Shifting Public (Wo)mentality

Sydney Marie Huibregtse 1446656 Auburn University Exchange Student A Research Project submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture Professional.

Unitec Institute of Technology, 2015.

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Abstract Buildings were designed by male architects who would design spaces without consideration for the needs of the individuals who would use the spaces. The notion of designing for everyone had good intentions, however it was susceptible to being biased with the built environment strongly reflecting the self-image of man. Particularly in urban spaces, designs lacked the consideration of how different people experiences space. As women were not associated with city spaces at the time, women who now use these space find that certain public spaces are particularly unfriendly towards them.

These spaces have characteristics of low lighting, and low inhabitancy, which have a greater tendency to make a woman feel unsafe and uncomfortable. Some women perceive urban spaces as barriers when the spaces don’t respond in a physical or cultural manner. While the intentions of public spaces are to promote feelings of relaxation and a sense of community, the traditional design of public space undermines these sensations and as a result they become

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discomforting to women that live and work around them.

The conceptual and physical ideas of man are reflected throughout the history of architecture, as well as in the present. Patriarchal societies dominated many cultures, and gave men a high social status over women, defining gender roles. Some feminist writers have voiced out their opinion on the matter of women being an ornamentation and unaccounted for in architecture. Beatriz Colomina refers to some works of Le Corbusier, particularly the Villa Savoye, portrays voyeurism through the photos taken of people inhabiting his houses. Leslie Kanes Weisman argues that women are not represented through architecture because the ability to build and create is in the hands of the people who have the power to do so, as represented through patriarchal societies.

This project is then presented to de-gender urban public spaces in order to develop a safe and empowering place for women.

Investigations are initially made by looking specifically at different situations where women tend to become vulnerable due to their surroundings, and in the end presents a series of proposals of

ways these moments in the city can be fixed architecturally. The process analyses the physical and psychological differences between men and women, and attempts to understand how each approach problem can be solved by using architectural interventions. Using these differences as a design tool, the spaces are redesigned using a method which best promotes a selfimage of women. This process does not redesign with the nuanced differences of using female proportions to design spaces from, but instead uses a more abstract form of the Modulor, deriving its form from the self-image of women. This unconventional method is represented by using the proportions of a Barbie doll to represent the ideal life and confidence in women, and ultimately to amplify the differences between men and women.

The resultant product of the project is a place of empowerment and a place of comfort outside a women’s home. This development is specifically catered to women in all aspects for the safety and comfort necessary, however, it is also a place where all members of the community can gather without the physical and cultural barriers urban public spaces possess.

Key Terms Ergonomics: A mixture of anthropology, biomechanics and human engineering, studies the way design can reflect more of the human body and support its natural abilities.1 Gender Stratification Theory: The oppression of women through class structures and the interacting social processes under patriarchal systems.2 Modular: A concept developed by architect Le Corbusier. Based off of a six-foot average British male, it is to act as a ‘rule’ for builders and designers to use that will create proportions with its measurements to unite the building as a whole in harmony.

Proxemics: A mix of sociology, psychology, and linguistics, it is the study of the spatial requirements of humans and the effects of population density on behavior, communication, and social interaction. It studies the communicative role in a culture of spatial arrangements and variations of distance, meaning distance between people in a conversation depends on the level of intimacy. 3 Voyeurism: Achieving sexual gratification by looking from a distance at object or acts; spying, following, espionage4

1 Merriam-Webster, s.v “Ergonomics,” accessed 22 September 2015, http://www.merriam-webster. com/dictionary/ergonomics.

3 Dictionary.com, s.v “Proxemics,” accessed 22 September 2015, http://dictionary.reference.com/ browse/proxemics?s=t.

2 “Gender and Stratification,” Social Stratification Sociology Guide, accessed 26 September 2015, http://www.sociologyguide.com/social-stratification/gender-and-stratification.php.

4 Dictionary.com, s.v “Voyeurism,” accessed 27 September 2015, http://www.thesaurus.com/ browse/voyeurism..

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract/Key Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Research Question . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Aims/Objectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Current Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

CURRENT STUDIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Power in Design . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Ergonomics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

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Men vs. Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20

Physicality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21

Bodies are Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22

Mentality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

Women Designing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

Proxemics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

What is Space? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

Types of Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Urban Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

Women and Urban Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30

Gendered Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32

Design Tools Already Implemented . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

PRECEDENT SURVEY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Theory Precedents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Design Precedents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39

SITE ANALYSIS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45

APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91

History of Site . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48

Appendix A — Clay Models

Building Types . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48

Model #1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92

Major Streets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

Model #2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93

Population Density . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52

Model #3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

Vehicle & Pedestrian Paths . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54

Model #4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95

Movement through Site . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

Model #5 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96

Green Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

Model #6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97

Female Population . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

Model #7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Model #8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99

DESIGN PROCESS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Appendix B — Safety Audit Organic Aesthetics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64

UN Woman Surveys . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100

Idea of Barbie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Quantitative Additions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108

OUTCOMES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 5

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INTRODUCTION

Introduction

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Research Question

Aims/Objectives

Due to the male

The objective of this project is to develop urban public spaces that reflect certain qualities that cater to women and create gender equality architecturally. This can be achieved by: prompting women’s empowerment, facilitating interactions within the designed spaces, creating a positive “first impression,” engendering a sense of openness, and through using a woman’s body proportions to design the spaces.

dominated nature of

existing public spaces,

how can the progressing

role of women in society

be reflected in the design of new urban public spaces?

In addressing these aspects individually, selfempowerment in women is developed by introducing comforting elements from a woman’s home, and then associating them to the public space abstractly, physically, and architecturally.

By associating comforting elements with public spaces, it can make spaces feel less foreign.

Ultimately this process takes the “weak moments” of public spaces for women and changes them into places that promote strength.

A deeper connection to the space is developed by creating positive interactions within the public spaces and facilitating moments to unite the people inhabiting the space. This process of connecting people to a space utilizes specific circulation patterns and the application of appropriate materiality to create experiences which are more amicable for the women who use them.

Before a positive interaction is established, a first impression is developed based on its visual aesthetic properties. The process of creating a visually pleasurable object is particularly difficult to design due to the fact that not all people or genders are attracted to the same forms or designs.

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In this project, a woman’s aesthetic preferences are prioritized and then rationalized to suit the majority of their aesthetic views. In taking this approach, this project takes the stance that if the majority women are accepting of and comfortable in the space due to its qualities of openness and familiarity, the men who use and occupy a space would likely be able to enjoy it as well.

In promoting a sense of openness for the public space, the design recognizes that small public spaces and large open spaces are perceived to have a negative connotation. A series of studies related to the size and types of spaces is conducted to determine which spaces feel too vast or too closed, and then analyzes their effect on the perception of safety and comfort in relation to those space sizes.

Finally, when designing a space that relates to a women’s body proportions, the design responds directly to how the female body acts and moves.

The designed elements within the public space are then directly designed to react to the body in an appropriate manner. When this approach is taken, the women who use the space may feel an increased level of safety and comfort. This hypothesis is made as when a space or form is not properly suited to its intended audience, it becomes disused and potentially unsafe for those it was designed to accommodate.

Background For centuries, women have faced a number of societal challenges. In the 1970s this began to change as a sexual revolution began at the same time as many other movements including the Woman’s Liberation Movement. At this point, the way people thought and lived changed, and most importantly the woman’s role in society began to change. As a result, women began to enter the workforce in large numbers. However, society was, and still is, changing faster than the development of architecture.

Despite that female architects became more common, architecture has continued to be designed with the same approach; for the average man. Prior to the revolution, women lacked the same level of social status as men and were considered ‘second-class’ to the ‘firstclass’ man. In today’s society, women are still struggling for gender equality.

Urban public spaces are designed for accessibility, but certain aspects that compose the space make it de-neutralized.5 For example, some spaces which are satisfying and safe for some, space may seem uninviting for others. A well designed space should promote gender equality rather than hinder it.6 Therefore, next step is for designers to consider all who use these spaces with the importance of gender integration.

Ultimately, this can only occur after understanding how men and women experience the same space and why.7 Men are most likely to inhabit spaces women go to because the women feel safe, but women are less likely to go to space that men inhabit. It goes along with the maternal instinct a woman has, the gut feeling that makes situations uncomfortable.

5 “Highlight the Fact that Space Is Not Neutral,” UN Women Virtual Knowledge Center to End Violence Against Women and Girls 2012, accessed 19 September 2015, http://endvawnow.org/en/articles/380-highlight-the-fact-that-space-is-not-neutral.html?next=381.

6 Ibid.

7 Ibid.

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For some people, certain spaces create a sense of vulnerability. For example, dimly lit areas can be perceived as threatening. Less populated areas can create a sense of caution. Walking into a bar can often be intimidating or cause discomfort. For people who feel vulnerable in these conditions, it is women who tend to be the least accounted for in design of public spaces. Women weren’t thought to inhabit these urban spaces as men did back in the days, therefore, architectural spaces developed a certain direction.

Urban designers and architects have approached this issue in a variety of ways. It is difficult to design with everyone in mind, as a past experience can define how one perceives a space, including its safety.8 A common method is using a checklist of what makes a space safer as well as provides for the needs for women. Is there adequate lighting in the day and at night? Are there enough escape paths in case of an emergency? Is there enough seating spaced throughout the area?

These are the little details that make quite a difference overall.

One example of a well-designed space is the St. Johann Park in Vienna, Austria.

The architects redesigned the urban space specifically for the safety of women and children.9 They achieved their goal by adding light, increasing visibility around the park, incorporating multiuse play areas, and adding in monitoring

8 “Plan Spaces to Encourage Equal Social Relations between Men and Women,” UN Women Virtual Knowledge Center to End Violence Against Women and Girls 2012, accessed 19 September 2015, http://endvawnow.org/en/articles/381-plan-spaces-to-encourage-equal-socal-relatons-between-men-and-women. html?next=382.

9 C ity of Vienna and UN-HABITAT, “Gender sensitive park design Einsiedlerplatz & St.-Johann-Park, City of Vienna,” in Platform for the Best Practices and Local Leadership Programme of the UN-HABITAT and the City of Vienna 2002, Available in English; Harth A, 2007.

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without using traditional surveillance methods.10 This park was part of the “Fair Shared City: Gender Mainstreaming Planning Strategy in Vienna.” It was redesigned with a gender-sensitive agenda based on the needs for the safety of women and girls.11 Another method utilized to reach equality in public spaces is through the accessibility of knowledge. Value of one’s knowledge changes depending on the space. For example, knowledge of man in a workplace has greater value than the knowledge of woman at home.12 This concept is the necessity toward the gender stratification theory.13 Integration in spaces requires access to valued knowledge, which in return increases the social relations between people.

Through technology, the home, or the office, spatial design can control the value of knowledge perceived in a space by creating spaces for everyone to use comfortably and safely.

Another way to increase the safety of urban public spaces can be found by analyzing people’s reactions and movements. Personality traits can affect how one experiences a space. The main personality traits that describe a person’s character are either extraverted or introverted. There are several types of personalities to consider as part of the design process. For example, people who are shyer will perceive a space in another way than someone who is

10 Ibid.

11 Ibid.

12 Daphne Spain, “Space and Status,” in Gendered Spaces 1992, (The University of North Carolina Press), 27.

13 Ibid.

more outgoing. Designing to change/transition insecurities to strengths requires knowing how people portray themselves through another.

For instance, the Barbie doll is a toy that girls have grown to love. Barbie, as Judith butler states, is a way girls can reflect themselves through an inanimate object, in this case a doll, to escape her reality.14 Architect, Barbara Campagna commented on how the Barbie was a way her and her friends could create their own fantasy world, that even though the dolls looked the alike, each one had their own take on life and personality.15 Barbie is a toy that girls would play with to project their perfect world on as Barbie had the confidence and everything to go with in that world the girls desired. The confident distraction can be utilized as a design tool by implementing it in the female version of the Modulor, a concept Le Corbusier developed. Even though her measurements are used as the design tool, Barbie is really used to create spaces that reflect the confidence women and girls portray into that fantasy world.

The potential of this last method would be of great value to creating spaces that promote confidence in women.

Metaphorically, this approach would be a movement stating that architecture can represent more than what has traditionally practiced through continuing with the woman’s movement.

By focusing on the self-image of women, the confidence that is taken away in some urban spaces returns, reflected in the architecture. With confidence, there is strength. When there is strength, there is a sense of comfort. The power accessed by knowledge will be equally dispersed over the community. Thus de-gendering urban spaces.16

14 G ill Matthewson, “Architect Barbie through the Looking Glass: Gender, Identity, and Architecture,” in Fabulation: Myth, Nature, Heritage: Proceedings of the 29th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia & New Zealand, University of Tasmania, Launceston, Australia 2012, 5th-8th July 2012, ed. by Anuradha Chatterjee, Stuart King, and Stephen Loo (Launceston, Tas.: Society of Architectural Historians of Australia & New Zealand), 710.

15 Barbara Campagna, “True Green Cities/ Architect Barbie & Social Equity,” @Barbara Campagna-True Green Cities, 5 July 2011, accessed 28 September 2015, http://barbaracampagna.com/2011/07/architect-barbie-social-equity/.

16 Daphne Spain, “Degendering Spaces,” in Gendered Spaces 1992, (The University of North Carolina Press), 233.

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Current Knowledge In society, men and women have had different roles, traditionally speaking. Men were the providers and the women were the nurturers. These roles reflect on the moralities of men and women, which is a reflection of society. Men respect a person’s rights and play by the rules; the logical view.

Men tend to think separation from others is important. Women, however, have a more sensitive view, and live by the morals of care and responsibility.17 This can be seen

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17 Leslie Kanes Weisman, “Chapter Three: The Private Use of Public Space,” in

through the development of work and home. Communities form by the women coming together, while the men go to work, mostly staying out of the day-to-day aspects community involvement.

Architecture of the past and present reflects the conceptual and physical ideas of man. There are certain proportions in which spaces and objects are designed.

For example, Le Corbusier developed

Discrimination by Design: A Feminist Critique of the Man-Made Environment, (University of Illinois Press Urbana and Chicago, 1992), 81-82.

the concept called the Modular.18 The Modular is based on a six-foot average white male. The theory behind it is that the Modular could be applied to any project design. The spaces created would be the right proportions for a human to be comfortable in.

Ergonomic studies show that the physicality of men and women differ with how they move, their range of movement, as well as height proportions.19

City life, which women weren’t associated with traditionally because of social norms. Therefore, men designed more for the aspects of man. Streets and public spaces failed to provide safety and be comfortable for women. As Weisman stated,

“ …the contemporary urban landscape is a paradigmatic stage set for the workings of patriarchy.”20

18 Diane Agrest, “Architecture from Without:Body, Logic, and Sex,” in Gender Space Architecture 2000, (Vol. 1. New York: Routledge), 369.

19 Alvin R Tilley and Henry Dreyfuss Associates, The Measure of Man and Women: Human Factors in Design. (New York: Wiley, 2002).

20 Leslie Kanes Weisman, “Chapter Three,” 67.

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Women would avoid these spaces which they perceive as barriers, developing a culture of fear as a result.21 When women began to break the patriarchal social norms, the gender spheres became less defined. Women were able to attend events and schools they weren’t allowed to before. This resulted in changes in social status as well.

Architects and theorists curiosity constantly grew throughout the past few decades. Designers began to investigate how men and women would inhabit various spaces by looking at their actions within a space and toward each other was a reflection on the cultural norms. Questions were asked about the construction of spaces, the reconceptualizing of spaces, the qualification of defining an everyday space, exploring how the female body could fulfill patriarchal ideologies, and the way a space either gives a person the sense of power or makes them feel completely powerless. When women started having a voice as architects and/or designers, it was also questioned if women saw the relationship between space and time, as well as aesthetics, in a different light.22 Women are biologically different from men and due to these differences, a woman approach toward design would be direction worth considering.

When questioning the progress of urban spaces, one must ask: Do bodies shape the environment, or does the environment shape our bodies?23 If the Modular could be applied to all designs, why not re-explore the possibilities that the female body has to offer toward designing architectural spaces?24 The physical aspects in modern architecture began to reflect the female in some ways. Shapes of buildings became more flexible, more organic.25 Postmodern architecture began to create spaces that expressed the “language” of cultures, making more of an effort toward gender-neutral spaces.26 Public spaces often reflect the culture and social status of the community.

Designing with the female identity and proportions as a priority could change how these spaces are used and how people interact. If women can feel comfortable in an urban space, feel a sense of freedom, and safety, then not only would women benefit from this, but men and children would as well. Public spaces have a political aspect that can change by putting women first. The term political when applied to public spaces refers to the social acceptance and activities in the city, and within these spaces. Men can inhabit spaces designed for women, not all women can inhabit a space, respectively, designed for men.27

23 Elizabeth Grosz, “Bodies-Cities,” In Sexuality & Spaces 1992, 1st ed. (Vol. 1. New York: Princeton Architectural Press), 242.

24 Gerard Rey Lico, “Architecture and Sexuality: The Politics of Gendered Space,” Humanities Dilman 2, no. 1, (2007).

21 W omen saw the road as dangerous, scales of places intimidating, and overall found uncomfortable to be in. Aaron Betsky, “Chapter Nine: Constructing Sex,” in Building Sex: Men, Women, Architecture, and the Construction of Sexuality, 1995, 1st ed. Vol. 1. New York: William Morrow and Company, 177.

22 J ane Rendell, “Introduction: ‘Gender Space Architecture,’” in Gender Space Architecture-An Interdisciplinary Introduction 2000, (Vol. 1. New York: Routledge), 225.

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25 Aaron Betsky, “Chapter Eight: At Home in the Maelstrom of Modernity,” In Building Sex: Men, Women, Architecture, and the Construction of Sexuality 1995, 1st ed. (Vol. 1. New York: William Morrow and Company), 157-158.

26 Ibid., 174.

27 Leslie Kanes Weisman, “Chapter Three,” 79.

Methodology This project begins by investigating how the practices of modern and postmodern architects perceived women through their works. As architecture tends to reflect society, the accountability of women through design lacked reflecting their roles in society. From there, the investigation continues by examining the relationship between urban public spaces and women. There are issues to consider, such as the limitations public spaces in the city can cause and the development of feeling which make such spaces become an unknown territory, creating the vulnerability people try to avoid. Also, another aspect with the relationship of women and public spaces is what is perceived as safe or unsafe.

There are different aspects to consider when determining the safeness of a space, as personal experiences can hinder their perception.

As this project is to focus on the woman’s role in society through space developments, there is a

necessity to analyze the physical and psychological difference and similarities between men and women.

Physically, there’s differences with movement abilities, lifting abilities, and women have to overcome more challenges to be on the same level as men. Gender roles traditionally have reflected the psychological difference between men and women.

Interpreting the differences on how people take on life and how they perceive it shows a lot about the type of person and potentially how they would solve a problem, like through design process. Once the information is gathered and there is more of an idea of how characteristics of women could be applied toward design, a process can begin. Spatial design uses the physical characteristics of women, further explored through proxemics. A series of spatial designs with considerations of when the size of spaces become uncomfortable. Visual aspects of the design take into consideration how women think and process the built environment. In the end, the design approach for this project should have developed a safe and comfortable space reflecting the nature of women in different ways.

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Power in Design The built environment we inhabit has been developed under the views of patriarchal societies. In these patriarchal societies, the hierarchy places men over women. They were the ones to take care of business, design the communities and spaces everyone occupies, and have the power to make important decisions.

Cities are man-made environments where women are considered the “users,” while the men are considered the “owners.”28 The development of cities and suburbs reflected patriarchal views complementing the concept of the separate spheres. Women are largely associated with private realm, referring to the home or the suburban community, and men are largely associated with public realm, referring to the city and the workforce. Women began to feel constrained by these ways of identifying spaces, further classifying gender roles within communities. Women had been working for a while but numbers increased drastically around 1970. These architects

28 D olores Hayden, “What Would a Non-Sexist City Be Like? Speculations on House, Urban Design, and Human Work,” in Women and the American City 1980, (The University of Chicago Press), S172.

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designed with their morals and based on the working man’s abilities and proportions. Thus, architecture is defined by the people with the power to create and build.29 Two famous architects are known for their characteristics of design, particularly in how their styles portrayed women. First, Le Corbusier, a modernist architect, changed how people look at architecture, literally.

Specifically looking at the Villa Savoye, images taken after completion show that a man inhabits the house, but the woman is shown as distant and vulnerable.30 The house is a women’s home; it’s her protector. Beatriz Colomina states that these photographs are taken portraying voyeurism. It is common in his photos to display women in such a way that her assumption is reasonable however, others may not agree. Also, to support Colomina’s commentary on Le Corbusier’s representation of women, is his six-foot male-based Modulor that was meant to be a rule that is applicable to every building.

29 Leslie Kanes Weisman, “Introduction,” in Discrimination by Design: A Feminist Critique of the Man-Made Environment 1992, (University of Illinois Press Urbana and Chicago), 2.

30 Beatriz Colomina, “The Split Wall,” 102-104.

Adolf Loos, an architect of the same design era, believed that a house was a stage and that architecture was a continuous stage. He created the Raumplan, which he says,

“ My work does not really have a ground floor, first floor, or basement. It only has connected rooms, annexes, terraces. Each room requires a particular height…The rooms much then be connected in such a way as to make the transitions imperceptible, and to effect in in a natural and efficient fashion.”31 Loos focused more on the bodily experience rather than the mental construction as one moved through his houses. An analogy would be

getting the feel and concept of a material before committing to the detail of the clothing that could be made. The sensing of the material brings ideas of potential outcomes based on how the material should be felt.32 By first feeling how he would want the space to be, it allows him to make the subject inhabiting the space feel part of the space. Unlike in Villa Savoye, the subject is the viewer and the viewee at the same time. The rooms interact with each other through lighting and display, making it more intimate and comfortable.

However, due to the interaction between rooms and the people in these rooms, the concept of the male gaze is felt by anyone in the adjoining room.33 The Raumplan exhibits different levels of rooms to create fluidity when moving through his houses. For example, the Moller house had an elevated alcove that was open to the inside of the house with the main larger spaces a level down. The raised private space looks over the social spaces in the rest of the house.34 The private could spy on the public spaces without entering the scene.

32 Beatriz Colomina, “The Split Wall,” 90.

33 Beatriz Colomina, “The Split Wall,” 82.

31 Cynthia Jara, Adolf Loos’s Raumplan Theory, 186.

34 Beatriz Colomina, “The Split Wall,” 82.

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ERGONOMICS Men vs. Women Firstly, the differences between sex and gender need to be identified. Sex denounces the biological differences between men and women. Gender is defined as follows:

“While one’s sex does not change, gender roles are learned and change over time. They vary from culture to culture, and often from one social group to another within the same culture according to class, ethnicity, and race. Factors such as education, technology, economics, and sudden crises like war or famine cause gender roles to change. Gender is considered a social construct because it is socially determined and supported by societal structures.”35

35 C aroline O.N Moser, Gender Planning and Development: Theory, Practice and Training 1993, Reprint ed. (New York: Routledge).

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Sex and sexuality are also two different things, sexuality and gender are more similar. Patriarchal societies had set gender roles, but as societies change, gender roles change. For example, gender is like music genres.

There’s a certain way country music sounds and is produced, however, over the decades the sound of country music has adapted to be a mix of country and alternative or rock. Though it is still considered country in the end, the artist doesn’t have to stick with that genre. A country artist can switch to rap or rock music. Gender roles act the same way. Just because a certain role was initially identified with the male, doesn’t mean a woman can’t embody that role in society as well.

Physicality There is a clear biological difference between men and women, but gender roles do not have a defined line. These differences between men and women reveal different effects upon design and utilized space. There are physical abilities women have to overcome to be able to reach the same level of physical ability as a man. These factors are important to understand, especially when designing public spaces.

First, the body’s center of gravity is different in women and men. Women have a lower center of gravity due to female attributes, such as wider hips. Second, men naturally have more muscle mass than women which is how they are able to lift more weight. Acceleration, force, velocity, power, displacement, and timing are factors to consider for a good design that responds to the differences between men and women.36 Back

36 Lars Lindbeck and Katarina Kjellberg, “Gender Differences in Lifting Technique,” Ergonomics 44, no. 2 (2001): 202-214.

when men dominated the workforce, decisions and accessories for the workforce were made for and by men. Women were not considered due to gender norms, because they were not expected to take part in such ways.

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Bodies are Cities Human bodies have a complicated direct relationship with cities and their spaces. Elizabeth Grosz describes the body as organically, biologically, and naturally “incomplete.”37 The body needs the social and cultural aspects of life to be completed. The completed body reveals the meaning and significance it has on a space as well as the shaping of spaces. While the body creates opportunities, it also puts a limit on our experiences in society. To explain further, each person visualizes a space by their ability to maneuver around. Limits on these experiences come from objects or others or even the absence of others within the space.38 Also, preconceived conceptions within social norms put limitations on experiences.

on a complex level, yet displays the order and organization of society and culture.39 One way of relating the body to the city is seeing the city as the cause, and the body as the effect.

“ The city is a product not simply of the muscles and energy of the body, but the conceptual and reflective possibilities of consciousness itself: the capacity to design, to plan ahead, to function as in intentionality and thereby be transformed into progress”40

The city is said to be a projection of bodies. The city is home to a series of interactive networks

As society and cultures are constantly changing, bodies are adapting and cities are responding. This adaptation of the body can be described as “citified,” the concept of the metropolitan body.41 It is as if the body and the city are in the same ecosystem. In order to survive, they have to help each other, feed each other so both can adapt and grow. Architect Adolf Loos designed for the metropolitan individual, which is someone who stands by his individuality apart from society power. Loos explains the interior and exterior of his designs as the difference between intimacy and social life.42 It is the difference between the city life (man) and the private sexual life (woman).43 Cities and bodies are so similar with their complexities and how they respond to each other, concluding that the body becomes a metaphor for the city socially.

41 Ibid., 242.

42 Beatriz Colomina, “The Split Wall,” 94.

37 E lizabeth Grosz, “Bodies-Cities,” 243.

39 Elizabeth Grosz, “Bodies-Cities,” 243.

38 S hirley Ardener, “The Partition of Space,” 113.

40 Ibid., 245.

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43 Identifying themselves, not from nature, but from society. Beatriz Colomina, “The Split Wall: Domestic Voyeurism,” in Sexuality & Spaces 1992, (1st ed. Vol. 1. New York: Princeton Architectural Press), 93.

Body parts can metaphorically represent the structure of a society. For example, the president or king would be the heart, the law would be the nerves, and military would be the arms.44 Loos gave the body a gender in a sense but the metaphor between the city and the body stays in the nongender zone. However, when it comes down to it, what would be the parts that specifically identify a male or a female be? Seeing as the city was built by those who have the power to build the environment, the male body would identify with the metropolitan body. It would be interesting to see how the female metropolitan body works out in comparison.

44 Elizabeth Grosz, “Bodies Cities,� 246.

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Mentality Men and women not only have physical differences, but they also think differently. Starting at a young age, boys and girls act differently. Girls tend to become more attached to objects or people, while boys become more detached and independent.45 Men and women continue to develop with the same stance, defining their morals in life. Men develop a “morality of rights and justice.” Women develop an “ethic of responsibility and care.”46 A man’s view is potentially offensive, and a woman’s perspective is welcoming.

45 Jane Rendell, “Introduction: Gender,” 18.

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46 Leslie Kanes Weisman, “Chapter Three,” 82.

Women Designing As women have a different approach toward life, to assume women approach architectural design in a different way (to men) would not be wrong. Women’s thought processes add alternative values and concerns to architecture.47 There is modification in architectural practice and criticism by feminists. Priorities exhibited through design are concepts of complexity, flexibility, inclusiveness, and connectedness, as well as feelings and ethics of care.48 For example, composition of space is valued differently depending on one’s social role.49 It reflects a woman’s relationship with a culture of consumption and appropriation and occupation.50 Architects, like Elizabeth Diller, have experimented, and succeeded, with projects that mimic objectification of women in society.51 In 1989, Diller and Ricardo Scofidio produced an installation called Para-site. Diller and Scofidio describe the installation as archtecturalizing the actions of a parasite as defined by Michael Serres, “Modelled on Michael Serres’s three definitions of a parasite: just as the

biological parasite is physically opportunistic and feeds off its host organism, the installation steals its structural and electrical sustenance from its host site; just as the social parasite entertains its host to earn welcome at the other dinner table, the installation offers the entertainment value of voyeurism to a public unwittingly drawn into an interrogation of vision; just as the technological parasite creates interference in an information network, the installation interrupts the systems of the museum to interrogate it. The installation electronically links the Projects Room with three remote sites of circulation in the museum, linking self-conscious and unsuspecting viewers in a reflection about looking- the primary activity in the museum.”52 This project makes a parody of voyeurism, observing from a distance in a creepy satisfaction. Diller achieves this with the over controlling and overusing surveillance cameras placed around the area at all different angles so that it “turns their back on themselves.”53 By interpreting that women indeed have a different approach toward design, one could ask, as Jane Rendell did, if women have a unique sense of aesthetics, a different sense of space and time.54 It is a valid question when the design process can reflect the different intellectual structures between men and women.55

47 Ibid., 82.

48 Jane Rendell, “Intro: Gender Space Architecture,” 231.

52 Elizabeth Diller and Ricardo Scofidio, “Para-Site,” PARA-SITE 1989, Accessed September 22, 2015, www.dsrny.com/projects/para-site

49 Susan Torre, “Space as Matric,” in Heresies, 51-52.

53 Aaron Betsky, “Constructing Sex,” 188.

50 Ibid., 233.

54 Jane Rendell, “Intro: Gender Space Architecture,” 225.

51 Ibid., 235

55 Some examples being the creative process, sensitivities of materials, and production of spaces. Ibid., 225.

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PROXEMICS What is Space?

Space is a utensil of thought and action.56 The behavior of the person can depend on the surrounding space as much as the space can depend on the person’s behavior. Together, the impression of the space can then be determined. Through these actions, the space can define the people in it. How people move and where people stand or sit reflects the social organization usage of a space.57 The people inhabiting the space produces the space, yet the space produces the social events that happen in it.58

56 G erard Rey Lico, “Architecture and Sexuality: The Politics of Gendered Space,” in Humanities Dilman 2 2007, no.1 (2007), 30.

57 S hirley Ardener, “The Partition of Space,” in Gender Space Architecture-An Interdisciplinary Introduction, 2000, (Vol. 1.New York: Routledge), 113.

58 J ane Rendell, “Introduction: ‘Gender Space,’” in Gender Space Architecture-An Interdisciplinary Introduction 2000, (Vol. 1. New York: Routledge), 101.

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So how does the space identify if it is produced by what it is producing? Is the space identified in a more abstract sense or more concrete? Is it defined more materially or conceptually?59 The way to identify a space and a person reacting to a space is through motion.

Space is responsive through movement of displacement.60 How a person moves through the space can define the space. How a group of people move through a space could potentially define it differently. However, the absence of movement will also create a space. Factors that can be observed through both these actions include light, shadow, and circulation.61 As a person moves through the space, shadows and the amount of light changes depending on circulation and the time. There is a direct relationship between space and time.62 Time, displacement, and space are dependent on each other.

59 Jane Rendell, “Gender Space.” 107.

60 Ibid., 104.

61 Sarah Bonnemaison and Ronit Eisenbach, “Body: 2.1 Motion Studies: A Scientific Record of the Body in Space,” in Installations by architects: Experiments in Building and Design 1996, (1st ed. Vol. 1. New York: Princeton Architectural Press), 55-56.

62 Shirley Ardener, “The Partition of Space,” 117.

Space is sensual and psychological.

Placement of objects or adjoining rooms or hierarchy of rooms gives a space the power to control how a person moves about or the emotions they absorb. The degree of lighting that sets a certain mood, and the comfort level that controls the status of the space, together contributes to the level of intimacy of the space.

Types of Spaces According to Hall, there are three types of spaces; infracultural, precultural, and microcultural. Infracultural is formed from the biological past of the animal kingdom.63 Pre-cultural is based from the present experience.64 Micro-cultural is the most relevant and accessible to the design process.65

changes.67 Cities around the world are different because of culture. Some cities are based on grids, and some are not.68 The key to cities is developing the right size of space to satisfy the people. As Hall stated:

“ The important point about fixed-featured space is that it is the mold into which is a great deal of behavior is cast.”69

Focusing more on microcultural spaces, there are three subcategories that identify with spaces.

These spaces are fixed space, semi-fixed space, or informal space.66 Microcultural explains city spatial organization, moveable design, and personal space.

Fixed spaces are the city spatial arrangements that reflect the culture. They change over time as culture

closer at these types of spaces. He found there are two subcategories that identified with how people interacted. They are sociopetal and sociofugal.70 Sociopetal spaces bring people together. Sociofugal spaces unintentionally keep people apart. It basically came down to the placement of furniture in relation to people within the space.

Informal space depends on the distance between the interactions of two or more people. Informal spaces show more about the culture than semi-fixed or fixed spaces. A misunderstanding of informal space within a culture can cause unsuccessful design.71

Semi-fixed space has flexibility. It can change in response to how people would want or need to use the space. Humphry Osmond, a physician, looked

63 E dward T Hall, “Chapter IX,” in The Hidden Dimension, 1966, (Garden City, New York: Anchor Books Doubleday), 101.

64 Ibid., 101.

67 Ibid., 103.

65 Ibid., 101.

68 Difference between Japan city layouts and European city layouts. Ibid., 105.

70 Ibid., 108.

66 Ibid., 101.

69 Ibid., 106.

71 Ibid., 112.

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Urban Spaces Public urban spaces have been around since cities and towns started developing. These spaces acted as a meeting place, a marketplace, or a traffic space.72 Events traditionally held in these public spaces in the main city or town center were coronations, processions, festivals or feasts, town meetings, and executions.73 It was a place people could go to be social and be a member of the community. It also acted as a transitional place, if not the destination.

The city is a place of constant change as it reflects the culture around it and the society.

Cities began to change in the age of modern architecture. Modernism took an alternative perspective on urban spaces, shifting it from its

72 Jan Gehl and Lars Gemezoe, “Winning back public space,” in New City Spaces 2000, (Berkeley, California: University of California Press), 10.

73 Ibid., 10.

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traditional usage. Modernism visualized how the city should be as a whole, looking to develop a sense of order and management.74 Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter in Collage City described modernist cities as having a“plug-in” method of devemopment.75 Spaces and buildings were designed from grids that created order, and unified the city by focusing on how the spaces will be used by the people. In addition to the ideal visionary life style, this was a time of encouragement for women and their place in society. By unifying the city and spaces, the hierarchy and influence of these spaces didn’t matter as much; the roles began to overlap. The development of spaces was designed to be more adaptable and not significant.76 Architecture began to reflect women in a physical sense by

74 Michael Dear, “Prolegomena to a Postmodern Urbanism,” in Managing Cities: The New Urban Context 1995, ed. P. Healy, S. Cameron, S. Davoudi, S. Graham, and A. Madanipour (Chichester, New York: J. Wiley), 27-44.

creating flexible, flowing lines, known as organic architecture, or art nouveau.77 As the concepts of modernism began to raise questions, new ways of designing brought new concepts to the table. Postmodernism ideas developed in response toward modernism, as they are the inverse of each other. Instead of unifying the whole city, postmodernism focused on parts of the city, on visible spaces, and the essence of these spaces.78 Spaces were developed as language that expressed reality and the people.79 Postmodernism became more about the space than the mass. It narrowed down on the reality of daily lives over how the city should be used and lived in, in an ideal world.80

77 Ibid., 158-159.

78 Ali Madanipour, “Postmodern Urbanism,” in Design of Urban Space: An Inquiry into a Socio-spatial Process 1996, (Chichester: Wiley), 194.

75 Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter, College City 1978, (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press).

79 Aaron Betsky, “At Home in Maelstrom of Modernity,” 174.

76 Aaron Betsky, “At Home in Maelstrom of Modernity,” 170.

80 Ali Madanipour, “Postmodern Urbanism,” 194.

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Women and Urban Spaces The impression urban spaces have on women is different physically and psychologically. For example, crime is associated with urban life to the extent that the fear makes others avoid certain places or change a part of their daily activity. While diversity amongst culture is often thought of in a positive manner, there are situations where it can develop a negative undertone.81 Elizabeth Wilson stated that enjoyment men get is not the same as women due to the anonymousness of all the other people in the same space.82 This potentially sparks a sense of discomfort in women suggesting the urban space is more dangerous.

As these feelings progress, the women, who feel

81 Ali Madanipour, “Women in Urban Space,” 84.

82 E lizabeth Wilson, The Sphinx in the City: Urban Life, The Control of Disorder, and Women 1992, (Berkeley, California: University of California Press), 1-191.

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overlooked in society, become more familiar with these senses. The fear creates barriers that only encouraged women to stay out of the city. This “culture of fear” united women that feel like, or are seen as, the weakest in society.83 To clarify, the instigator is not always another human, but could also be the physical surroundings. For example, scales of spaces and buildings could cause discomfort.84 The city is full of high rises, and can be a bit intimidating to people. In Building Sex, the Champs-Elysees is used as an example of a place that intimidates all, not just women.85 The Champs-Elysees is safe as citizens, tourists, and police are everywhere during the day. At night, however, it is less inhabited and

83 Aaron Betsky, “Constructing Sex,” 178.

84 Ibid., 177.

85 Ibid., 177.

more prone to the unwanted to happen. The fear dealing with night time that makes women more vulnerable is the idea of them becoming a victim.

The Champs-Elysees is just one example, but it is a common perception with women in many cities.

When women feel this way, the odds of going out are slim to none unless it was with a group. They are most likely to stay inside as soon as the sun starts going down.86 With these concerns, there forms a natural perception of urban spaces as being gendered.87 The psychological effects women have can make them sit on the fence. The limitations affect women

86 Wendy Davis, “Safety in Public Urban Space: The Work of Woman’s Design Service,” Gender and the Built Environment Database, last modified in 2008, http://www.gendersite.org/case-studies/safetyin-public- urban-space-the-work-of-women-s-design-service.html.

87 David Allen Karp and Gregory Prentice Stone and William C Yoels, “Women in Cities: The Absence of a Presence,” in Being Urban: A Sociology of City Life 1991, (2nd ed. New York: Praeger).

physically, socially, and economically.88 It could be a matter of losing a job or keeping a respected social status in the community. In Discrimination by Design, Leslie Weisman said,

“ The denial of woman’s rights as citizens to equal access to public space — and of the psychological and physical freedom to use it in safety — has made public spaces, not infrequently, the testing ground of challenges to male authority and power.”89

When women began working in the city, another issue, in relation to the city itself, was brought to light due to social norms. Women were no longer being identified as housewives. Yet the responsibilities of the housewife were still considered theirs.90 Thus, women had more of a challenging day in the sense of mobility, as they moved from the suburbs to the city and back.

“ Separation of home from work in the industrialization process and the suburbanization of city life increasingly prevented women from social and geographical mobility”91

Working single mothers are affected most greatly. Decisions they have to make depend on accessibility with the need to get to work, drop off and pick up from childcare, and all other necessary errands.

In particular, decisions of where to live are hard because places like grocery stores, work and daycares need to be close to home so there isn’t more time spent traveling from place to place than other important things.92 For a while the theory of the separate spheres has defined society. By allowing places, such as markets, institutions, and homes to be more accessible to everyone, an overlapping of spheres can potentially change the ideal society roles of men and women.93

92 For men as well. Dolores Hayden, “What Would a Non-Sexist City Be Like?”

88 D olores Hayden, “What would a Non-Sexist City Be Like?,” S171.

90 Dolores Hayden, “What would a Non-Sexist City Be Like?,” S181.

89 Leslie Kanes Weisman, “Chapter Three,” 79.

91 Ali Madanipour, “Women in Urban Space,” 85.

93 The Research Group for the New Everyday Life, The New Everyday Life: Ways and Means 1991, (Copenhagen: Nordic Council of Ministers).

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Gendered Spaces Every day people experience gendered spaces. These spaces form out of habit. Daphne Spain defines gendered spaces as spaces that allow men to achieve dominance in the hierarchy by isolating women from gaining knowledge that the men already possess.94 Imbalance happens automatically as a result of the social norms within the daily activities people encounter.

Gender stratification is a term associated with the inequality between males and females. It is defined by the access of knowledge, power, and place allowed by men and women.95 Max Weber, a sociologist, defined the theory of gender stratification even further. As the theory seemed more historically relevant to societies, his analysis, through application of other researchers, shows that gender stratification is still applicable toward

94 Daphne Spain, “Space and Status,” in Gendered Spaces 1992, (University of North Carolina Press), 3.

95 Ibid., 15.

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societies today. According to Weber, it is the expression of status, class, and power within a culture that portray the inequality.96 Class displays the same access of knowledge that Spain refers to.

Social status is represented through the theory of the social ladder. A person’s position defines their social status, which then determines the power one has over the other. Power is more political, the top of the ladder, the ability to influence others.97 Since gendered spaces are socially produced, geographers have taken a stance on theories explaining the integration, or lack thereof, through spatial analysis. The conclusion geographers came to is that social status and spatial form are directly related, calling it ‘spatial fetishism.’98 David Harvey explains

that the city is the place to analyze the relation of social processes and spaces.99 The social process and spatial relationship are languages of their own, that when put together, need to be complementary of each other.

Then spaces can become de-gendered.

The social organization within spaces creates language barriers, particularly for women, which backs up the theory of gender stratification.100 Hillier and Hanson explain spatial language as ‘morphic,’ meaning space is socially interpreted.101 Once who has obtained the power within a space is realized, it usually remains that way as long as that social group has the high status.

For example, gender stratification originated

96 Chris Livesey, “Social Inequality: Theories: Weber,” in A-Level Sociology Teaching Notes, 3.

99 David Harvey, Social Justice and the City 1973, revised ed. Vol 1. (Athens: University of Georgia Press), 46-47.

97 Ibid.,, 4-5.

100 Daphne Spain, “Space and Status,” 7.

98 Doreen B. Massey, Spatial Divisions of Labor: Social Structures and the Geography of Production 1995, revised ed. (Psychology Press), 53.

101 Bill Hillier and Julienne Hanson, The Social Logic of Space 1984, (Cambridge; New York; Sydney: Cambridge University Press), 198.

when women weren’t allowed to attend college.

The theories about why women weren’t allowed to take part in such actions are based on barriers.

For example, women weren’t allowed to attend college because it would harm or interfere with their abilities of child birth. To remove these barriers, change had to take place. Women have been challenging such barriers, but for many centuries men were able to attain the power within these spaces because women didn’t have the knowledge of an alternative.102 With a feministic point of view, Leslie Weisman describes the social issues with space,

“ It is easy to accept unthinkingly that manmade landscape as a neutral background. It is not so easy to understand the environment as an active shaper of human identity and life’s events. In this regard there is a striking parallel between space and language.”103

The communities and buildings reflect gender stratification, which can be seen through the party with power and the inequality amongst others.104 Whether women and men are aware of the situation or not, it is unconsciously a result of knowledge, or class amongst the people.105

104 Ibid., 2.

102 Daphne Spain, “Status and Space,” 18.

103 Leslie Kanes Weisman, “Introduction,” 2.

105 Daphne Spain, Status and Space,” 29.

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Design Tools Already Implemented When designing a public space there are some general safety issues that should be considered. The issues addressed would deal with lighting, signage, pedestrian paths, and easy access to public transportation and toilets.106 However, the safety of women in urban spaces has needed more detailed considerations toward designing these spaces. UN Women developed a list of safety issues to consider for the safety of urban spaces. It consists of landscape, visibility, urban furniture, motorized and pedestrian traffic, proximity to other public spaces and emergency services, as well as the general safety issues listed above.107 These extra steps are important to take when designing. If designed properly, the more inhabited the space will me. The space should be used throughout the year, be safe anytime of the day, and have a sensation that is above satisfactory.

For women, these extra steps could keep them from feeling insecure due to confusion. The increase in visibility of the space and of others makes women feel safer, both day and night. When there is flexibility within the public space, the

chances of it being inhabited and used more increase its safety. When women inhabit a space, it typically means that it is occupied by more people, more often.108 According to the Project for Public Spaces group, there are four key qualities that contribute to a successful urban space, with them being accessibility, aesthetic image, comfort and sociability.109 The aesthetic image contributes to the cleanliness, the lighting, the landscape, furniture and materials. The maintained aspect of an urban space is what is most attractive about a space. Materiality can determine the function of the space, whether it has one or many functions. The materials need flexibility and durability as it needs to withstand weather conditions and the interaction with people.

There are two case studies, where the materiality was an issue for the safety of women. One of the studies was the Railway Lighting Campaign in Mumbai, India.

After interviewing locals, some results were made saying un-used platforms still needed to be lit at least thirty-percent, foot-over-bridges were often seen as threatening and need to be brightly lit, and entrances and exits should be lined with lighting.110 The other study was the Nanna Car Park in Umea, Sweden.

People were complaining about the sense of entrapment and the insecurity in the parking garage, so the city changed the bricks to glass walls, and added better/more lighting as well.111

108 Ibid.

106 “Build Safety Directly into City Projects,” UN Women Virtual Knowledge Center to End Violence Against Women and Girls 2012, accessed 19 September 2015, http://endvawnow.org/en/articles/384-build-safety-directly-into-city-projects.html?next=381.

107 Ibid.

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109 Elena M. Pascarella, “Designing for High-Traffic Outdoor Spaces,” Architectural Record: Design With Impact, 1 June 2015, 152.

110 “Build Safety Directly into City Projects,” UN Women Virtual Knowledge Center to End Violence Against Women and Girls 2012.

111 Ibid.

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36

PRECEDENTS SURVEY

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Theory Precedents

Name: Women’s Opportunity Center Location: Kayonza, Rwanda Architect: Sharon Davis Design Year: 2013 This women’s center was built and designed to be a safe place for the women in the local community to go to learn, socialize, and gain economic opportunity.112 The private spaces are in the center of the site. Moving away from the center, spaces become more public. The circular aspect of the design was inspired by the historic Kings Palace in south Rwanda.113 The design was kept vernacular, which allowed the women to help build the center themselves, giving them a more intimate relationship with the center.

As a precedent, it developed spaces which can be safer for women depending on the location of private and public spaces. Developing a place for women to socialize and feel comfortable, but more integrated with men, was an aim for the proposed development. The theory behind this precedent of empowerment and safety was a key point to this project.

112 “Women’s Opportunity Center/Sharon Davis Design,” 03 Oct 2013, ArchDaily, Accessed 24 August 2015, http://www.archdaily.com/433846/women-s-opportunity-center-sharon-davis-design/.

113 Ibid.

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Name: Divisible By 2 Location: St. Polten, Austria Architect: John Whiteman Year: 1997-2007 This was a bathroom that explored the relationship between sexual roles and perspective space. No identifiers for a women’s entrance and a men’s entrance. The interior space was interactive so the viewer also became the performer.114 The space had to be altered or disfigured in order to move through the pavilion by pushing the “walls” to create the pathway. The whole concept behind it was disruption of the ordinary.115 The idea of taking a space that was meant to be segregated and turned into an integrated space is a concept portrayed in this proposed development. Having to interact with the structure and elements of the building and changing the status of the subject was how the series of spaces produced an integrated non-gendered space.

114 John Whiteman, “Beginnings and Motivations,” in Divisible by 2, 10.

115 Ibid, 17.

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Name: Beauty and the Brain Revealed Study Location: Baltimore, Maryland Scientist: Charles E. Conner/ Zanvyl Krieger Mind/Brain Institute Year: 2010/2014 This study was carried out by a couple of neurologists because they were interested to finding out how the brain reacts to shapes when people look at them.116 It was based on Clive Bell’s theory Significant Form. In the exhibit, there were 10 sets of 25 shapes.117 The viewer’s wore 3D glasses and recorded which they found most appealing and least appealing. At the end, the results from the museum study was compared to the study completed with fMRI’s. Results were very similar, and understood that art had an effect on people through embodied cognition.118

116 Megan Gambino, “Do Our Brains Find Certain Shapes More Attractive Than Others?” Smithsonian, 14 November 2013, Accessed 22 September 2015, http://www.smithsonianmag.com/scienenature/do-our-brains-find-certain-shapes-more-attractive-than-others-180947692/?no-ist.

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With this study, the way people perceive art and forms was more understood than before.

One of the scientists on this study explained embodied cognition as “the sense of drawing you in and making you really feel the quality of the paintings.”119 Over time, part of our brains have developed to appreciate curvilinear forms rather than sharp points. We are able to process more smoothly rounded figures, like in relation to guide survival behaviors.120

117 Ibid.

119 K at Zambon, “How Engaging With Art Affects the Human Brain,” How Engaging With Art Affects the Human Brain, 13 November 2013, Accessed 22 September 2015, http://www.aaas.org/ news/how-engaging-art-affects-human-brain.

118 Kat Zambon, “How Engaging With Art Affects the Human Brain,” How Engaging With Art Affects the Human Brain, 13 November 2013, Accessed 22 September 2015, http://www.aaas.org/news/ how-engaging-art-affects-human-brain.

120 Megan Gambino, “Do Our Brains Find Certain Shapes More Attractive Than Others?” Smithsonian, 14 November 2013, Accessed 22 September 2015, http://www.smithsonianmag.com/scienenature/do-our-brains-find-certain-shapes-more-attractive-than-others-180947692/?no-ist.

Design Precedents

Name: Sishane Park Location: Beyoglu, Istanbul Province, Turkey Architects: SANALarc Year: 2014

This is an urban public space in the middle of a dense city allows the locals and tourists to enjoy and access the outdoors and nature that is native to the area. There are three main features of the park that help define it as a whole: the silhouette walk, the decks, and the outdoor room.121 It has open spaces for group gatherings, as well as intimate spaces.

The designers call this the “Gateway to Galata” as it is a transitional space that can take you to other

121 “Sishane Park/SANALarc,” 01 October 2014, ArchDaily, Accessed 21 September 2015, http://www. archdaily.com/551887/sishane-park-begum-oner/.

destinations in the area.122 It is easily accessible by all types of transportation, both public and private.

The choice of materials used for this project are to encourage the people to use their imagination and interact with the environment.123 Most of the ideas carried out through this project are similar to what this project attempted in this development, specifically the various unique spaces created by just a few features coming together, the

use of different materials that allow the people to interact with the park, and the way of livening up the area, making it more desirable to inhabit. The space became an enjoyable walk and made an alternative perspective toward the city as a transitional space.

The proposed development in Auckland, much in the same sense, created a more enjoyable journey for people living in the city or suburbs as well as a place for locals to come together.

122 Ibid.

123 Ibid.

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Name: Landesgardenschau (Landscape Formation One) Location: Weil am Rhein, Germany Architects: Zaha Hadid Architects Year: 1999 This project was designed to be an exhibition space for a garden festival. To allow it to incorporate itself with its surroundings rather than maintained as an isolated object, paths bleed in and out of the spaces designed and the landscape.124 These paths work to create the structure of the environmental center.

From this project, the concepts of the entangled and interwoven paths that allow the viewer to get different perspectives of the site were applied to the proposed project.

The structure also acts as a continuance of the ground, which creates voids that are well lit. In the proposed development, the change in levels and interwoven paths that allow more points of views over the whole site were important in developing a comfortable and safer environment for women, as well as men.

124 Zaha Hadid, “Zaha Hadid Architects,� Zaha Hadid Architects Landesgartenschau Landscape Formation One Comments, Accessed 21 September 2015, http://www.zahahadid.com/architecture/landesgardenschau-

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.

Name: LIC Landing at Hunter’s Point South Waterfront Park Location: Long Island City, Queens, New York, USA Architects: Thomas Balsley Associates, Weiss/Manfredi Year: 2013 LIC Landing is a structure within the park on the water’s edge in Queens, New York.125 The shape of the structure was inspired by the framing of the Manhattan skyline and through multiple weather analyses. There is a small outdoor cafe with two thousand square feet of outdoor event spaces as well as interior private spaces for public and private usage. The park is a destination for locals to come and enjoy the water’s edge, to play in the grass or enjoy a cold beer with friends.

This precedent is not a transitional park development but the concepts embedded in the structure and the program was inspiration taken from it. The shape of this structure developed from the surrounding views and helped form the landscape areas in the park. Also, it is partially outdoors and partially indoors, allowing two different experiences depending on the weather and events.

125 Weiss/Manfredi: Hunter’s Point South Waterfront Park,” Weiss/Manfredi: Hunter’s Point South Waterfront Park, Accessed 22 September 2015, http://www.archdaily.com/428013/hunter-s-point-south-waterfrontpark-thomas-balsley-associates-weiss-manfredi/.

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Name: Dance Palace Location: St. Petersburg, Russia Architects: UNStudio Year: 2009-2016 The palace was a winner for a competition that helped to complete an urban square in the historic center in St. Petersburg.126 The dance palace was strategically placed on the site to frame the other important and historic buildings in the area.127 The main entrance, integrated though the design of the facade, was placed with the opening toward the public square.128 The facade of this precedent is more important toward the design for the proposed development. The design of the facade took considerations from the different aspects of the surrounding area. The paneled facade varies in openness depending on views and orientation of the building.

The twist in the facade reveals the interior program separation while still allowing it to flow together on the exterior. The concept of the twist and the main entrance placement toward the square which made both the building and the square more inviting, and is what was taken away from this precedent.

126 Rose Etherington, “Dance Palace by UNStudio – Dezeen,� Dezeen Dance Palace by UNStudio Comments, 22 July 2009, Accessed 22 September 2015, http://www.dezeen.com/2007/07/22/dance-palace-by-unstudio/.

127 Ibid.

128 Ibid.

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45

46

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History of Site Located on the beach front of old Mechanics Bay was Auckland’s first settlement. To the left, built on Constitution Hill were the first buildings of the Parliament in 1859.129 To the right is the oldest suburb, Parnell.130 Mechanics Bay was the home to Maori’s hostelry, a canoe reserve and market up until the 1960s.131 In 1841, the first European settlers moved in to make camp. Mechanics bay got its name from majority of the settlers being mechanics and carpenters.132 Some major buildings and warehouse in the area was a sawmill, brickworks, Robertson’s rope walk, a flour mill, and boat building.133 Another first was that Mechanics Bay was the main hub for flying boats, which connected New Zealand with the rest of the world. Starting in 1930 and lasted till the 1950s, for long haul flights.134 Eventually, Mechanics Bay became what it is today due to the land being reclaimed for industry, railway, and port development.

129 “Auckland Parliament Buildings, 1859,” Auckland Parliament Buildings 1859, Accessed September 21, 2015, http://www.nzhistory.net.nz/media/photo/auckland-parliament-1859.

130 Alllan Wood, “History of Parnell – Parnell Inc,” Parnell Inc. 2014, Accessed September 21, 2015, http://parnell.net.nz/discover/history-of-parnell/.

131 Ibid.

132 Ibid.

133 Ibid.

134 “Mechanics Bay,” Learn and Talk about Suburbs of Auckland, Accessed September 21, 2015, http://www.digplanet.com/wiki/Mechanics_Bay .

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DIAGRAM:

Building Types

The city is comprised of a variety of sectors. Here are the identified sectors and further descriptions of the ones around the site: Commercial — Office buildings are spread out throughout the surrounding area. Majority of commercial buildings are along the main axis roads, Beach and Stanley, as well as west of the site. Bigger commercial buildings are west and north of the site, while small business are to the east or south of the site.

Institutional — University of Auckland is located just west.

Residential — Hotels, high-rise residential, and other types of accommodation are all northwest of the site. More apartment-style houses are north of the site. Houses and flats are east, located in Parnell. With more people living in Parnell and CBD is where offices are located, the project development could change how residents within the area interact with the area and create a safer transition from work to home, or vice versa.

Mixed Use — These are randomly located in the surrounding area, mostly west of the site. Many of these buildings have industrial companies with housing or hotels above.

Looking closer at the area surrounding the site, identifying more specific sectors helped in the development of design and program. The following explains the specific sectors: Public Services — Only two buildings in the surrounding area offer public services. There are parks located next to the site, and to the west and to the north. This development will extend the green space of constitutional hill while making the public space a destination rather than a pass through area.

Food/Entertainment — Located across the street from the site is the one restaurant in the more immediate surrounding area. With the developed design and program, the area would become more vibrant and enjoyable.

Warehouses/Workshops — The area is more of an industrial area. There are several warehouses located north of the site along the main roads, as well as on the same block.

Businesses/Offices — Businesses surround the site but most are located south of the site, and east toward Parnell.

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Institutional Public Services Residential Businesses/Offices Workshops/Warehouses Accommodation Food/Entertainment

Institutional Commercial Residential

N

Mixed Use

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DIAGRAM:

Major Streets

Two major streets frame the site selected. Running north to south is Stanley Street - The Strand. Running east to west is Parnell Rise - Beach Road. The Strand goes toward the wharf loading docks.

Stanley Street goes toward the hospitals and eventually turns into the highway. Parnell Rise is a smaller main road that goes through Parnell to Newmarket and so on. Beach Road goes all the way to Quay Street and through CBD. Both thoroughfares create major vehicular traffic. Large industrial trucks come and go constantly.

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N

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DIAGRAM:

Population Density

With the variety of activity surrounding the site, the population density is not surprising in the sense that it is more populated on either side. The direct area surrounding the site is low in density because of the warehouses and workshops. It is an undeveloped area located between two very well developed locations. The project development will help bring people in, making the transitional section into more of a desired destination.

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high density

N

low density

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DIAGRAM:

Vehicle & Pedestrian Paths The site itself is very accessible. Located on two big streets, there are bus routes circling the site, and there are various pedestrian sites coming and going in the area. The train does go through the area but does not stop near the site.

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Pedestrian/Cyclist Routes Dedicated Cycle Lane Shared Bus/Cycle Lane Cyclist Route, Busy Roads Shared Pedestrian/Cyclist Path Pedestrian Pathways Bus Route

N

Train Route

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DIAGRAM:

Movement through Site Following the density of the area and the activity throughout the area, existing movement across the selected site is much defined. Most pedestrians are students walking to or from campus. Most walk down Parnell Rise than The Strand. Some pedestrians will walk down Beach Road, as there are some businesses and living quarters down the road.

However, majority walk from Parnell Rise and up Constitutional Hill toward the University or CDB.

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Thickness more common less common

Color

more people

N

less people

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DIAGRAM:

Green Spaces

Spread throughout Auckland are green spaces. Public green spaces are important in a city in order to create a good balance of nature and development. The site is at the bottom of Constitutional Hill, north of Auckland Domain, and east of Albert Park. There are other smaller green spaces north and east of the site. The development would continue to extend the green spaces from Albert Park to Parnell.

In conclusion‌ Introducing more retail, cafes, bars, and/or restaurants to the area could help develop the Parnell Rise area, making it a safer and comfortable destination for everybody to come together or just walk through, rather than it being a transitional area no one stops in.

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N

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Female Population The site is located between two very populated districts, Parnell and the Central Business District.

All the statistics used are from the 2013 Census, thus numbers are not exactly what they are now in 2015, but still represent the population in general.

a fair share of single households as well, mostly in West Parnell.137 In Auckland City East, there’s a total of 10, 104 people with 4,995 females.138 Majority of the people in the area are Asians followed by Europeans, with over seventy percent being born abroad.139 Most of the households in this area are single households or couples with no kids.140

Predictions for the New Zealand population growth has been released, predicting as far out as 2043. Just within the past year, the population grew by 1.9 percent, making it 97 males for every 100 females.141 It is predicted that Auckland itself will gain three-fifths of New Zealand’s whole population.142

In Parnell, combining east and west, there are more women than men. There is a total of 7,092 people, and of those, 3,678 are women.135 Majority of the people who live in the Parnell district are of European descent, over thirty percent were born abroad. The average age is between fifteen and sixty-four.136 Many families live in the district with

137 Ibid.

135 “ QuickStats about a Place: Parnell East,” QuickStats about a Place 2014, Accessed September 22, 2015, http://www.stats.govt.nz/Census/2013-census/profile-and-summary-reports/quickstatsabout-a- place.aspx?request_value=13374&tabname=Income&sc_device=pdf. “QuickStats about a Place: Parnell West,” QuickStats about a Place 2014, Accessed September 22, 2015, http:// www.stats.govt.nz/Census/2013-census/profile-and-summary-reports/quickstats-about-a-place. aspx?request_value=13375&tabname=&sc_device=pdf.

136 Ibid.

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138 “QuickStats about a Place: Auckland City East,” QuickStats about a Place 2014, accessed 22 September 2015, http://www.stats.govt.nz/Census/2013-census/profile-and-summary-reports/ quickstats-about-a- place.aspx?request_value=13345&tabname=&p=y&printall=true&sc_ devise=pdf.

139 Ibid.

140 Ibid.

141 Liz MacPherson, “National Population Estimates: At 30 June 2015,” National Population Estimates: At 30 June 2015, 14 August 2015, accessed 22 September 2015, http://www.stats.govt.nz/browse_ for_stats/population/estimates_and_projections/NationalPopulationEstima tes_HOTPAt30Jun15. aspx.

142 Liz MacPherson, “Subnational Population Projects:2013(base)-2043,” Subnational Population Projections: 2013(base)- 2043, 19 February 2015, accessed 22 september 2015, http://www.stats.govt.nz/browse_for_stats/population/estimates_and_projections/ SubnationalPopulationProjections_HOTP2013base.aspx.

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Organic Aesthetics In the 1990s, scientists conducted a study to see how our brains react to certain forms.143 The study revealed that organic formations were more appealing, showing positive brain activity in response to the preferred forms. The positive brain activity releases a sense of comfort and happiness.

Using the results and concepts, this design process began by developing organic formations.144 The study created organic masses from an artist’s collection of sculptures. This study’s first step in design developed structures or potential forms people could inhabit.

The purpose of these formations was to figure out a way to portray the aesthetic quality. Each form has one element brought in from the previous one but with altercations. Key was to not make it overwhelming with curves and the actions of

143 Looking in Precedent section for Beauty and the Brain study.

144 See Appendix A for more models.

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bending or twisting. The movement through the forms themselves has a particular aesthetic quality.

However, light and shadow also play an important role in spaces. How the sun hit the forms and the shadows created add another dynamic to the aesthetic quality of the organic form.

Clay Formation #3 was found to be one of the most interesting forms. With all the turning and flipping, the shape changed so much that it didn’t look like the same formation. In some cases, it produced shadows and created moments of intersection with the physical form. The moments sometimes changed the look of the form. The size of the shadows as well as the angle contributed toward the aesthetic quality. For example, even though the shadows of number three are similar, the angle at which it was placed changed how the light and shadows affected the physical model itself. One looks more delicate while the other looks heavier.

Clay Formation #3

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Clay Formation #4 has a more inhabitable look to it. While the shadows on the ground for this form are not as interesting as the following model, the shadows portrayed on the model itself changes the shape somewhat, making the form seem more attractive and welcoming. They make the heavy material look delicate when seen with the different shadows.

After producing the formations, the models needed context with which to associate. Mix matching lines with voids produced the composition iterations. The lines were taken from the physical model or the shadows made. Using the site as a background, the lines were altered by angling, overlaying multiple lines, and flipping them.

This presented ideal “movement� through the site. There was some difficulty keeping these abstract while considering aspects of the program.

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Clay Formation #4

In a few of these drawings, the line more or less reveals ways to move across the site. The intersection of lines are what creates the voids or pathways. The colors don’t represent any particular program but one can perceive what the spaces would be. In drawings fifteen and sixteen, the various intersecting lines create a three-dimensional affect that makes one able to see the possibilities of movement throughout the site and placement of masses. In drawing eighteen, the spaces were divided creating direct pathways and alternative ways showing a more realistic plan. As the drawings develop, they became less abstract. With this one it is clear to see the ideal pathways and spaces for potential development.

Composition #18

When analyzing these compositions with regard to the site’s usage and accessibility, some compositions stood out more than others. Once identifying the successful ones, the next step was creating a threedimensional site. The aesthetic quality of the drawings disappeared when extracting parts of the composition with the clay.

Composition #15

Composition #16 69

Composition #10

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Clay Site Iteration #1

Clay Site Iteration #2

Clay site iteration #1 is Composition #10. The black spaces were extruded as masses as the rest of the site had a gradual rise starting from the west side going east toward the intersection. This configuration created separation of the paths with a mass in the middle allowing for easy access. However, the volumes created blind sights in several places, which triggers discomfort. The key to the placement of these masses is to not have blind sights throughout the site. On the positive side, these potential spaces varied in size for different comfort levels.

Clay site iteration #2 was a bit different with the extruding of the spaces altered. The black spaces were masses, while the paths were at a gradual increase, and the grass levelled off. The placement of the masses with this iteration allowed access to more views, forming less

blind sights. The problem is that it doesn’t support how people would move across the site effectively.

Clay site iteration #3, drawing eighteen, simplifies what the second iteration tried to achieve. The site gradually increases to make a clear separation from vehicle traffic and pedestrian traffic. The masses are on the south side of the site, along the back edge. This allows the rest of the site to be open and no blind spots. The masses and the sloping let the people have a full view over the whole space if desired. Of the three, the third iteration is the most realistic.

These models delivered the realization that there needed to be a set of metrics for the design. The quantitative data was how to further the design with the aesthetic quality.

Clay Site Iteration #3 71

167 mm

171 mm 670 mm

1587 mm

1302 mm

1083 mm

1,083 mm

866 mm

670 mm

414 mm

256 mm

Idea of Barbie This project is about how people use and identify with spaces. Improving the interactions and usage of spaces cannot be just aesthetics, but needs the metrics for support. There’s a certain sense of completeness that a space has when proportionate. The spaces needed to respond to women physically as well as psychologically.

The challenge was figuring out how to properly achieve that.

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One approach came from the concept of the modular developed by Le Corbusier. Through other readings and the modular, it was found that metrics favored men. This project is intended to identify with women by improving their public experience. Thus, using the metrics of women was more ideal. With that in mind, the Barbie doll became the source for the metrics of women. By using Le Corbusier’s concept, Barbie was adapted the modular to deliver the quantitative data of women. It will be called, the ‘modulate.’

The Barbie doll exaggerates the physical attributes of the women. Barbie would be 1.75 meters tall, with a size three shoe if she was to be real. She would also be anorexic. The idea behind using the Barbie doll was to exaggerate the means of portraying women through the process of design by means women aren’t the same as men. Seeing as Barbie’s proportions are off, it is the fantasy she allows and portrays that’s worth consideration.

Quantitative Additions Barbie’s dimensions do not follow the golden ratio like the modular. Barbie has longer legs and shorter arms than she should.

Even though Barbie is a fabricated representation of women, the ‘modulate’ shows that there is a difference between males and females. The comfortable height to sit in a chair or lean on a high top is different. The capability of how high to reach is different. In order to figure out the dimensions for the ‘modulate’, they had to be taken from Barbie then processed in a similar way as the modular coordinates with its numbers and shapes. When properly calculated, the resting hand height is lower than what Barbie’s measures to be by 38 millimetres. The arms are shorter, which can be seen as the elbow is more toward the middle of her head versus being level with her height. These physical attributes changed the approach of designing, specifically interior spaces. For the space to be safe and comfortable, counters had to be higher, as well as tables and chairs. Adding this quantitative data toward the aesthetic qualities within the models supports the idea of a safe, comfortable space.

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There are set ratios for wall widths and wall heights to form a space that feels comfortable. However, the ‘modulate’ that is behind this design is not the average woman. Therefore, ratios are questionable to a certain extent.

The spatial study began by drawing widths of spaces, referring to Halls classifications. This was to get an idea of space sizes, it didn’t necessarily mean the all spaces had the defining walls.

The sizes of the spaces ranged from intimate to public. Important questions asked about the spaces included “which ones seemed comfortable to be in?” and “at what point does the public space get so big that it isn’t safe?” Ideas of overlaying or integrating spaces came to mind, which led to further analysis.

Next, changes in wall heights were looked at. With a constant wall, in each study, the other wall increased heights depended on measurements of the ‘modulate’. To create a dynamic within the space, the higher the wall the better, but not too high as it could create an intimidating space to inhabit.

More ideas came to mind such as gradual height changes of a wall, or curving the wall.

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The third analysis involved the length of walls. The drawings looked very similar as it also projected the width and made it easy to read the size of the complete ‘space.’ Walls too long without doors or intersecting paths weren’t ideal. Questions asked were “how long could the wall be before turning?” and “can a wall be too short in the space?” After looking at measured out spaces, the spaces needed character, an attractive quality. This was attempted by curving the walls, first by height and then length.

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Curving parts of the walls inward created an overhang if curved enough, or produced a gradual height change or the wall was concave or convex.

Curving the walls enough to create the overhang went with the other idea of integrating the sizes of spaces, integrating the characteristics of spaces.

Yet, the overhang might be too much. The curving of the walls in terms of length was a matter of a loose curve or a tight curve, or a simple ninety degree turn.

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There was only so much that could be done on paper, that the next step was observing the locals in urban spaces.

There were several spaces of interest within the CBD, but Freyberg Square, Aotea Square and Takutai Square were most appealing in understanding how the public urban space worked at different scales. For each one, a safety-audit survey was completed, as well as observations made within a time frame.145 All surveys were completed on a Thursday.

The first square was the Freyberg Square located east of Queen Street. In the heart of the city, it is surrounded by shops, cafes and restaurants, offices, and apartments.

The square itself was clean, but not well kept. Based on first impressions the square can seem dull, passive, cozy (physically) and useless. Materials were bland, and the plant life was lacking. It’s successful with the amount of sunlight it gets since there are no high buildings directly around it to block the sun. Also, it doesn’t get major winds, giving the square a more relaxed environment. There is adequate seating spaced throughout the square, facing all directions. The separations between the square and traffic are well done with only a limited view as cars go around the square. People use the square as a cut through mostly, and it appeared primarily

145 Appendix B.

to be business men and women. The way they moved through the space was reflected in the layout of the pavement bricks.

The only time people detoured, such as walking on the left side of the boxed planter, was when they were going to sit down on the ‘L’ shaped bench.

For the hour present, it was estimated that for every ten men who entered the square, there were three women who would enter. The square is more of a business break or meet-up location than a place people would sit for hours. People who were together, as friends, tended to stick close together, while

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strangers would keep at least twelve feet between them and the others.

Women would be in groups of two or three at the least, while men were mostly in groups of two. When women would sit, they would sit closer to other women and stay longer than men would. At one point, the space was divided with women on the ‘L’ shaped bench and men on the opposite ends.

Throughout the hour, only one nanny and mother came with a child, no other families entered or were around the area. It was pleasant weather outside during the study, which would have an effect on the observation; however, the people who would enter the square appeared to treat the location as a temporary destination.

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The second square was Aotea Square, just off of Queen Street, inland a bit. This is a large square that is in the central of CBD. It is next to several office buildings, and in front of the convention center. It is easily accessible from all directions, and is divided into two main sections, one with the green space, and the other being a paved area by the entrance of the convention center. The surroundings and the park itself were colorful and energetic. People laid in the grass, brought their dogs, and even fell asleep on benches. Compared to Freyberg, this square was noisier, very well maintained, and people stayed for a longer period of time.

Visuals just consisted of buildings and the park and Queen Street, however the separation from Queen Street and the park was well divided. There is a good ratio between shaded areas and non-shaded areas throughout the whole park, with enough seating, as well, to accommodate the large number of people who inhabit the park. All types of people were present, from the little children to kids skateboarding to the old grandma out with her book club. Parents let their little kids run around, couples would lie in the grass to soak up the sun and enjoy the sounds of the city.

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At the time observations were made, it was lunch time so many business men and students were eating and relaxing all around the square. Many would meet up with others but people also were alone, even women. More ethnic groups inhabited the space, mostly white people (locals and tourists) and Maori’s. Maoris were loud and less worried about the personal space of a public space. Others kept to themselves, with barely any interaction between strangers, even if they were sharing the same bench. The ratio of men and women was close one to one. The women would sit with the big open space in front of them, with either building or trees and other people close behind. There were also more women around the green space than the paved area. If women were sitting around the paved area, they were closer to the restaurants.

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The third square was Takutai Square in Britomart, behind the main transport hub. Of the three squares, it is the most recently built. This one in particular is less formal than the others with its features of beanbags in the green space on one side, and waterspouts and rock formations on the other. Like Aotea, it is colorful with greenery and materials. It provides comfort and a more welcoming feeling even though it is surrounded by streets that are filled with taxis and buses.

The main walking path is down the middle, in line with the adjacent block where stores and restaurants are located. Benches outline the

sides of the square next to the one-way streets, so there is limited seating. The good part of this square is the openness. It is surrounded by office buildings and restaurants and shops, but it still creates a space that is easily accessible in all directions and easily to maneuver through.

These observations were made just after lunch time. There were more casually dressed locals in the space rather than business men and women. People were gathered on the green space and on the benches and the side walls on the edges of the grass. The length of stay varied, a mixture between Freyberg and Aotea. Interaction amongst others

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was more personal, though there was no interaction between strangers. It was a quieter space, not a lot of moms nor kids, but mostly young adults.

Women and men would come alone, sometimes it was to meet someone else. At this time, construction was happening on the south side so many women were sitting in the green space or on the benches near the green space instead of at the benches near the construction.

Each square had its positives and negatives, especially when looking in terms of woman’s safety and comfort.

Freyberg was small enough to feel comfortable in but it lacks proper

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lighting and maintenance. Aotea succeeded in the surveillance issue as many people are coming and going but it fails because of the division of spaces and lacks interaction with the space itself. At night Aotea is well lit but has too many blind sights unlike during the day. Takutai is more successful in terms of lighting and woman safety. Restaurants face the square, the streets are busy and it’s a small open space where a person can see everything around them. As shown through the observations, the more inhabited the space, more likely the woman will feel more comfortable in it, along with other features of greenery and lighting.

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Outcomes This project focused on the four main qualities necessary for a successful public space, accessibility, the aesthetic image, comfort and sociability.

There are several convenient access points to the site that allow people to come and go as they please. It is only accessibly by foot and bicycle or any similar ways of transportation. Motor traffic does not have access to this site for pedestrian safety reasons and to enhance the comfort of the urban space. Where there are stairs, there are also ramps to allow access for the handicapped as well.

Access to this site would be ideally available day

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and night, as there are features that allow people to safely inhabit the public space at all hours.

Multiple features contribute toward the aesthetic image of the entire urban space. The structures of the buildings take a significant form to add depth and character by usage of materials and program.

The lighting, most important at night, provides the visibility that people have during the day so there aren’t any dark spaces to make women feel uncomfortable. The lighting is placed strategically within spaces so there isn’t an overload of lighting for too much can be uncomfortable as well.

Landscape provides moments on interaction, either with the site or with other people, and also provides visibility, day and night, so that people within these spaces can see what is happening around them, which helps women to feel safer. The materiality of this project identifies with functions

of spaces and provides durability so maintenance is not as demanding but enough to allow the space to keep its image. Also, the materials are lightweight or perceived to be lightweight because it provides a connection for women to the site and the urban space seems delicate.

Comfort of the urban space has been designed based on proxemics and ergonomics. Proxemics studies were applied in the creation of the spaces, developing the different sizes and setting up an idea of how the spaces could be used. Ergonomics was applied through the influence of Barbie as the ‘modulate.’ The ‘Modulate’ determined how the physical sense of the urban space would react and respond to the women’s body over than men’s, which how it was traditionally approached.

The social aspect of this urban space is encouraged through the interactive spaces and circulation.

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conclusion

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Conclusion The intention of this project was to design spaces in a manner that reflects the development and changing status woman in today’s society. Urban public spaces were designed using strategies that would create a sense of empowerment for women by creating comfortable areas and generating the types of familiarity that help increase an individual’s sense of shared knowledge. These interactive spaces encourage curiosity, and increase the usage of the urban space by the increased pedestrian circulation throughout the entire site.

The first impression of a space is the first thought in the determination of levels of safety. The aesthetic qualities of materials and forms assist in creating the impression of the urban space’s safety. The perception of increased safety becomes more than just a first impression as the person develops a synergism with the area, or a vibe, reflecting the characteristics of the space.

Spaces that are too open can create feelings of discomfort, and spaces can be more intimate and comfortable through the strategic use of transparent or interactive boundaries that allow visuals of the surroundings but also keep the space from being so big that there’s no sense of “privacy.” That also allows easy access.

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To fully emphasize the need for ongoing considerion of women in the design process, the iconic physical measurements of Barbie, rather than the traditional male physique, were utilized. The physicality of the urban space and the predicted activity within these spaces was approached through a search for shifts in focus that will embrace the need for increased comfort by woman in public spaces. Beyond safety, welcoming public spaces will also provide for increased expansion of the abilities and potential of women who work and live in our urban areas.

This project reflects the progress women have made in society. While a job is truly never done, a woman’s safety and comfort in the city is an important consideration that has not been fully acknowledged.

This approach to develop spaces by putting women first increases the safety of not just women but all people. For a successful search of equality through design, with the goal of de-gendered public spaces, the approach must focus on one gender. By focusing on women, the equality within spaces will result.

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Spaces allow groups to gather and host small markets, or meetings, and more.

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Appendix A — Clay Models Model #1

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Model #2

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Model #3

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Model #4

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Model #5

98

Model #6

99

Model #7

100

Model #8

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Appendix B — Safety Audit UN Woman Surveys

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103

104

105

106

107

108

109

110

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Colomina, Beatriz. “The Split Wall: Domestic Voyeurism.” In Sexuality & Spaces, 73-128. 1st ed. Vol. 1. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1992.

Agrest, Diane. “Architecture from Without: Body, Logic, and Sex.” In Gender Space Architecture, 358-370. Vol. 1. New York: Routledge, 2000.

Davis, Wendy. “Safety in Public Urban Space: The Work of Women’s Design Service.” Genderand the Built Environment Database. Last modified 2008. http:// www.gendersite.org/case-studies/safety-in-public-urban-space-the-work-ofwomen-s-design-service.html.

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