NEVER-LAND XIAOYAN DONG thesis prep documentation F all 2 0 1 5 P rimary A dviser: A nne M unly S econdary A dvisers: T arek R akha D avid S hanks
International style
Situationists
Scale/resolution
Utopian authority/uniformity/totalitarian
Participation movement
Architectural counter-utopias
flex ib ility/freedom general will vs. individual req uirments
counter- utopian depicting provocative/ex aggerated visions of ex isting trends envisaging the nightmare
empower users to tak e control of architecture encourage individual creativity architect as mere technical facilitator
An Alternative to Mass Housing, 19 6 1
Control and Choice, 19 6 7
J ohn H abraken
A rchigram
V ita Educaz ione Cerimonia A more M orte, 19 7 2
concept
Computer City, 19 6 4
S uperstudio
A rchigram: D ennis C rompton
juxtaposing network
Spatial City, 19 50s- 6 0s
Continuous M onument, 19 6 9 S uperstudio
Y ona F riedman
N ew Bab ylon, 19 59 - 7 4
N o Stop City, 19 7 0
urban ideaology
C onstant N ieuwenhuys
A rchiz oom
Suspended City, 19 6 0
T he T welve I deal Cities, 19 7 1
F rei O tto
S uperstudio
P lug- in City, 19 6 4 A rchigram: P eter C ook
I nstant City, 19 6 9 A rchigram: P eter C ook
V ille Contemporaine, 19 22
M arine Cities, 19 58 K iyonori K ikutake
H elicoids proj ect, 19 6 1 K isho K urokawa
H ex ahedron, 19 7 0
urban proposal (on site)
Japanese Metabolist
P aolo S oleri
Linear Wall city
Broadacre City, 19 3 4 - 3 5
F rank L loyd W right
mobile city
urban proposal (siteless)
L e C orbusier
W alk ing City, 19 6 4 A rchigram: R on H erron
Comprehensive City, 19 6 9 M ike M itchell & D ave B outwell
Ex odus, 19 7 2
R em K oolhaas & E lia Z enghelis
V ille Radieuse, 19 24
T ok yo Bay, 19 6 0
L e C orbusier
City of the Captive G lob e, 19 7 2 R em K oolhaas & E lia Z enghelis
K enz o T ange
City Corridor, 19 6 7
building complex
P aul R udolph
Byk er W all , 19 6 9 - 7 5
ustai f-s
Cit ed
s sel ya
R alph E rskine
Fun P alace, 19 6 1
Urb an Construction ab ove V ienna, 19 6 3
C edric P rice
H ans H ollein
figur ne
Federal G ymnasium , 19 7 0- 7 4 Unité d' hab itation, 19 4 7 - 52 L e C orbusier
O ttokar U hl
Crawford M anor, 19 6 2 P aul R udolph
M aison M é dical student accommodation, 19 7 0- 7 6 L ucien K roll
single building
Capsule T ower, 19 7 2 K isho K urokawa
Bauhä usle, 19 81- 83
T echnical U niversity of S tuttgart
Un- house, 19 6 5
R eyner B anham & F rancois D allegret
Living P od, 19 6 5
mobile unit
A rchigram: D avid G reene
unit study
Capsule H omes, 19 6 3 A rchigram: W arren C halk
T he Cushicle, 19 6 6 A rchigram: M ichael W ebb
19 20
19 3 0
19 4 0
W W II
19 50
19 6 0 19 59 - A ldo van Eyck
Utopia in political sphere revealed its dystopian face. T he massacre of individuality in the names of Communism, N az ism, Fascism 19 3 8- H omo Ludens
" M an the P layer" discussing the importance of the play element of culture and society
Shinto shine
2
J apanese traditional architecture periodic reconstuction
criticiz ed contemporary functional housing in CI A M congress
19 50s- Sarasota
the low- cost, factory- made trailers or mob ile homes were proliferating in Florida
19 7 0 19 6 5- Drop City
in Colorado
19 6 6 - M orning Star near San Francisco
19 80 19 7 1- Christiana
free commune in Europe
19 6 0s- P aul Rudolph “ twentieth- century b rick ”
19 6 8- Ralph W ilcox on defined the megastructure
1. modular units 2. capab le of ex tension 3 . a structural framework into which smaller structural units can b e b uilt 4 . a structural framework have a useful life much longer than the smaller units
INTRODUCTION
E ver since 1 9 6 0 s, E uropean situationist and J apanese metabolist architects constantly rej ect the uniformity and totalitarian of modern architecture/ urban design, seeking parasitic and dynamic approaches to post- war urbaniz ation. P roj ects such as the P lug- In C ity and the T okyo B ay dream of alternative urban scenarios by reversing traditional perceptions of infrastructure’ s role in the city, combining architecture, technology and society together. H owever, these megastructure proj ects not only neglect the ex isting urban contex t but also lack political and economic driving force. A s a result, they are considered utopian by many contemporary critics. F ifty years later in C hina, fast urbaniz ation process creates problems for both cities and people live in them. O n one hand, massive construction sites create urban voids, disrupting the city’ s identity. O n the other hand, migrant workers get ex cluded from city’ s social life, living a dystopian lifestyle. H owever, C hina’ s centraliz ed government and booming construction market provide strong political and economic support for a revolutionary urban ex perimentation, while the omnipresent construction sites and migrant workers offer appropriate location, labor and social req uirement for an alternative architectural implementation. It is time to have a retrospective view at the idea of parasitic urbanism back in the 6 0 s, readj usting it and applying it to current situation in C hina.
Contention: “By utilizing construction site as a catalyst, the urbanization process in China can be a parasitic and accumulative progress. Thus, the growth of a city and the citizenization of its migrant workers can happen simultaneously.”
3
4
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Title: N everland- a parasitic and accumulative approach to urbaniz ation in C hina Statement: T he thesis re- imagines the operation and impact of construction sites under fast urbaniz ation in C hina, by studying the live + work practices of migrant construction workers. T he thesis criticiz es the ex isting introverted “ W all + H ut” construction paradigm, proposing an adaptable architectural structure around construction sites, which provides spatially an alternative urban nomad lifestyle for C hinese construction workers, and in return reconstruct the urban ex perience in C hina based on the increasing demand for migrant- dwellings and omnipresent construction sites. Problem: C urrent operation on urban construction sites in C hina is problematic. O n one hand, the “ walled- in” construction mechanism constraints the living and working activities of migrant workers, isolating them from the rest of the city. Thus, physical isolation intensifies social segregation. O n the other hand, the dismountable temporary hut provides constant low- q uality dwelling ex perience. W orkers’ capital accumulation never result in physical improvement. T hus, migrant workers have no sense of ownership/ citiz enship. Opportunity: T he omnipresent construction sites have positive impacts on the city. O n one hand, workers’ living needs stimulate spontaneous business actions nex t to the fencing walls, which result in a diverse vernacular streetscape. O n the other hand, workers create an invisible network based on recreational programs and ex isting infrastructures, which potentially can link migrant workers to the larger plurality of a city’ s social life. Architectural Claim: F encing walls around construction sites should be inhabitable to both max imiz e workers’ interaction with the city and preserve the diverse vernacular streetscape. W orkers’ dwelling should be adaptable so that migrant workers’ citiz eniz ation can be a parasitic and accumulative process. Strategic proposal: A pre- fabricated structure is assembled on site where the fencing wall originally locates. T hen, modulated dwelling units can be pluged- in to the structure. T he units are owned by migrant workers either individually or collectively. A fter construction, the structure remains on the site for future social housing plug- ins while the units can be transported to new construction sites. Units are mass customized so that they can be accumulated and reconfigured according to the wealth and needs of their owners.
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6
TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION CONTENTION EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
0 1 T he A ge of B ig C onstruction D evelopment is the absolute principle Unfinished proletarianization T he dilemma of migrant construction workers
0 2 D e- construct the “ site”
U rban- nomad: peasant- workers T he decorated mask: fencing wall M achine for living: on- site shelter Double-side infiltration: site traffic
0 3 T he Invisible N etwork
C ase study- a city under construction P hysical and info. infrastructures P rograms as connectors
0 4 A rchitecture T ool K it Architectural flexibility B uilding as threshold
0 5 S trategic P roposal
F rom the countryside to the city F rom the skeleton to plug- in units P rogrammed threshold R econstruct the invisible network P arasitic lifestyle F rom workers’ dorm to migrant community
0 6 D esign
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8
Political, Economical and Historical background of China’s urbanisation and Migrant constriction workers
C H A P T E R I
T H E A G E O F B IG C O N S T R U C T IO N D evelopment is the absolute principle Unfinished Proletarianization T he D ilemma of M igrant C onstruction W orkers
9
1 0
DEVELOPMENT IS THE ABSOLUTE PRINCIPLE
The journey from farm to city is the story of C hina’ s transformation from a poor under developed country to an economic superpower. T he driving force behind the biggest migration in history is economic: workers who migrate to the city earn far more than those who stay on the farm. T he twin processes of urbaniz ation and industrializ ation also bring huge productivity gains for the national economy— moving hundreds of millions of people out of economically insignificant jobs on the land, and into factories and onto building sites in the city, produces enormous economic growth. M ass migration to the cities makes sense both for individual farmers and for the country as a whole. H istorical ex perience, economic logic and government policy all point to the same conclusion: by 2 0 3 0 , one billion ( 7 0 %) C hinese will live in cities. U rbaniz ation has brought enormous wealth, but the millions of rural migrants who work on building sites, serve in restaurants and rub flesh in massage parlors remain poor. Many new arrivals from the rural counties that surround the metropolis struggle to scratch a living.
11
1952
1966
1960
1st Five-year-plan
10-years Culture Revolution
pre-cultural revolution
emphasiz ed industrial development rather than agricultural
“ rustication movement” a backlash against the country’ s growing bourgeoisie culture
millions of young people were sent to the countryside in the wake of the C ultural R evolution to " learn from the peasants"
1950
1958
food rationing system made it difficult for rural migrants to survive in cities
a. k. a. “ hukou” in a contex t of a shortage of cereals & large flows of migrants to the cities anti- migratory policies control the geographical mobility of individuals outside their area of residence
Agrarian Land Reform Law
2 0 %
the civil registry system
8 0 %
1964
issue of grain rations
to reduce the urban population, 2 4 million workers were forcibly sent to the countryside
1980
migratory flows were mostly intra- provincial, a phenomenon that is highlighted by the slogan “ leaving the land without leaving the countryside” .
1978
Economic Reforms
land distribution to family- households and increasing agricultural productivity led to a " surplus population" of labor power in the countryside.
Retrocession of HK
spatial polariz ation of employment and income opportunities
2000
1 2
new wave of reforms gradually grant farmers new rights to sell crops directly to markets outside their hometowns and take up employment or set up their own businesses in cities. T his encourages rural- urban migration.
Work Safety Law
12th Five-Year Plan
initializ ed the process of elimination of labor market discrimination against migrant workers and legitimiz ation of them
10th Five-Year Plan
elists urbaniz ation as a national strategy, rising levels of urbaniz ation will optimiz e the economic structure
1990
1982
sets targets to accommodate growing urban population by developing 3 6 million units of affordable housing.
11th Five-Year Plan
emphasis on reducing energy consumption and carbon emissions, and reducing the rural- urban divide
2010
2030 1 5 %
3 0 % 7 0 %
DEVELOPMENT IS THE ABSOLUTE PRINCIPLE
S ince 1 9 7 8 ’ s economic reformations, C hina abandons its previous “ planned economics system” and regards the concept of public and centraliz ed ownership as “ far left” and problematic during the age of “ great leap” . T herefore a brand new economic system is desired. T he state government seeks help from contemporary neoliberalism in the U S , considering “market economy” as the final cure. T he economic reformation starts from the countryside. F ormer “ people’ s communes” are disbanded, instead “ household contract responsibility system” is created to stimulate agricultural production. Within a few years, living quality in rural areas improved significantly. However, agricultural productivity based on small family business can no longer sustain the growing demand of peasant workers. A s a result, a large number of “ surplus labor forces” moves into cities, seeking for work and better living q uality. S ince early 1 9 8 0 s, the focus of economic reforms shifts gradually into the city. S ubcontracting system is encouraged in industrial and constructional productions. W hile private- owned companies are supported by the provincial government. T he policy shift results in great lay-off for workers in state-owned enterprises, booming of private enterprises and flooding of peasant workers into the city. T he difference in rural and urban economic reforms results in greater gap between the two areas. On one hand, more and more peasant workers are forced into cites to find more profitable j obs, becoming the maj ority of city labor market. O n the other hand, the state government sticks to the old civil registry system to control the geographical mobility of individual, creating a dilemma for the “ migrant workers” .
1 3
T elevision A dvertisement in C hina in the 9 0 s. U rban lifestyle is selled as a whole package, where the industrial product acts as only the messager.
1 4
DEVELOPMENT IS THE ABSOLUTE PRINCIPLE
In today’ s consumer society, the desire of individual is inspired like never before. N eoliberalism economists rationaliz e it by the concept of consumerism and economic growth. A s D eng X iaoping once claimed “ development is the absolute principle” , the action of consuming is no longer only a matter of individual, but “ encouraging consumerism” becomes a national policy. T herefore C ity, as the most visual ex pression of consumerism, is no longer a place, but a symbol of a civiliz ed world, an idea of a better lifestyle, a dream by every migrant workers. C ity- centered consumerism is not only the impetus of neoliberalism ideology, but also the Z eitgeist that marks the beginning of 2 1 th C entury. M ass media proj ects the vision of the consumer society onto every part of an individual’ s life. T hrough newspaper, magaz ine, television, films, etc., the lifestyle of urban bourgeoisie becomes an ideal thing for the peasants. It is not only imaginable, physical, but also desirable and reachable.
1 5
China’s total population (M)
1400 1300 1200 1100 1000 900 rural popul
)
ation (M)
800
urban
tion (M popula
700 600 500 400
)
ion(M migrant populat
300 200
construction worker population(M)
100 0 1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
C hina’ s total population, rural/ urban population, migrant/ construction worker population change since 1 9 8 5 D ata source: N ational B ureau of S tatistics of the P R C , 2 0 1 4
T he 3 0 largest inter- provincial migration flows in C hina: 1 9 9 0 - 1 9 9 5 , 1 9 9 5 - 2 0 0 0 , 2 0 0 0 - 2 0 0 5
H ousehold register, a. k. a. “ hukou” booklet, indicates each individual’ s social status, whether s/ he’ s a peasant or citiz en.
1 6
2015
UNFINISHED PROLETARIANIZATION
F rom M arx ist point of view, the phenomenon of great rural- urban migration is an indication of the proletarianiz ation process, where people move from being either an employer, unemployed or self- employed, to being employed as wage labor by an employer. In M arx ist theory, proletarianisation is often seen as the most important form of downward social mobility. L abors migrate from rural areas to cities, settling down gradually and creating new communities. M eanwhile, their social nature transforms from peasant to citiz en. A s a result of proletarianiz ation, the life of migrant workers solely depends on capital accumulation and commercializ ation of their labor force. T he migrant workers have z ero ownership/control over the material, tool or final product of their production, which is fundamentally different from their ex perience as peasants in the rural area. W hat is special in C hina’ s proletarianiz ation process is that while a large number of rural labors flow into the urban labor market, adapting themselves into the new surroundings, they are already alienated because of their “ peasant” status in the civil registry system ( a. k. a. “hukou” system, since 1958). To be more specific, on one hand, the state government allows the peasants to maintain their land for agricultural production, which, however, cannot sustain their living in cities today. O n the other hand, it is ex tremely hard for the migrant workers to gain the “ citiz en” status, thus they are prevented from the welfare as citiz ens, making them illegal and unaffordable to live in cities. A s a result of economic needs and historical issues combined, proletarianiz ation of C hina’ s migrant workers becomes struggling and endless. M igrant workers are turned into the “floating population”. According to the most recent nationwide census (2010) by the National Bureau of Statistics, there are more than 260 million migrant workers “floating” between rural and urban areas. A lot of them have lived and worked in cities for more than ten years, and seldom do any agricultural production. E ven though agriculture occupies a tiny portion of their total income, they still cannot get rid of their “peasant” status and find a home in the cities. T hey are abandoned by both city and country.
1 7
1 8
THE DILEMMA OF MIGRANT CONSTRUCTION WORKERS
In Europe, compact urban growth took place in the nineteenth century, stretching trough the twentieth century. A s a result, a city- country continuum emerged, both urban and rural, but neither simply the one nor the other. T homas S ieverts proposed “ Z wischenstadt ( the city inbetween) ” for characteriz ing this spatial phenomenon. W hile in the U S , A mericans developed the archetype of suburban houses, which is low in density, with generous lot siz es and detached single- family homes. H owever, C hina’ s urban development generates high density neighborhoods ( “ superblock” , C ampanella 2 0 0 8 ) that pushes the city borders towards the outside, into the agrarian landscape. Instead of a smooth adaptation in the suburb, C hinses migrant workers are forced into the heart of metropolis. T he abrupt contex t shift causes huge social maladj ustment. P easant migrants who cannot adapt into urban lifestyle immediately continue their routine of rural life. A s a result the improvisational and spontaneous behavior of peasant migrants create urban- retrogression. A mong all the migrants, construction workers, located at the frontline of urbaniz ation, is the most ex treme yet easily forgotten ones. O n one hand, being “ walled- in” by construction sites, peasant- workers have nearly z ero social interaction with the surrounding contex t, thus have little opportunity for adaptation. O n the other hand, abundant in number ( 5 3 million, 2 0 % among total migrant) , they stimulate great spontaneous business reactions from the city, which, informal and unregulated, degrades the environment around the site.
1 9
4500
60
4000 )
50
n(M
3500
op
rp
3000
uc
tr ns
ke or nw
tio ula
40
tio
co
30
N on atio co na ns l ca tru p ct ital io in ns p ( ut B)
2500 2000 1500
20
1000 10 500 0 1990
1995
2000
2005
C hina’ s migrant construction worker population and construction capital input change since 1 9 9 0 D ata source: N ational B ureau of S tatistics of the P R C , 1 9 9 0 - 2 0 1 4
2 0
2010
0
THE DILEMMA OF MIGRANT CONSTRUCTION WORKERS
H owever, the goal of this thesis is not to simply identify the omnipresent active construction sites and workers as the cause of city degradation and then to cure them, but to use those situations as the proj ective contex t for a proactive rather than reactive alternative way of city- making, where individual migrant workers are encouraged to create their own community and integrate into the social life of the city. T he situation of omnipresent urban construction sites and migrant workers will not go away. B oth numbers of migrant construction workers and national capital input on constructions are increasing year by year. T he ex isting paradigm of “ fencing wall + temporary shelter� isolates, both physically and socially, the migrant workers from each other and the rest of the city. H owever, the event of constructing and common needs for living let them congregate together to form a community, while stimulating business reactions from the city. S o the q uestion is how can the design of such a site- based community reverse the paradigm and turn the introverted dystopia into a welcoming place of interaction.
2 1
2 2
A close investigation into current construction site oprations in China
C H A P T E R II
D E C O N S T R U C T T H E
S IT E
urban- nomad: construction worker the decorated mask: fencing wall machine for living: on- site shelter double-side infiltration: site layout & traffic
2 3
the whole country
8 Female
4 . 9 1 6 -2 0 y ears 5 1 - y ears 1 5 . 1 3 1 . 9 2 1 -3 0 y ears
9 2 Male 4 1 -5 0 y ears 2 5 . 6 2 2 .5 M ale and female ratio for population live in construction site
uneducated 5 . 1 highschool and above 1 8 . 7
3 1 -4 0 y ears
A ge structure for population live in construction site
1 3 . 5 first y ear
2 1 . 7 elementrary school
C hongq in
X i’ an
middle school 4 9 . 1
more than 5 y ears 5 0 E ducation level for population live in construction site
the whole country
2 4
3 6 . 5 2 -5 y ears
professional working ex perience for population live inconstruction site ( varies greatly according to region)
URBAN-NOMAD: CONSTRUCTION WORKERS
D emographic analysis T he demographic analysis reveals an abnormal social structure within C hinese walled- in construction sites. In these self- contained “ urban islands” , more than 9 0 % of the population are males. A mong them, 8 0 % are male adults aged from 2 1 to 5 0 . M ore than half of the population are professional construction workers with more than 5 years’ ex perience on site. H owever, such a group of people are poorly educated, with only 1 8 . 7 % of the population graduating from high school.
2 5
L and P roj ect D esig n
P rop erty D ev elop er
B idding P roj ect M anag ement ( E quip ment A rrang ement)
C onstruction C omp any S ubcontracting
P roj ect P roduction ( R aw material and L ab or U se)
C ontractor
L ab or S erv ice C omp any S ubcontracting
P roj ect P roduction ( L ab or U se O nly )
L ab or- sup p lier S ub contractor L abor M anagement
L ab or R ecruitment
L ab or- use F acilitator L abor U se
L ab or
2 6
C onstruction W orker
URBAN-NOMAD: CONSTRUCTION WORKERS
L abor S ubcontracting S ystem S tarting from 1 9 8 4 , the S tate C ouncil issued regulations, “ S eparation of M anagement from F ield O perations” , encouraging general contractors or contracting companies to employ labor subcontractors instead of recruiting construction workers directly as a way to increase efficiency and productivity. These regulations gave birth to a multi-tier labor subcontracting system, characteriz ed by de- linkage of capital from industry, and of management from labor. T he L abor S ubcontracting S ystem operates as follows. P roperty developers ( mostly stateowned) plan and finance projects. Top-tier contractors control construction projects through bidding or through their relationships with property developers. T hen the top- tier contractors outsource their work to subcontractors. S ubcontractors then disperse their work to low- tier labor- supplier subcontractors. F inally low- tier subcontractors recruit construction workers ( or sometimes through labor- use facilitators) . T hrough this linear production chain, top- tier contractors transfer investment risks and labor recruitment to their subcontractors. H owever, this labor subcontracting system results in huge disconnection in terms of hierarchy. C ommunication bypassing the immediate leadership is almost impossible. T herefore, labors’ voice can’ t reach far.
2 7
Mediated employ ment
C onstruction workers
number of workers average working ex perience
7 3 .5 %
2 .5 Y e a rs
Embedded employ ment
Individual employ ment 3 %
2 3 .5 %
4 Y e a rs
2 M o n th s
living condition
contract
Y es
Y es / N o (5 -1 2 )
group siz e
N o (1 )
(5 0 -4 0 0 )
* r e g u la te d b y la r g e c o n tr a c to r s a n d c o n tr a c te d - la b o u r s y s te m * p a id b y t im e ( T o t a l - u p f r o n t c o s t )
* e m b e d d e d in a n d r e g u l a t e d b y s o c ia l n e t w o r k s * p a id p e r j o b
* in d iv id u a l l y s u b o r d in a t e d t o m a rk e t * p a id p e r p ie c e / e n d o f j o b
* w e a k , d e p e n d o n c o n tra c t
* s tro n g , b a s e d o n h o m e to w n a n d k in s h ip
* w e a k e s t.
* l im it e d m o b il it y * f in in g * in - s it e h ie r a r c h y
* e n fo r c e a b le tr u s t * k in s h ip o b l ig a t io n
* v io l e n c e
* r u r a l la b o r m a r k e t
* r u r a l a n d u r b a n la b o r m a r k e t
M igratory pattern
* p e r m a n e n t t e m p o r a r in e s s
* s o jo u r n e r to s e ttle r
* flo a te r s
V ulnerability
* “ in v is ib l e � t o s t a t e * v u l n e r a b l e in r e l a t io n t o e m p l o y e r
* v u l n e r a b l e v ia s t a t e
* e x tr a m ly v u ln e r a b le
E mployment
payment
group bond
C ontrol mechanism
S tate
L abor market
2 8
URBAN-NOMAD: CONSTRUCTION WORKERS
Employment Configurations There are three major employment configurations among migrant workers in construction jobs: mediated; embedded and individualized. Each employment configuration embodies a specific type of relationship between workers, employers and the state. Mediated employment is the most typical of all three configurations. Construction workers sign a year- long contract with their employers ( labor- contractor) and stay in the city alone, leaving their family for 1 1 months. T he employers provide workers with shelters ( and sometimes food) inside construction sites. A lso, the employers pay upfront costs of migration to workers, which will be subtracted from their salary at the end of the year. W orkers are “ invisible� behind the walls that surround their j obsite, away from citiz ens and the government. Embedded employment includes construction workers living in the thick dense migrant communities outside construction sites together with other migrants. In this case, contractors are part of the migrant communities. B ased on kinship, they use their social networks to find workers. The groups of workers under embedded employment are usually smaller ( 5 - 1 2 ) , but have stronger bonds because there is less social distance between contractors and workers. T he group get paid as a whole, and the contractor distributes the money on a monthly basis. B ut these workers are vulnerable in relation to the state because of their informal and ever- growing housing communities. Individualized employment is the least regulated configuration type. There is no legal contract involved in the employment. C onstruction workers are hired directly on j obsites or on street spot markets ( usually underneath bridges) . P ower relations are ex tremely uneq ual. W orkers get the lowest wage and have highest risk of not getting paid.
2 9
PROJ ECT MANAGER Inspectors
technical director
site manager
budget
q uality
construction
material
information
ex periment
measurer
machine
team leader
team leader
team leader
team leader
team leader
team leader
team leader
team leader
excavation worker
reinforcing steel bar worker
wooden structure worker
concrete worker
scaffold worker
brick worker
waterproof worker
exterior painter
50
50
60
20
30 40
50
40
40
50
20
20
20
300 300 200 500 500 300 100
60
80
120
60
80
120 100
50
10
10
30
25
25
30
100 100 120
10
10
30
20
20
60
20
20
25
1500 1400 1300 1200 1100 1000 900 800 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0
10
10
30
10
10
30
Excavation
20
20
60
team lea
interio carpent
10 40
250 250 150 400 400 250
3 0
safty
Underground structure
Ground structure
20
Enclosure
20
25
20 30
20
20
30
25
20
25
40 300 300 350 100 100
Roofing work
Finishing
URBAN-NOMAD: CONSTRUCTION WORKERS
ader
team leader
team leader
team leader
team leader
team leader
interior painter
general worker
electricity worker
sewer/ weather proof worker
ventilation worker
or ter
150
40
40
50
PROGRAM REQUIREMENT m2
60
60
170
Excavation
50
970
970
750
Underground structure
50
50
1380
1120
910
Ground structure
50
50
50
385
385
495
Enclosure
50
50
50
50
270
270
360
Roofing work
50
50
50
50
680
680
800
Finishing
10
10
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
60
50
50
60
50
50
60
50
50
60
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
50
Office
CONSTRUCTION PROCESS
OVERALL
277
300
277
1900
1584
1188
135
180
135
bathroom
72
72
72
material storage
60
100
60
tool storage
124
124
124
guard’s room
24
24
24
dormitory
dining
3 1
3 2
0 7 : 0 0 finish breakfast
0 6 : 3 0 finish washing
0 6 : 2 0 get up
off-site breakfast
SLEEP / REST IN-SITE EATING
WORK
RECREATION
WORK
INSTANT MARKET night snake tents
night market
off-site dinner
SLEEP / REST
2 2 : 0 0 lights out
OFF-SITE EATING
1 9 : 3 0 work overtime
instant fruit/vege stall
cigarette purchasing
off-site lunch
IN-SITE EATING
1 9 : 0 0 start dinner
1 8 : 3 0 finish work
1 4 : 0 0 start work
1 3 : 4 0 get up
1 2 : 2 0 start lunch
1 2 : 0 0 rest off site
URBAN-NOMAD: CONSTRUCTION WORKERS
SLEEP / REST
IN-SITE EATING
RECREATION
WORK (overtime)
OFF-SITE EATING
OFF-SITE BUSINESS
INSTANT MARKET
3 3
concrete cap concrete post
B rick/ solid concrete wall time consumption:
brickwork/ concrete block concrete foundation
concrete cap precast concrete post
P recast concrete panel wall time consumption:
precast hollow concrete panel
steel cap steel frame I- shaped steel post
C olor- coated steel/ P V C panel wall time consumption:
color- coated steel/ P V C panel steel support
lighting
catwalk vertical frame horiz ontal frame
steel frame support
aluminum plate painted industrial fabric
3 4
B illboard fencing wall time consumption:
THE DECORTED MASK: FENCING WALL
F encing W all F encing walls around urban construction site have two maj or functions. O n one hand, they enclose and define the construction site area, separating the site activities from the rest of the city. O n the other hand, they act together as a mask, concealing the true identity of the construction site, while presenting the city with a designed/ manipulated appearance. T he fencing walls vary greatly from site to site in terms of height, materiality, production process, and information, resulting in different spatial ex periences nex t to them. Brick/solid concrete wall is the most traditional and common type of fencing wall around urban construction site. T he production process of this kind of wall is long and laboursome, and usually consists of five steps: foundation construction setting out, foundation ex cavation, C 1 5 concrete base building, brickwork ( concrete brick) layout, and surface finishing. The process requires high professional skills and creates a lot of material waste. A lso, this kind of fencing wall is unrecyclable. Precast concrete panel wall is a more advanced type. B y using modulariz ed concrete posts and hollow concrete panels, this type of fencing wall is easy to assemble and takes only 1/5 the time to construct. Once the construction project is finished, precast concrete panel can be recycled and rebuilt on another site. Color-coated steel/PVC panel wall is a type that is easy to transport and q uick to assemble. W ith modulariz ed steel panels ( P V C panels) and I- shaped frames, this kind of wall req uires no on- site material manufacturing. H owever, due to its light weight, the wall is weak in terms of stability. Billboard fencing wall uses billboard as wall to enclose the construction site. W ith steel skeleton and painted industrial fabric, this kind of wall is usually 8 meter or higher. S ince the painted fabric is detachable, the billboard fencing wall contains advertisement or propaganda information freq uently changing over time.
3 5
3 6
THE DECORTED MASK: FENCING WALL
3 7
shoulder pole
bicycle box lunch vendor accounting
trolley B B Q vendor
clothing market
tricycle fruit/ vege seller
tricycle food vendor
disabled- vehicle food vendor
minibus cigarette/ beverage seller
food vendor/ market
pickup truck vege seller
shading device
truck store
3 8
THE DECORTED MASK: FENCING WALL
Different variations of fencing walls, combined with different pedestrian/street configurations, together create diverse spatial ex periences around construction sites. A s a result, different in- site and off- site activities are generated spontaneously. In the construction site, the spatial condition near the site boundary is greatly influenced by the height of the fencing wall. W orkers’ temporary huts are usually placed nex t to the 9 - feettall brick/ concrete walls, leaving an unaccessible narrow gap between the two. T his narrow and dark gap acts as the backdrop of workers living area, orienting the workers towards the center of the construction site. F or fencing walls taller than 2 5 feet ( usually steel- framed billboards) , a wide portion of ground is partitioned nex t to them as material- piling z one. W orkers move constantly back and forth between the fencing wall and the working z one. T he spatial ex perience on the other side of the fencing wall varies greatly according to street configurations. A sectional and circulational study of off-site business shows the diversity of how improvised merchants and construction workers can occupy and activate the space outside the fencing walls. A ccording to their temporality, the off- site business structures share the same character of flexibility and mobility. A collection of fragmented artifacts reveals the inner relationships between the business structures. T hrough combination and reorganiz ation, these artifacts have the potential to generate multiple configurations, highly customized with great adaptability.
3 9
D 1
4 0
D 2
D 6
D 1 0
D 1 4
D
brickwork ( concrete brick) layout
C 1 5 concrete base building
foundation ex cavation
foundation construction setting out
eq uipment/ labor preparation
fencing wall finishing
THE DECORTED MASK: FENCING WALL
2 4
4 1
4 2
-D 1 1
-D 4
plants growing
vegetation bed building
solid wall knockdown
THE DECORTED MASK: FENCING WALL
-D 0
4 3
variations/ dimensions
ownership/ cost
application on- site working
S afety H elmet Improvised shelter P ortable U nit / C ontainer F ast B uilt H ut
capacity
company provide/ $ 3
temporary rest/ sleeping
R = 1 .6 ’ L = 1 0 ’
R = 1 .6 ’ L = 2 0 ’
R = 2 ’L = 1 0 ’
construction material company owned/ reused
guards’ office 8 ’ * 7 .7 ’ * 6 ’
8 ’ * 7 .7 ’ * 2 0 ’
8 ’ * 7 .7 ’ * 4 0 ’
company owned or collective rent/ $ 1 9 0 0 - buy/ $ 1 per day- rent
9 ’ * 7 .7 ’ * 4 0 ’
toilet on- site temporary meeting dormitory for rent material storage
company owned/ 7 0 0 -1 2 0 0 9 ’* 1 5 ’* 2 0 ’
shower
9 ’* 1 5 ’* 4 0 ’
on- site resting
1 2 ’* 1 8 ’* 2 5 ’
F ast B uilt S helter
bathroom
company owned/ 1 5 -2 0 0
3 0 ’* 3 0 * 4 0 ’
on- site material cutting on- site safety shelter
2 0 ’* 3 0 ’* 4 0 ’
workers’ dorm 1 0 ’* 2 5 * 3 n ’
2 0 ’* 2 5 * 3 n ’
company owned resused/ 2 0 0 / m2
meeting room dining room eq uipment storage
P refabricated H ut
offices
4 4
3 0 ’* 2 5 * 3 n ’
2 0 ’* 2 0 * 3 n ’
MACHINE FOR LIVING: ON-SITE SHELTER
On-site shelter plays a significant role in shaping the working and living ex periences in the construction site. S helters not only protect the workers from weather and construction haz ards, but also provide enclosed spaces to meet all program needs of on- site living activities. Safety helmet is the immediate shelter for an on- site construction worker. U niform in siz e and color, safety helmet kills the personality of each individual worker. Improvised shelter refers to shelter space found/ built from construction materials by workers. T his type of shelter is not regulated and accompanied by high safety risks. Container hut is one of the most common structures for workers’ dormitory. C heap in price and easy to transport, this kind of shelter is usually provided by subcontracting companies. A typical container hut is 3 m in width, 1 0 m in length and 2 m in height, containing 4 double beds for 8 workers, with electric access on two long sides of wall. Fast built huts and work sheds are usually placed in the working z one, providing roofed spaces for material storage and processing. Prefabricated hut is generally accepted as shelter structure in construction site. F ast to assemble and easy to add on, this modulariz ed shelter is able to meet various program needs, from dormitory, mess hall, to office, bathroom, storage.
4 5
4 6
01. on-site working
02. improvised sleeping
05. meeting room
06. workers’ dormitory
03. dining
04. on-site shelter
07. office room
08. toilet
4 7
1 2 .0 4 0 ’
guard’ s office
2 0 ’ split double
6 .0 3 0 ’
2 0 ’
3 .2 5 1 0 ’
0 m
0 m
1 .1 0
7 .1
4 .1 1 0 ’
2 0 ’
1 0 .1 3 0 ’
1 6 .1 4 0 ’
5 0 ’
dorm 2 nd floor
dorm 1 st floor
2 0 ’ open double
office 2 nd floor 2 0 ’ toilet
office 1 st floor 2 0 ’ toilet + shower
2 0 ’ shower room
dining ( buffet without seating)
2 0 ’ kitchen unit small dining room 4 0 ’ split dorm
mess hall 4 0 ’ open dorm
4 8
MACHINE FOR LIVING: ON-SITE SHELTER
A lthough the on- site shelters vary greatly in terms of siz e, materiality and function, they share some identical features. In pursuit of high efficiency, uniformity, and program capacity, the shelters are designed as pure enclosure or simple spatial framework with nearly z ero spatial identity. T he concept of envelop, structure and enclosure are identical to each other in this circumstance. T herefore, high program capacity is achieved, not through architectural flexibility/adaptability, but instead by the most generic spatial condition. T he occupation process of a typical on- site shelter is an introverted procedure. A fter providing an enclosed trunk of empty space, the construction company uses prefabricated wall panels to subdivide it into several z ones according to its program req uirement; then the company purchases and adds furniture from mass industrial production; after that, each individual worker picks his own spot and occupies it with his belongings. A s a result of this introverted “ user adaptation� process, the concept of plan designing/ composition is often neglected. T herefore, the interior of shelters can be easily turned into living chaos by intemperate individual creativities. T he bland uniformity and generic appearance of the ex terior with the chaotic ex plosion of individuality in the interior, this is the double dilemma of on- site shelters.
4 9
ground beam & pillar
window and wall panel
5 0
MACHINE FOR LIVING: ON-SITE SHELTER
steel rod
angle bracket of the walkway
5 1
5 2
1 2 : 0 0 rest off site
0 7 : 0 0 finish breakfast
0 6 : 3 0 finish washing
0 6 : 2 0 get up
MACHINE FOR LIVING: ON-SITE SHELTER
5 3
5 4
1 4 : 0 0 start work
1 3 : 4 0 get up
1 2 : 2 0 start lunch
2 2 : 0 0 lights out
1 9 : 0 0 start dinner
1 8 : 3 0 finish work
MACHINE FOR LIVING: ON-SITE SHELTER
5 5
In-site Living Zone
0 1
Linear Perimeter
N ingbo U niversity L ibrary
0 2
Separated Living Zone
H uangyan T ransportation C enter
0 3 R esidential C ompound
5 6
DOUBLE-SIDE INFILTRATION: SITE LAYOUT & TRAFFIC
On-site shelters are reconfigured according to the location, shape and program efficiency of the site, which influences the vehicular traffic and pedestrian circulation in and around the construction site. T hree typical site layouts are studied here through construction practice ex amples to show the impact of layout on the spatial condition and workers’ action. T he three construction ex amples are: N ingbo U niversity L ibrary, T ransportation C enter in H uangyan, and R esidential compound in H angz hou. D ue to its location in the university campus, the construction site of N ingbo U niversity L ibrary is characteriz ed by its “ in-site living zone” layout; while in the case of H uangyan T ransportation C enter, on- site shelters are laid out as “ Linear perimeter” due to the limitation of land area; whereas in the construction site of H angz hou’ s residential compound, a “ separated living zone” is desired due to the massive siz e of the proj ect.
5 7
5 8
DOUBLE-SIDE INFILTRATION: SITE LAYOUT & TRAFFIC
In-site Living Zone T he site of N ingbo U niversity’ s new library was originally an abandoned playground located in the university campus. It was not until 2 0 1 4 that the university decided to convert this piece of land into a 4 3 0 0 0 0 sq f library. T he construction started on M ay 8 2 0 1 5 and is expected to finish in 450 days. Due to its massive scale and central location in the university campus, the construction site is totally enclosed by fencing walls. A portion of land is divided into an “ in- site living z one” for accommodating the workers. T herefore, most of workers’ living activities are taking place at the southeast corner of the site. T he pathway of construction vehicles forms a loop around the library building, while fast- built working shelters, for material processing, are placed on both sides of it. In this case, construction vehicular traffic and pedestrian circulation are mostly overlapping with each other, while the maj or interaction happens at the entrance of in- site living z one.
5 9
6 0
DOUBLE-SIDE INFILTRATION: SITE LAYOUT & TRAFFIC
Linear perimeter T he on- site shelters for the construction of H uangyan T ransportation C enter is arranged in a linear way along the perimeter of the site, as a result of the very limited land area. T here is no separated living zone for the workers in this case. Instead, the workers dormitories, office rooms, toilets, together with all the working shelters are pushed and placed adj acent to the fencing walls just in order to make room for construction activities. Vehicular traffic route creates a loop between on- site shelters and the construction working area. B ecause of that, the intersection between foot traffic and vehicular traffic becomes very frequent and unavoidable. A lso, because on- site shelters are placed far away from each other, workers tend to create short cuts across the working area.
6 1
6 2
DOUBLE-SIDE INFILTRATION: SITE LAYOUT & TRAFFIC
Separated Living Zone T he residential compound in H angz hou is a social housing proj ect issued by the provincial government. C onsisting of 2 7 housing towers, 1 5 to 2 4 stories each, the massive proj ect req uires a separate z one for accommodating its workers outside the site area. T he separated living z one is enclosed by fencing walls as well and placed across the street, facing the construction site. W ithin the living z one, shelters are arranged in an ex tremely hierarchical way. Offices and meeting rooms are placed in the middle front; dormitories for construction leaders, bigger in siz e with separated dining halls and bathrooms, are placed on the sides of the front row; dormitories for contracted workers occupy the middle part of the living z one; mess halls, toilets, and dormitories for temporary workers set as the backdrop of the living area. In this case, vehicular traffic and pedestrian circulation create a network in the construction site, dividing the total site area into several smaller working z ones. E ach of them is associated with its own working shelters respectively. M oreover, the separation of living z one from the construction site area facilitates improvised business actions on the street between the two.
6 3
dorm office storag e p arking b ath room education w orking sh elter dining g uards’ room construction p assag e electricity sup p ly w ater sup p ly
0
2 5 ft
6 4
5 0
1 0 0
2 0 0
DOUBLE-SIDE INFILTRATION: SITE LAYOUT & TRAFFIC
6 5
6 6
DOUBLE-SIDE INFILTRATION: SITE LAYOUT & TRAFFIC
dorm office storag e p arking b ath room education w orking sh elter dining g uards’ room construction p assag e electricity sup p ly w ater sup p ly
0
2 5
5 0
1 0 0
2 0 0
ft
6 7
dorm office storag e p arking b ath room education w orking sh elter dining g uards’ room construction p assag e electricity sup p ly w ater sup p ly
0
2 5 ft
6 8
5 0
1 0 0
2 0 0
DOUBLE-SIDE INFILTRATION: SITE LAYOUT & TRAFFIC
6 9
LI VI N G ZO N E d
ar
Gu
01 In-site Living Zone
7 0
02 Linear Perimeter
LI
VI
NG
ZO
NE
Gu
ar
d
DOUBLE-SIDE INFILTRATION: SITE LAYOUT & TRAFFIC
03 Separated Living Zone
7 1
7 2
seek for the infrastructure/ program that links construction workers together/ with other citizens
C H A P T E R III
T H E IN V IS IB L E N E T W O R K case study - A city under construction physical and informational infrastructures programs as connectors
7 3
2 0 1 3 2 0 1 4 2 0 1 5 C onstruction proj ects in X iaoshan development z one within three years ( from 2 0 1 3 to 2 0 1 5 ) V ast land is converted into construction sites, which act as the “ incubator� of a new city.
2 0 1 3
7 4
2 0 1 4
2 0 1 5
CASE STUDY: A CITY UNDER CONSTRUCTION
A lthough the maj ority of working and living activities of migrant construction workers happen in the construction sites isolated from the rest of the city, we should not regard each construction site as separated individual obj ect. A s a result of their ex tremely big scale and density, construction sites together create an invisible network, a second layer of urban fabric, superimposed on the ex isting city contex t. E x isting urban identities are driven away by the overwhelming scaffolds and fencing walls. T here’ s no old city or young city; there’ s no busy city or q uiet city. T here is only city under construction. In this chapter, the networks ( both infrastructure and program) between multiple construction sites are studied through the case of X iaoshan development z one. X iaoshan is an emerging city located at the east coast of C hina with more than 1 5 % of its land converted into construction sites today. A s a typical city- making process, the construction of X iaoshan brings a great number of migrant construction workers into the development z one, meanwhile triggering small business reactions around its construction sites. B y studying the physical and implied connections between the sites, I am trying to find the infrastructure as well as program that can potentially link migrant construction workers together or even with other citiz ens.
active construction sites
approx imate land area for construction related activities
combined land area for construction related activities ( over 1 5 %)
>1 5 %
4 7 8 0 hectare
7 9 0 hectare
7 5
1
4
3
2 4
3
R oads as the ex isting infrastructure before the “ city making“ process
V arious construction sites are physically linked by the roads. H owever, each of them is segregated by its own fencing walls. 7 6
PHYSICAL & INFORMATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE
R oad is an infrastructure that physically links construction sites together. A close look at the north section of X iaoshan development z one ( riverfront) reveals the hierarchical and seq uential arrangement of its road infrastructure system. S hidai A ve ( 1 ) . runs N orth- S outh across the riverfront area in the middle, connecting the city of H angz hou to the north and S 3 0 ex press way to the south. It is the main road through which construction vehicles and trucks first bring raw material and prefabricated building parts to the site. After exiting from Zhongxing Motorway Exchange (2), the construction traffic runs East-West into Binsheng Rd. (3). Then through a series of small roads pointing north towards river, the construction traffic turns into Wentao Rd. (4). Through Wengtao Rd. (4) construction vehicles and trucks finally arrive at their respective site destinations.
7 7
7 8
PHYSICAL & INFORMATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE
C onstruction sites are relatively isolated to each other and have little material ex change, because they usually belong to different construction companies with different contractors and subcontractors. H owever, inter- site labor ex change often happens between these construction sites. O nce a construction site is short of hands, its labor- use facilitator will borrow construction workers from sites nearby. T hus, the road in between become the conductor of labor flow. T here is no particular vehicle or road system designated for inter- site labor transportation. C onstruction workers often travel by foot or on their electrical bicycle. S ometimes workers are seated at the back of a pickup truck when they are traveling together. T he overlapping of construction vehicular traffic and local traffic makes it dangerous and problematic for both parties.
7 9
wit
00 m n3 hi
8 0
PHYSICAL & INFORMATIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE
A part from physical infrastructures, there are informational infrastructures that play the role of connectors between migrant construction workers and the rest of the city. O nline organiz ations, such as construction of the home and construction industry council, provide platforms for professional information ex change. C onstruction workers from different area can help each other find job opportunities, learn construction skills and consult legal issues. Social networking A pps, such as Q Q or W echat, allow migrant workers make friends to each other ( sometimes even to local citiz ens) . W ith friend- seeking ex tensions, such as “ shake it” and “ people nearby” , these cellphone- based apps can detect individuals using the same application within a certain perimeter ( 3 0 0 m) . F rom total strangers to acq uaintances, hundreds and thousands of migrant construction workers build up their invisible network based on the informational infrastructures.
8 1
snack b ar
food v endor
nig h t food market
8 2
PROGRAMS AS CONNECTORS
T he common need for food ( or better food) brings construction workers from different sites out of their respective fencing walls, gathering them around food vendors, snack bars or night markets. T hrough the event of eating, migrant workers and citiz ens congregate and communicate with each other. U sually, this kind of connection based on eating creates a linear pattern along the road, enriching the streetscape between construction sites.
8 3
pass me !
run !
b asketb all
are you all right ? good game !
nice shot !
p ing p ong total strangers
see you next time!
footb all
8 4
PROGRAMS AS CONNECTORS
S port is another program that links construction workers to the city. T he most popular sports among them are basketball, pingpong and football. After finishing their jobs for the day, the workers go to public playgrounds in schools, hospitals, or parks nearby and seek for game matches. O ften after several games, total strangers become friends to each other. H owever, not all playgrounds are available for migrant construction workers. Some sport fields in local high schools and companies require identification check.
8 5
beverage
online g ames
v edio ch at w ith family
bathroom
new s/ learning
8 6
PROGRAMS AS CONNECTORS
S ince Internet is not provided in construction sites and cellphone charges are relatively ex pensive, many construction workers go to Internet bar for relax ation and entertainment. T hrough online game playing, video chatting and website visiting, the workers get connected with people far away. H owever, they have nearly z ero communication with people sitting nex t to them. U sually, this kind of congregation based on Internet bars creates a scattered pattern. Internet bars act as islands while workers travel a distance to get connected.
8 7
Hi!
8 8
PROGRAMS AS CONNECTORS
T he maj ority ( 9 0 %) of the migrant construction worker population is male. S o there is a very strong need for communication and interaction with people from the opposite sex . A fter work, some construction workers will seek for prostitution in the city, which is illegal in C hina, while others will go to public sq uares/ parks and meet women there. S q uare D ance is one kind of popular event that gethers women in sq uares and parks. It gains its popularity among females with an average age of 4 5 . S ince sq uare dance normally happens between 7 : 0 0 - 9 : 0 0 p. m. , most male construction workers can watch or even participate in the event. S uch event acts as a catalyst that stimulates social interactions between males and females, migrants and citiz ens. T he conversation topic is not necessarily limited to woman though. M igrant workers, with similar social and cultural background, from all the surrounding construction sites congregate there, discussing living ex periences, j ob opportunities, working skills, anecdotes, etc.
8 9
9 0
PROGRAMS AS CONNECTORS
9 1
9 2
architectural precedents study as a tool kit for designing a flexible structure at the perimeter of site
C H A P T E R IV
A R C H IT E C T U R E T O O L K IT architectural flexibility building as threshold
9 3
9 4
F L E X IB IL IT Y
T H R E S H O L D
C apsule T ower. K isho K urokawa
K oepel P anopticon P rison. O M A
F amilistè re. J ean- B aptiste A ndrÊ G odin
2 B ibliotheq ues J ussieu. O M A
P otteies T hinkbelt. C edric P rice
A dministration- school. L ucien K roll/ B arbican C entre. C P B
ARCHITECTURAL FLEXIBILITY & BUILDING AS THRESHOLD
In order to anticipate the future migrant workers’ dwellings as parasitic structures, preserving and improving the invisible networks around construction sites, two architectural principles should be put into consideration: architectural flexiblity and building as threshold. On one hand, as a prototype, the proposed worker’s dwelling structure should be reconfigurable according to its live/ work program req uirements and adaptable according to its site contex t. O n the other hand, beacuse of its special location at the perimeter of a construction site, the structure should act as a threshold that mediates between the public vernacular streetscape and the inner community of migrant workers. In this chapter, several architectural precedents are studied here as spatial devices in order to see how the concept of architectural flexibility and building as threshold can be applied to migrant construction workers’ dwelling situation in C hina. T he precedents regarding architectural flexiblity are: Capsule Tower by Kisho Kurokawa, Familistère by Jean-Baptiste André G odin, and P otteies T hinkbelt by C edric P rice. T he precedents on architecture as threshold are: K oepel P anopticon P rison by O M A , 2 B ibliotheq ues J ussieu by O M A , A dministration- school by L ucien K roll and B arbican C entre by C P B .
9 5
T ransformable enclosure components enable program overlapping within a limited space. B uilt- in furniture max imiz es spatial efficiency. C entral core not only acts as vertical circulation but also provides building systems as well as structural support for dwelling units.
9 6
ARCHITECTURAL FLEXIBILITY
Each unit in Kurokawa’s Capsule Tower is designed with great spatial efficiency. Inside each highly compact unit, with only 10 square meters’ floor area, nearly all the living requirements, such as sleeping, bathing, studying, and news-watching, are satisfied by its carefully designed utility walls. Its transformable enclosure components with built- in furnitures enable program overlapping within the limited space. F or ex ample, the lower part of the book shelf can be pulled down and function as a desktop for working; the washbasin in the bathroom serves as a faucet for the bathtub on its side. The flexiblity of Capsule Tower depends greatly on its centralized core design. The central core not only functions as a means of vertical circulation, provides structural support for capsule units, but also embeds building systems such as H V A C , water supply/ drainage, and electricity. S uch idea of “ structure + modulated units“ can be found in many 1 9 6 0 s situationist proj ects as well as metabolist ones.
9 7
3 2
1
8 7
6
0
9
E X T E N S IO N 2
E X T E N S IO N 1
0 1
B R
5
4
0 2
0 0
B R 1
B R 2
L R
7
D 8
5
9
1 0 m K /L R
T B R 2
K
0
L R
4 6
T G 2
K
B R 1 3
1
Y oung childless couple dwelling population: 2 rooms: 2 area: 5 4 0 sq f
M arried couple with children population: 3 - 5 rooms: 4 area: 1 0 8 0 sq f
L arge family with thrid generation population: 6 - 8 rooms: 6 area: 1 6 2 0 sq f
H ousing units in F amilistè re are ex tendable. A s the siz e of a family grows or reduces, the spatial condition can be adj usted accordingly without the constrain of its physical boundary. C apital and populational variations can be revealed implicitly by unit siz es. S ome utilities are imbeded in party walls, making it convenient for unit ex tension.
9 8
ARCHITECTURAL FLEXIBILITY
F amilistè re by J ean- B aptiste A ndré G odin is a social palace designed for industrial workers. T he concept of F amilistè re is inspired by C harles F ourier’ s P halanstè re. A s an architectural manifestation of the U topian S ocialist M ovement, F amilistè re proposes a new social order whose founding unit is a small community of people who live and work in the same building. T here is no social hierachy. W orkers, engineers and factory owner lives together in this social palace. F amilistè re was a self- sustainable city with covered courtyard space served as village piaz z a. A lthough F amilistè re is a relatively static building, constructed by brick structure, architectural flexibility is achieved by its modulized dwelling units. Housing units in Familistère are ex tendable. A s the siz e of a family grows or reduces, the spatial condition can be adj usted accordingly without the constrain of its physical boundary. C apital and populational variations can be revealed implicitly by unit siz es. S ome utilities are imbeded in party walls, making it convenient for unit ex tension. T his idea of unit ex tension and progressive accumulation has the potential to be applied to the dwelling condition of C hinese migrant workers.
9 9
place of interaction 0 1
place of interaction 0 2
place of interaction 0 3
A rchitectural adaptability is suggested through a parasitic development process, utiliz ing ex isting infrastructures. T hrough stacking, insertion, combination, and re- configuration, basic units create places of interaction on specific spots along the railway, linking old infrastructure back to the city.
1 0 0
ARCHITECTURAL FLEXIBILITY
In the Potteries Thinkbelt project, Cedric Price brings the concept of architectural flexibility to an urban scale. T he T hinkbelt is an infrastructure/ university proj ect designed for 2 0 , 0 0 0 students, but with provision for 40,000 residential units that were flexible in form and adaptable to possible relocation and aggregation. B y utiliz ing ex isting infrastructures( railroad, trainstation, airport, etc. ) , architectural adaptability is suggested through a parasitic development process. Through stacking, insertion, combination, and re-configuration, modulized units create places of interaction on specific spots along the railway, linking old infrastructure back to the city. T his kind of strategic implementation should be applicable in C hinese construction sites, since various construction areas can provide not only land but also labor and funds for the structure. W ith the incorperation of local structures such as transportation centers, markets or parks, the new structure can link migrant workers to the larger plurality of a city’ s social life.
1 0 1
L inear passages, as thresholds with great emphasis on directionality, not only link building obj ects to each other, but also act as seperators between areas with different publicness. S ense of enclosure and destination prevent distraction and chaos.
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BUILDING AS THRESHOLD
In K oepel P anopticon P rison proj ect, O M A ex plores the concept of limited publicness through the device of threshold. L inear passages, as thresholds with great emphasis on directionality, not only link isolated building obj ects to each other, but also act as seperators between areas with different publicness. S ense of enclosure and destination prevent distraction and chaos. T hus, under this spatial device, the seemingly contradictory demands, freedom and discipline, are satisfied.
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T he spatial division between different programs are blurred by abandoning vertical walls, although each program is still well defined by sloped floor plates. T he concept of threshold is redefined by incorperating programs to the passage, making vertical movement a continuous ex perience.
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BUILDING AS THRESHOLD
T he circulation paths in 2 B ibliotheq ues J ussieu by O M A are densely programmed. T he spatial division between different programs are blurred by abandoning vertical walls, while each individual program is still well defined by sloped floor plates. The concept of threshold is redefined by incorperating programs to the passage, making vertical movement a continuous ex perience. A nd in return, dynamic movement facilitates the static programs. In the case of a C hinese construction site, the threshold between the inner world of construction and its surroundings can be thicken and programmed with activities anticipate participation from both sides.
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H oriz ontal floor plates on different levels act as “ platforms� , holding various civic events. In the A dministration- school proj ect by L ucien K roll, secondary circulation paths ( i. e. fire stairs) act as direct link between platforms. W hile in the B arbican C enter proj ect by C P B , building blocks creates threshold which mediates between different levels.
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BUILDING AS THRESHOLD
In both L ucien K roll’ s A dministration- school proj ect and the B arbican C entre by C P B , the concept of “platform” is represented elegantly. Horizontal floor plates on different levels act as “platforms”, which holds various civic events. In the Administration-school project, the logic of continous flow is revealed by its secondary circulation paths (i.e.fire stairs) on the roof and facades. These stairs act as direct link between platforms. W ith such a network of passages, people can come from anywhere, from the cellars to the attics and terrace staircases, from the walkways, etc. S hared platforms and passages offers stage for empathy to emerge and the space for mutual understanding to develop. W hile in the B arbican C enter proj ect by C P B , building blocks creates threshold which mediates between different levels. In this case, the transition parts between levels are not ex posed but instead hidden inside building blocks. A s a result, the idea of platform overpowers passage; the concept of programmatic diversity overpowers the logic of continous circulation flow.
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propose a parasitic structure around construction sites to operate as a threshold between migrant construction workers and a city’s social life
C H A P T E R V
S T R A T E G IC P R O P O S A L from the countryside to the city from the skeleton to plug- in units programmed threshold reconstruct the invisible network parasitic lifestyle from workers’ dorm to migrant community
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FROM THE COUNTRYSIDE TO THE CITY
I got a job as an urban construction worker. Couple of my friends and fellow-townsmen went several years ahead of me. They already settled down in the city, got married and had families there. I’m so excited since finally it’s my turn now to find my destination in the city. Before boarding on the train, I promised my parents that I would show them arround in the city as soon as I settled down . . . 111
. . . Upon arrival at the construction site, the labor-supplier company offered me with a housing unit, so I don’t need to worry about renting an appartment in the city. The unit, I shared with other two workmates. It contained basicly all the furniture we need in a bedroom: built-in desks, closets, folding beds, etc. But we use public kitchens and bathrooms . . . . . . in the first two weeks of construction, we built a steel skeleton along the perimeter of the site. Workmates told me that it is where we would plug our housing units in. I was glad we could say goodbye to the damp and noisy ground. The steel skeleton was easy to build since all the components were pre-fabricated off-site. No material-cutting was necessary, and all we needed to do was to assemble the pieces together, which was convenient for beginners like me . . .
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FROM THE SKELETON TO PLUG-IN UNITS
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. . . As we pluged our housing units into the steel skeleton, a sense of neighborhood was suddenly achieved. I quickly made friends to my workmates, not only those whom I shared my unit with, but also people living up/downstairs and people next door . . . 11 4
FROM THE SKELETON TO PLUG-IN UNITS
plastic wall panel stainless steel grating floor roller track steel walkway steel I beam
ventilation ducts sprinkler system lighting translucent glass
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. . . The skeleton was not merely a structural support, but also contained various activities. The corridor, to which our housing units attached, was more like a boulevard of events. It was where more experienced workers taught us beginners about construction skills; it was where we got access to internet and made vedio chat with our families; it was where my workmates practiced music and performed for us; it was where I found the sense of belonging . . .
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PROGRAMMED THRESHOLD
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RECONSTRUCT THE INVISIBLE NETWORK . . . On the gound floor of our structure, local mercants and residents gethered and used this piece of land creatively. Sometimes it was occupied by restaurants and street cafes; sometimes it was converted into a flea market; sometimes it was cleared up for square dance at night. This place not only provided us with a convenient access to purchasing daily necessities, but also offered us a chance to meet local citizens . . .
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ACCUMULATIVE CITIZENIZATION . . . Various kinds of housing units could be purchased from the Labor-supplier Company or other manufactories online. As we spent more time on construction, we would gain more money, thus we could buy more/larger housing units. Piece by piece, we were constructing our own houses while building the city. I believed one day I would have a house big enough to support my family . . .
https://www.myunits.com.cn
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Bathroom Unit ￥5000.00
Circulation Unit
Regular Bedroom Unit ￥8000.00
Dinning Unit
Enlarged Bedroom Unit ￥12000.00
Family Living Room Unit
Kitchen Unit ￥20000.00
Loft Study Room
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. . . After finishing one construction project, we got transported to another site by trucks and cranes, together with our dwelling units. Since we didn’t have to repackage our belongings, the sense of ownership remained even when we moved to the new site . . . 1 2 2
PARASITIC LIFE STYLE
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FROM WORKERS’ DORMITORY TO MIGRANT COMMUNITY . . . As we moved away, the skeleton we constructed remained on site for future social housing plug-ins. Piece by piece, the structure was infilled by migrant workers with other occupations or even citizens. Progressively and accumulatively, the former workers’ dormitory became a migrant community . . .
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