expectations for Slovak Investment Holding when it comes to providing growth for the whole region? Can it contribute to forming common investment strategy for V4 countries? There was an expert team, created at the Slovak Ministry of Finance in 2013, with the aim to prepare measures for boosting public and private investments. In terms of timing, it was right to start with their implementation after Slovakia left the Excessive Deﬁcit Procedure (EDP) in June 2014 and that is why Slovakia is launching pre-planned measures right now. The most important one of them is the establishment of Slovak Investment Holding managing 3 percent of all the allocated EU structural funds representing 450 million euros during 2014 – 2020 programming period. The idea and ambition is to invite private investors and banking houses like Euro-

EU insight pean Investment Bank and pump these resources into future investments in Slovakia. Slovak Investment Holding activities will be obvious mainly through more favourable conditions for investing in following areas: infrastructure and urban development (e.g. traffic), small and medium-sized enterprises (e.g. research, development, innovation), energy effectivity, waste management. Yes, we know that, just as in the fight against tax evasion, even in this area we have a certain head start in comparison to our V4 partners. However, that does not mean that our measures will be automatically adopted by these three states. Their measures have to be considerate to development needs of Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. That is why we discuss these issues and we share our experience. Even in this stage it is indisputable that Slovak Investment Holding represents a very good investment opportunity for private investors from Slovakia but also from the other V4 countries. Energy policy plays an important role in the competitiveness of European economy. Slovakia is going to have direct reach on this area through our commissioner Maroš Šefčovič. What is the ambition of Slovakia to enforce in the domain of energy policy and planned Energy union? Is it possible for the EU to have greener energy without sacrificing its global competitiveness? Energy union is a relatively new political concept. Its complex proposal is to be presented by the European Commission in the spring of 2015. One of the main goals should be the elimination of the discrepancies among the policies on the EU level and unified approach towards the third parties. On the EU level, we already have necessary instruments and policies at our disposal but it will be essential to ensure their effective implementation and coordinated approach towards different sectors. Energy union should emphasize balanced approach towards all the three goals of the EU energy policy: security, competitiveness and sustainability. The Slovak republic will urge that the general approach within Energy union would be based on technological neutrality and national competences in determining the energy mix. This will permit ta-

king national conditions into the account and to exploit the resources that the country disposes with. Member states should have an opportunity to support and use all the low-carbon resources that will help reach set goals. In the conditions of Slovakia, nuclear energy is important and is significant for the security of supply and reducing emissions. Current effects of the economic crisis and economic stagnation in the Eurozone evoke questions about the need to deepen the economic and political integration of the EU. However, the opinions on this matter differ greatly among the member states. The United Kingdom traditionally refuses any shifts towards deeper political integration. Also there are disputes about the balance between enforcing fiscal discipline and supporting economic growth. What are the challenges that the European Commission will have to face in relation to the future form of the EU? Do you expect a radical change in the rules of the functioning of the EU or do you see a way of modifying it under the existing rules? Is it going to be possible to accommodate the British requests for the decentralization of certain political competencies and preserve or even deepen the centralization in monetary policy at the same time? Since the beginning of the economic crisis in the EU, the discussion about its solution was marked, put simply, with the collision of two opinions: the first one clai-

med the debts could not increase anymore and we had to consolidate the public finances; the second one emphasized that it is necessary to pump money into the economy and provide growth and employment through targeted investments. The whole dispute reflected in the so-called "differentiated growth friendly fiscal consolidation". This complicated notion simply means that in searching for the fiscal balance we will continue in targeted pro-growth policy. In addition to this, there is also a broad discussion about functioning of the EU as a whole. The most audible defender of the reform of the EU is mainly UK. A fundamental change in the way the EU functions (even in the sense of the British requests) would require the modification of the treaties. Among the member states there is no sufficient political will for doing this though and that is why we cannot expect it to happen in coming years. On the other hand, even current treaty framework provides certain room for a change. Possible changes (without the treaty revision) could be related mainly to more effective implementation of already existing instruments. From the United Kingdom we hear mainly a disagreement about the idea of the deeper integration. Personally, I think that the states have an opportunity to willingly decide which integration projects they will take part in even today (Schengen, Euro). I consider the ideas presented by UK mainly as an opportunity to discuss the meaning of the integration, the advantages that it brings in everyday life and also the things we can improve. Of course, all of this within existing treaty framework.

Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ivan Korčok currently serves as Permanent Representative of the Slovak Republic to the European Union in Brussels since October 2009. He has been working for Slovak Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs since 1992 where he served at different positions. His previous diplomatic missions include Embassy of the Slovak Republic in Germany and Embassy of the Slovak Republic in Switzerland. In 2002 he became State Secretary of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Slovak Republic and he remained at this post until 2005. During Slovakia´s integration process to the Trans-Atlantic structures, Ambassador Korčok was Head of the Delegation of the Slovak Republic on Accession Talks to NATO in 2003 and was also a member of the European Convention in Brussels in the period of 2002 to 2003. Before that he served as Deputy Head of the Mission of the Slovak Republic to NATO in Brussels since 1999 to 2001. Prior to being Permanent Representative to the EU he was appointed Ambassador of the Slovak Republic to the Federal Republic of Germany in Berlin between 2005 and 2009. Ambassador holds Ing. degree from Economic University in Bratislava, Slovakia. He also did his Postgraduate studies at the Institute for International Relations at Comenius University in Bratislava, Slovakia. He speaks English, French and German.

2014 • 17

ambassador’s advise

A Brief Glance at the Turkish Foreign Policy H.E. LEBIBE GÜLHAN ULUTEKIN • Ambassador of the Republic of Turkey to the Slovak Republic One of the dominant issues on Turkish foreign policy agenda is the crisis in its southern neighborhood

“Peace at Home, Peace in the World”, as laid down by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of modern Turkey, has been the fundamental principle of the Turkish foreign policy since the foundation of the Turkish Republic. The value and importance of this principle is proven in the face of the multitude of challenges in Turkey’s immediate neighbourhood and beyond. This is why Turkey cannot afford to have an isolationist or indifferent attitude or simply content itself with reacting to developments. Therefore, Turkey’s foreign policy has gained a more pro-active and multi-dimensional character not only to better address these challenges, but also to effectively contribute to peace and stability. Humanitarian diplomacy or “human oriented approach” also represents a new quality in Turkey’s multi-dimensional and proactive foreign policy. Turkey’s secular and functioning democracy, based on the rule of law, free elections and respect for human rights, as well as its economic growth along with political stability have increased the capacity of the Turkish foreign policy to put into action its soft power means and pursue human and development oriented agendas.

Current Developments The ongoing crises in our southern neighbours, Iraq and Syria, continue to be 18 • 2014

among the issues which dominate Turkey’s current agenda. The situation in Iraq and Syria and the presence of IS in the region pose a direct and serious threat to Turkey’s national security, with serious economic and humanitarian consequences. Turkey shares 1295 km-long borders with Syria and Iraq. The ongoing violence in Syrian territories, close to our 900 km-long border, as well as terrorist attacks linked to Syria claimed 74 innocent lives and left 337 citizens injured. As might be recalled, the staff of the Turkish Consulate General in Mosul were held hostage by IS until recently. Since the beginning of the crisis in Syria, Turkey opened its borders to refugees escaping violence, the number of which has exceeded 1,5 million, with 222 thousand of them accommodated in 22 refugee camps. During the last week of September, when the clashes around Kobani intensiﬁed, Turkey received 200 thousand refugees from Kobani. Turkey’s costs related to the refugees have reached 4 billion USD, whereas international community’s contribution so far amounts to only 246 million USD. Despite Turkey’s sacrifices resulting from the situation in Syria and Iraq and from IS terrorism in particular, Turkey is criticised for not doing enough and even for supporting IS. Such allegations are not only unfair, but, also illogical. Firstly, Turkey’s position on extre-

mist and terrorist groups and IS in particular is well known. Turkey designated IS as a terrorist group and is fulfilling its liabilities accordingly. Furthermore, Turkey strongly rejected such slandering at the highest level. It should also be noted that these allegations have never been substantiated with evidence. Turkey, as a country which unfortunately has suffered from terrorism, is in the forefront of international efforts towards combating this scourge. Also as a co-chair of the Global Counter Terrorism Forum, Turkey works with the US to address this matter in a comprehensive manner. Moreover, to prevent foreign fighters from entering Turkey and accessing to and from Syria, stricter security and control measures have been put into action. Additional troops have been deployed along the borders with Syria. Apart from physical measures, additional measures are taken in intelligence sharing and cyber domain. Turkey maintains a non-entry list which contains 6 000 names. Since 2011, 1 000 suspected foreign fighters have been deported by Turkish authorities. In 2013, more than 4 000 individuals have been denied entry into Turkey. Obviously, the problem of foreign fighters cannot be addressed by Turkey alone. The so-called source and transit countries also carry responsibility, since it is not fair to expect from Turkey alone to stop and intervene those individuals who travel from their countries of residence and transit countries without restrictions. Turkey’s contributions to the international efforts against IS is not limited to the measures against foreign fighters. The passage of 150 Iraqi Kurdish Peshmerga fighters through the Turkish territories is a tangible example in this regard. Moreover, Turkey has been advocating the necessity of training and equipping the Free Syrian Army, and of creating safe zones and no-fly zone on Syrian territories.

ambassador’s advise As a responsible member of the international community and in line with its commitment to contribute peace and stability in its region and beyond, Turkey believes that the solution of the current crises in its southern neighbours requires a comprehensive strategy which would also respect the territorial integrity of these countries and encourage the formation of inclusive governments embracing all citizens regardless of their religion, sect or ethnicity.

Experience of a Turkish Diplomat Having presented a brief background of the Turkish foreign policy, I now would like to share some personal experience of my 27-year-long diplomatic career and offer some recommendations to young diplomats. The fact that the beginning of my diplomatic career coincided with the end of the Cold War era, that is 1987, has given me a unique opportunity to witness the evolution of international political and security system in the aftermath of this historical turning point. As a young diplomat at the Turkish Embassy in East Berlin, witnessing the reunification of East and West Germany on 3 October 1990 was not only a historical experience, but, also a hint of the future direction of my diplomatic career which would dominantly focus on the direct or indirect consequences of the end of the Cold War era, namely, the dismemberment of the former Yugoslavia and integration processes of Eastern Europe with Euro-Atlantic structures. After having witnessed the reunification of two Germanys as well as the process of political, economic and social integration of both sides during my 3-yearlong term in East Berlin and Leipzig, another very exciting post was waiting for me at the Turkish Embassy in Zagreb, Croatia, in 1993-95. Moving from the reunified Germany to a young country which had just gained its independence and was still in war was a very interesting and enriching experience in my career. My term in Croatia and subsequent posting as political advisor at the Office of the High Representative in Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina provided me with the first experiences in the area of crisis management and in multilateral diplomacy. In Bosnia- Herzegovina, I had the opportunity to take part in international

community’s efforts towards helping a war-thorn country not only in healing its wounds, but also in promoting reconciliation among its ethnic components and in creating its new statehood, including its new structures as well as common symbols, such as ﬂag and currency. But, working in a country in extraordinary circumstances, where I witnessed the cruelty of war, has also matured my per-

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more complex and fluid, requires a diplomat to handle an enlarged portfolio, including security issues, energy, human rights, environment, terrorism, humanitarian issues, sustainable development and many others. Therefore, a diplomat should constantly widen and update his/her background knowledge and closely follow current issues of the international agenda, and

… a diplomat should constantly widen and update his/her background knowledge and closely follow current issues of the international agenda, and be in interaction with various actors…

sonality and taught me to appreciate things that are normally taken for granted, such as simply walking on a street without fear or enjoying running water, electricity and heating throughout the day, and moreover, taught me to empathise with people whose souls were traumatised. My subsequent appointment to the Turkish Delegation to NATO gave me the opportunity to further develop skills in multilateral diplomacy and to get acquainted with international security and politico-military issues. Being entrusted to follow issues relating to NATO’s outreach to Eastern Europe and countries emerged from the former Soviet Union, including Partnership for Peace programme and Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, I witnessed the processes leading to the historic enlargement waves of NATO. Through my appointment to Hungary in 2002-2006 and now to Slovakia, as the Ambassador of Turkey since 2011, I am back in bilateral diplomacy. Over the last three years, I have been very proud of seeing a signiﬁcant progress in Turkish-Slovak relations, which is evident not only in the intensiﬁcation of mutual high level visits, increase in bilateral trade volume and mutual solidarity and cooperation in multilateral fora, but also in people-to people contacts bringing our countries and peoples closer.

Recommendations to Young Diplomats Today’s globalised world, where international relations have become

be in interaction with various actors, such as experts, other relevant institutions and non-governmental agencies which are increasingly involved in diplomacy. Contrary to the general perception, diplomacy is not only about attending ceremonies and cocktails, but also working in hardship posts and war zones. A diplomat should also be prepared to carry out unconventional tasks, such as being involved in ceasefire negotiations, evacuation of refugees, distribution of humanitarian aid etc. Another feature of today’s international relations is the growing prominence of multilateral diplomacy. Therefore, working in international organisations would be an enriching experience for young diplomats. Diplomacy should not be considered a zero-sum-game. It is the art of reaching win-win situations or compromise solutions acceptable and beneficial to all sides. Diplomacy is not only about interstate affairs, but, also about public relations and people-to-people contacts. Therefore, a diplomat should keep pace with information technologies, use mass media means, reach out to the public and work with universities, thinktanks and civic institutions. Diplomacy requires patience. A diplomat should be open-minded, tolerant, creative, reliable and credible, and be ready to face criticism. Difficult questions and criticism give you the best opportunity to make your point and eliminate misunderstandings. 2014 • 19

leadership

Leadership Lessons from 1989 SIMONA KORDOŠOVÁ • Associate Director at the Atlantic Council In remembrance of Czech statesman Vaclav Havel at the St. Wenceslas in Prague, Czech Republic.

me and take lessons from inspiring and effective leadership of Vaclav Havel and George H.W. Bush. Firstly, a united transatlantic response has proven to be the most effective way of dealing with our common challenges. For the past twenty-ﬁve years, the role of the United States in Europe has been anchored in a vision of a united, undivided continent that will include Russia. Vladimir Putin has now rejected that vision and is also actively preventing countries in Russia’s neighborhood from determining their own destiny. Today’s leaders need to create a rein-

In November 17, 1989 hundreds of thousands of people rallied at Prague’s Wenceslas Square to support the ideas of a man, Vaclav Havel, whose quest for freedom and truth in then Communist Czechoslovakia inspired the whole world. or Havel, what happened that day was just a materialization of what he had always believed: that we “inhabit a system where words are capable of shaking the entire structure of government and can prove mightier than ten military divisions.” Within a year, this three times imprisoned Czech playwright and dissident, was elected President of Czechoslovakia, visited the United States as the ﬁrst non-communist President from the Eastern Bloc, and laid foundations for a remarkable transformation of his country and region. Earlier in 1989, a remarkable American leader put forward a powerful vision which paved the way for a peaceful course of the 1989 revolutions. When President George H.W. Bush challenged the Soviet establishment and announced his vision of a “Europe Whole and Free” to the cheering crowds of a still-divided Germany, few believed Europe’s communist regimes would crumble in such a dramatic, yet non-violent, fashion. Just

20 • 2014

months later, the Wall that had divided East and West Berlin for nearly three decades was torn down and Germany was reunited shortly thereafter as a full-ﬂedged member of the North Atlantic Alliance. This November, as we celebrate the 25th anniversary of these powerful developments, the situation in Ukraine reminds us that our efforts to stabilize Europe are not yet ﬁnished. This fall, we also commemorate the 1st anniversary since the people of Ukraine marched to Maidan in hopes for a better future. Sadly, unlike at Wenceslas Square in 1989, Russia did not choose a peaceful response. President Putin responded to President Yanukovych's fall by seizing Crimea and supporting war in Ukraine’s Eastern regions ever since. In doing so, he has challenged the liberal world order that has transatlantic leaders created in the aftermath of the Cold War. Faced with this new challenge, transatlantic leaders can still look back in ti-

President Bush stands with Czechoslovak President Vaclav Havel, the dissident playwright who wove theater into politics to peacefully bring down communism in Czechoslovakia and become a hero of the epic struggle that ended the Cold War.

vigorated strategy that effectively addresses the most pressing political, economic, and security challenges facing the countries that remain on the margins of democratic transformation in Europe's East.

leadership Secondly, a time has come for European leaders to take more responsibility for their own security. When Havel spoke to the US Congress in 1990 he expressed a belief that the end of the Cold War “will create the hope that sooner or later [US] young men will no longer have to stand on guard for freedom in Europe, because Europe will at last be able to stand guard over itself.” Twenty-ﬁve years later, today’s Europe is divided, and subsequent wars in the Balkans, Georgia, and now in Ukraine, suggest that Europe has yet to live up to this responsibility. Similarly at that time, Havel expressed frustration of Czechoslovakia being a passive and “meaningless satellite” that refused to share responsibility for the world. He was determined for Central Europe to become an active and responsible member of the Western communi-

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Balloons of the art installation 'Lichtgrenze 2014' ﬂue away in front of Brandenburg Gate during the central event commemorating the fall of the wall in Berlin, Germany, Sunday, Nov. 9, 2014. 25 years ago - on Nov. 9, 1989.

countability. Their leaders cannot fail them again. Another great lesson of 1989 is the importance of civil society and its inde-

“Vladimir Putin should accept the fact that former Soviet satellites are independent countries and need to be able to choose their own destiny, so that Europe can ﬁnally become whole, free, and at peace.”

ty. His vision, supported by the United States, led to NATO’s first post-Cold War enlargement in 1999 and participation of the region in NATO’s operations around the world. Today, the countries that share painful experiences of Soviet invasions of 1956 and 1968 and have benefited most from the transatlantic efforts of the past twenty-five years have a special responsibility to help their neighbors in the East and South to follow their transformation path. Unfortunately, the leaders of the region seem to be too preoccupied with appeasing Vladimir Putin and preparing for his stronger footing in the region. Havel’s leadership should also be an inspiration for the leaders of Ukraine. Havel understood that revolution is not just about toppling the old regime, but first and foremost, about building lasting foundations of a democratic society. The people of Ukraine are frustrated with the slow pace of reforms and insufficient steps to remove the oligarch structure, reduce endemic corruption, and create transparent rules of governance and ac-

pendent standing outside of government structures. In Havel’s words, “without free, self-respecting, and autonomous citizens there can be no free and independent nations.” Since Central Europe is still grappling with corruption, inefﬁ-

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of the importance of effective diplomacy and resolute action from the other side of the Atlantic. President George H.W. Bush’ famous diplomatic skills ensured that the events that the collapse of Communism in Europe did not end in a bloodbath. He also managed this tremendous geopolitical upheaval, at the same time as he sought to navigate a complex relationship with China against the backdrop of the Tiananmen Square massacre and build a global coalition to evict Saddam Hussein from Kuwait. With the rise of ISIS and growing threat from the Middle East, the leaders of today also need to walk and chew gum as the same time. Perhaps the most important lesson from that era comes from Mikhail Gorbachev, then Soviet President, for his fo-

“Peaceful success of 1989 Revolutions and the collapse of the Soviet Union afterward remind of us of the importance of eﬀective diplomacy and resolute action from the other side of the Atlantic.”

cient judiciary, declining freedom of press, and restriction for civil society activities, these words are an important reminder that political and societal transformation does not end with NATO and EU membership. At a time when our values and ideals are challenged by state and non-state actors around the world, we cannot afford lose sight of these hardfought democratic achievements. Last but not least, the peaceful success of 1989 Revolutions and the collapse of the Soviet Union afterward remind of us

resight and willingness to establish much needed reforms in USSR and his refusal to use violence to preserve Soviet control of the Communist nations of Central Europe. Unlike in 1956, 1968, and 2014, Gorbachev didn’t stand in a way of people to make a free choice about their future. Vladimir Putin should, too, accept the fact that former Soviet satellites are independent countries and need to be able to choose their own destiny, so that Europe can ﬁnally become whole, free, and at peace. 2014 • 21

op-eds

European Union’s Eastern Partnership Revisited VALENTINA GEVORGYAN • Senior Researcher at the Turpanjian Center for Policy Analysis, Armenia Teaching Assistant at the American University of Armenia 2015 will mark the sixth anniversary of the Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative designed to bring the eastern neighbours closer to the European Union (EU). EaP spans six neighbouring countries on the east including Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. Europe’s wish to surround itself with states sharing common values is rational. The idea of the initiative is to strengthen the bilateral relations between each of the neighbours and the EU. ore precisely the platform offers integration mechanisms such as Association Agreements, Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements, Visa Facilitation Agreements but not membership. To live up to the purpose EaP facilitates multilateral platforms on democracy, good governance, economic integration, energy security, civil society as well as promotes partners’ participation in the work of EU agencies. EU engages in multiple frameworks to make these work out, to see which one might apply better, and for which country. The Ukraine-crisis started on the eve of Ukraine signing the Association Agreement. Russia’s massive role in showing off its presence has been underestimated, in this case. As a result the region experiences the emergence of separatist republics, and Ukraine added to the club of states exercising a new conflict with the breakaway territories of Lugansk and Donetsk. The case of Ukraine is largely approached through the prism of Eastern Partnership’s failure, as opposed to the United States - Russia standoff. Ukraine’s tiny neighbour Moldova worries about Russia’s similar intentions to limit their progress with the EU. Moldova clearly perceives EU as a primary source of modernization, but it will have to work hard to balance its desires with a heavy dependence on Russia regarding the gas supplies. Georgia is a ni-

22 • 2014

ce member to the EaP as per its continued performance that of developing closer ties with Europe, demonstrating readiness and awaiting its chance to become a full member of the EU family. Belarus is a member to the Eurasian Custom’s Union and is thus ineligible to pursue the Association Agreement. Out of the six, Belarus is the happiest partner of Russia, openly pursuing ambitious policies most of the time having little to do with western democratic practices. Azerbaijan appears to be an indecisive partner in the EaP. This however comes with no surprise taking into account country’s lack of institutional capacity, existing hegemony of a different culture and, importantly, the hereditary authoritarian system of government put consistently in place. Azerbaijan has the worse human-rights record of the six and predominantly considers its existing problems and unreliable governance to be the norm as far as the bowels of the earth are kind enough to provide them with oil. The case of Armenia is complicated due to the brutal shift in the foreign policy of the country, a decision not to pursue the Association Agreement. The Armenian government has decided to enter the Eurasian Custom’s Union instead. The Nagorno Karabagh conﬂict, pre-facilitated by the Soviet government; and economic dependence on Russia are, unfortunately, great tools for Russian administration to inﬂuence the Armenia of

today in drawing down decisions. In January 2015, Armenia is expected to serve as a new member in the Eurasian Economic Union planned to start effective January first, 2015. This rapid shift in the political behaviour is largely perceived as Russian another ambitious and manipulatory policy as opposed to a national decision developed as a result of a civic discourse and public approval. Today Europe is overwhelmed with its own multilevel problems ranging from impact of economic crisis evident in the South to the daily rising number of immigrants entering Europe from Northern Africa, Middle East and elsewhere. Notwithstanding the multiple problems however, EU should not cease maintaining its presence in the eastern neighbourhood. Each member of the EaP camp demands an individual approach. Today, when EU’s partners are facing challenges, whether that of corrupted politicians, cursed histories, or being led into traps by other forces, the inaction and silence will be extremely irresponsible on behalf of the EU. Europe needs a secure eastern borderland. Small partners are in need of good neighbours. It is not about which country to lean toward; it is not about who to win. It is particularly about achieving a level of quality life and development for the citizens of the countries in transition. If the EU thinks it has the capacity and will to do so, it should act less formally, more substantially, less softly and more confidently not to let other powers interfere by having nothing to offer but reinstating traditional spheres of influence. EU’s policies should be challenged; challenged for improvement; an improvement that would bring concrete results. It is precisely the time for Europe to revisit the external governance tactics not to inadvertently lose its eastern neighbours.

op-eds

Challenging the Leadership Paradigm of NATO, EU and Transatlantic Community UMESH MUKHI • Director at the Sustainable Leadership Initiative, India If you take a glimpse at media coverage or think tank reports in past few years you will notice that we don’t fall short of issues related human security and human rights. So far there are around 9 million Syrians who have fled their homes, according to UNHCR there are around 3,321,761 refugees who have migrated to neighboring countries of Syria, 1117,010 refugees are yet waiting their registration. nother serious issue is of climate change which according to Guardian is causing the death of nearly 400,000 people a year and costing the world more than $1.2 trillion, wiping 1.6% of global GDP. Lastly, we cannot afford to ignore the ongoing tension and after math of Ukrainian Crises, ISIS Threat, Arab Spring, War in Iraq and Afghanistan which has consumed lives of innocent children and families. Certainly, given this status quo in certain parts of the world, we should be thankful to live where we don’t get to see these conditions. However, we just can’t afford to ignore the facts and merely continue with our sympathies without challenging our own mindset and ideology in order to bring solutions to the most complex humanitarian issues. The status quo as of now, US & Europe are having bitter time with Russia. ISIS continues to terrorize and victimize states and has caused a stir in international community, the tension and conﬂict in Middle East is yet to see the daylight of peace. These issues are directly or indirectly linked with NATO and transatlantic community and their capacity to bring solutions to them. It is here we witness the paradoxical nature of humanitarian issues. For example, US has been at the forefront in its war against terrorism and promoting democracy in middle east, especially in Iraq and Afghanistan, but still after several years of war we are yet to witness peace and democracy there. On the other end, the US continues to face its own national issues related to Gun Shootings at Campus and the most recent racist issues. The US and Russia standoff

didn’t helped to resolve the Syrian conﬂict which continues to devastate Syria. The EU, known for its peace and stability faces severe criticism from Greece, and Portugal who are at the forefront of bearing austerities. The EU member states are dealing with their own internal issues related to religious intolerance, unemployment,

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Albert Einstein noted that "We cannot solve our problems with the same thinking we used when we created them." Here Einstein is hinting us to step up our vision and take a new route to resolve issues. It is here I believe member states have to develop ﬂexible mindset in dealing with issues and have to develop an overarching vision of leadership and its impact. We call it as Sustainable Leadership (SL). Einstein rightly stated “No problem can be solved from the same level of consciousness that created it”. Thus considering this approach in our context of international affairs, as a concept per se “Sustainable Leadership” is deeply rooted in decision making which is based on human consciousness rather than

We just can’t aﬀord to ignore the facts without challenging our own mindset and ideology in order to bring solutions to the most complex humanitarian issues

immigration and inclusive growth. Solutions from ﬁxed mindset come in various forms such as massive investment or economic sanctions, austerities, military action, embargo, heavy taxation etc. Their impacts could be dangerous, what we are witnessing now is the spillover effect across continents causing migration, unemployment, social unrest and civil war due to which generations are at stake. I am sure that any head of the state must have come across the famous quote of Mandela "No one is born hating another person because of the color of his skin, or his background, or his religion. People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite." Through this quote Mandela explicitly contends that verily we have been treating the effects and outcomes of problems but we are not treating the root cause of it. Thus the challenge for us collectively is that How do we resolve this? How can we bring solutions to this?

following the traditional diplomatic line of thought. SL fundamentally challenges the conventional leadership paradigm and their short sightedness; on the contrary SL presumes that leadership should have a positive intergenerational impact. In response to extremism and growing intolerance and bias amongst religions, SL encourages to embrace and understand diverse religions, their common message and thereby promote interfaith dialogue. From the core, a member state or a leader exercising SL would pursue an approach which is holistic in nature and focused in uplifting the quality of human life by promoting the dialogue, innovation and unbiased interest in bringing forth the solutions. SL is rooted in following the fundamental principles of human values and therefore it is not prejudiced against one or the other form of functioning of member state. On the contrary it offers the ﬂexibility to adapt the situation by guarding the fundamental values of every society and culture. 2014 • 23

op-eds

Understanding the Present by Knowing the Past TIAGO FERREIRA LOPES • Assistant Professor at the Faculty of Economic and Administrative Sciences at Kirikkale University, Turkey There is a commonplace on political speeches that the “world’s current events are the most pressing and challenging ones”, although it is inaccurate to fully dismiss this predication it is also incorrect to fully accept it. The current issues, namely in what regards national, regional and international Security, only seem more challenging because we do not know how they will end. istory professors tend to emphasize the importance of a deep and solid knowledge of History not because they want to defend their profession, but mostly because they know that History gives us the clues to understand our present standing and our possible nearby future. Although I do not claim to be a History professor (by formation) I do teach two History courses here in Turkey. Let me give some examples on how History is essential to understand that the current challenges ahead of us are as tricky to solve as those in the past. When Rome falls, after the incursions of Odoacer (that formally became Rex [King] of Italy) in 476, the roman provinces are engulfed in a climate of deep uncertainty that raises fears about the future. Rome, the town that was meant to be eternal, had fallen at the hands of a Barbarian. Christian theologians tried to explain the fall of Rome with the sinful ways of Christians across the Empire and with the displeasure of God towards the overabundance of infidels and pagans. Roman polytheistic pagans saw in the demise of Rome, the demise of the power of the ancient Gods. What they all had in common was the fear towards the unknown. Fear lead to a series of poor political decisions that fuelled conflicts across the Imperial colonies and vassal states. Several “contemporary” authors invoke the same idea that those times were “the most challenging ones”.

24 • 2014

In the same way, when in the XIV century the Mongol hordes under Timur (usually known as Tamerlane) raided Central Asia, Caucasus, Russia, China, Eastern Europe and the Levant, the world seemed to have descended into anarchy and chaos. Timur’s violent raids were responsible for a new reconﬁguration of power in several regions, leading to a time of deep turmoil that brews uncertainty, decreasing the feeling of security of several populations. In Europe, the emergence of the Ottoman Empire and the collapse of the Byzantine Empire was also a moment of deep uncertainty in which the security challenges ahead seemed to be more challenging than those behind. Roman fall, in the distant ﬁfth century, was now less “challenging”. The rapid expansion of the Russian Empire during the Petrine Era (historical period comprised between Peter, the Great and Catherine, the Great) also raised fears regarding the challenges ahead across to the sociopolitical spaces in the Caucasus, Central Asia and even to some European monarchies. So why these turbulent and extraordinary challenging periods seem to us as less extraordinary than the times we are living in? Mostly because we know what happen after those critical events; by knowing the result we reduce uncertainty, leading to a sense of security that decreases the sensation of impending threat. And secondly, because the situations “already happened” while the ones we fear are happening now, to us. Most certain-

ly in 200 years new generations will smirk while reading our fears, insecurities and uncertainties. That is the reason why knowing History it’s important. First, and foremost, because it shows to us that we are not the “unlucky ones” living through the most difﬁcult times, with the most pressing challenges. Second, because although challenges change their “clothes” the leitmotivs tend to be the same: power, resources competition, clash of ideologies. Reading History is the best way to understand the deep reasons behind the things that challenge our perceived sense of security (because security is firstly a question of individual and social perception). Knowing how others handled with their problems; reading how some decisions lead to unexpected outcomes is the only way for political leaders to be able to decide in a more conscious manner. History can also be used as an uncertainty-reduction-tool. If others, in our past, were able to overcome the herculean challenges that the Times presented to them; why wouldn’t us be able to solve our problems, no matter how hard they seem? Several academicians have pointed out in recent years that uncertainty-reduction is the primary reason why we (human beings) organize ourselves inside of social groupings. If we comprehend that uncertainty’s main driver cause is lack of knowledge the study of History (knowledge about the Past) has the potential to dilute uncertainty. Please, do not misread me… Studying History is not a magic wand that will make our security challenges, like ISIS, AQaeda or Boko Haram, disappear. But it will surely scale down those problems, allowing us to ﬁnd the appropriate and well-tuned answers. After all over response to a problem will only generate another problem… But that is a lesson for another day!

on the map

Havel’s Place at Oxford MATĚJ BAJGAR • PhD candidate at the University of Oxford, United Kingdom Oxford has a different perspective on time. The oldest English university includes the world's oldest university museum, oldest purpose-built music room in Europe and one the oldest scientific gardens in the world. argaret Thatcher or Aung San Suu Kyi have seen the same libraries and dining halls as have Thomas Hobbes or John Lock. When it comes to a new construction, the question is not "Does it deserve to be built?", but "Does it deserve to be built for many centuries?" In 1998, Oxford University awarded the then Czech president Václav Havel with an honorary doctorate. During his acceptance address at Sheldonian Theatre, he talked about "the intellectual and politics", and he deﬁned an intellectual as someone who "perceives things in a broader context than is usual". In November 2014, the playwright, dissident and politician was himself put in a broader context, when a monument dedicated to him was opened in the Oxford University Parks. The monument, called Havel's Place, is certainly not monumental. An original design by Václav Havel's court architect Bořek Šípek, it consists of a small round table with a living tree growing through its middle and two attached chairs. It invites two friends to sit and talk, being able to see each other but also enjoy the shared view in front of them. The inscription running around the table board states Havel's motto – "Truth and Love Must Prevail Over Lies and Hatred". Havel's Place was originally conceived by the Czech ambassador to the United States Petr Gandalovič, who asked Bořek Šípek to design it and arranged the ﬁrst piece to be installed at Georgetown University in autumn 2013. Since then, Dublin, Barcelona, Prague, Venice and several other cities have also got their own Havel's Places. In November 2014, during the Velvet Revolution Commemoration Dinner organised every year by the Oxford University Czech and Slovak Society, the Czech ambassador to the United Kingdom Michael Žantovský

suggested to the students that they install the bench in Oxford. The students enthusiastically took up the challenge, but it gradually became clear that the university would not immediately share their enthusiasm. Administrators responsible for different parts of its campus receive petitions for erecting someone's monument almost every day. They ha-

Havel. In the subsequent hot debate with Timothy Garton Ash, Žantovský opposed Ash's claim that Havel was a successful playwright and dissident but an unsuccessful politician. In doing so, he pointed to the many key decisions that Havel managed to push through or block and to the fact that it was under Havel's presidency that the country entered NATO and prepared for joining the European Union. Later in the evening, the latest Templeton Prize winner, Czech priest Tomáš Halík, gave a lecture comparing Václav Havel to another great leader of the opposition to communism – John Paul II.

An original design by Václav Havel's court architect Bořek Šípek, it consists of a small round table with a living tree growing through its middle and two attached chairs. It invites two friends to sit and talk, being able to see each other but also enjoy the shared view in front of them.

ve to be careful. After all, just one monument per year, if multiplied by thousand years, gives a lot of tombstones. However, after a few months of a practical lesson on Havel's theme – the intellectual and politics – the students managed to ﬁnd a perfect place for Havel's Place on a meadow overlooking the pond in the University Parks. The bench was open on 6th November, in the presence of the Czech deputy prime minister Pavel Bělobrádek, the minister of culture Daniel Herman and the vice-chancellor of the University of Oxford Andrew Hamilton. Václav Havel would appreciate that the student organisers complemented the opening ceremony with intellectual discussion. Michael Žantovský, once Havel's spokesman, introduced his new biography of

Václav Havel's taste for absurd drama was also satisfied thanks to Zdeněk Žák, the minister of transport in the recent government of Jiří Rusnok. Invited by nobody, Žák boarded the government plane carrying the official guests from Prague to the UK on the pretext that he had private business in London, but then kept following the delegation – to the top of the skyscraper Shard, to the ambassador's private residence as well as to Oxford. Until recently, the only monument to a public figure in the Oxford University Parks was a plaque dedicated to Gandhi in 1998. The new one – Havel's place – symbolizes that Havel was not only a man of one particular revolution, but that as a source of inspiration he transcends time – even time in the Oxford sense. 2014 • 25

activities

Hub of Future European & Transatlantic Leaders This November, we celebrated the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall. Its fall in 1989 became a powerful symbol of the end of the Cold War. The situation in Ukraine reminds us that our efforts to stabilise Europe are not yet finished.

Participants discussed 25 years of democracy and civic initiatives in the Central European region with experts in the ﬁeld and the event provided participants with an opportunity to establish a ne-

ome are even saying that the world is on the brink of a new cold war, unless it's already begun. Faced with new challenges, European and transatlantic leaders of tomorrow can still look back in time and take lessons from inspiring and effective leadership in the past, but what is more important they should come up with fresh ideas and innovative concepts to make their own contribution towards the success of the concept: “Europe whole and free”.

The goal of the closed-format expert debate held on 11 December 2014 in Bratislava was to develop participants’ ability to identify and solve complex challenges facing societies in Slovakia and Central Europe and enhance the capacity to shape and strengthen the democratic process in their respective positions.

expert debate: 25 Years of Democracy: Modern Foreign Affairs Policy and Civic Society Milan Nič, Director of Central European Policy Institute Miroslav Mizera, Head of Secretariat of Presidency in Council of the EU 2016, Ministry of Defence of the Slovak Republic Miriama Gurínová, Desk Officer at the Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs of the Slovak Republic chair: Róbert Vass, Executive Vice-President & CEO of the Strategy Council

twork of like-minded leaders, ready to take on greater responsibility for a more mature civil society culture in Slovakia and Central Europe and stronger leadership within the European Union and NATO. The event convened an impressive group of 23 young emerging leaders of civil society, think tanks and governmental organisations who shared their vision on the future of the Central Europe and pointed out some of the necessary ﬁelds to reform, e.g. in foreign affairs, defence, judicial system and education policy ﬁelds for the success. The event organised by Central European Policy Institute in partnership with Slovak Atlantic Commission was supported by the Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies. 26 • 2014

quiz

?quiz

5. On Nov. 25, Pope Francis bluntly critiqued _________'s malaise. He called it “self-absorbed” and declared it had lost its way, its energies sapped by economic crisis and a remote, technocratic bureaucracy. a) the Middle East b) Africa c) Europe d) America 6. In 2008, _______’s president, Mikheil Saakashvili, launched an ill-fated attempt to grab back _______’s other rebel territory of South Ossetia. Russia responded with a full-scale military invasion of _______. It later recognised both Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states. a) Azerbaijan b) Armenia c) Turkmenistan d) Georgia

7. American president Barack Obama was expected to nominate Ashton Carter as his next ________, replacing Chuck Hagel, who is stepping down. a) Secretary of Homeland Security b) Secretary of Defence c) Secretary of Commerce d) Secretary of Health and Human Services 8. 2015 will mark the sixth anniversary of the ____________ initiative designed to bring the eastern neighbours closer to the European Union (EU). a) Eastern Partnership b) Partnership for Peace c) European Free Trade Association d) Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council 9. Since the end of the 2nd world war the longest uninterrupted growth period took place in _______ without any hiccup. a) Indonesia b) China c) Japan d) USA 10. On 3 December, General David Rodriguez of the US army’s Africa Command told reporters that ISIS – also known as ISIL– is now running training camps in _____, where as many as 200 ﬁghters are receiving instruction. a) Egypt b) Libya c) Algeria d) Tunisia

Results: 1b, 2a, 3a, 4b, 5c, 6d, 7b, 8a, 9c, 10b

1. On 16 June 1989, a young democracy activist, a founding member of Fidesz (Alliance of Young Democrats), gave a ground-breaking speech in Heroes' Square in Budapest. He demanded free elections and the withdrawal of Soviet troops. This brave man was ______, the current Prime Minister of Hungary since 2010. a) János Áder b) Viktor Orbán c) Gordon Bajnai d) László Sólyom 2. ________ took over the Presidency of the Visegrad Group from 1 July 2014, and will hold it until June 2015. The motto of this V4 Presidency is “Dynamic Visegrad for Europe and Beyond.” a) Slovakia b) Hungary c) Poland d) Czech Republic 3. Who said that: "I worked for the Polish underground, I worked as a truck driver."? a) Jan Krzysztof Bielecki b) Wojciech Jaruzelski c) Lech Wałęsa d) Jerzy Buzek 4. ________ Prime Minister Stefan Lofven called the country’s ﬁrst snap election in decades after a fringe populist party derailed his efforts to gather support for his ﬁrst budget proposal. a) Finnish b) Swedish c) Danish d) Irish

2014 • 27

calendar

JANUARY Latvia’s Presidency of the Council of the European Union Lithuania Adopts Euro Currency The Eurasian Economic Union Will Come Into Effect 1 The Eurasian Economic Union is a political and economic union which was formally signed on 29 May 2014 by three states : Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Russia. The Union will ofﬁcially go into effect on 1 January 2015.

International Conference on Cybersecurity 5 – 8 NEW YORK CITY, USA The Federal Bureau of Investigation and Fordham University will host the Fifth International Conference on Cyber Security (ICCS 2015) ) on January 5-8, in New York City. ICCS is an opportunity for global leaders in cyberthreat analysis, operations, research, and law enforcement to coordinate their efforts to create a more secure world.

International Day of Commemoration in Memory of the Victims of the Holocaust 27 On January 27 each year, the United Nations remembers the Holocaust that affected many people of Jewish origin during World War II.

70th Anniversary of the Liberation of the Auschwitz-Birkenau Concentration Camp 27 January 2015 marks seventy years since the liberation of Auschwitz, the largest camp established by the Germans.

2nd UNESCO Forum on Global Citizenship Education 28 – 30 PARIS, FRANCE Second UNESCO Forum on Global Citizenship Education will be held under the theme „Planning for Post-2015: Building Peaceful and sustainable societies.“ The Forum will focus on future international policy directions, country implementation and partnerships on global citizen education.

24th Summit of the African Union 30 – 31 ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA The 24th Summit of the African Union will take place under the theme "Women's Empowerment Year and Africa Development for the concretisation of Agenda 2063".

Mons (Belgium) and Plzeň (Czech Republic) - European Capital of Culture 2015 28 • 2014

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Mikuláš Virág Alžbeta Djurbová Tomáš Grenzner, Aneta Timoranská D&D International Slovakia s.r.o. SITA, TASR

Mikuláš Virág Sylvia Poliaková Katarína Schwertnerová Marcel Jacko, Mikuláš Virág Ján Hajdúk Anna Przybyll Andrea Lechvárová Alžbeta Djurbová Lea Sekanová Lea Sekanová Ján Čverha Lenka Kružlicová Niels Frederik Malskær Lucia Hupková Radka Čížová Tiago Ferreira Lopes

Issue 1/2014 Publication date: 17 December, 2014

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