Issue 12: 12 March 2020

SOAS SPIRIT

12 MARCH 2020

FREE

YOUR INDEPENDENT STUDENT NEWSPAPER

INTERVIEW WITH ADAM HABIB, NEW DIRECTOR

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THE BDS DEBATE p13

ISSUE 12

CAN FASHION EVER BE MODEST?

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Anonymous student threatens picketers: ‘I will call the police’

(Credit: The SOAS Spirit)

Anna Fenton-Jones, BA Middle Eastern Studies Last month, a post on SOASk Me Out ‘warned’ students planning to join the UCU picket line: ‘if I cannot get into SOAS during the strikes, I will call the police.’

The post, published by the popular Facebook page on 19 January, was amongst several that appeared as part of a developing, contentious discussion on planned industrial action by unionised university staff. SOASk Me Out has since deleted the post.

SOAS Union’s Anti-Racism Officer, Sohane Yahya,

publicly replied to the post: ‘Congratulations on making the picket line unsafe for people of color, ironically those most affected by the causes for this industrial action.’

Speaking to the Spirit, Yahya said: ‘The post made me sad, and scared. Everyone involved in the SU has tried to make the picket line a safe space for marginalised students and staff, and a direct threat like this undermines the many open meetings we’ve held and all the information we’ve worked so hard to make accessible for all students.

The language here is explicit; this is a threat, a threat that puts students like me in danger, and it terrifies me that a fellow student would recognise that and still choose to say it.

After the post appeared I really questioned whether I would

be safe on the picket line, I really did not think I would be able to go.’

Since 2017, the Metropolitan Police has recorded information about incidents where force was used. Data from the last three years shows that black people are disproportionately likely to experience force at the hands of the police.

Of the 62,000 incidents where the Met used force between 2017-18, over one third involved black people.

The SU has also maintained a ‘Cops Off Campus’ policy for almost ten years. In 2017, the SU said, ‘The racial profiling and harassment of black and brown students by the Continued on page 3

12 MARCH 2020

Contents

Letter from the Editor

News

Home Office’s Deportation Programme Continues

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Coronavirus reveals racism as it spreads across continents

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Homosexuality defined as sexually deviant in new Indonesian draft bill

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Opinion Who is a ‘low-skill’ worker?

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France has to rethink its strategy p14 in the Sahel The Bernie Miracle: can Sanders p14 win the elections?

Features Notes of SOAS Alumni: Jasdeep Degun

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Styled @SOAS

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Horoscopes as SOASk Me Out posts

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Dear Spirit readers, As this is the last issue of the academic year, and the last issue with myself as Managing Editor, we welcome many changes. From a new director of our university, to continuing strikes, our second terms ends with a number of fascinating articles.

SOAS News continues our coverage of recent controversies concerning students and staff alike with a look into continued strike action for teaching staff pensions. This section also has an exclusive interview with Adam Habib, the recently announced replacement of our current university director, Valerie Amos. Although our final issue of the year does not coincide with the upcoming student union elections, we will have up-to-date coverage of the process over the coming weeks on our social media platforms and online at www.soasspirit.co.uk.

Regarding national changes, we have an interesting article on the new points-based immigration system for international students, as well as another exclusive interview of Labour member Neil Kinnock. Our International News section is bursting with commentary on global politics, law, and events, the most pressing of which may be regarding the recent outbreak of COVID-19 virus. Further focus on action in the Middle East and the US is covered by our writers, with some updates on US elections, boycotts of Israeli products due to illegal occupation, Turkish action in Syria, and a look back on the political climate of Algeria in the past year.

Opinion, this issue, is controversial as always, with a side-by-side debate of the BDS campaign, as well as a look into the ‘Bernie Miracle’ in US politics. The overlap of Opinion and News continues with an opinion article on the new immigration policy for international students covered once again.

Features includes an interview of author of ‘Modesty: A Fashion Paradox’, the continuation of our ‘Notes’ profiles with a SOAS Alumni, and our regular poetry content. As always our satirical horoscopes offer a laugh, as we look at your zodiac sign as hilarious SOASk Me Out posts.

The Culture section this issue looks at this Oscar season’s favourite film ‘Parasite’ from multiple angles with a review as well as a commentary on how it relates to Hollywood culture, followed by a review of the play ‘Three Sisters’, currently playing at the National Theatre. As exams approach, and strikes actions comes to a close we have decided to include a list of the best cafés or alternative study spaces to the SOAS campus buildings. Finally with sports and societies, the Man City champions league ban is covered, with a look into some SOAS society events and trips.

As much as it saddens me to see the end of an era with our final issue this academic year, my time with the SOAS Spirit has been fantastic, and I look forward to seeing the continuation of this legacy. Thank you to the SOAS Spirit Editorial Team - section and copy-editors - our Layout Editors, our wonderful writers and finally our readers for working with us to generate issue after issue. A special thank you to Maliha Shoaib and Hana Qureshi for their endless efforts, and for our wonderful time as the SOAS Spirit Senior editorial team 2019/2020. If you’re interested in being a part of our team next year please keep an eye out on our online platforms for applications over the summer period. Don’t hesitate to email us at spirit@soas. ac.uk, join our mailing list via our website www.soasspirit. co.uk and follow us on all of our social media platforms @soasspirit. Keep reading!

Syraat Al Mustaqeem Managing Editor of The SOAS Spirit

Your SOAS Spirit Team

Syraat Al Mustaqeem • Managing Editor • Maliha Shoaib• Co-Editor-in-Chief • Hana Qureshi • Co-Editor-in-Chief •

Culture Alternative Study Spots Around p20 Russell Square Top 10 Tate Modern Exhibitions in the Last 20 Years

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Maliha Shoaib • Co-Editor-in-Chief

Maliha Shoaib • Senior Layout Editor • Adekunmi Olatunji • Senior Layout Editor • Tanzina Hassan • Junior Layout Editor •

Sport & Societies Is this the end of Manchester City’s dominance?

Mihaela Cojocaru • Copy Editor • Mubine Aydin • Copy Editor • Maryam Mirza • Copy Editor • Lyla Amini • Copy Editor • Olivia Smith • Copy Editor •

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Hana Qureshi • Co-Editor-in-Chief

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Will Durrant • News Editor • Ludovica Longo • News Editor • Sabrina Shah • News Editor • Basit Mohammad • Opinion Editor • Fisayo Eniolorunda • Features Editor • Sasha Patel • Features Editor • Indigo Eve Lilburn-Quick • Culture Editor • Rami Shamel • Sport and Societies Editor •

Adekunmi Olatunji, • Online Editor • Arzu Abbasova • Online Editor • Amaani Master • Social Media Co-ordinator •

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12 MARCH 2020 https://soasspirit.co.uk/category/news/ News Editors: Will Durant, Ludovica Longo, Sabrina Shah

SOAS News

News

Continued from page 1

police results in students feeling distressed and uncomfortable, and our campuses are meant to operate as a safe space for all students.’

On ‘Cops Off Campus’ Yahya told us, ‘The reality is that police brutality exists, and if we want to maintain the political activity that everyone associates with SOAS, we need to protect politically active minority students.’

An inquiry by the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) released in October found that roughly a

quarter of ethnic minority students experienced racial abuse and harassment during their course. 8% of all students surveyed also said they had experienced racist harrassment in the first six months of the last academic year, roughly 180,000 across the UK. In 2014, the social media platform Yik Yak, which provided localised, anonymous message boards for university campuses, came under fire for providing a platform for racist and sexist abuse at several US colleges.

We asked Yahya whether SOASk Me Out has the potential to become a platform, like Yik Yak, to promote structural racism. Yahya replied: ‘Whether people decide to post these things anonymously or not, they’re still thinking it. At least everyone is confronted with the reality of racism on campus when it’s posted publicly. I think the SU made the right decision in creating a seperate forum for students to post about the strike - it helps maintain safe spaces online.’

SOAS’ First Undergraduate Research Journal

Contributors to and editors of the Undergraduate Research Journal (Credit: SOAS Undergraduate Research Journal)

Kathrine Kallehauge, BA International Relations SOAS has published its first Undergraduate Research Journal.

The Journal is one of few in the UK that publishes research by an undergraduate body.

The Research Journal is produced ‘for students, by students’. The Editors explain that it embraces the diverse, thought-provoking research conducted at SOAS. Leadership of the journal’s development came from Ben Mason, SOAS Learning & Teaching Project Manager, and former Anthropology MA student.

As a student, he observed how following deadlines and subsequent marking, essays often gathered ‘electronic dust’ on SOAS students’ computers without them having vehicle for wider readership.

Mason wanted to fill this gap, and championed this project. He congregated undergraduates into an editorial team, supported by an advisory board of academics and members of professional services, who would assess nearly 100 submissions, and select eight outstanding research essays.

Staff at the Bulletin of SOAS, a research journal for the study of Africa, Asia, and the Middle East, have expressed excitement for the project. Its Editor-in-Chief, Dr Ayman Shihadeh, considers it a ‘welcoming initiative’. He described the Journal as a platform presenting ‘some of the outstanding work produced by undergraduate students’ that has future

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potential and various opportunities to grow.

The vision is ambitious. Ada Özenci, Co-Editor, envisions that the Journal will become a product of SOAS, showcasing independent research and active engagement with scholarship. Yet, the vision extends beyond conventional expectations of academic journals. Özenci aspires to create a ‘proactive platform’ for students, incentivising global networks – they have already established contact with a Rwandan journal - which can be utilised for undergraduates’ future professional endeavours.

Orthodox journals are often stereotyped as something elitist, only accessible for academics or postgraduates alike, Özenci says. They want to challenge that conviction. She claims that today ‘young people have so much to say, and are often not being taken seriously.’ Instead, they envision a platform branching out to different facets of research including art, podcasts, and videos. The Journal aspires to be a unique forum that offers exceptional essays, and seeks to convey research in a new way, Özenci told the Spirit.

Hisham Pryce-Parchment, a member of the Editorial Board, particularly dismissed the idea of the Undergraduate Journal becoming a static, fixed product.

Pryce-Parchment also detailed his aim to bridge the BAME attainment gap. He told the Spirit that the Journal aims to incorporate BAME voices, not simply making the content racially conscious, but to ensure that BAME voices

are present in the Journal.

The Undergraduate Research Journal also aspires to be politically current and relevant. Parchment described a need for undergraduates to incentivise intellectual dialogue, discussing current affairs, in order to push research further.

The Journal is now planning its second issue. Their criteria for submissions have remained simple, and they hope to see continued enthusiasm. Moving onwards, Mason appears to see no limits, few challenges, but multiple benefits. Mason hopes that the second issue will continue to be a platform supporting undergraduate research, creating opportunities, and showing that students’ work is valued.

The Journal’s next challenge will be to ‘maintain momentum,’ Elizabeth Grant told the Spirit. But Grant, the Bulletin of SOAS’s Editorial Officer, wanted to ‘wish its editors every success.’

The undergraduate editors hope to gain momentum after the publication of their second issue this summer. The Board believes that it can achieve this goal by remaining ‘accessible, transparent, and proactive’ in the School's research.

The first issue was launched on 19 February and comprises eight research pieces by former and current students.

The disciplines vary from International Relations and Law, to Anthropology and Arabic studies, journeying through key themes across Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East.

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SOAS News

12 MARCH 2020

Adam Habib, New SOAS Director: ‘Don’t confuse contrary with violence’

Habib has been Vice-Chancellor and Principal of the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) in Johannesburg, South Africa since 2013 (Credit: Wits Press)

Will Durrant, BA History SOAS has named Professor Adam Habib its new Director.

According to the Wits Vuvuzela, Habib has been ‘harshly criticised for his management’ of several student protests in his seven years at the South African university. We asked him what the future holds for SOAS. I’ve heard that some outsiders call SOAS the ‘scary college’.

Are you finding the prospect scary at all?

No! I mean it’s an interesting institution. I know it well, partly because we’ve had partnerships between Wits [Witswatersrand] and SOAS before. I know it because it’s got a substantive reputation in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East.

And I’m a political scientist by trade, so I know some of the scholars there. Wits also has a substantive academic and political reputation. This is the place where Nelson Mandela was. This is the place where Robert Sobukwe taught.

It’s got a long anti-apartheid history, and if you imagine the United States, Wits is like Harvard and Berkeley rolled into one, and in a lot of ways SOAS has a similar reputation. It’s a humanities university but nevertheless it has an outstanding reputation.

SOAS pointed out that you increased Wits’ research output and student numbers. What are your plans to ensure that

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SOAS survives and thrives through its financial crisis?

“The issue of social justice is important, but unless you can balance [that] with financial sustainability, you compromise social justice.”

The worst thing that an institution can do when it’s in crisis is to imagine that it’s only going to be cutting. When you simply cut expenditure, you only create an enormous amount of demoralisation. That doesn’t mean that you can’t and mustn’t make difficult decisions. You have to! So, if you can get income growing, then the ability to contain expenditure emerges, and more importantly, you don’t make this a zero-sum game. The question is, ‘how do you get the balance right?’ I’ve always held the view, and I said this in the book I wrote about #FeesMustFall, the issue of social justice is important, but unless you can balance [that] with financial sustainability, you compromise social justice. That’s the trick, balancing social justice with financial sustainability. So long as you’re making money, everybody will leave you alone, but

it’s when you’re in trouble that they come after you, and we’ve got to get out of trouble so people leave us to do the kind of things that we need to do.

Does that mean that you’re expecting people to come after you when you arrive at SOAS? Well, I mean, I think that part of the decisions that need to be made are: what are the student numbers on some programmes? Is there a way to grow these numbers, and how? If you’re not reaching much, and you’re not researching much, what then is your contribution to the place? Because it’s all of our individual contributions that make the collective impact we want.

I think we need an honest conversation and say to people, ‘Look, I accept! I wish the world were a better place, but whether you like it or not, in the UK, there aren’t [substantial] subsidies for humanities programmes.’ In that context, how do we make various programmes effective enough, self-sufficient enough, and how do we achieve the collective financial sustainability that we require?

We have to see which parts of SOAS we can grow, but there will also be parts where we have to say, ‘this programme no longer achieves its ends’, or, ‘there are too many people in this department’.

I don’t like that, but sometimes we have to make those hard choices, otherwise you imperil the institution itself.

Nobody in their right mind would want to imperial the

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SOAS News

12 MARCH 2020 institution as it makes a phenomenal contribution to the UK and to the world.

On a related strand, the government’s attitude towards the humanities also endangers SOAS. In the proposed pointsbased immigration system, humanities PhDs are worth half the amount than their science counterparts. What would you say to the Home Office about valuing PhDs from SOAS? I think there’s a problem in how the British Government, and frankly governments around the world regard the humanities. I think that what people are not recognising is that all of the challenges of our world, whether it’s climate change, or renewable energy, or social and political polarisation, will require a humanities element in their resolution.

To resolve the global challenges of our world, you need an integration of science, technology, medical science, social sciences, and the humanities. You can’t resolve any of those problems without that integration.

I’m interviewing you amid major strike action at UK universities. Lecturers are facing cuts to their pensions and have faced pay cuts of up to 20% since 2009. I wondered if you had a message for striking lecturers?

I don’t know enough about this. I’ve been watching it from afar, but what is interesting is that it’s systemic, not institutionally based, unlike in South Africa, where pensions schemes are defined systematically. I think that … what’s beginning to happen is that recent onerous cuts tend to impact the lifestyles of academics. They impact retirement prospects, and that erodes the possibility of academia being a career trajectory for many young people.

I think we do need to engage public policy in a way that allows us to transform it. There is legitimacy in social mobilisation. I said this in my book! But social mobilisation does not have to be violent! Social mobilisation in a democracy is most effective in a democracy, when it puts millions of people on the streets. I would also like our humanities, I might add to be focused on solutions and recording challenges.

When it comes to engaging public policy, we have a programme in the UK called Prevent which a lot of people at SOAS find overbearing and oppressive. Will you use your position to protect students who are experiencing problems with Prevent?

I will always rise to the defence of students and staff

within our institution, even students and staff with whom I don’t share views. For me, when I am in an institution, if there are students and staff who come under attack unfairly, it seems to me that one must always emerge as a collective community in their defence.

Does that mean that we can put to rest concerns students at SOAS have with the #FeesMustFall protest at Wits in 2016?

I’ve written a book on this and it would be useful if people actually engaged [with] the book! … Firstly, I come from an activist background, a background where I was arrested as a political activist. I’ve been deported from the US from what we suspect was ‘anti-war activity’. In a sense, I have an appreciation for arbitrary security policy probably more than most people in the world because I have been a victim of it in very real ways.

The second thing is that I am very clear that when we made that decision in 2016 to call the police, we had 17 attempts at arson. We effectively had one-and-a-half billion worth of infrastructure burned around the country. We didn’t have any at Wits, but we had over one-billion worth of infrastructure burnt. We had people pulled out of classes and assaulted by small groups of protestors who insisted that, ‘if there shall be no education, there shall be no education at all.’

Are you saying that I should not have brought in security and allowed people to be assaulted?

Prior to making that decision, I took a poll of students, and 78% said to me, while we support the struggle, we desperately need to complete our degree, else we don’t finish, don’t get jobs, my family will starve, or my brother or sister cannot come to university next year because nobody can pay for it.

In that real context… Are people saying that I should have allowed poor people to not complete their degrees, that I should have allowed public infrastructure to burn? One of the greatest lessons of radical theory is that context is important! Don’t ignore context, Will! The way you fight in the middle of the 1920s with fascist movements is very different to how you fight in the 1960s in liberal America, which is very different to how you fight in Hong Kong in 2020. So context matters! I’m not going to give you an answer which makes people happy and say, ‘it’s not going to happen.’ I’m going to give you a complex answer!

So, you won’t bring the police on campus, whether that’s via

Habib’s book addresses the controversies of the #FeesMustFall movement (Credit: News24)

Prevent or due to protest?

I have never ever brought police onto campus without violence being evident. Here’s the question: if there were a fascist party marching onto SOAS with 5,000 activists, with bombs in their hands, would I demand that police come and defend SOAS? Yes! On the other hand, if there’s social mobilisation happening and it’s completely legitimate within the framework of democratic society, I will under NO conditions bring police to SOAS. You cannot tell me that if SOAS is under attack by a fascist party of 5,000 people that I should say NO NO NO! Context is important, Will. … The point I’m making is that it depends on the challenge.

What you are asking is whether I will bring the police in for normal protests. Obviously I won’t! That would go against everything that I stand for, and it would go against everything that SOAS stands for. … And if you came under attack by Prevent and other public policies, then I would rise to your defence as well. I understand what those policies are, and what their consequences are!

So as a SOAS Director, your role in terms of public policy is as an advocate?

2016 protests at Wits caused a lot of unrest and controversy, with police action being taken (Credit: Greg Nicolson/The Daily Maverick)

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Yes! What I want to do with humanities is not simply to record the problem but also to think through the ways to find a solution to that challenge. [For example,] how do we mobilise resources to actually underwrite the costs of higher education? Fifty or sixty years ago, an elite 5% went into higher education. Now, north of 50% of young people between 17 and 25 go into higher education. How you finance that is fundamentally different to how you financed it fifty or sixty years ago. How do we introduce technology to address this challenge? How can we transcend national and continental boundaries? I don’t think we’re going to find the answer nearly, but these are all things that come over periods of time. We’re going to have to work on solutions to this. …

Deal with inequalities. Deal with marginalisation. Don’t confuse contrary with violence. That is the danger; we must be as guarded against [this confusion] today, and we are against the complacency of violence within certain circles.

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National News

12 MARCH 2020

National News

Home Office’s Deportation Programme Continues Adela Begum, BA Politics & International Relations On 11 February 2020, 17 individuals were forcibly deported by the Home Office to Jamaica. Most have lived in the UK since childhood. The flight, originally planned to carry aboard 50 deportees, was reduced in passengers as a result of a court ruling disclosing that many detainees did not have access to legal advice during the procedure.

Many of these deportees have been split from their families leaving a total of 41 children separated from their parents.

The government has been spending a significant amount of taxpayers’ money on both deportation and detentions. In the last quarter of 2019, the Home Office spent an impressive figure of almost £12,000 per person on chartered flights, despite the present conditions of austerity in Britain.

The Prime Minister’s spokesman expressed disappointment at the courts’ decision to halt the deportation of 25 individuals stating it has ‘already cost the British public tens of thousands of pounds,’ a striking irony given

the very avoidable costs had the government not separated these individuals from their families.

Newly appointed Chancellor, Rishi Sunak, defended the move stating that the deportees are those who committed crimes such as ‘rape, manslaughter, murder’. Yet Labour MP, David Lammy, said he knew of eight deportees who were previously convicted of non-violent offences and that nine deportees committed drug-related crimes. Many stories have poured in from previous and current deportations of the deportees who have faced the harsh penalty. At least five men were murdered following their deportation to Jamaica last year. Some of those who have been deported have expressed fears that they will be targets of gangs and at least seven have gone into hiding. Those include a 24-year-old who served three months for a burglary he was convicted of committing during the 2011 riots; a young man named, Chevon Brown, who was convicted of dangerous driving and spent seven months in prison at 21; and 23-year-old Tajay Thomson, who arrived in the UK aged five and spent 15 months for a drug offence committed

Protestors in London demonstrate against the government’s deportation of individuals to Jamaica (Credit: Guy Smallman/Getty Images)

at the age of 17. Former chancellor, Sajid Javid was asked on Sky News if he was sorry particularly about the harsh consequence of Thompson’s case; the response was swift and firm: ‘We’re not even saying sorry.’

Echoes of the Windrush scandal - which saw lifelong British citizens unjustly deported

to the Caribbean – deafeningly ring through these stories. The government is undoubtedly fostering a hostile environment that will only leave an ugly dent on history. And as Tory ministers act as if they are above the law, the case continues.

Government unveils new points based immigration system workers set at £25,600, although some candidates who earn more than £20,480 may still be able to come if they can satisfy other qualifications, for example a PhD in a STEM subject, or are applying for a job in a shortage occupation as defined by the Migratory Advisory Committee (MAC).

UK Border (Credit: Reuters)

Ryan Prosser, BA Chinese (Modern and Classical) The Government has set out its stall for immigration beyond Brexit. The proposals, which will come into effect at the end of the Brexit transition period, will see EU citizens who previously benefited from freedom of movement, treated equally with those from Non EU member states.

The new policy, as promised in the Conservative 2019 election manifesto, adopts the ‘Australian style’ points based programme, requiring all applicants to demonstrate specific skills or fulfil certain prerequisites before migrating to the UK. From January 2021, all those seeking employment in the UK will be required to show proficiency in the English language and have a firm job offer from a registered sponsor at the ‘required skill level’, in order to qualify for a work visa.

There will also be a salary threshold for all migrant

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The cap for the number of skilled workers has also been lifted, with a limited number being allowed in without a job.

Students will also be covered under the new scheme and will be able to achieve enough points provided that they hold an offer from an approved educational institution, can speak English, and are able to support themselves financially for the duration of their studies.

However some things will remain unchanged. Musicians, artists, performers, and sportsmen will still be able to participate in events in the UK freely, and all visits under six

months will continue to be visa-free, although ID cards will no longer be accepted from citizens of European countries.

According to the government website, the new regime will allow Britain to take control of its borders, giving top priority ‘to those with the highest skills and the greatest talents’ and remove the ‘distortion’ caused by Freedom of Movement, while making the UK economy less dependent on cheap labour, asking employers and enterprises to instead invest in ‘technology and automation’.

In a series of television and radio interviews, Priti Patel, the Home Secretary, cited the 8 million ‘economically inactive’ people in Britain of working age, as a solution for businesses who will no longer be able to make use of unskilled migrants. Speaking to BBC Radio 5 Live, she added that businesses should look to work together with the government in its mission to ‘level up’ the country.

However, some industry leaders have voiced concerns over the government’s decision to not provide a route of entry for either unskilled or self employed migrants. The UK economy is currently heavily reliant on migrants in a variety of sectors, from fruit picking to caring for the elderly. The chief executive of UKhospitality, Kate Nicholls called the aim to implement this policy in just ten months ‘disastrous for the hospitality sector and the British people’, Tom Hadley, the Director of Policy at the Recruitment and Employment Confederation criticised the government’s branding of low skilled workers, adding that ‘these jobs are vital to wellbeing and business growth’.

The Government has nonetheless indicated that it intends to continue to pursue its aim of creating a high wage economy, insisting that it is delivering on the demands of the electorate for greater restrictions on immigration.

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National News

12 MARCH 2020

One of Dominic Cummings’ ‘weirdo’s and misfits’ forced to resign amid Eugenics scandal Karen Smith, BA Development Studies Last week one of Dominic Cummings’ new employees, Andrew Sabinsky, hired as part of his effort to bring in more ‘weirdos and misfits’ to restructure the Tory government, was forced to resign after his racist, misogynistic, and borderline sadistic remarks hit the headlines.

The 27-year-old self-proclaimed political ‘super fore-caster’ seemed to have failed to forecast his demise, as journalists unearthed his vile comments and remarks he made before his position as an adviser.

Under the username dovelamenting on Reddit, he often commented and gave terrible advice on threads, even commenting that a woman has not ‘all that much to worry about’ on a post she made seeking advice after finding some disturbing pornography which included incest and paedophilia.

‘Theologically speaking she is your wife and should submit to you as unto the Lord,’ Sabisky said in another comment, under a post made by a Mormon man about his wife who was reluctant to have sex with him. He even told one man who was looking to lose his virginity to just pay for a ‘really good

hooker’.

Another Twitter post in 2014 claimed that the IQ of black Americans is lower than the average IQ for white people and that they are more prone to have an ‘intellectual disability’.

A year later, he was a speaker at the controversial London Conference on Intelligence at UCL and gave a presentation on ‘The efficacy of early childhood interventions in improving cognitive outcomes’. The type of ‘early childhood interventions’ he means is clear through the various statements he’s made since, such as promoting ‘universal contraception’ to prevent ‘unplanned pregnancies creating a permanent underclass’.

His remarks were condemned across the political spectrum as well as Boris Johnson’s failure to respond to the scandal. Labour MP David Lammy pointed out on Twitter that, ‘by refusing to condemn these views, Boris Johnson revealed so much about his own character.’

The prime minister’s silence on the matter is even more alarming, considering the fact that he is no stranger to controversy surrounding his previous remarks on race and the working class, once writing that children of poorer mothers were more likely to ‘mug you on the street corner’.

Andrew Sabisky has announced his resignation amid criticisms over controversial comments he made in the past (Credit: Sky News)

Neil Kinnock: Labour’s Reformist Leader Ponders the Road Back to Power

Neil Kinnock as Leader of the Labour Party in 1985 (credit: Alan Betson)

Joe Greaney, MA Music in Development On a cold February morning, Neil Kinnock sits in the living room of his North London home with his wife, Glenys. Two months previously, the 2019 General Election saw the Labour Party’s number of MPs reduced to just 203, its lowest total since 1935. Meanwhile, in a leadership contest that the UK media is already bored of, his party is fighting for relevance as it prepares for at least five more years in opposition.

A staunch critic of Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership, Kinnock is not hesitant to state

Labour’s defeat was brought on, at least in part, by the influence of senior Labour figures who were ‘more interested in campaigning than winning’. He laments the party’s inability to broaden its appeal but advises against labelling any part of the Corbyn project ‘stupid or deluded’. He does however, suggest that Labour is in serious danger of forgetting how to win power, and of being ‘perpetual mourners at the funerals of communities and industries’.

Kinnock categorically refutes that the British press were wholly, or even substantially to blame for Labour’s defeat. Despite his own experience of press attacks, he compares blaming the media environment to ‘sailors complaining about the sea’, drawing reluctantly on the words of Enoch Powell.

Kinnock’s thoughts turn to Tony Blair’s relationship with the tabloids, and remarks Blair was prepared ‘to have lunch with people I wouldn’t share a room with,’ in a thinly veiled nod to Blair’s attempts in 1995 to court the support of Rupert Murdoch, which he criticised at the time. Kinnock adds, perhaps reflecting on The Sun coming out for Labour in its landslide 1997 General Election victory, ‘that was probably right.’

So what next? Kinnock believes Labour’s approach must be realistic, ‘The first thing you do as a socialist, is to explain what you mean by socialism.’ He insists that socialism

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is still a ‘fundamentally practical creed’ and that Labour’s support is strongest when it is seen as ‘tangible and vital’.

He considers the real-life implications of 10 years of Conservative Government in 2020. Social housing and access to affordable housing, which he describes as ‘fundamental to everything else’, is in crisis due to local authority funding shortfalls and stuttering construction figures. Kinnock was raised in a prefab council house, and observes the ‘security’ that ‘decent” housing provided for him. He nods to Nye Bevan, perhaps his greatest political influence, who he notes built 250,000 council houses a year as Housing Minister in the post-war Labour Government.

As Leader, Kinnock presided over the re-marketing of Labour, a process most famously remembered in the adoption of the current Rose logo, but more fundamentally in its study of voter opinion.

Labour employed focus group specialist Philip Gould, Communications Chief Peter Mandelson, and advertising agency IBM, to transform the party’s image.

Despite the influence of Mandelson, and Labour’s changing positions on issues such as nuclear disarmament under his leadership, Kinnock still proudly speaks the language of 1970s socialism, referring to ‘comrades’ past and present. Although he ‘saw the advantage’

of making Labour more managerial in presentation, Kinnock berates the timidity of some Labour MPs, perhaps cowed by the experience of election failure: ‘For the past 20 years people on the left in our country have become wary of using assertive, colourful language to explain their beliefs because of the amount of derision that was pumped out against people like me.’ Kinnock says some ‘socialist politicians’ need reminding that they should speak with ‘reality, vigour, and audacity’. He says his own gift for oratory came from his attendance at the Methodist Chapel in Tredegar, South Wales. There, he observed ‘ordinary’ people communicating their own reality, and ‘how society should be organised’. This he says, taught him to ‘paint pictures for people’, and to ‘never be afraid of language.’

The next Labour leader will take a job that is sometimes ‘appalling’, Kinnock notes, recalling the impact it had on his friend, and mentor, Michael Foot. His tone softens at the memory of his run for Leader and Foot’s successor, ‘I didn’t particularly want to do it, I have to say. It's just that I had to, that’s all, simple as that.’

It is fair to say that Kinnock did not regret his bid for the leadership. It remains to be seen whether Labour’s next leader will look back as fondly.

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International News

12 MARCH 2020

International News

Coronavirus reveals racism as it spreads across continents can be transmitted to other humans through droplets spread when coughing and exhaling.

WHO recommends staying more than three feet away from a sick person.

The media coverage surrounding the spread of the disease has provoked anxiety far beyond the walls of China's quarantined cities. The racist rhetoric underlying the media narrative has been met with an outraged response by Chinese communities across the world. For example, the headline ‘China Is The Real Sick Man of Asia’, published by the Wall Street Journal on 3 February, fired protest within Chinese officials and civilians who instantly demanded the newspaper apologise for the adoption of ‘sick man’. This is a denigrating expression widely used against the Chinese during the Western colonial era.

Customers in Chinatown London have decreased by 70%, according to the Economist (credit: ”London: Chinatown” by Pete Reed is licensed under CC BY-NC 2.0)

Emma Kirk Martin, BA Japanese The novel Coronavirus was detected in December 2019, discovered in Wuhan, China. Coronavirus has continued to spread at an alarming rate across 45 countries, infecting more than 80,000 people, and causing over 2,700 deaths. The World Health

Organisation (WHO) declared a ‘public health emergency of international concern’ on 30 January 2020. 80% of people who contract the illness recover without the need for special treatment. Around one out of every six people become seriously ill, mainly the elderly and those with other medical conditions such as high blood pressure, heart problems, or diabetes. Coronavirus

Anxiety and ethnophobia have reached London as well. Thai national, Pawat Silawattakun, was violently attacked by two teenagers yelling, ‘Coronavirus!’. At SOAS, the president of the Chinese music ensemble explains how three of four scheduled performances have been cancelled in the shadow of the media outbreak: ‘Even our annual gig at the Camden Chinese Community Chinese New Year Gala has been cancelled. We've been playing there for years.’

The Mary Ward House, the venue of the

gala, issued a notice three days before the event that everyone attending the event must be checked at the door for virus symptoms.

‘This is clearly pure prejudice since most of the folks here are second-generation HongKong immigrants. They have as little to do with the Chinese outbreak as any other Londoner.’

“This is clearly pure prejudice, since most of the folks here are second generation Hong-Kong immigrants. They have as little to do with the Chinese outbreak as any other Londoner.”

It is clear that negative coverage of China will increase prejudicial tendencies and racist attacks will become more frequent until a cure for the virus is found. However, the feelings of the Asian community may take more time to heal.

The final battle: Tensions escalate as Turkey and Syria fight for Idlib Adela Begum, BA Politics and International Relations Tensions continue to escalate between Turkey and the Russian-backed Syrian regime after the nearly decade-long civil war in Syria is reaching its climax in the Idlib governorate. The Syrian government carried out strikes in December 2019 in the hopes of capturing the last rebel-held area to con-

“Erdogan is facing a political crisis, as the influx of refugees has contributed to a climate of public and political resentment in Turkey.” solidate power over the country once again.

Syrian President Assad stated that a “complete victory” was in sight. Idlib is home to 3 million residents and is the last stronghold of opposition forces who captured the province in 2015.

In 2017, Russia, Turkey, and Iran, the

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primary international actors in Syria, signed a de-escalation deal that prohibits acts of aggression in the Idlib province and allows each side to have military observation posts.

Since then, all players have accused each other of failing to uphold the terms of the agreement. 17 Turkish security personnel were killed in Syrian attacks in February and the Syrian government has reportedly been surrounding Turkish military posts.

At a UN Security Council meeting, Russia blocked a resolution for a ceasefire.

Turkey’s President Erdogan warned that an operation in Idlib is “imminent” where they would activate the S-400 missile defence system purchased from Russia. Turkish defence minister, Hulusi Akar, suggested that the United States may send Patriot missile systems to use for security. Russia, who maintains controls over the region’s airspace, responded that a Turkish offensive would be the “worst scenario”.

The humanitarian situation is grave. Since December 2019, nearly one million people have fled their homes in Idlib for shelter near the Turkish border. This is the largest displacement of people and possibly Syria’s worst humanitarian crisis since the civil war erupted nearly nine years ago. The UN has called for a halt in the violence to allow civilians to retreat in safety. Many are now in

refugee camps facing dangerous winter conditions. Turkey wants to avoid another mass influx of refugees as it is already tending to approximately 3.6 million people in refugee camps and is hosting the largest number of Syrian refugees globally.

Erdogan is facing a political crisis, as

the influx of refugees has contributed to a climate of public and political resentment in Turkey. A positive outcome of intervention could enhance support for his party. Turkey and Russia are continuing talks regarding the situation. The world waits as the crisis unfolds.

The nine-year civil war has forced nearly one million Idlib residents to flee their homes (Credit: BAKR ALKASEM/AFP)

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International News

12 MARCH 2020

Homosexuality defined as sexually deviant in new Indonesian draft bill aims to promote the Indonesian family unit, ‘the main pillar in realising national resilience,’ by protecting it from the increasing threat of globalisation.

Protesters with signs that read ‘Lesbian, gay, trans have the same rights.’ (Credit: Getty Images)

Frances Howe, LLB Trigger warning: Homophobic and Transphobic language in policy A draft of the proposed Indonesian Bill known as the ‘RUU Ketahanan Keluarga’ or ‘Family Resilience Bill’ has been obtained by the Jakarta Post and released online. The Bill

“The list of sexual deviances includes sadism, masochism, homosexuality and incest.”

Article 85 of the bill identifies the crisis of ‘sexual deviance’ and entails a list of threats to the religious values and morals of the family. The list of sexual deviances includes: sadism, masochism, homosexuality and incest. The Article specifies that sexual intercourse between members of the same gender are a threat to family life, as well as the ‘social identity where someone loves or likes the same sex.’ Those found in violation

of sexual deviances will be referred to social, psychological, and medical rehabilitation and spiritual guidance practices.

Homosexuality is not a criminal offence in Indonesia, excluding the province of Aceh.

Many local regulations around the country feature practices that detain those suspected of being gay or trans and refer them to ‘rehabilitation services’ involving ‘ruqyah’ in an attempt to cure them of what is thought to be an illness. The Bill is backed by four major parties and is on the People’s Representative Council of Indonesia’s priority list for the 2020-2024 legislation program. Sodik Mujahi of the Gerindra Party, who are in support of the Bill, describes homosexuality as a disruption to ‘the future of mankind on a family basis.’

The draft also aims to legally define the roles of husband and wife. According to Article 25, the husband is the ‘head of the family’ and is responsible for protecting the family from gambling, pornography, promiscuity, alcohol, and drugs. The husband is also required to provide the ‘necessities of

life in the household.’ The obligations of the wife include maintaining the integrity of the family by treating the ‘husband and children properly.’ This too has sparked controversy by upholding and legitimizing patriarchal structures. Tsamara Amany of the Indonesia Solidarity Party (PSI) took to her personal twitter to respond: ‘There is no definite responsibility of a husband or wife. Both obligations depend on their own agreement - not the state’s regulation’ (Translated from the original version to English). Meanwhile, the Sexual Violence Bill, a separate bill which would ensure greater protection for all victims of sexual violence, has not continued to progress through Parliament. The current draft does not recognise domestic violence as a threat to family life.

The Bill comes just a few weeks after President Joko Wikodo addressed a joint sitting of the Australian Parliament, speaking on the need to ‘continue to advocate the values of democracy, human rights, stop intolerance, stop xenophobia, stop radicalism and stop terrorism.’

Remove them all! One year into Algeria’s Revolution ensured democracy works in line with their capitalist material objectives since the end of the Civil War (1991-2002).

“Les généraux à la poubelle et l'algérie tadi L'istiqlal” (The generals in the bin, Algeria will be Independent).”

(Credit: Nytimes.com Agence France-Presse — Getty Images)

Assia Hamdi, BA History and Arabic Since February 2019, millions of Algerians have been regularly protesting. To mark the one year anniversary since the uprisings began, what follows is a brief overview of Algeria’s Hirak Salmi (Peaceful Movement/ Revolution), also known as the Revolution of Smiles.

Despite the name Revolution of Smiles, the Algerian people are protesting to demand a serious restructuring of the government.

This includes the removal of the political elite (in particular, 25 Major Generals) and an government which places the Algerian people’s dignity, liberty, and democracy first.

This revolution continues to persist due to the shared passion of the Algerian sha3ab

(nation), and valuable lessons learnt from the country’s past.

The protests began as a rejection of President Bouteflika's fifth term. Bouteflika is 82 years old, unwell, and wheelchair-bound.

The President has not been seen in public for over six years and yet his administration, which has been in power for 20 years, attempted to consolidate power. Success of the revolution was when, on 2 April 2019, Bouteflika resigned. His resignation became an opportunity to renegotiate the entire system of rule in Algeria.

Learning from Egypt during the Arab Spring, Algerian’s have realised that to truly have a chance at rebuilding their nation, by and for the people, they had to dismantle the whole system from the top down; politicians, businessmen and the military, who have each

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The impact of the Algerian Civil War can be felt to this day. The trauma experienced during the civil war paralysed the country's revolutionary spirit. Immediately following the war, out-migration increased significantly and population growth decreased.

Algeria’s gradual recovery and the younger generation has instilled new hope. The vast age range of protestors who have taken to the streets every Tuesday and Friday for 52 weeks highlight the potency of what the protesters are advocating for. Older Algerians are united by the fight for a better future for their grandchildren: “Les généraux à la poubelle et l'algérie tadi L'istiqlal” (The generals in the bin, Algeria will be Independent).

Youth chant: “It's them or us”.

On 19 July 2019, Algeria won the African Cup of Nations, fueling celebratory fervour already present due to the ongoing protests.

The football victory has been a rallying point, seemingly demonstrating that the ongoing revolutionary spirit was rightly guided.

On 12 December 2019, the 34th week of protests, the thrice canceled elections finally occurred, with a 39.88% turn out (APS) with an average of 0.07% in Kabyle (Leparisien).

Abdelmadjid Tebboune was elected by a small majority due to his open comments against the oligarchy of Algeria. However, most protesters view him as a loyalist to the old system. The popular protest chant, “No election with the gangs,” highlights the rejection of the entrenched, corrupt system that governs them.

On 26 December, General Ahmed Gaid Saleh, the military powerhouse of Algeria and the de-facto leader during the months of political uncertainty, has been a focal point of much expressed anger during protests and died under peculiar circumstances. Ahmed Gaid Saleh compared the current revolution to that of the Algerian civil war, claiming that protesting Algerians were trying to drag the country backward through violence and committing acts of internal terrorism and urban warfare. His anger and refusal to negotiate with his people’s demands of substantial reforms and full political restructuring highlight the disconnect between authority and civilians. The average age of Algerian government officials is 70 years old, while the median age of Algerian is 27.5: the disconnect between Algerian leadership is more than metaphorical, there are gaps of relatability and representation that are decades wide.

As Algeria moves into the another year of the revolution, the previous year filled with sit-ins, strikes, flower-gifting, rhythmic chanting, social-media mobilisation, student protests and millions of Algerians dedicating their time and efforts remain inspiring but evoke an endless quality to the revolution.

What is next for this revolution? Will the protestors be given the platform to negotiate with authority? Will President Tebboune meet the demands of his people? Time will only tell.

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International News

12 MARCH 2020

Companies “On Notice”: UN Issues List of Firms Operating in Illegal Israeli Settlements Megan Araghi, MSc Globalisation & Development On Wednesday 12 February, the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) publicly issued a list of 112 companies engaging in commercial operations in Israeli settlements.

Per international law, such settlements are regarded as illegal and are largely unrecognised as such by the international community. OHCHR claims that operating in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem is a violation of Palestinians’ human rights.

The list is comprised of 94 companies registered in Israel, 12 registered in the United

“Well-known firms such as Airbnb, Booking.com, Expedia, TripAdvisor, Motorola, General Mills, and JC Bamford Excavators are among those identified in the list.”

States, 1 registered in the United Kingdom, and the remaining in France, Thailand, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands. Well-known firms such as Airbnb, Booking.com, Expedia, TripAdvisor, Motorola, General Mills, and JC Bamford Excavators are among those identified in the list.

According to OHCHR, this action comes as a response to an unprecedented mandate issued in a March 2016 United Nations Human Rights Council resolution requesting the creation of a database detailing all companies with commercial operations in the occupied territories. The resulting list of 112 firms is the product of meticulous scrutiny of corporate activity and consultation with actors from academia, think tanks, states, and the firms listed.

OHCHR makes clear that while the identification of such enterprises does not constitute a formal “legal characterisation” and legal indictment of the commercial activity itself, such activity nevertheless has “raised particular human rights concerns.”

Palestinian leader Mustafa Barghouti, moreover, believes that the public nature of such a list has the power to regenerate the international Boycott Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, and may be a starting point for further scrutiny and accountability of firms in the occupied territories.

Publication of the list has unsurprisingly sparked a controversial and polarising reception, from being heralded as a “victory for international law and diplomatic efforts” by

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Detail of occupied West Bank and sample of firms with commercial activity in the territory (credit: Al-Jazeera)

Palestinian Foreign Minister Riyad al-Maliki, to being touted as a “shameful initiative” by Israeli President Reuven Rivlin.

Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammed Shtayyeh threatened to take legal action under international law against the companies listed and decried their contribution to human rights violations in Palestine.

Netanyahu, expressing deep contempt

for the list, stated, "Instead of dealing with human rights this body is trying to blacken Israel's name. We reject any such attempt in the strongest terms and with disgust.”

The publication of the U.N. list comes on the heels of U.S. President Trump’s newest Israeli-Palestinian peace plan, which permits Israel to maintain all existing settlements and for the development of any future Palestinian

state to be built around them. Following the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel has occupied Palestinian territories in the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem and has since built extensive illegal settlements for Jewish citizens. Today, over 750,00 Jewish settlers reside in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem.

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International News

12 MARCH 2020

Bernie Sanders surges amid fissures in the Democratic Party

(Credit: Reuters)

Samia Majid, MA History Following the Democratic Debate in Nevada on February 19, 2020, the Trump re-election campaign accused the Democratic Party of having a ‘full-scale meltdown.’ This encapsulates the general disarray of the Democratic establishment, which favours a ‘moderate’ candidate over the self-identifying democratic-socialist, Bernie Sanders, who now has a double lead over his closest opponents.

The Nevada debate marked the debut of billionaire Michael Bloomberg, whose recent increase in polling records qualified him for the debate, following an expenditure of over a quarter of a million dollars on multimedia ads. These new entry requirements have been criticised for allowing Bloomberg to effectively buy his way into politics, as they are based heavily on polling performance and online fundraising.

Bloomberg's presidential bid is further problematised by his record as mayor of New York City, which saw the proliferation of the controversial stop and frisk policy, disproportionately targeting the city’s black and Latinx population. Under Bloomberg’s authority, an extensive surveillance program infiltrated Muslim ‘hotspots’, baiting them to express controversial views regarding terrorism on record, without their knowledge. Despite a weak defence of these policies as not 'racist' or unconstitutional, and even a few belated apologies, not a single terrorist plot was foiled through them, nor a single criminal lead or piece of intelligence generated.

The origins of the current state of the Democratic Party can be traced back to the Clinton administration, under

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which the party transitioned from its roots as a labour and social movement, towards accommodating elite and corporate interests, allowing lobbyists to heavily influence policy.

Senator Bernie Sanders’ vision of working-class solidarity includes policies such as Medicare for All, a Green New Deal, and the abolishment of college tuition fees. Moreover, his stance against the ‘billionaire class’ puts him at odds with establishment figures, who are looking for a ‘unity’ centreleft candidate to unite dispersed voters. Critics argue that the party's elite has become too complacent, benefitting from Trump's tax breaks while also cashing in on anti-Trump sentiment through fundraising and empty posturing. Bloomberg is one of many candidates brandishing the ‘moderate’ mantle to win the Democratic nomination, along with former Vice President Joe Biden, Pete Buttigieg, Amy Klobuchar, and Elizabeth Warren.

“Sanders’ campaign motto, ‘Not me.

Us’ is apt, seeing as he has received more individual donations than any other candidate in history.”

But the Democratic establishment can no longer overlook Sanders’ grassroots social movement. His successes in Iowa and New Hampshire were followed by a landslide victory in Nevada, demonstrating his popular appeal in the first

multiracial diverse state. The Sanders campaign consolidated the Latinx vote and won over all voters under the age of 65, excluding black voters - who mostly voted for Biden - also proving popular with college and non-college educated voters. Sanders claims he is creating a ‘multigenerational, multiracial coalition,’ leading with a 29% average in the national polls and more pledged delegates than any other candidate. If Sanders’ delegate lead becomes insurmountable, it could effectively end the Democratic primary race as early as 4 March 2020, or at least force other, less influential candidates to end their campaigns.

Sanders is the only candidate to pledge his support for whoever becomes the Democratic nominee in July, citing the overriding need to beat Trump in 2020. None of the other candidates have done so, despite the fact that no significant competitor has emerged against Sanders. Attempts to tarnish Bernie Sanders, especially those undertaken by the corporate media, have proven to be superficial; the ‘Bernie bros’ narrative which portrays his supporters as white, male, keyboard warriors erases the support of many people of colour and women for Bernie Sanders. The Vermont Senator stands apart from his competitors in rejecting funding from wealthy donors and super PACs, denouncing the corruptive influence of wealthy lobbyists in politics. His campaign motto, ‘Not me.

Us’ is apt, seeing as he has received more individual donations than any other candidate in history. As far as electability arguments go, Bernie Sanders has established himself as the Democratic front-runner - his emphasis on increasing voter turnout in order to bolster his appeal has already proven true.

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Opinion

12 MARCH 2020

http://soasspirit.co.uk/category/opinion/ Opinion editor: Basit Mohammad

Opinion

UK Immigration Point Based System: Who is a ‘low-skill’ worker?

Madihah Najeeb, BA English

The British Government has decided to publish a new ‘point-based’ system to control EU immigration, which has essentially equated EU migrants to migrants from all over the world. With the aim of achieving a total of 70 points to be granted access to the UK, this system is also heavily guarded with a criterion that only focuses on preventing ‘low-skill workers’ from entering the UK. It is difficult not to view this as some kind of computer game, passing certain levels in order to win the game, a.k.a achieving access to the UK. To access the UK, EU migrants must meet the regulations of the system, by having a ‘relevant’ PhD only in a stem subject such as science and technology. This creates a narrow chance of gaining points; if it were

the case that degree courses were accepted this would be far more lenient. Funnily enough this strikes as a major contradiction to our university, as SOAS does not cater to stem subjects. SOAS is a highly diverse university which stands out among most UK universities for its global range of people and subjects. To have students from the EU prevented from studying at this university is simply unfair. This leads to another problematic criterion, which states that access must be reasoned by a job offer and certain job skills that link to UK jobs which consist of a low employment rate. It is heavily stressed that the motive to move to the UK must be for work purposes only, which poses an issue for families who live abroad in EU countries.

This restricts them from even visiting and removes their freedom to move to the UK. This policy favours those who voted to leave the EU in the 2016 referendum. One of

the main aims of the entire exercise was to decrease immigration. However, this system portrays a flawed outlook to immigration in the UK, implying that all migrants who hold a passion for wanting to work in this country are ‘low-skilled’.

This mind-set contributes in creating a toxic pressure of having to be successful and incredibly smart to work here, and disregards the concept of a developmental process in order to achieve your end-goal.

Society in the UK runs with the help of workers who do not possess the highest level of skills. Yet their pay and their work ethic is overlooked, as by helping those around them they are contributing to the community, which plays a more valuable role in the constitution of British society. The UK is burgeoning with diversity which is globally derived and has essentially made the UK what it is today. This new system will

effectively put an end to this communistic phenomenon and will eventually be proved counter-intuitive.

This new points-based system was initiated by the UK’s Home Secretary Priti Patel, who ironically commented that this system would have prevented her parents from coming to the UK. In her interview with the Evening Standard, she comments on how the UK can no longer rely on low skill labour from the EU. So does this imply that people employed in the field of humanities, economics and business are equated to ‘low skill’ workers under this new degrading system?

With this level of understanding, this new system is bound to receive heaves of criticism. The main implication we can retrieve from this is that the Conservative party are desperate to carry out their promises made from 2016, all we can do is sit back and wait to see which promises they will ‘fulfil’ next.

The Silent Majority: Why Iranians Didn't Vote Joshua Mock, BA Arabic and Persian On 21 February Iranians voted in the Republic's eleventh parliamentary elections, yielding a landslide victory for conservatives in the 290-Seat majlis. However, the country saw its lowest turn-out since the 1979 Revolution with ballot boxes being boycotted by reformists. The mass disqualification of reformists and incumbents, paired with growing domestic dissatisfaction towards the governing regime in the aftermath of the shooting down of Ukraine International Airlines Flight 752 in January, and the violent crackdown of last November's protests, has resulted in a disenchanted electorate.

The disqualification of reformists was completely legal as per the Iranian vetting system. The Guardian Council, consisting of twelve religious jurists, assesses proposed candidates on their loyalty to the Islamic Republic and their religiosity, and can ultimately bar them from standing. Of the fifteen thousand who applied to run in this election, more than seven thousand were disqualified. This included the disqualification of ninety percent of the reformist nominees.

This meant that the election was a battle between conservative and ultra-conservative candidates, leaving moderate and reformist voters feeling disenfranchised.

Anger with the political system resulted in calls to boycott the elections, with prominent Iranians including imprisoned activist Narges Mohammadi and former minister Mostafa Tajzadeh asking people not to vote. Yet the most striking motivator for boycotting was the sense of powerlessness people felt to be able to vote for change. “Nothing is going to change with or without us voting. [The ruling regime] decided everything for the country, without considering the parliament, so it’s a joke to even have a parliament. We’re

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protesting against them by not participating in the elections,” Mehdi, a young Tehrani business owner, told CNBC. Many in Iran viewed the elections less as being a chance to influence government policy, than as a public relations stunt legitimising the Islamic Republic – a public relations stunt they didn’t want to participate in.

“Nothing is going to change with or without us voting...We’re protesting...by not participating in the elections.”

Several crises in Iran have soured opinions of the Guardian Council’s image, particularly amongst the middle class and the educated young. The downing of Flight 752 on 8 January killing all passengers (including fifteen children) followed government denials enraged Iranians. Coming not long after the brutal crackdown on protests in November in response to a rise in fuel prices, the government’s failure to respond adequately to these domestic issues has further prevented voters from being able to support the regime.

Iran is a country deeply wrapped up in a conflict between conservatism and modernism, with both sides wanting their worldview to determine the future direction of the country.

However, with a conservative ruling elite, reformists have struggled to gain a foothold in the political system and to influence policy, allowing the regime to pursue hard-line methods of governance. The Iranian Students Polling Agency surveyed Tehranis and showed that half of the people did not trust that the election would be fair, with only a quarter

saying that they would vote.

"This vote is significant because it commences the hardline takeover of Iran's elected institutions," says Sanam Vakil, deputy director of the Middle East and North Africa program at Chatham House in London. And with presidential elections on the horizon, the country is likely to soon have an ultra-conservative as its head of government, leading to further dismay amongst reformists and greater reluctance of the electorate to engage in suffrage.

Women at a football match in Tehran. Voter turnout was particularly low among young people. (Credit: Hadi Yazdi Aznaveh)

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Opinion

12 MARCH 2020

Boycott, Disinvestment, Sanction and Debate For

Against

Anonymous

Ryan Prosser, BA Chinese (Modern and Classical)

Seventy years, three wars, two peace accords, countless ceasefires and casualties later, little has changed for the Palestinian people. Through continuous violence, compromise and halfhearted plurality, Israeli land grabbing and humanitarian violations seem to be the only constants. Amid the graveyard of failed policies and crippled resolutions, a grassroots movement has emerged as a solitary lodestar.

The BDS is uniquely bicarmel, focusing solely on the tools of oppression employed by the Israeli apartheid state. It is a non-violent manner of revealing the hidden financilisation of the apartheid status-quo. People all over the world have started to question Israeli attacks on human rights and depart from institutions, governments and companies linked to these crimes. BDS continues crucial dialogue on normalising and legitimising the role that money plays on turning a blind eye to Israel’s atrocities. Israel is the largest receiver of American foreign aid, its revenue creates and maintains an uneven platform for negotiations. Combating this phenomenon lies at the heart of every fair solution to the Palestinian problem.

The effectiveness of the BDS movement lies in its independence from political partisanship on the continual financing of the Israeli state. This is a departure from a path of dependency on vested interest and greed. Besides the factory shutdowns and cancelled MoUs, the BDS movement has had a larger impact on western political thinking. The last elections in the UK and the current presidential race in the U.S are both testament to its burgeoning relevance.

The ‘paternally liberalistic’ qualities of the BDS movement gives freedom of choice to the individual. One may choose to partially endorse Israeli products, even after being informed of their choices’ geopolitical implications. Unlike other movements BDS is inherently inclusive rather than exclusive due to its narrative driven approach. This unipolar approach perpetually pushes its audience towards focused and tenacious dialogue.

Finally, the BDS movement’s continued existence is a testimonial to its own success. This has been seen recently in the euro vision contest and the boycott of singers. It brings to light the conflicts that are not close to being resolved. Furthermore, the BDS movement is immune from recency bias as it attempts through non violent measures to keep the Israeli and palastinian issue understood in its entire context. Instead of only deriving its goals from the latest developments, BDS allows room for deeper analysis and asks HOW rather than WHEN? It strikes at the heart of the question and seeks to uproot the true enabler for the delay on a resolution - money.

If there is a single distinctive feature of SOAS, it’s that we’re not shy about our opinions. A hint of discontent with anything, from outsourcing staff to decolonisation, and it’s out with the banners, placards, drums and megaphones. We are truly a university of protesters.

One such campaign, in particular, struck me early on during my time at SOAS, boycott, divestment and sanctions. The name was conspicuously striking. No allusion to human rights, no positive message, just the imposition of tough consequences. On 27 February 2015, the Union became the first in the country to formally back this campaign, only for the proposition to be derailed by the SOAS management.

It’s worth noting that this decision was the result of a school wide referendum the same year, a “democratic landslide” in which the overall turnout barely surpassed 30%. With no minimum threshold, a simple majority was all that was required. With the vast majority of students and staff switching off from the issue, the motion was bound to pass. This overwhelming abstention is a demonstration of how SOAS politics functions. In this respect, it seems to only work for the few, and not the many.

Nonetheless, five years on, BDS retains an omnipresence in the SOAS community and understandably so, as the backdrop to its campaign, the Israel – Palestine conflict, has been a current affair for the past two decades. Yet the approach taken here is like none other protest. It doesn’t merely seek to promote awareness, but effects change upon it, imposing a full economic boycott of Israel until it ends its occupation of Gaza and the West Bank. Naturally, such a boycott has had minimal concrete effects at SOAS. A casual glance around the library reveals no shortage of Apple iPhones and MacBooks, the technology for which was developed in Israel.

“BDS strikes at the heart of the question and seeks to uproot the true enabler for the delay on a resolution money.”

In 2015, the SOAS SU adopted a resolution backing BDS. I believe that this was not only justified but also necessary to raise awareness about the atrocities that exist in the aparthied state. This movement only works if we as a collective act together to maintain the conservation of this regime. We need to back this solution with renewed urgency because it remains the only grassroots development to inflict a reaction within politics through non violent measures.

(Credit: Stephen Melkisethian/ Flickr)

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“This is all against the backdrop of a world in which we need to start talking.”

Of course it would be one thing if the BDS campaign applied its well founded human rights standards globally. Yet as far as I can recall, the SOAS Union did not hold a referendum on boycotting China for its atrocious human rights record particularly in the autonomous community of Xinjiang, or a boycott of Iran for its systematic prejudice towards women.

According to the SOAS website, students annually embark on year abroad programmes in 14 different countries, half of which are categorised by the 2019 Democracy Index as “authoritarian regimes”. If boycotts are such an effective method for tackling social injustice and inequality, then why do we not apply them globally? This is not to suggest that we should, but BDS not only turns its back on the obvious parallel basket cases for community annexation.

It chooses to scrutinise one of the few Middle Eastern countries that would allow it to do so, where free scholarship is able to flourish. The only parallel that the BDS campaign does make is with South African apartheid, a baseless analogy, given that Israeli law is identical for all citizens, regardless of their ethnicity, religion or background.

Apart from these inconsistencies, the BDS campaign is marked by ambiguity. The scope of the boycott is up for debate: does it apply to all products made or developed in Israel, or merely to products manufactured by companies registered in Israel? Does the academic boycott cover all universities in the State of Israel or just those on the West Bank, and most importantly of all, which people are affected, just those who work in its Government and influence its policy, or all its citizens? Whether all or just some of these groups are affected by the BDS, the campaign is certainly doing more to exclude rather than include.

All this is against the backdrop of a world in which we need, more than ever, to start talking. Today’s political discourse is rendered senseless with finger pointing, fault lines and toxic “us and them” rhetoric. However, the situation is not irredeemable yet. The battle to create a fairer, more sustainable debate starts right here in our nation’s universities.The confluence of 133 different countries, SOAS is the ideal location for this revolution.

We must start with divesting our attention from BDS, and all the toxicity it brings. Let’s replace it with a new form of positive protest, designed to bring our community together, forging intercultural bonds. Rather than celebrating the setbacks of isolation and segregation, let’s get the ball rolling with constructive academic discussion. We must dispense with the shallow bandwagon politics, and start campaigning for proper dialogue in the Middle East.

Finally, we must recognise the fundamental difference between the Student Union and the student. The former lacks the flexibility to alter external campaigns once it chooses to endorse them, but remains accountable to the latter. This is why our Union should look to be broadly neutral as a whole, empowering societies and individuals to come to their own conclusions, rather than fostering a culture of imposition.

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Opinion

12 MARCH 2020

France has to rethink its Strategy in the Sahel Tobias Hochstöger, MSc International Politics The death of 13 French soldiers in Mali on Nov. 25, as a result of a helicopter collision during counter-terrorism operations, not only marked the largest single loss of life for the French military forces since 1983 but also created doubts about the effectiveness and adequacy of the ongoing French military presence in Africa.

Since 2013 France has been militarily engaged in the Sahel region. The initial mission was to assist the Malian Government in staving off an Islamist rebellion. The perilous security situation had forced then President Dianconda Traore to call France for help. Whilst in its infancy, the operation was projected to last only for a few weeks, it developed into a permanent French military presence. 4,500 French soldiers are currently stationed in the Sahel as part of “Operation Barkhane”, a counter-insurgency mission, which spans across the territories of five former French colonies: Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger.

However, despite the increasing French military presence, the jihadist danger, emerging first in Mali, spread over to its neighbour countries. The Africa Center for Strategic Studies released a report earlier this year, stating that militant Islamist activity has doubled in Africa since 2013, with the Sahel region experiencing the highest growth of attacks. This rightly casts doubts over the mission’s success in combating terrorism.

Yet the French military presence consists of not only a security dimension but also a colonial one. It stands in a tradition that has its roots in the distinct French colonial reign in Africa. At its core, the French colonial conception pursued the deep wish to control and transform the French colonies into a French ideal. Besides the French motherland, the colonies should become an integral part of the empire, and their residents must be transformed into full members of the Francophone culture through an assimilation process.

Accordingly, France conducted its power through a system of direct rule, which consisted of undermining and restructuring indigenous institutions. In order to mould the colonies in the likeness of the French motherland. After the independence of its African colonies, France not only tried to maintain its close ties with the former colonies but also

(Credit: Wikimedia Commons)

aspired to exercise as much direct control as possible. The implementation of the CFA-Franc is just one expression of this policy. In order to maintain French interests in Africa, dictators such as Jean-Bédel Bokassa or Mobutu Sese Seko were not only tolerated but actively supported by French officials.

The French perception of its former colonies is still reflected in its foreign policy. France’s desire to protect its sphere of influence dominates the encounter with its former African colonies to this day. When in February 2019 the French Air Force bombed members of the Chadian opposition group Union of Resistance Forces (UFR), observers noted that France had deviated from convention to militarily intervene in the domestic politics of a former colony. As journalist Rémi Carayol noted in Le Monde Diplomatique, French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian even adopted the propaganda language of the Chadian government and coined the rebels as terrorists. Critics, therefore, claim, that the French support for autocrats such as Mahamadou

Issoufou in Niger or Idriss Déby in Chad in disguise of counter-insurgency is among the major reasons why jihadist groups gain more and more ground in the Sahel. Moreover, many national armies, which cooperate with France, are accused of killing civilians and opponents of their governments in the course of their “counter-terrorism” activities without facing any consequences.

The recent announcement of French Defence Minister Florence Parly to deploy 600 more French soldiers in the fight against Islamists militants in Africa’s Sahel only follows the previous strategy of blindly backing autocrats through extensive military force. Given the facts on the ground, France has to rethink its strategy in the Sahel and to pursue honest cooperation. To be sustainable in the long term, the fight against terrorism must be accompanied by a political process, which goes beyond the unconditional backing of autocrats and the bounty hunting of terrorists with high-tech warfare.

The Bernie Miracle: Can Sanders Win the Elections?

Rose Sauvage de Brantes, BA English and Japanese

In the past weeks, an unlikely candidate has propelled himself into solid frontrunner status among the Democrats in the U.S. presidential elections. Since his overwhelming victory in Nevada. Bernie Sanders has morphed into the most likely rival to Donald Trump in the upcoming November duel.

However, his popularity is less far-out than meets the eye.

While he carries the reputation of a deluded communist, his past actions suggest otherwise. During his tenure as a mayor, he was not trying to abolish businesses or advance any outlandishly radical measures, but instead pushed for tax reforms and an increase in social services. Bernie Sanders’ political leaning is inspired by European socialist governments such as Sweden or France, which does not make him a communist fanatic, but rather an experienced social democrat.

His policy has, more or less, been consistent throughout his lifetime, advocating free education, public healthcare and fair taxing on the American elite for a little over 30 years. His appeal is not merely limited to American progressive youth (faced with a lower standard of living than their parents,

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crushing student loans, over-priced housing and low-paying jobs) but to at least 40% of all Americans. Compared to the conservative tally of 37%, only 24% of Americans identify as liberals. However, the overwhelming majority does support liberal ideas like higher taxes for the billionaire class and stronger regulations on the financial industry. In addition to all this, he is the only candidate who openly addresses environmental issues, promising the end of the fossil fuel industry in what he calls the New Green Deal.

Furthermore, many aspects of his egalitarian manifesto are to be commonly found in the policies of his democratic opponents. Elizabeth Warren focuses on rebuilding the electoral system and calling out Trump for being the emblem of political corruption. Nonetheless, she too seeks to regulate the free market. So do Pete Buttigieg and Joe Biden. What sets Sanders apart from his more moderate opponents is, first and foremost, his inclusivity and determination. Bernie Sanders doesn’t settle for a compromise. He redefines the term “populist candidate”. By taking it away from Trump and his avoidant rhetoric and manipulative hate speech, he unapologetically demands a level of acceptable basic living standards for all, regardless of their religion, sexuality or ethnical background. Thus he attracts voters who are not

necessarily Democratic supporters, forming a unified antiTrump front.

Compared to other candidates that either benefit from corporate sponsorships or in case of billionaires like Mike Bloomberg and Tom Steyers, completely self-fund their electoral campaign. Sanders relies on public funding, donations and support from his grassroots followers. This creates a discrepancy between him and his opponents when it comes to media coverage. Whilst Bloomberg can afford to spend hundreds of millions on PR, TV ads and positive messages from Twitter influencers, Bernie is pretty much at the mercy of mass media outlets. Which, even if allied with the Democrats, constitute a corporation, and therefore tend to paint Sanders in a negative light. A Stalinesque figure about to bring public executions to Central Park. Paradoxically, this has in some cases had the opposite effect on previously undecided Democratic voters.

America’s ongoing monopoly crisis manifests itself in the political realm. Since the 2016 elections the general public has grown cautious of big money and the ability of outside factors to misinform and misdirect people's voices. In other words, this year’s election outcome rests on the American aptitude for media literacy.

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12 MARCH 2020 http://soasspirit.co.uk/category/features/ FEATURES EDITORS: Fisayo Eniolorunda, Sasha Patel

Features

Notes of SOAS Alumni: Jasdeep Degun Sasha Patel, BA History & South Asian Studies (Hindi Pathway)

and the fact that the music is passed down orally from teacher to student.

What is your best memory of SOAS? My best memory during my time at SOAS has to be performing at the BBC Proms in 2014. One of my SOAS lecturers, Prof Richard Widdess, recommended my work to the proms team who then invited me to perform at the Royal Albert Hall. I remember rehearsing in one of the music rooms at SOAS before heading off to sound check in South Kensington. I have countless other memories of my time at SOAS too including meeting life-long friends, learning about different musical styles, and the general SU life.

The north of England has a thriving South Asian classical music scene, could you tell us a bit about how it functions?

I’m proud to say that the north of England, and Leeds in particular (where I’m from), has a thriving Indian classical music scene. There are currently over 130 students learning Indian classical music at the SAA-uk Music Academy in Leeds. This has been pioneered by my teacher Ustad Dharambir Singh. Dharambir ji has been responsible for and/or involved in almost every single Indian classical initiative in the country for the last 30 years or so. He was instrumental in setting up key organisations such as SAA-uk, Samyo and Tarang (the two national Indian classical orchestras), the Darbar Festival, the Indian classical music degree at Trinity UOL, and many many more. Dharambir ji has made it possible for a student of Indian classical music to succeed in the art form by providing opportunities at every level (grassroots, regional, national, and international). It’s because of Dharambir ji’s legacy that the training of Indian classical music has flourished, and continues to flourish, in this country.

If you were able to work with any of the musician traditions (areas, genres or musicians) you studied at SOAS, what would it be?

I came to SOAS with the express aim of studying Indian classical music from an academic perspective. What was great about the course was that we were introduced to a wide variety of different genres and traditions of music from around the world. Apart from Indian classical music, I was particularly drawn to Persian classical music and Chinese classical music. I found there to be many parallels with Indian classical music in terms of discipline, social context,

How does the North Indian classical music scene in the UK differ from on the Subcontinent, do you feel this influences your style and music?

The north Indian classical music scene is pretty thriving in the UK. The Darbar Festival is probably the largest festival of Indian classical music outside of India and is run by a British based and funded organisation. There are many other South Asian arts organisations across the UK including SAMA Arts, Milapfest, Sampad, Shruti Arts, Gem Art’s, SAA-uk, Kala Sangam, Sitar Music Society, The Bhavan Centre etc. who work tirelessly in promoting Indian classical

What did you study at SOAS, and how did your time here affect you - as a person, or in your career?

I studied Music at SOAS and graduated in 2015. It was great being in such a central location and amongst such a wide range of musicians from a variety of different styles and genres. My time at SOAS has definitely impacted my career positively.

music. There are also many community classes in sitar, vocal, dilruba, tabla etc. in almost every major city in the UK. I don’t feel that the music differs (especially when it comes to pure Indian classical music). There are always workshops happening with the top level musicians from India so we’re quite lucky to have unprecedented access to them during their time here (musicians such as Utd Shahid Parvez, Pt Ajoy Chakrabarty, Pt Rajan Sajan Misra etc.) which gives us a good grounding and insight into the artform. I think the contemporary scene, however, is much better here than in India as we have more access to a wide variety of styles and genres of music. In London you can find the best Jazz, Classical, contemporary, Indian classical musicians etc. - so there’s more scope for musical dialogue than say in Mumbai, Kolkata or Delhi.

Your debut album performance for ‘Anomaly’ had renowned musicians such as Anoushka Shankar, Nitin Sawhney, Smt. Sukanya Shankar, Pandit Sanju Sahai amongst your family and many others in the audience, that being said, how do traditionalists react to your music that pushes the boundaries of strict classical?

I was very lucky to have performed music from my debut album at the Southbank Centre last October to such an esteemed audience. With Anomaly, I was keen to feature Indian classical musicians born and trained in the UK, and write music that would appeal to both a seasoned Indian classical listener as well as one not as familiar with the genre. The music is a reflection of my varied musical tastes and influences but rooted whole-heartedly in Indian classical music at the core. I feel people have understood my intention with the music and the response from the UK music community has been overwhelmingly positive.

You’ve recently finished composing Arya, a Sitar Concerto, how did you approach combining multiple classical traditions?

I’ve always been interested in putting the sitar with western classical instruments. I’ve written for small ensembles, as well as for larger Indian classical orchestras, but never for a full symphony orchestra, so Arya has been a steep learning curve for me. Working with the Orchestra of Opera North and their brilliant arranger Danny Saleeb has been a genuinely collaborative process, and it's given me the tools to get my vision across completely.

At first my focus was on trying to merge Indian and western classical music, but that's a very lofty thing to attempt, and it didn’t really get me anywhere. Eventually I just asked myself: what was the music I actually wanted to write, and how could I make that work for orchestra and sitar?

As an Indian classical musician who was born and brought up here, I'm a product of my surroundings as well as my training. I think all composers are like sponges, they’ll soak up their environments, so I’m bound to have a different sensibility to those who’ve gone before. Arya is not a western classical concerto, it's not an Indian classical piece: it’s simply the music that I wanted to present to the world.

And lastly, you’re having a dinner party with your musical inspirations, what meal would you prepare?

My mums a mean cook so I guess I’d ask her to cook!

(Credit: )

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Features

12 MARCH 2020

Styled @ SOAS IG: @styledatsoas Cyntheiah Siva, BA Global Liberal Arts SOASCNY party On the 7th of February the SOAS Chinese department invited us to celebrate Chinese New Year. There was great food, entertainment and everyone really committed to the theme. The performers, front of house and MC’s all incorporated red into their outfits and props. Some went for a more traditional look whereas others reworked traditional elements into their outfits.

SOAS UCU strikes Early morning and the picket lines are already staffed. Even though it was cold, everyone was layering up in comfy layers, turtlenecks, fleece and puffer jackets. The choice of footwear were trainers and Dr. Martens. Strikers and picketers were passing out leaflets with the dates for rallies and panel talks whilst discussing the issues surrounding the strikes.

Horoscopes as SOASk Me Out posts Aries - #SOASkMeOut6499 Are u icing me out because mercury is in retrograde Taurus - #SOASkMeOut6491 How do you get yourself invited on the lads holiday without explicitly asking?

Gemini - #SOASkMeOut6454 Conspiracy theory: SOAS Keanu Reeves is as real as the moon landing Cancer - #SOASkMeOut6481 I just wanna give a shout-out to the student ambassadors who are working hard to make a good impression and make sure our uni doesn't crash and burn from poor intake.

Leo - #SOASkMeOut6478 My heart palpitates every time I see your smile </3 Virgo - #SOASkMeOut6450 Best bathrooms to cry in without having ppl talk to u or ask abt ur problems? Asking for a friend.

Libra - #SOASkMeOut6415 Guys seriously... has no one else seen the person at SOAS pretending to be an owl?

COMMENT (1) do your swahili vocab on duolingo and he'll go away :)

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Scorpio - #SOASkMeOut6464 some nights I've dreamt of your moustache, mein gott, and a murmured "Safavids" Sagittarius - #SOASkMeOut6297 I think I'm pragnant :( Capricorn - #SOASkMeOut6226 LR You are the hottest vegan I know Aquarius - #SOASkMeOut6214 my heart is protected and the password is you Pisces - #SOASkMeOut6081 you are a grad scheme at a presitigious company i am a soas student who graduated with a 2.2 and no previous experience

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Features

12 MARCH 2020

Can Fashion Ever Be Modest?

Interview with SOAS Alumni, Hafsa Lodi, Author of ‘Modesty: A Fashion Paradox’ Maliha Shoaib, BA English and World Philosophies Modest Fashion is one of the latest developing movements in the fashion industry. Hafsa Lodi’s debut book, Modesty: A Fashion Paradox, looks at the controversies and key factors involved in the global trend. Lodi is a journalist who has been covering fashion in the Middle East for the past decade.

She earned her master’s degree in Islamic Law at SOAS, and has always been interested in the relationships between religion, culture and modernity.

Tell me a bit about the book and why you’re interested in the topic of modest fashion.

Modesty: A Fashion Paradox explores a number of questions, starting with this one: Why is modest fashion so popular all of a sudden? What’s motivating luxury designers and high street retailers to create clothing that’s stylish, though clearly more conservative? And, since modesty (especially when hijabs are involved) and bold, eye-catching fashions may seem to be contradictory, how are women reconciling, or finding a balance, between both?

I’ve been interested in this topic ever since seeing hijabi model Halima Aden walk runways at major fashion weeks.

Growing up as a child in the US who also adhered to a certain ‘modest’ dress code, modesty was unfashionable and unpopular, and never did I think it would be celebrated on international catwalks. But, with modest fashion has become increasingly promoted through social media, it has raised a lot of questions about how culture, politics and religion are inextricably linked with this movement, and whether the ideals of modesty are in fact contradictory with the aims of the fashion industry and social media.

How do you define modesty – are there certain parameters or hierarchies that exist in the modest fashion movement?

There are infinite definitions of modesty – everyone has their own view on what modesty looks like, whether it’s covering your elbows, shoulders or wrists, with hemlines reaching knees, calves or ankles. And although stylish women wearing hijabs have become the ‘faces’ of the modest fashion movement, there are many modesty-conscious consumers who don’t cover their hair, or aren’t Muslim, or religious, at all.

Having lived in London, the US and the Middle East, do you notice different approaches to modest fashion in different parts of the world?

Definitely. The concept of modest fashion has been more ‘normalized’ in the Middle East, where local women traditionally dress more conservatively. But, there are up-andcoming modest wear brands and entrepreneurs all over the world, serving modesty-conscious consumers (not just Muslims) in places like London, Paris, Los Angeles, Toronto and more. People in the West are taking time to ‘digest’ the concept of modest fashion – some feel that labelling certain styles as ‘modest’ can be detrimental as it may both promote ‘repressive cultures’ or deem women who don’t wear conservative clothing, to be ‘immodest.’

Modesty has become a bit of a buzzword in the fashion industry lately. What do you think about modesty being commodified as a marketing tool?

Modesty has undoubtedly become a buzzword in the

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The book contains interviews with over 40 high profile models, entrepreneurs and academics, and is set to be released on 19 March.

(Credit: Ushma Dhakan)

fashion industry, and it’s being used by numerous brands and retailers as a marketing tool to attract diverse customers. Many labels are also employing visibly Muslim, hijabi models in their campaigns, all of a sudden, to attract the spending power of this market. While some of their intentions may be superficial and only surface-deep, I think the more important matter is the fact that they are catering to consumers who have been historically underserved. Whether or not they truly believe or relate to a modest fashion lifestyle doesn’t really matter – they’re offering more choices for more women, and like any business, they’re motivated by money.

Modest fashion has been criticised on both ends of the spectrum, both for attracting male attention, and for promoting a purity ideal that demands women dress to seem marriageworthy to a man and his overbearing mother. How does the modest fashion movement combat the idea that all fashion caters to the male gaze?

When it comes to modest fashion, there are so many different cultures and religions involved, and it’s difficult to generalise – I think it all comes down to each woman’s own ambitions and motivations behind dressing modestly. If you look at the religious texts of Islam, Christianity and Judaism, it is clear that modesty is linked to the male gaze, to avoid the possible ‘temptation’ of men, and this is one of the reasons why critics of the modest fashion movement believe that modest fashion shouldn’t be glamourized so much.

But, if you look at many of the vibrant, creative women who are leading this modest style revolution, it’s clear that they aren’t dressing for men, or to avoid their gaze. They aren’t engulfed in drab cloaks or demure, unmemorable garments in attempts to ‘blend in’ or hide from the male gaze.

They’re often dressed in attire that’s eye-catching, flamboyant, and reflective of whatever styles are currently trending across the globe. They wear bold makeup, they flaunt designer

brands, and they take pride in their appearances. Some post images of their outfits on Instagram, and pout for selfies on social media – so they’re definitely not buying into this idea that they have to look simple or subdued in order to be ‘marriage-worthy.’

“If you look at many of the vibrant, creative women who are leading this modest style revolution, it’s clear that they aren’t dressing for men, or to avoid their gaze.”

What are your predictions for the future of modest fashion – what do you think the movement needs in order to sustain itself?

I think it has become clear that there will forever be a demand for modest fashion from a large group of consumers with significant spending power. I think, within the next decade, modesty will simply become more seamlessly integrated into mainstream fashion, and there may no longer be a need for separate modesty-themed fashion weeks or organisations to prove the worth of modest fashion. I think that’s been done, and that brands dedicated to modesty now needs to further develop, and address issues of sustainability, and inclusivity of diverse sizes and body types.

Modesty Book Discussion Event: SOAS, RG01 20 April, 6.30-8 pm

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Features

12 MARCH 2020

Poetry is Peng Is the Piccadilly a Line?

Dogukan Atmaca, PhD Near and Middle East Research Is the Piccadilly a line, from six to five?

Get on or get off...

Always, mind the gap!

When there is a delay, Here is the mis-hap!

Just arrived at Heathrow Home is still far away Just reaching Oakwood now Is the Piccadilly a line, from six to four?

It was a rainy Sunday when you met her With the thousands of faces that you came across Time to leave your seat now Almost arrived at King's Cross!

The day has ended, Unlike the works in Holborn!

Still seventeen to go for Alperton!

London, is a cold flow As it is, every tomorrow, Lives are on the move Every stop, every time...

Is the Piccadilly just a line, From six to five?

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12 MARCH 2020 http://soasspirit.co.uk/category/culture/ Culture Editor: Indigo Lilburn-Quick

Culture

How ‘Parasite’ Fell Prey to Hollywood’s Parasitic Nature Rihab Attioui, MA Postcolonial Studies

“Once you overcome the one-inch tall barrier of subtitles, you will be introduced to so many more amazing films”, said South Korean director Bong Joon Ho as part of his Golden Globes acceptance speech where his film Parasite won Best Foreign Language Film. To briefly synopsise, for those of you who live under the proverbial rock and have yet to even hear of Parasite, the film explores the cavernous wealth disparity of South Korea by following the lives of two families on extreme ends of the socio-economic spectrum. The poor Kim family gradually infiltrates the rich Park family by constructing a web of manipulation and benefit-extraction that is nothing short of parasitic. Not unlike the parasitic nature of Hollywood’s co-option of calls for diversity and decolonisation.

I begin by echoing his newly immortalised (and virally memed) words because I believe they very much encapsulate both the potential and the problem with mainstream Western media. In today’s increasingly globalised cultural space – that ‘welcomes’ international productions for the superficiality of diversity, but in fact, continues to stop them from making any structural impact to the hegemonic status of Western cultural production. It is no secret that Hollywood privileges English speaking, American made films, but with the stratospheric ascension of Parasite, there has been much debate about whether or not this eurocentrism has begun to be seriously challenged. It is undeniable that the South Korean

film has made monumental achievements, the likes of which no ‘foreign’ production has received before, achievements such as the Palm D’or at Cannes and various ‘bests’ at the Academy Awards, including the biggest win of the night: Best Picture.

However, when discussing the possibility of a non-English film instigating a new phase in the Western cinematic landscape whereby ‘foreign’ productions receive acclaim and general treatment similar to their Western-produced counterparts, there is more than just a single ‘foreign’ film winning a bunch of awards to consider. The mechanisms of the cultural hegemony that America so lucratively enjoys, operate in such a way that they systemically obstruct non-Western and non-English speaking productions. While the treatment of Parasite is not exactly reminiscent of the mocking and trivial reception that fads like Gangnam Style received – and I say ‘fad’ because that is precisely what it was for the Western audience – the fact that it was treated more ostensibly meaningfully does not necessarily translate to a sudden decolonisation of the Western cultural space. There is just too much deconstruction and dismantling of America’s culturally predominant status to be done before that can be the case.

Consider the fact that Parasite had garnered Best Picture buzz quite early on in its post-release period, but among The Academy, at no point was the cast thought to potentially win for their performances, there was no discussion about its cinematographers or its costume designers. Despite its undeniable success, Parasite fell prey to the same structures of othering that Western cultural hegemony subjects all ‘foreign’

productions to: the pattern of packaging ‘foreign culture’ as one-dimensional entities that are not afforded the same complexity as their Western counterparts.

To be fair, if anyone can complete the monolithic task of dismantling American dominance in the popular and public cultural sphere, it probably is Bong Joon Ho. Until then it is important to privilege non-Western cultural productions and the stories they tell while continuing to be suspect of superficial, Liberal calls for cultural ‘diversity’ – because it will never be systemic, and it will never be enough.

Director Bong Joon-Ho making two of his Oscars kiss. (Credit: David Swanson)

Chekhov’s Russia Finds a Voice on Nigerian Soil Clarissa Mondeh, BA Social Anthropology and International Relations Inua Ellams’ daring adaptation of Anton Chekhov’s iconic play ‘Three Sisters’ staged at the National Theatre earlier this month prompted intrigue and anticipation.

Originally set in the turmoil of Russia at the turn of the 20th Century, Three Sisters tells the story of the Prozorovs, an educated family that is confined to life within a small provincial town. No longer able to experience the city where they grew up and for which they yearn, the family becomes increasingly frustrated. At the time of Checkhov’s writing, Russia was strictly under the jurisdiction of the Tsar, rooted in an archaic regime that continually suppressed local customs. Additionally, an atmosphere of anti-imperialist sentiments was on the rise, stemming from the Chinese Boxer Rebellion which saw China resisting the continual encroachment of Western powers on its autonomy.

Ellam’s succeeded in picking up on these undertones of stifled liberation and transferring them to the context of

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post-colonial Nigeria during the Biafran War - occurring only shortly after Nigeria gained independence from Britain’s rule. The Prozorov family metamorphose into the Onuzo family within this adaption, who find themselves displaced from their home and the capital of Nigeria, Lagos, into a small village setting, on request of their father who wishes them to reconnect with their Igbo heritage. The characters - representing an existing intellectual class within Nigeria at the time - find the atmosphere increasingly stifling and repressive which is furthered by the context of war.

The piece is exact in portraying the Biafran War as being rooted in ethnic disagreements between the predominantly Hausa- Fulani tribes who populated the North, and the South Eastern Igbo tribes who fought for an independent Biafran State. Whilst being set entirely in Nigeria, the narrative is infused with underlying currents that refuse to belie Britain’s veiled complicity within the events: from drawing up the very tribal lines that evolved into lines of political conflict to covertly supporting the federal government with weapons and military intelligence. This was an important provocation for a predominantly British audience to critically reflect on

their own role within the piece as not mere onlookers but as a central part of an often forgotten history.

The original rendition is hailed for its progressive portrayal of strong female characters which is often attributed to Chekov’s advanced feminist views. Ellams and director Nadia Fall achieved a subtle yet penetrating homage to the power of the repressed woman not only throughout wartime but as a revered precedent in pre-colonial Nigerian culture. The ominous appearances of The Chant Poet, who recites Igbo lyrics, acts as a reminder of Nigeria’s traditional customs and the social as well as spiritual roles women held. Being staged at the National, the play was on a large scale, with a set design that chimed seamlessly with the sixties style costume, further aiding an important visual distancing from the play’s original setting.

Though this unorthodox version has been criticised by some for its attempt at condensing such an expansive topic into three hours, it has still been immensely successful in bringing this avoidable subject into clear focus through the act of storytelling.

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Culture

12 MARCH 2020

Don’t Cross the Picket Line!

Alternative Study Spots Around Russell Square Frances Howe, LLB

#1 Store St. Espresso

#2 Senate House Library

#3 Dillons Cafe at Waterstones

Waterstones (Credit: Radek Pazdera)

Store St. Espresso (Credit: Michael Butterworth for the CoffeeCompass)

40 Store Street Boasting interiors straight from a Pinterest board and the best coffee around, Store St. Espresso is the trusty cafeturned-study-spot that you’ve been looking for. First and foremost, the coffee really is so good, just as long as you’re prepared to pay standard Bloomsbury coffee shop prices.

Store St is very laptop friendly and you won’t feel out of place pulling out yours.

Ideal for: coffee snobs and content creators.

Tip: go in the afternoons for some sweet throwback tunes.

#4 Bloomsbury Coffee House: Sneak down the steps on Tavistock Place to this cosy hang out. Beware of their laptop ban during lunch hours which may hinder your study session.

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Senate House (Credit: David Bleeker Photography)

Malet Street Exploring further into Senate House is a must for any SOASian during their time at the university. With the coolest art deco architecture and inspiring the Ministry of Truth in George Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four, you’ll spend more time studying the building than studying inside it. Senate House Library provides all the library amenities you’ve been searching for this strike season so if you prefer a quiet space put this high on your list.

Ideal for: George Orwell fans Tip: explore the upper levels of the library for some great views of Bloomsbury and surrounding London.

Gower Street Located on the ground floor of Waterstones bookstore past the best sellers is Dillons Cafe. A colourful conglomeration of students from all Bloomsbury’s institutions can be found here, making it a beloved study spot. Unsurprisingly, Dillons has a bit of a following and can get quite busy throughout the day but an insiders trick is to get there before ten and you’ll be guaranteed a spot. There are also numerous plug sockets dotted around the cafe and the bar-style seats are ideal for solo study. Snag a window seat to watch the Gower Street pageant play out before you.

Ideal for: those able to walk through a bookstore without buying anything Tip: pick yourself up a Waterstones student card for discounted coffee and gain points towards discounts on books!

#5 Fortitude Bakehouse:

#6 The SOAS Green:

#7 Cafe Tropea:

Hidden behind Russell Square Station, this is a real secret spot. With freshly baked cakes and bread every day this is arguably the funkiest cafe around. Unfortunately, being a small bakery, the seating options are limited.

If it manages to stick around long enough to see the warmer months, the SOAS Green is the optimum place to get some vitamin D. Though, procrastinating on SOASk me out might score you some vitamin D too.

Watch the seasons change in Russell Square from the windows of this homely cafe with the best pasta around! Try to avoid lunch hour unless you don’t mind sitting outside.

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Culture

12 MARCH 2020

The Tate Modern Turns 20: A Closer Look at the Top 10 Exhibitions in the Last 20 Years exploring ideas about experience, mediation and representation” (Tate Modern Website) 4.The Unilever Series: Rachel Whiteread: EMBANKMENT (11 October 2005 – 1 May 2006) Rachel Whiteread’s instillation Embankment was inspired by a singular box she found in her mother’s home. In this work Whiteread explores the lifecycle of a box, highlighting its imperfections with plaster.

Through this installation, Tate Modern was transformed into a landscape of boxes, further questioning the museum as space of exhibition or storage.

The impressive architecture combines an industrial past with a modern vision for the future of art.

(Credits: Hayes Davidson and Herzog & de Meuron)

Victoria McCraven, MA History of Art and Archaeology Over the last twenty years over 40 million people have visited Tate Modern, housing one of the most impressive modern and contemporary art collections in the world.

Tate Modern is one of four Tate galleries in the United Kingdom. This year, Tate Modern turns 20 which is commemorated with a number of exciting exhibitions featuring artists including Steve McQueen, Andy Warhol, and Rodin.

Tate trustees first began planning the opening of a gallery dedicated to modern and contemporary art in 1992 which would show artists from all over the world. In 1994, the Bankside Power Station, which had been closed since 1981 was chosen as the location for what we now know as Tate Modern.

Architects Herzog & De Meuron were selected to convert space into a functional gallery, but still maintained much of the buildings industrial aesthetic.

Tate has come a long way since 2000, becoming one of the top three most visited sites in the United Kingdom, immediately recognizable with its chimney and expansive Turbine Hall, the location of many of the galleries most impressive commissions.

In the last twenty years, many amazing artists have exhibited at the Tate Modern and compiled below is a list of perhaps the ten most iconic exhibitions and commissions.

1.Matisse Picasso (11 May– 18 August 2002) Matisse Picasso marked Tate Modern’s biggest exhibition since its opening two years earlier, collaborating with some of the largest

museums in the world in order to trace the lives and friendship of Picasso and Matisse.

After opening in London, the exhibit traveled to Paris and NYC, allowing the an international audience to see over thirty groupings of painting and sculpture which forever changed modern art.

5. Doris Salcedo Shibboleth (2007) Salcedo’s Shibboleth was a 548 foot long crack which extended the length of the Turbine, actualizing the damage caused by the divisions institutions and society attempt to conceal. Shibboleth, meaning a test to see if a person belongs to a certain group, can still be seen at Tate Modern through a series of photographs, or digital sketches taken by Salcedo. If you look carefully you can still see the remnants of the crack even though it has now been filled.

2. Warhol (7 February – 1 April 2002) Warhol marked a major exhibition of Warhol’s work in the United Kingdom, firmly cementing the Tate Modern as a center of international contemporary art. In 2020, Tate Modern is releasing the first Warhol Retrospective since this iconic 2002 exhibition, commemorating Tate Modern’s origins and the impact of Warhol on contemporary art.

exchange and trends of production, resulting in the rise of products “Made in China.”

Ai Weiwei: Sunflower Seeds (Credit: Tate)

8. Damien Hirst (4 April – 9 September 2012) Tate Modern’s Damien Hirst was the most expensive exhibition of Hirst’s work at the time. The exhibition followed Hirst’s work as he became one of the most well known artists of his generation, coming to public attention in 1988.

9. Matisse Cut-outs (17 April – 7 September 2014) Matisse Cut-Outs was one of Tate Modern’s most popular exhibitions, showing works from the final chapter of Matisse’s life in which he created a series of cut outs.

Matisse’s failing health prevented him from continuing to paint and he therefore began to create paper cut outs, in a sense creating a new medium. This exhibition marked the first time the works were brought together in one place, as Matisse originally saw them as a cohesive work when creating them in his studio.

(Credit: Doris Salcedo)

Andy Warhol 210 Coca Cola Bottles (Credit: Tate)

3. The Unilever Series: Olafur Eliasson: The Weather Project (16 October 2003 – 21 March 2004) The Weather Project installation transformed Tate Modern’s Turbine Hall using fine mist and monofrequency lamps to create the sun. “Olafur Eliasson takes this ubiquitous subject in his installation as the basis for

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6. Rothko (26 September 2008 – 1 February 2009) Rothko was impressive for its scale and location, becoming one of the most important exhibitions of Mark Rothko’s work in the United Kingdom. The exhibition reunited the The Seagram Murals works in the Tate Rothko Room with those from the Kawamura Memorial Museum of Art in Japan for the first time.

7. The Unilever Series: Ai Weiwei: Sunflower Seeds (12 October 2010 – 2 May 2011) Sunflower Seeds was an installation of artistic mastery, containing hundreds of millions of seeds handcrafted from porelein in small workshops in Jingdezhen, China. In this work, Wei contemplates global economic

Matisse: The Cut-Outs exhibition (Credit: Tate)

10. Fons Americanus (30 September 2019– 5 April 2020) Fons Americanus is an impressive work not only for its size, but as a work of decolonization within an international museum space. Drawing directly on the Victoria Memorial in front of Buckingham palace, Walker examines the transatlantic slave trade through the lens of the monumental, visualizing colonization through plaster in a large scale work which both creates new images and draws on iconic works within the western art historical canon.

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Culture

12 MARCH 2020

The Dilemma About Elif Shafak: Beyond Commonplaces?

Leila Ferrari, MA Turkish Studies On last Friday rainy evening, Oxford welcomed the notorious Turkish writer Elif Shafak in Lady Margate Hall Theatre, where she was interviewed by British journalist Alan Ruisberg.

At the centre of her works, there are often women, minorities and members of the LGBT community, especially from Middle Eastern societies. As a writer, she is committed to giving a voice to the outcasts of our society. She is equally well versed in identity, political and social issues that shape our views and define us as human beings.

Born in Strasbourg, she spent her early childhood with both her parents in a vivid multicultural environment at a time when students always had the word “revolution” on their tongues. Yet, prior to starting primary school, she relocated to Turkey with her mother after her parents‘ divorce.

There she had to adapt to life in a country she did not know before and to a rather conservative and patriarchal environment. Yet, her nomadism did not end there as she kept travelling and, once an adult, moved to Istanbul, subsequently to the U.S., then back to Istanbul and finally to London, where she acquired the British nationality.

Writing was what kept everything together, it was that constant in this nomadic life of hers. Yet, novels are also that free space that allows humans to seek that intellectual exchange and emotional intelligence that they need. She sees the novel as “one of the few democratic spaces that we have left, a space that brings together the mind and the heart.”

With Turkey undergoing significant political changes in recent times, threats to freedom of speech have become real.

Journalists and writers are running a major risk by working in their profession. The Turkish novelist experienced how dangerous it can be to express certain thoughts as she was put on trial for insulting Turkishness in 2006. Her novel “The Bastard of Istanbul” tackles the Armenian genocide that Turkey until this day denies. The writer expressed her concerns as she described Turkish society as being inflicted by “collective amnesia”. Istanbul may be full of historical places, but nobody would know what happened there or why a street would have a certain name. That is why, in her latest novel, “10 Minutes and 38 Seconds in This Strange World”, Elif Shafak told the story of a prostitute killed and subsequently buried by the authorities in the Cemetery of the Companionless. This place is where outcasts, those despised and forgotten by society, are buried.

Whether she has faith for improvement in her country is not easy to understand: “I am pessimistic by nature, I’m Turkish! I always joke that the level of pessimism increases starting from south of the Danube and, by the time you reach Romania, the level of pessimism is higher than in northern Europe. Our societies are pessimistic”. Yet, she says it is important for the intellect to be a pessimist, but the mind must remain an optimist. Does this somehow make her more optimistic than she thinks she is?

The author herself has a complex identity, so crosscutting identities are crucial to her work. In fact, “vertical identities lead to clashes because they’re not overlapping”. There should be more intersectionalities between the so-called vertical

identities, traditionally accepted by society (for example, heterosexual, Christian, white in America) and horizontal identities (Black, Asian, gay, autistic or whatever opposes to the vertical identity), often considered as flaws. However, though she seems to be against categorisations and to advocates for more open-mindedness, Elif Shafak often uses common prejudicial Western imageries about the Middle East for her stories further nurturing the reader’s ideas of what they already imagine about living in Turkey as a woman, a sex worker, LGBT, or a member of an ethnic minority.

Elif Shafak, writer of "The Bastard of Istanbul" (Credit: Murdo MacLeod/The Guardian)

The Message Behind ‘Parasite’ Rose Sauvage de Brantes, BA English and Japanese Winner of the Palm d’Or and Oscar for best picture, the Korean movie Parasite dazzled masses across the world.

Premiered at the 2018 Cannes Festival, the film stars both established and novice actors, all delivering flawless performances. The film depicts the attempts of a poor family, the Kims, to infiltrate the house of a rich family, the gullible Parks, by duping them to hire its members as seemingly unrelated personnel. Despite the fact that Parasite is perhaps best classified as a psychological thriller, it maintains an air of legerity through its witty humour. Bong Joon-ho showcases his masterful filmmaking with each frame being a visual sensation topped by a perfectly paced 7-minute montage of the execution of the Kims’ plan to replace the Parks established housekeeper with their mother. Parasite also delivers one of the best twists in cinema, or as the director puts it “the movie doesn’t really start until the very end”.

Bong is known for including political or social messages in his works and in his 7th feature, it becomes increasingly clear what he has to say about the socio-political order in Korean society. He chooses architecture as part of the message vessel. The gorgeous Park’s home is not only an object

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of desire but also the setting for the majority of the movie.

While the Park’s house bathes in sunlight mirroring their position on the social limelight, the occasional rays in the Kims’ basement apartment are more symbolic of fleeting hope than abundance. And as the Kims ascend and descend staircases, so does their place in the social hierarchy. The Kims’ view on their hectic street contrasts strongly with Parks’ calming greenery. To fulfil the function of social indicators the houses have been built from scratch. The first floor of the luxurious family home is a maquette, while the interior of the second floor is filmed on studio-sets and the outside constructed on a green screen. The entire poor neighbourhood, as well as Kim’s family apartment, are created on as a set as well, placed on a giant water tank to facilitate the filming of floods after a powerful rainstorm.

The floods scene is a pivotal point to the movie, propelling it into social commentary. The way the water flows from the top to the bottom is emblematic of the economic inequality deadlock in the face of natural disasters as well as of the general one-way fluxes of goods and finances that poor families like the Kims are subjected to. Located at the top of the hierarchy, physically depicted in the movie’s landscape, rich families are largely unaffected by the downpour. Mister Park’s young wife even goes as far as thanking heavens for

the rain as it made the sky clear in time for her son’s birthday, completely oblivious to the thousands of people displaced due to the deluge and deprived of their belongings lost in the currents. Thus the film also effectively describes how families like the Kims are stuck in perpetual poverty. Bong Joon-ho has even calculated that it would take the protagonist Ki-woo 564 years to afford a house such a the one of the Park’s family, deconstructing ideals of the ‘American Dream’ internalised across cultures, preaching that with a little effort and resourcefulness anyone can live comfortably in financial security.

Parasite points fingers at the semi-willing indifference and oblivion to the struggles of the less fortunate, particularly in connection to climate change caused disasters. It warns against the deepening class conflicts not only between the rich and the poor but most and foremost between the poor and the poor as they compete for a more favourable place in the hierarchy, that this behaviour brings about. The movie can be seen as a sort of modern-day horror as it is both scary and plausible. However, Parasite frames neither the parks nor the Kims as antagonists. The real villain of the movie is the system that made them be who they are, concealed behind the question the audience ultimately comes to ask itself: who is the real parasite?

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12 MARCH 2020

Sport & Societies

https://soasspirit.co.uk/category/societiesandsport/ Sport & Societies Editor: Rami Shamel

SOAS Goes to Calais: A Look Behind the Walls Amy Thomson, MA Near and Middle Eastern Studies

“Apologies ladies and gentlemen, I have been informed that this National Express service will now be going only as far as Folkestone”. All the ferries departing from Dover were cancelled due to storm Dennis. A weekend in Kent it was then…

‘SOAS goes to Kent society’… it still had a ring to it. Three of us from SOAS left London on the night coach to Paris. Two of us hadn’t visited Calais before but even the one who had was uncertain of what to expect as Calais was always changing. New border technologies are being installed, new charity projects organised, new people arriving from everywhere, and always new Kebab shops opening downtown... Like the stretch of the Atlantic above, Calais is a transitional place, a sailing dock, a gateway between two European powers.

But Calais is also a very real place and as we finally arrived in the early morning, four hours later than we had expected, we saw the actualities of it grounding one of the world’s many violent borders. Bureaux à contrôles nationaux juxtaposés, ‘juxtaposed controls’, has made the border of Calais as much of a British concern than a French and since 2016, Britain has spent over £150 million on the ports security, an expenditure which is expected to increase since 2020 Brexit agreements.

As dawn gently lightened the still stormy skies, our couch pulled into Calais ferry terminal. And on horizon ahead, we could see the ‘Calais border barrier’; a 4 metre high barbwirefence wall restricting anyone without the right documents

from crossing the channel. It was another British investment, and a sure sign that despite all the change, Calais remains a hostile edge of Fortress Europe.

There were some exciting plans for the next three days ahead. The first two would be spent with Utopia56 and Refugee Community Kitchen, chopping vegetables and packaging firewood for the daily distributions that are delivered to those sleeping in forested areas around the port. And the second day would be spent at a day centre run by a French organisation which offers social activities, legal advice, and free education for anyone without status. With some musicians and multilingual people in our group, we were asked to spend time entertaining a very crowded room of people there, who had mostly travelled from North Africa.

Despite some travel hick-ups, our trip eventually went to plan and to end it, the SOAS Ceilidh band joined is in the local Blues Bar for a film-screening event organised by a Calais-born activist. The screening, showing recent police violence towards migrants, reminded us of what Calais is beyond its seaside-town appearance. It was a violent border, an unwelcoming place, a fatal crossing point which, if traveressed, remains as a memory hoped to be forgotten.

But after the screening ended, the Ceilidh band tuned up and people made their way to the bar to enjoy their share of free chicken soup made by the landlady. It was then that it became clear that whilst borders are tightened and securities are strengthened, life in Calais carries on. People - Sudanese, French, British, Morrocan - are dancing, cooking, talking,

and creating. Behind it’s wall, Calais is a place where people are dreaming, dreaming of a better world, beyond the lines on a map.

Some of us want to go back to Calais in Easter and in June for a remembrance event for those who have died in Calais trying to cross the border. If you would like to join or would like advice on organising your own trip, send an email to soas2calais@gmail.com.

(Credit: Amy Thomson)

Is this the end of Manchester City’s dominance?

Kasim Mahmood, MSc Middle East Politics Manchester City have been banned from participating in the Champions league for the next two years and fined £25 million, pending the success of City’s appeal to the Court of Arbitration. An investigation launched by UEFAs club financial control body (CFCB) found City guilty of both inflating the value of their sponsorship revenue in order to comply with the Financial Fair Play (FFP) regulations, alongside failing to cooperate with the investigation. These regulations were introduced in 2011 to restrict the amount club owners could put into teams. If the process for the appeal continues into the start of the 2020-21 season then Manchester City will be able to compete in the tournament and if the ban is upheld then the ban will start in 2021-2022.

News of City’s apparent nefarious dealings began to surface in late 2018 by German newspaper Der Spiegel, who

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published ‘leaked’ documents proving City had misled the European football’s governing body through the inflated vale of the sponsorship deal. This then alerted UEFA who led a subsequent investigation and found City guilty on two accounts.

City vigorously protested stating the process was ‘prejudicial’ and that they will immediately appeal to the court of arbitration for sport. Ferran Soriano who is the chief executive responded to the clubs ban five days after it was announced, stating the allegations were simply untrue and were politically motivated. He stated the owner did not put money into the club that was not properly declared, and City did cooperate with the investigation.

This could have serious ramifications for the Manchester City team in the foreseeable future. The lack of Champions League football for 2 years could seriously impede City’s ability to retain some of their biggest star names. For a team that has won major trophies domestically, the missing crown

jewel in the Champions league trophy appears to be slipping away.

Many of their star players may harbour the affinity to winning the Champions League trophy. Sergio Aguero is already 31 and De Bruyne is 29, what is to stop them from leaving City and utilising the better years of their careers pursuing the one trophy that has evaded them thus far? Even the argument that City can still entice world class players through their high wages will be challenged by the Champions League ban. Missing out on this prestigious trophy will mean City will lose out on an estimated €200m in prize money.

Questions arising on the future of Guardiola seem to have been slightly alleviated with him stating his love for the club will keep him at City next season. One thing for certain is the support from City fans remains intact, with them singing ‘We’ll see you in court’, in their first game since the ban was made repeating the prejudice claim made by the club’s hierarchy.

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Sport & Societies

12 MARCH 2020

Join your student-run newspaper!

Interested in journalism, writing, design, or photography? Want to gain valuable experience to pursue a career in the media or publishing?

Want to express your opinions?

Email spirit@soas.ac.uk to find out about your student-run newspaper!

The SOAS Spirit is your independent student-run newspaper; an on campus presence since 1936.

We publish monthly throughout the term.

We have opportunities to join our team as a writer, photographer, and much more Keep an eye out for applications this summer to join our team next year! : @soasspirit

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