HIstory Of Pakistan

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WELCOME TO PAKISTAN STUDIES This Is a Book On Pakistan By:

B.U Khattak

M.A, M.TEFL, PGD, Adv.Dip.ELT (Pak) Adjunct Professor (COMSATS Institute of Information Technology, Islamabad)

Arif Khattak

M.A, M.Sc (Pak), Adv.Dip.ELT (UK) Assistant Professor (National University of Computer and Emerging Sciences, Islamabad)

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CONTENTS Foreword Chronology of the Delhi Sultans Chronology of the Mughal Emperors Chronology of Important Events (1857-2000) Introduction Sir Syed Ahmed Khan's Speech Address of the Mohammadan Deputation Presidential Address of Hasrat Mohani Jinnah's Fourteen Points Presidential Address of Allama Iqbal Now or Never Letters of Iqbal to Jinnah Pirpur Committee Report Pakistan Resolution Cripps Proposals AIML Legislators' Convention Resolution The Cabinet Mission Plan Quaid-i-Azam's Presidential Address Objectives Resolution

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Chronology of the Delhi Sultans Chronology of the Mughal Emperors Chronology of Important Events (1857-2000)

Chronology of the Delhi Sultans Qutb-u'd-din Aibak Aram Shah

1206 AC

1210

Shams-u'd-din Altumish 1210 Rukn-u'd-din Firuz

1235

Jalalat-u'd-din Radiyah

1236

Mu'izz-u'd-din Bahram

1240

Ala-u'd-din Mas'ud

1242

Nasir-u'd-din Mahmud

1246

Ghiyath-u'd-din Balban

1266

Mu'izz-u'd-din Kaiqubad 1287 Shams-u'd-din Kaiyumarth 1290 Jalal-u'd-din Firuz

1290

Rukn-u'd-din Ibrahim

1296

'Ala-u'd-din Muhammad 1296 Shihab-u'd-din 'Umar

1316

Qutb-u'd-din Mubarak Shah 1316 Shams-u'd-din Mahmud [Pretender] 1318 Nasir-u'd-din Khusraw

1320

Ghiyath-u'd-din Tughluq I 1320 Muhammad bin Tughluq 1325 Firuz Shah

1351

Ghiyath-u'd-din Tughluq II 1388 Firuz Shah Zafar pakstudies.8m.com/chronology.html

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Firuz Shah Zafar Abu Bakr

1389

Muhammad bin Firuz Sikandar

Chronology

1389

1390

1393

Mahmud bin Muhammad 1393 Nusrat [Interregnum] Daulat Khan Lodi Khidr Khan

1395

1413

1414

Mubarak Shah

1421

Muhammad bin Farid Alam Shah

1443

1445

Buhlul Lodhi

1451

Sikandar Lodhi Ibrahim Lodhi

1489 1517

Zahir-u'd-din Muhammad Babur 1526 Nasir-u'd-din Humayun Sher Shah

1530

1540

Islam Shah

1545

Muhammad 'Adil Shah Ibrahim Shah Sikandar Shah

1552

1554 1554

Nasir-u'd-din Humayun [restored] 1555 Chronology of the Mughal Emperors

Babur, Zahir-u'd-din Muhammad 1526 AC Humayun, Nasir-u'd-din Muhammad 1530 Humayun (restored)

1555

Akbar, Jalal-u'd-din Muhammad 1556 Jahangir, Nur-u'd-din Muhammad 1605 Dawar Bakhsh

1627

Shah Jahan, Shihab-u'd-din Muhammad 1628 Murad Bakhsh Shah Shuja'

1657 1657

'Alamgir, Muhiy-i'u'd-din M. Awrangzib 1658 A'azam Shah

1707

Kam Bakhsh

1707

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Chronology

Shah 'Alam Bahadur, Qutb-u'd-din M. 1707 'Azim-u-Shan

1712

Jahandar Shah, Mu'izz-u'd-din

1712

Farrukh-Siyar, Mu'in-u'd-din M. 1713 Rafi'-u'd-Darajat, Shams-u'd-din M. 1713 Abu-'l-Barakat

1719

Shah Jahan II, Shams-u'd-din M. 1719 Rafi'-u'd-Dawlah

1719

Muhammad Shah, Nasir-u'd-din 1719 Ibrahim, Muhammad

1720

Ahmad Shah Bahadur, Mujahid-u'd-din 1748 'Alamgir II, 'Aziz-u'd-din Muhammad 1754 Shah Jahan III

1759

Shah 'Alam II, Jalal-u'd-din M. 1759 Bidar Bakht

1788

Akbar II, Mu'in-u'd-din M. 1806 Bahadur Shah II, Siraj-u'd-din M. 1837 Chronology of Important Events (1857-2000) 1857 War of Independence—British emerge victorious—the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar deposed; 1858 Queen's Proclamation—the rule of India transferred from the British East India Company to the British Crown; 1875 Arya Samaj founded by S. Dayanand; 1877 Mohammadan Anglo Oriental College founded at Aligarh; 1885 Indian National Congress founded; 1886 All-India Mohammadan Educational Conference founded; 1905 Partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon; 1906 A deputation of Muslim leaders waits upon the Viceroy, Lord Minto at Simla; pakstudies.8m.com/chronology.html

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Chronology

1906 All-India Muslim League founded;

1909 Minto-Morely Reforms; 1911 Partition of Bengal annulled; 1916 Lucknow Pact; 1919 Government of India Act; Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy; 1920 Non-Co-operation resolution passed by Congress; Khilafat Delegation visited England; 1927 Simon Commission appointed; 1928 Nehru Report; 1929 Jinnah's fourteen points; 1930 Allama Iqbal's address at the annual session of the AIML; 1930 Simon Commission Report published; 1930-32 First, Second and Third Round Table Conferences; 1932 Communal Award; 1935 Government of India Act;

1937-39 Congress Ministries; 1938 Pirpur Report; 1939

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Chronology

1939 Deliverance Day; 1940 Pakistan Resolution; 1942 Cripps Proposals; 1944 Gandhi-Jinnah talks; 1945 Elections to the Central Assembly; 1946 Cabinet Mission Plan; Interim Government formed; 1947 (20 February) British Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced HMG's intention to hand over power in India to responsible hands by June 1948; (3 June) Mountbatten Plan; (14 August) Mountbatten addressed the first Constitutent Assembly of Pakistan

(15 August) Pakistan established; Jinnah became the first governor-general of Pakistan; 1949 (12 March) Objectives Resolution passed; 1950 Liaquat Ali Khan visited USA; 1953 Martial Law imposed in Lahore; 1954 Defence Pact between USA and Pakistan; 1954 Constituent Assembly dissolved by governor-general; 1955 pakstudies.8m.com/chronology.html

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One Unit established; 1956 First Constitution of Pakistan; 1958 Martial Law imposed; 1959 EBDO (Elected Bodies Disqualification Ordinance) promulgated; 1962 Second Constitution of Pakistan; 1965 Presidential elections held; Ayub Khan defeated Miss Fatima Jinnah; 1965 Six Points of Mujib; 1965 Indo-Pakistan War; 1966 Tashkent Declaration; 1969 Second Martial Law imposed; 1970 One Unit abolished; 1970 General Elections; 1971 East Pakistan became Bangladesh; 1971 Z. A. Bhutto became president; 1972 Simla Agreement; 1973 Third Constitution; 1977 (March) General elections held; PNA started anti-government movement; (July) Third Martial Law imposed; pakstudies.8m.com/chronology.html

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Third Martial Law imposed;

Chronology

1985 Non-parties general elections held; 1988 Assembly dissolved; Junejo's government dismissed; 1988 General elections held; 1990 National Assembly dissolved; Benazir's government dismissed; 1990 General elections held; 1993 National Assembly dissolved; Nawaz Sharif's government dismissed; Supreme Court restored the Assembly and the government; Assembly again dissolved; Care-taker government held general elections; Pakistan Peoples' Party emerged as the single largest majority party and formed government.

1996 National Assembly dissolved; Benazir Bhutto's government dismissed; Fresh elections held; Muslim League formed government under Nawaz Sharif; 1999 Nawaz Sharif's government overthrown by the Army; Assemblies suspended; Constitution held in abeyance; Provisional Constitution Order promulgated; 2000 Supreme Court declares military take-over valid on the grounds of the Doctrine of State Necessity.

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FOREWORD "The Pakistan Studies course taught at the GIK Institute introduces students to the origins and development of Muslim nationalism in South Asia and the struggle for freedom in the wider historical perspective. It also examines the political, sociocultural and economic aspects of the state and society of Pakistan with reference to the ideals and concepts of its founding fathers. A study of select original documents also forms part of the course."

The Pakistani society has, since its inception, been the victim of the subjective historiography. During the past more than fifty years of its life, it has badly failed to come out of its unauthentic notions and half-confirmed facts. It has been subjected to wrong pre-conceptions leading it to a very dangerous course.

Fifty years have passed since Pakistan came into being, but it is unfortunate that the nation finds itself at odds even with the very ideology behind its creation and the purpose that its founding fathers had in view during the freedom struggle. We still feel ourselves compelled to justify the very demand that we made for a separate homeland for the Muslims in India. It is not only due to the inherent lack of confidence in the society in general but also the inevitable diversities amongst the constituents of the country, that we still struggle for the national integration, which is the basic requirement for the very existence of a state. We are, even today, faced with the problem of finding common grounds from where we could emerge as one, united and solid nation.

It may be that the diversities in cultural patterns, social behaviours, economic interests, political priorities and linguistic backgrounds have to be blamed for helping the forces of potential disintegration, but it needs to be attributed mainly to the glaring subjectivity exercised during all these years, by our historians. They, out of their want of attaining national solidarity, made such disastrous mistakes that the trust in their words was lost, leading the people to look with suspicion even at those accounts which were true and authentic.

In this course we do not only endeavour to put things close to reality, and see personalities and events in their right perspective with an objective approach, but also try to understand the historical truth in the light of correct analysis.

We give a brief account of the background from which Pakistan emerged. After we have studied the historical data, we proceed to discuss the state and society in Pakistan, the Pakistani culture, the economic considerations and limitations of Pakistan, and then some aspects of Pakistan's foreign policy, with special reference to South Asia.

At the end of the course we study and discuss, some representative documents so that we are familiarised with the innate spirit behind the important mental processes that led to the shaping of our destiny. The idea behind teaching select documents covering the period between 1857 and 1947, is to introduce students to the major historical trends in the light of what actually inspired Muslim leadership in India to proceed with their political objectives.

An attempt has been made to weave the documents in such a manner that a wholesome picture of the whole movement for Pakistan emerges. Starting from Sir Syed Ahmed Khan's speech the book ends with the Objective Resolution (1949). It pakstudies.8m.com/foreword.html

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Syed Ahmed Khan's speech the book ends with the Objective Resolution (1949). It also includes the speech of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah to the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan in which he outlined his concept of state for the newly born Muslim sovereign republic.

The idea of teaching select original historical documents to the undergraduate engineering students at the GIK Institute was originally initiated by Prof. A. Z. Butt, a former colleague. He had advised me to produce a comprehensive book for this purpose, hence the first edition of the work was published in 1996. Late Waqar Bashir, one of my students, deserves special appreciation for his invaluable suggestions on the first edition of this work.

Prof. Dr. M. N. Qureshi, In charge Humanities Program, GIK Institute, encouraged me to undertake the project and extended all support and advice in this regard. I have extensively benefited from his lecture notes on the course. I would like to express my gratitude to other colleagues Dr. Abdul Khaliq, Wg. Cdr. (R) Hameed A. Bhatti, Mr. Mahboobul Rehman, Mr. Muhammad Zubair, Mr. Ajmal Khan and Mr. Latifullah for readily providing all help in this regard. Thanks are also due Mr. Taj Arsal for extending help in the typescript. I would also like to express my indebtedness to my students Mr. Omer Awan, Mr. Saqib Mir and Mr. Kashif Bhatti of batch 8 for helping me in the final stages of the formatting.

My thanks are also due to the Rector and the Pro-Rector of the GIK Institute for extending support in getting the book printed at the Institute Press.

Arif Khattak GIK Institute, Topi August 2000

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Introduction (1857-1949) Muslim Nationalism in South Asia (1857-1906) Muslim Nationalism in South Asia (1906-1949) Muslim Nationalism in South Asia (1857-1906) The later half of the nineteenth century witnessed the absolute downfall of Muslim power in South Asia. Though the Muslim political supremacy had drastically declined at the dawn of the century, it had its ultimate collapse in the middle of the century, when the War of Independence met failure at the hands of the British in 1857. No doubt the Muslims were the most involved party during the war, but the other Indian communities also had not remained aloof from the 'revolt'. After the mutiny had been quelled, the British spared no opportunity of humiliating the Muslims. They, "being struck by the intense hostility of Muslims to British rule in Delhi and Oudh, were determined to enfeeble the Muslims in such a way that they would not rise again. Secondly, the political future in such a context looked extremely bleak to Muslim leaders in India."

Persian had already been replaced by English language, leaving the Muslims in sheer disgust and unemployment. The Muslims, who had been rulers here for centuries, had lost their strength in administration. And now they were in the most pathetic political and economic conditions.

It was in such a dismal environment that Sir Syed Ahmed Khan came forward to lead the Muslims of India. He urged the Muslims to learn English because it was the best way of defending their religion against Western attack. He pointed out that Jews and Christians had ably and adroitly defended their sacred writings against the apparent discrepancies that had arisen between their religious doctrines and principles of science. Therefore, he pleaded, 'whilst other nations are so watchful and diligent, shall we not be equally so.' In his attempt to "marry reason with religion he was not being influenced only by western ideas. His was also a Mughal mind which at its best was catholic and eclectic." The Anglo-Oriental College founded by him in 1875 was the "main vehicle of Muslim education and not of Islamic religious reformation. It was not only the orthodox ulama who vehemently disagreed with his religious views but also some of his own trusted lieutenants who were staunch in support of his education policy."

Sir Syed used to describe India 'as a beautiful bride whose two eyes were Hindu and Muslim.' It was in 1867 that Hindi-Urdu controversy erupted in Benares. Sir Syed, for the first time, became suspicious of the Hindus' intentions.

When Congress was founded in 1885, he vehemently opposed the Muslims joining it. Sir Syed's effort to persuade Muslims to stay away from the Congress were quite successful. At the same time he was also instrumental in promoting Anglo-Muslim friendship which proved invaluable in the years which followed. pakstudies.8m.com/introduction.html

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We can safely maintain that Sir Syed is one of the founders of the idea of two-nation in India. It was in 1867, that during the Hindi-Urdu controversy, he met Mr. Shakespeare, the then Commissioner of Benares, and told him in clear words that no one person could work any more simultaneously for the betterment of both the Hindu and the Muslim communities; it was, however, he felt, very unfortunate.

Sir Syed's contribution towards the Muslim nationalism thus paved way for its further development and ultimate maturity.

Muslim Nationalism in South Asia (1906-1949) The Aligarh School of Muslim elite reached the conclusion that Sir Syed's advice of non-participation in politics, due to the rule of majority in British democracy, was no more valid. It was high time to rise to the occasion by formulating a strategy that could help, not only in avoiding the inevitable, but also in averting and tackling the anticipated unfavourable consequences of the proposed political and constitutional reforms.

The first step taken in this direction was a deputation of the Muslim elite, led by Sir Agha Khan III, which met the Viceroy Lord Minto in 1906. The deputationists maintained that Muslims in India, according to the Census of 1901, numbered over sixty-two million or between one-fifth and one-fourth of the total population. They stated that 'under any system of representation, extended or limited, a community in itself more numerous than the entire population of any first class European power except Russia may justly lay claim to adequate recognition as an important factor in the State'. They demanded that Muslim representation in the new set up should be 'commensurate not merely with their numerical strength but also with their political importance and the value of the contribution which they make to the defence of the empire. They felt that it was "most unlikely that the name of any Mohammadan candidate will ever be submitted for the approval of Government by the electoral bodies as now constituted unless he is in sympathy with the majority in all matters of importance." It was on this occasion that the Muslims formally tabled a demand for separate electorates for the first time. The address had favourable response from the Viceroy who agreed that "any electoral representation in India would be doomed to mischievous failure which aimed at granting a personal enfranchisement regardless of the beliefs and traditions of the communities." Later in the same year, 1906, Nawab Salimullah Khan of Dacca extended invitation to the leading Muslims of India to get together for united and organised efforts towards the furtherance of the Muslim cause. This historic meeting of the Muslim leaders formed a political organisation which was destined to play an important role for the realisation of Muslim quest for separate identity. The organisation was named as All-India Muslim League and Sir Agha Khan was elected its first President. Though before the formation of AIML other Muslim associations did exist but the influence and status which AIML was able to achieve was unprecedented. It attained the most authoritative stature representing the voice of Muslim India. The war of Muslim political and other rights was now to be fought by the League.

The Minto-Morley Reforms of 1909 accepted the principle of election. A majority of appointed members in the central legislature as well as in the provincial legislatures was maintained, but for Bengal which had a slight majority of elected members. It was announced that elections were to be held on the basis of separate electorates for Muslims and non-Muslims.

The Hindus generally resented the scheme of separate electorates. They registered their antagonism in the same year when the Congress disapproved 'the creation of separate electorates on the basis of religion.' The main issue now in the Indian politics was the subject of joint and separate electorates. Even the depressed and scheduled caste Hindus supported the principle of separate electorate but the caste Hindus were not prepared to restrict, to a reasonable level, their enhanced majority.

They found it a threat to their stance of Indian nationalism which outwardly continued to be secular and non-communal, 'but its inner spirit was informed by

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continued to be secular and non-communal, 'but its inner spirit was informed by Hindu inspirations. It addressed its appeal to the patriotism of every citizen, Hindu or Muslim, but in any clash of interests the Hindu view point prevailed.'

Another important development of the period was the partition of Bengal. Lord Curzon, the Viceroy, 'for reasons of administrative efficiency decided to readjust the boundaries of Bengal in 1905. Bengal was an 'unwieldy' province with a population of 78 million people.' The province was partitioned into two, which created a new province of Eastern Bengal and Assam, the bulk of whose population was Muslim.

'Bengali Hindus who had thrived on the toil of the Muslim peasantry of Eastern Bengal saw in this a threat to their cultural, economic, and political domination'.

Congress leaders like Tilak and others made it an all-India issue. They launched a boycott of Lancashire manufactures in favour of Swadeshi (India-made cloth). The Muslims, due to their deficiency in education, political consciousness and means of publicity, failed to rise to the occasion. The British Government succumbed to mass meetings and wild protests of the Congress and the partition of 1905 was undone in 1911.

The First World War broke out in 1914. Indians generally supported the British and about one million men went to the battlefield. During this period we find the AIML and the Congress coming closer. The credit of this dĂŠtente goes mainly to Mohammad Ali Jinnah, the Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity, as he was then called. The Congress and the AIML held their annual meetings at Lucknow in 1916.

They reached an agreement, known as the Lucknow Pact. The main features of this agreement were that the Congress conceded separate electorates to the Muslims. The Pact also provided for provincial autonomy, election of four-fifths of central and provincial councils, responsibility of the executive to the legislature with some safeguards to the effect that no bill or resolution affecting a community should be proceeded with if three-fourths of the representatives of that community were opposed to it. They fixed the Muslim representation at 33.5 percent of the Indian elected members for the central government, at 50 and 40 percent respectively for the provinces of Punjab and Bengal where the Muslims formed majority of the population. 33.5, 30, 25, 15, 15 percent respectively were fixed for Bombay, United Provinces, Bihar, Central Provinces, and Madras. This formula was termed as weightage which though gave little advantage to the Muslims, nevertheless proved beneficial in terms of Muslim recognition as a separate entity. Secondly, the Congress recognised the All-India Muslim League as the representative body of the Muslims.

It was on 20 August 1917 that Edwin Montague, the Secretary of State for India, made an announcement in the House of Commons of the British Parliament that the policy of His Majesty's Government is to increase the "association of Indians in every branch of the administration and the gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view to the progressive realisation of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British Empire."

Montague and Lord Chelmsford, the Viceroy, published a joint report on Indian Constitutional Reforms, which formed the basis of the Government of India Act 1919. This Act established legislative councils in the provinces with a system of diarchy. This scheme provided that anything relating to law and order was to be administered by executive councillors responsible to the governor. Nation-building departments, such as education and agriculture, were to be in the charge of ministers responsible to the legislative councils.

Before these constitutional reforms could be implemented, the whole subcontinent experienced a 'political storm of unprecedented severity which left its mark on all subsequent events.' It was the infamous Rowllatt Acts, which caused the great conflagration in 1919. These Acts gave arbitrary powers of arrest and trial without jury to the government, and naturally gave rise to widespread indignation. A number of protest meetings were held all over the country. One such meeting held in Jallianwala Bagh in Amritsar was drowned in blood by General Dyer who opened fire on the crowd without warning. Within a few minutes 379 persons lay dead and over 1200 were wounded. Martial law was declared and the citizens were subjected

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to innumerable humiliating indignities. All this aroused a spirit of fierce resentment amongst the people against the British Raj. There was yet another event in the offing which was to further the severity of the storm. It was the Treaty Sev´res the harsh terms of which made it clear that the victorious Allies were not content with the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire but were even determined to destroy the Turkish homeland. To Indian Muslims the Treaty appeared to be a deliberate attempt by the Christian West to exterminate the political power of Islam as symbolised by the Khilafat or Caliphate. The dynamic leadership of the Ali brothers— Maulana Mohammed Ali and Shaukat Ali—,Abul Kalam Azad and other religio-political leaders stirred the deep disquiet of Muslim masses into the white-hot glow of intense emotion, which became reckless and desperate. More than eighteen thousand Muslims left their hearths and homes and migrated to Afghanistan in protest against the British policy toward the Caliphate.

This migration is known as the 'Hijrat Movement'.

It was in those days that Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi assumed control of the situation with his weapons of Satyagraha (holding on to truth) and Ahimsa (nonviolence). The essence of the method was passive resistance to evil, and non-cooperation with Government without any thought of violence or hatred. When the movement was about to reach its successful culmination, the Chouri Chaura incident took place on 5 February 1922, where a violent mob set fire to a police station and twenty-two policemen were burnt alive. Gandhi, under the pretext that violence had occurred, announced his disassociation from the movement. This dramatic reversal on the part of Ghandhi gave a serious set-back to the movement which ultimately proved to be fatal for it. In this way both the Khilafat and the non-co-operation movements ended without achieving the set goals, though these two movements proved instrumental in political awakening of Indians in general and the Muslims in particular.

In November 1927, the British Government appointed a commission under the chairmanship of Sir Jhon Simon to report on India's future constitutional progress.

Since the Commission had no Indian as its member, it was boycotted by the Congress and by a section of the All-India Muslim League led by Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Another section of the AIML led by Sir Muhammad Shafi opted to cooperate with it. An All-Parties Conference in February 1928 which appointed a committee under Motilal Nehru to determine the principles for India's future constitution.

The Nehru Report, besides recommending other constitutional issues, proposed the replacement of separate electorate by joint electorate, but with reservation of seats, in proportion to their populations, for the minorities who would also have the right to compete for additional seats. Jinnah took serious exception to what had been proposed in the report and recommended three amendments to it which were rejected by the Hindu majority. This proved to be the 'parting of ways' and Jinnah formulated his famous fourteen points which were to be the demand of the Indian Muslims before they had been cornered to demand a separate homeland for themselves.

In December 1930, at the annual session of the All-India Muslim League held in Allahabad, Allama Muhammad Iqbal stated: 'I would like to see the Punjab, NorthWest Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state. Selfgovernment within the British Empire or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated North-West Indian Muslim State appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of North-West India.' Chaudhri Rehmat Ali, a student at Cambridge, coined the word PAKSTAN for that State.

In 1937 general elections were held under the India Act, 1935. The Congress succeeded in getting overall majority in these elections. The Muslim League failed to perform fairly well in these elections. Congress was able to form ministries in most of the provinces, while the Unionist Party, under Sir Fazli Husain's successor Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, secured a majority in the elections and formed ministry in the Punjab. In Bengal, Fazlul Haq of the Krishak Proja Party, formed a coalition pakstudies.8m.com/introduction.html

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ministry with the Muslim League and the scheduled caste group.

Under the Congress ministries discrimination against Muslims and other minorities became open and flagrant. Muslims were denied equality of opinion and were also deprived of their rightful places in the administration.

In 1938, the Sind Muslim League Conference, held at Karachi, recommended that the All-India Muslim League should 'devise a scheme of Constitution under which Muslims may attain full independence.' Owing to the highly objectionable policies of the Congress Raj, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah asked the Muslims of India to celebrate the 'Day of Deliverance' when the Congress Ministries resigned after the start of the Second World War in 1939.

On 23 March 1940, at the historic session of the Muslim League held in Lahore, the Pakistan Resolution was passed, which gave new impetus to Muslims' quest and struggle for a separate state. It was after passing of the Pakistan Resolution that a new life came in the body politic of the AIML. The struggle for Pakistan started which resulted in sweeping victory of the Muslim League in the elections of 1945-46.

The Cabinet Mission Plan was announced in 1946. The Government's predilection for the Congress in the aftermath of the Plan was such that the Muslim League in its Convention of July 1946 decided that direct action was the only solution to their problems as the constitutional means adhered to so far by the Muslim League had failed to yield favourable results.

Later the Muslim League also joined the interim Government but stayed away from the Central Constituent Assembly. On 20 February 1947 the British Prime Minister Clement Attlee announced the plan which envisaged that power would be transferred to responsible Indian hands before June 1948. The announcement was followed by the appointment of Lord Mountbatten as the new Viceroy of India, who on 3 June 1947 announced the Plan for the partition of India into Hindustan and Pakistan by the 14th of August 1947. Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah became the first governor general of the new state and Liaquat Ali Khan became its first prime minister.

When Pakistan came into being as an independent dominion, it was governed under Pakistan Provisional Constitution Order deriving essence from certain legal provisions, notably the Government of India Act 1935 read with the India Independence Act 1947.

The Constituent Assembly set up the Basic Principles Committee in March 1949, to report on the main principles on which the constitution of the country was to be framed. The Committee produced its report in 1952, which envisaged parity as its principle feature. The same month (March 1949) the Constituent Assembly passed the Objectives Resolution which defined the broad lines on which the state was to be run

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I Sir Syed Ahmed Khan's Speech Lucknow, 28 December 1887

In the aftermath of the war of independence in 1857 the Muslims of India had absolutely no idea as regards their needs, their interests and the options and priorities which were to determine their destiny. The new situation thrust upon them was utterly unusual for them. It was in such a setting that Sir Syed Ahmed Khan (1817-1898) emerged to play a leading role in arresting their further decline. He was the first Muslim leader to articulate the two-nation theory and promote adjustment with the British.

A scion of a noble family Sir Syed started his career as naib munshi in commissioner's office, Agra in 1837 and acquired the position of chief judge, Delhi, in 1846. He wrote his famous book Asar us Sanadid in 1846.

In the War of Independence 1857 he supported the British and thus earned their goodwill which he was later to utilise to benefit the Muslims of India. He also published his pamphlet on the causes of the Indian Revolt (Asbab i Baghawat i Hind), in which he depicted the true picture of the war of independence and its causes. He opined that the lack of mutual trust between the Muslims and the British was the root cause of the rising.

Sir Syed considered education the only remedy to the political, social and economic problems the Muslims of India were faced with during the latter half of the 19th century. He established M. A. O. School at Aligarh in 1875 which was upgraded as college in 1877. The college blossomed into a fullfledged university in 1920.

Reproduced below is a speech by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan which he delivered at Lucknow on 28 December 1887. In his speech he has advised the Muslims to concentrate their energies and time on acquiring modern education. He has counselled them to refrain from taking part in politics.

He has deplored agitational means to acquire political or economic objectives. He has also warned the Muslims of India against interfering in the foreign policy of the British Indian government. He has also opposed the idea of holding competitive services examinations in India.

I am not given to speaking on politics, and I do not recollect having ever previously given a political lecture. My attention has always been directed towards the education of my brother Mohammadans, for from education I anticipate much benefit for my people, for Hindustan, and for the Government. But at the present time circumstances have arisen which make it necessary for me, I think, to tell my brother Musalmans clearly what my opinions are. The object, Gentlemen! of this lecture is to explain the attitude which the Mohammadan community ought to adopt with regard to the political movements of the time. I am not going to give a philosophical discourse, nor to speak of those abstruse questions in political economy which would require many lectures fully to deal with; but I am simply to express my opinions in a plain and straight forward manner, leaving it to every one

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express my opinions in a plain and straight forward manner, leaving it to every one who hears me to agree with me or differ from me. The reason why I stand here to address you today is because there has grown up in India a political agitation, and it is necessary to determine what action should be taken by the Mohammadan community with regard to it. Although my own thoughts and desires are towards my own community, yet I shall discuss whether or not this agitation is useful for the country and for the other nations who live in it. If it be useful, we must follow it; but if dangerous for the country or our nation, we must hold aloof.

Before I enter on this subject, let me briefly describe the methods of rule adopted by our Government, which has now been here for nearly a hundred years. Its method is this: to keep in its own hands all questions of foreign policy and all matters affecting the army. I hope that we, who are subjects of the Empire, will not seek to interfere in those matters, which Government has set apart as its own.

If Government fights Afghanistan or conquers Burma, it is no business of ours to criticise its policy. Our interests will not suffer from these matters being left in the hands of Government. But we are concerned with matters affecting internal policy, and we have to observe what method Government has made a Council for making laws affecting the lives, property, and comfort of the people. For this Council she selects from all Provinces those officials who are best acquainted with the administration and the condition of the people, and also some Raises who, on account of their high social position, are worthy of a seat in that assembly. Some people may askWhy should they be chosen on account of social position instead of ability? On this, Gentlemen! I will say a few words. It is a great misfortuneand I ask your pardon for saying itthat the landed gentry of India have not the trained ability which makes them worthy of occupying those seats. But you must not neglect those circumstances which compel Government to adopt this policy. It is very necessary that for the Viceroy's Council the members should be of high social position. I ask youWould our aristocracy like that a man of low caste or insignificant origin, though he be a BA or MA, and have the requisite ability, should be in a position of authority above them and have power in making the laws that affect their lives and property? Never! Nobody would like it (Cheers). A seat in the Council of the Viceroy is a position of great honour and prestige. None but a man of good breeding can the Viceroy take as his colleague, treat as his brother, and invite to entertainment at which he may have to dine with Dukes and Earls. Hence no blame can be attached to Government for making these great Raises members of the Council. It is our great misfortune that our Raises are such that they are unable to devise laws useful for the country. The method of procedure in the Council is this. If any member introduces a subject of importance and difficulty, a commission is appointed which collects evidence and digests it.

The matter is discussed in every newspaper, and memorials are invited from associations. The Council then discusses the matter, every member speaking his views with great vigour and earnestness, more even than was displayed in the discussion on the third resolution in the Mohammadan Educational Congress, advocating what he thinks necessary for the welfare of the country, and as regardless of the Viceroy's presence as if he were a figure of white stone. I have had the honour of being in this Council. I do not recollect any matter of importance concerning which ten or twenty memorials were not sent in. A select Committee was then appointed, which read through these memorials and discussed them at length, many of which on consideration turned out to be thorough nonsense. Extracts from Urdu papers were also considered. Although not in my presence, yet often amendments suggested by these memorials have been adopted. This is the method of our Government. After this the law is passed and sent to the Secretary of State, who is assisted by a council of men of the highest ability, who have lived for a long time in India and have often held all offices, from that of Assistant Collector to Lieutenant-Governor. If they think it expedient it is passed, otherwise a short note of four lines cancels it. Often people make objections to the laws so passed, and in some cases they are perhaps right; but in the majority of cases, as far as my experience goes, those very people who sit in their houses and make objections would, if they had been on the Viceroy's Council, have supported them. Many details appear wrong on superficial consideration, but when all the circumstances and difficulties are taken into

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account, they are seen to be right. In conclusion, whether the laws be good or bad, no one can say Government acts independently of the wishes and opinion of the subjects. Often it adopts some of the views expressed in newspapers and memorials. Can we say that Government, in the method it has adopted for legislation, acts without regard to the opinions of people? Can we say that we have no share in the making of the laws? Most certainly not (Cheers).

There is now another great duty of Government. That is, that in whatever country that Government establishes its dominions, that dominion should be made strong, firm and secure. I believe that if any of my friends were made Viceroy, he would be as loyal to Her Majesty the Queen-Empress of India as is our present Viceroy, Lord Dufferin. And his first duty would be to see that the Empire of Her Majesty were made so firm that no enemy, external or internal, could shake it (Cheers). If it were my good fortune to be Viceroy, I speak from my heart when I say I would not be equally but more anxious to see the rule of the Queen placed on a firm basis (Cheers). It is a first principle of Empire that it is the supreme duty of every one, whether Hindustani or Englishman, in whose power it rests, to do what he can to strengthen the Government of Her Majesty the Queen. The second duty of Government is to preserve peace, to give personal freedom, to protect life and property, to punish criminals and to decide civil disputes. Now, every one will admit that Government completely fulfils its duty in this respect. Many people think that the laws have become too numerous and consequently that law suits have become more complicated, and thus lead to disputes between the zemindar and kashtkar. But this is the opinion of the critics who sit in their houses, who if they sat on the Viceroy's Council, would change their views. The multiplicity of laws depends upon the condition of the country and of its people. New companies and new industries are springing into existence. New and unforeseen legal rights have arisen which are not provided for in the Mohammadan law. Hence, when the country is changing at such a rate, it is absolutely necessary that new laws should be brought forward to deal with the new circumstances. Government does not want to increase the number of laws, but when the conditions of the country change, it becomes unavoidable. Taking all these things into account I cannot but think that there is no requirement of the country that cannot be brought to the notice of Government. And nothing can prevent our expressing our views on the subject and being heard by Government. So that whatever comfort we can experience under any Government, we have under the British Government (Cheers).

I come now to the main subject on which I wish to address you. That is the National Congress and the demands which that body makes of Government. I cannot allude to its proposals in detail because, as far as I am aware, there are forty-nine of them, and the time at my disposal is short. I must therefore select the most important. That about which the greatest agitation has taken place is the following. When the Government of India passed out of the hands of the East India Company into those of the Queen, a law was passed, saying that all subjects of Her Majesty, whether white or black, European or Indian, should be equally eligible for appointments. This was confirmed by the Queen's Proclamation. We have to see whether, in the rules made for admission to civil appointments, any exception has been made to this or not; whether we have been excluded from any appointments for which we are fitted. Nobody can point out a case in which for any appointment a distinction of race has been made. It is true that for the Covenanted Civil Service a special set of rules has been made, namely, that candidates have to pass a competitive examination in England. Perhaps it will occur to every one that this examination ought not to be held in England, and the proposal about which the greatest agitation has taken place is that it should be held in India. And to this is added another proposal that all posts in the subordinate service, from that of Tahsildar to Subordinate Judge, should also be given by competitive examination.

I do not think it necessary for me on this occasion to discuss the question why the competitive examination is held in England, and what would be the evils arising from its transference to India. But I am going to speak of the evils likely to follow pakstudies.8m.com/sir_syed_s_speach.html

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the introduction into India of the competitive principle. I do not wish to speak in the interests of my own co-religionists, but to express faithfully whether I think the country is prepared for competitive examination or not. What is the result of competitive examination in England? You know that men of all social positions, sons of Dukes and Earls, of darzies and people of low rank, are equally allowed to pass this examination. Men both of high and low family come to India in the Civil Service. And it is the universal belief that it is not expedient for Government to bring the men of low ranks; and that the men of good social position treat Indian gentlemen with becoming politeness, maintain the prestige of the British race, and impress on the hearts of the people a sense of British justice; and are useful both to Government and to the country. But those who come from England, come from a country so far removed from our eyes that we do not know whether they are the sons of Lords and Dukes or of darzies, and, therefore, if those who govern us are of humble rank, we cannot perceive that fact.

But as regards Indians, the case is different. Men of good family would never like to trust their lives and property to people of low rank with whose humble origin they are well acquainted (Cheers). Leave this a moment, and consider what are the conditions which make the introduction into a country of competitive examinations expedient, and then see whether our own country is ready for it or not. This is no difficult question of political economy. Every one can understand that the first conditions for the introduction of competitive examination into a country is that all people in that country, from the highest to the lowest, should belong to one nation. In such a country no particular difficulties are likely to arise.

The second case is that of a country in which there are two nationalities which have become so united as to be practically one nation. England and Scotland are case in point. In the past many wars were waged between those countries and many acts of bravery were done on both sides, but those times have gone, and they are now like one nation. But this is not the case with our country, which is peopled with different nations. Consider the Hindus alone. The Hindus of our Province, the Bengalis of the East and the Marahtas of the Deccan do not form one nation. If, in your opinion, the peoples of India do form one nation, then no doubt competitive examination may be introduced; but if this be not so, the competitive examination is not suited to the country. The third case is that of a country in which there are different nationalities which are on an equal footing as regards the competition whether they take advantage of it or not. Now, I ask you, have Mohammadans attained to such a position as regards higher English education, which is necessary for higher appointments, as to put them on a level with Hindus or not? Most certainly not. Now, I take Mohammadans and the Hindus of our Province together, and ask whether they are able to compete with the Bengalis or not? Most certainly not. When this is the case, how can competitive examination be introduced into our country (Cheers). Think for a moment what would be the result if all appointments were given by competitive examination. Over all races, not only over Mohammadans but over Rajas of high position and the brave Rajputs who have not forgotten the swords of their ancestors, would be placed as ruler a Bengali who at sight of a table knife would crawl under his chair (Uproarious cheers and laughter). There would remain no part of the country in which we should see at the tables of justice and authority any face except those of Bengalis. I am delighted to see the Bengalis making progress but the question isWhat would be the result on the administration of the country? Do you think that the Rajput and the fiery Pathan, who are not afraid of being hanged or of encountering the swords of the police or the bayonets of the army, could remain in peace under the Bengalis? (Cheers). This would be the outcome of the proposal if accepted. Therefore if any of youmen of good position, Raises, men of the middle classes, men of noble family to whom God has given sentiments of honourif you accept that the country should groan under the yoke of Bengali rule and its people lick the Bengali shoes, then, in the name of God! jump into the train, and be off to Madras, be off to Madras! (Loud cheers and laughter).

But if you think that the prosperity and honour of the country would be ruined, then, brothers, sit in your houses, inform Government of your circumstances, and bring your wants to its notice in a calm and courteous manner.

The second demand of the National Congress is that the people should elect a

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The second demand of the National Congress is that the people should elect a section of the Viceroy's Council. They want to copy the English House of Lords and the House of Commons. The elected members are to be like members of the House of Commons; the appointed members like the House of Lords. Now let us suppose the Viceroy's Council is made in this manner. And let us suppose first of all that we have universal suffrage, as in America, and that every body chamars and all have votes. And first suppose that all the Mohammadan electors vote for a Mohammadan member and all Hindu electors for a Hindu member, and now count how many votes the Mohammadan member has and how many the Hindu.

It is certain the Hindu member will have four times as many because their population is four times as numerous. There we can prove by mathematics that there will be four votes for the Hindu to every one vote for the Mohammadan.

And now how can the Mohammadan guard his interests? It would be like a game of dice, in which one man had four dice and the other only one. In the second place, suppose that the electorate be limited. Some method of qualification must be made; for example, that people with a certain income shall be electors. Now, I ask you, O Mohammadans! Weep at your condition! Have you such wealth that you can compete with the Hindus? Most certainly not. Suppose, for example, that an income of Rs. 5,000 a year be fixed on, how many Mohammadans will there be? Which part will have the larger number of votes? I put aside the case that by a rare stroke of luck a blessing comes through the roof and some Mohammadan is elected. In the normal case no single Mohammadan will secure a seat in the Viceroy's Council. The whole Council will consist of Babu So-and-so Mitter, Babu So-and-so Ghose, and Babu So-and-so Chukerbutty (Laughter). Again, what will be the result for the Hindus of our Province, though their condition be better than that of the Mohammadans? What will be the result for those Rajputs the swords of whose ancestors are still wet with blood? And what will be the result for the peace of the country? Is there any hope that we and our brave brothers, the Rajputs can endure it in silence? Now, we will suppose a third kind of election.

Suppose a rule is made that a suitable number of Mohammadans and a suitable number of Hindus are to be chosen. I am aghast when I think on what grounds this number is likely to be determined. Of necessity proportion to total population will be taken. So there will be one member for us to every four for the Hindus. No other conditions can be laid down. Then they will have four votes and we shall have one. Now, I will make a fourth supposition. Leaving aside the question as to the suitability of members with regard to population, let us suppose that a rule is laid down that half the members are to be Mohammadans and half Hindus, and that the Mohammadans and Hindus are each to elect their own men. Now, I ask you to pardon me for saying something which I say with sore heart. In the whole nation there is no person who is equal to the Hindus in fitness for the work. I have worked in the Council for four years and I have always known well that there can be no man more incompetent or worse-fitted for the post than myself (No; No;!).

And show me the man who, when elected, will leave his business and undertake the expense of living in Calcutta and Simla, leaving alone the trouble of the journeys. Tell me who there is of our nation in the Punjab, Oudh, and NorthWestern Provinces, who will leave his business, incur these expenses, and attend the Viceroy's Council for the sake of his countrymen. When this is the condition of your nation, is it expedient for you to take part in this business on the absurd supposition that the demand of the Congress would, if granted, be beneficial for the country? Spurn such foolish notion. It is certainly not expedient to adopt this Cry- Chaloo Madras! Chaloo Madras! without thinking of the consequence.

Besides this there is another important consideration, which is this. Suppose that a man of our own nationality were made Viceroy of India, that is, the deputy of Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen-Empress. Could such a person grant demands like these, keeping in view the duty of preserving the Empire on a firm and secure

basis? Never! Then how absurd to suppose that the British Government can grant these requests! The result of these unrealisable and impossible proposals can be only this, that for a piece of sheer nonsense the hearts of everybody will be discontented with Government, and everybody will believe that Government exerts over us a tyrannical rule, and turns a deaf ear to our request. And thus anger and excitement will spread throughout the people, and the peace of the pakstudies.8m.com/sir_syed_s_speach.html

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anger and excitement will spread throughout the people, and the peace of the country will be destroyed.

Everybody knows well that the agitation of the Bengalis is now the agitation of the whole of India. But suppose it were the agitation of the whole India, and that every nation had taken part in it, do you suppose the Government is so weak that it could not suppress it, but must need be itself overwhelmed? Have you not seen what took place in the Mutiny? It was a time of great difficulty. The army had revolted; some budmashes had joined it; and Government wrongly believed that the people at large were taking part in the rebellion. I am the man who attacked this wrong notion, and while Government was hanging its officials, I printed a pamphlet, and told Government that it was entirely false to suppose that the people at large were rebellions. But in spite of all these difficulties, what harm could this great rebellion do to Government? Before the English troops had landed she had regained her authority from shore to shore. Hence, what benefit is expected from all this for the country, and what revolution in the Government can we produce? The only result can be to produce useless uproar, to raise suspicions in Government, and to bring back again that time which we experienced thirty or thirty-one years ago. That is on the supposition that by all of us coming together we could do something; but if you take the agitation as it is, what could it accomplish? The case of Ireland is held up as an example. I will not discuss the question whether that agitation is right or wrong. I will only point out that there are at this moment in Ireland thousands of men ready to give up their lives at the point of the sword. Men of high position who sympathise with that movement fear neither the prison nor the bayonets of the police. Will you kindly point out to me ten men among our agitators who will consent to stand face with the bayonets?

When this is the case, then what sort of an uproar is this, and is it of such a nature that we ought to join it? We ought to consider carefully our own circumstances and the circumstances of Government. If Government entertains unfavourable sentiments towards our community, then I say with the utmost force that these sentiments are entirely wrong. At the same time if we are just, we must admit that such sentiments would be by no means unnatural. I repeat it. If Government entertains these bad sentiments, it is a sign of incompetence and folly. But I say this, we ought to consider whether Government can entertain such thoughts or not. Has she any excuse for such suspicions or not? I reply that she certainly has.

Think for a moment who you are? What is this nation of ours? We are those who ruled India for six or seven hundred years (Cheers). From our hands the country was taken by Government into its own. Is it not natural then for Government to entertain such thoughts? Is Government so foolish as to suppose that in seventy years we have forgotten all our grandeur and our empire.

Although, should Government entertain such notion, she is certainly wrong, yet we must remember she has ample excuse. We do not live on fish; nor are we afraid of using a knife and fork lest we should cut our fingers (Cheers). Our nation is of blood of those who made not only Arabia, but Asia and Europe, to tremble. It is our nation which conquered with its sword the whole of India, although its peoples were all of one religion No! (Cheers). I say again that if Government entertains suspicions of us it is wrong. But do her the justice to admit that there is a reasonable ground for such suspicions. Can a wise ruler forget what the state of things was so short a time ago? He can never forget it. If then the Mohammadans also join in these monstrous and unreasonable schemes, which are impossible of fulfilment, and which are disastrous for the country and for our nation, what will be the result? If Government be wise and Lord Dufferin be a capable Viceroy, then he will realise that a Mohammadan agitation is not the same as the Bengali agitation, and he will be bound to apply an adequate remedy. If I were Viceroy, and my nation took part in this affair, I would first of all drop down on them, and make them feel their mistake. Our course of action should be such as to convince Government of the wrongs of her suspicions regarding us, if she entertains any.

We should cultivate mutual affection. What we want we should ask for as friends.

If any ill-will exists it should be cleansed away. I am glad that some Pathans of the NWP and Oudh are here today, and I hope some Hindu Rajputs are also present.

My friend Yousaf Shah of the Punjab sits here, and he knows well the mood of pakstudies.8m.com/sir_syed_s_speach.html

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My friend Yousaf Shah of the Punjab sits here, and he knows well the mood of mind of the people of the Punjab, of the Sikhs and Musalmans. Suppose that this agitation that has arisen in Bengaland I imagine that no danger can spring from it theresuppose that this agitation extends to these provinces, to the Rajputs and the Pathans of Peshawar, do you think it will confine itself to writing with the pengiz, giz, giz, giz, giz,and to mere talkingbuk, buk, buk, buk, buk? It will then be necessary for Government, to send its army and show by bayonets what the proper remedy for this agitation is. I believe that when Government sees the Mohammadans and other brave races taking part in this stupid agitation, it will be necessary for Government to pass a new law and to fill the jails. O my brothers! children of my heart! this is your relationship to Government. You should conduct yourselves in a straightforward and calm manner; not come together to make a noise and a hubbub like a flock of crows (cheers and laughter).

I come now to some other proposals of the Congress. We have now a very charming suggestion. These people wish to have the Budget of India submitted to them for sanction. Leave aside political expenses; but ask our opinion about the expenses of the army. Why on earth has Government made so big an army? Why have you put Governors in Bombay and Madras? Pack them off at once. I am also of the opinion that their ideas should certainly be carried out. I only ask them to say who, not only of them but of the whole people of India, can tell me about the new kinds of cannon which have been inventedwhich is the mouth and which is the butt end. Can any one tell me the expense of firing a shot? Does any one understand the condition of the army? One who has seen the battlefield, the hail shower of shots, the falling of the brave soldiers one over another, may know what equipments are needed for an army. If then, under these circumstances, a Mahomedan were on this Council, or a Bengalione of that nation which in learning is the crown of all India nation, which has raised itself by the might of learning from a low to a high positionhow could he give any advice? How ridiculous then for those who have never seen a battlefield, or even the mouth of a cannon, to want to prepare the Budget for the army?

A still more charming proposal is following. When some people wrote articles in newspapers, showing that it was impossible to establish representative government in India, in bringing forward cogent reasons, then they came down a little from their high flight and said: "Let us sit in the Council, let us chatter; but take votes are not, as you please;" Can you tell me the meaning of this, or the use of this folly?

Another very laughable idea is this. Stress is laid on these suggestions: that the Arms Act be repealed, that Indian Volunteers be enlisted, and that army schools be established in India. But do you know what nation is proposing them? If such proposals had come from Mahomedans or from our Rajput brothers, whose ancestors always wore the sword, which although it is taken from their belts, yet still remains in their hearts, if they had made such proposals there would have been some sense in it. But what nation makes these demands? I agree with them in this and consider that Government has committed two very great mistakes. One is not to trust the Hindustanis and to allow them to become volunteers. A second error of Government of the greatest magnitude is this, that it does not give appointments in the army to those brave people whose ancestors did not use the pen to write with; no, but a different kind of pen(cheers) nor did they use black ink, but the ink they dipped their pens in was the red, red ink which flows from the bodies of men (Cheers). O brothers! I have fought Government in the harshest language about these points. The time is, however, coming when my brothers, Pathans, Syeds, Hashimi and Koreishi, whose blood smells of the blood of Abraham, will appear in glittering uniforms as Colonels and Majors in army. But we must wait for that time. Government will most certainly attend to it; provided you do not give rise to suspicions of disloyalty. O brothers! Government, too, is under some difficulties as regards this last charge I have brought against her. Until she can trust us as she can her white soldiers she cannot do it. But we ought to give proof that, whatever we were in former days, that time has gone, and that now we are as well-disposed to her as the Highlanders of Scotland. And then we should claim this from Government. I will suppose for a moment that you have conquered a part of Europe and have become its rulers. I ask whether you would

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conquered a part of Europe and have become its rulers. I ask whether you would equally trust the men of that country. This was a mere supposition. I come now to a real example. When you conquered India, what did you yourselves do? For how many centuries was there no Hindu in the army list? But when the time of the Mughal family and mutual trust was established, the Hindus were given very high appointments. Think how many years old is the British rule? How long ago was the Mutiny? And tell me how many years ago Government suffered such grievous troubles, though they arose from the ignorant and not from the gentlemen? Also call to mind that in the Madras Presidency, Government has given permission to the people to enlist as volunteers. I say, too, that this concession was premature, but it is a proof that when trust is established, Government will have no objection to make you also volunteers. And when we shall be qualified, we shall acquire those positions with which our forefathers were honoured. Government has advanced one step. She has also shown a desire to admit us to the civil appointments in the Empire (Cheers). In the time of Lord Ripon I happened to be a member of the Council. Lord Ripon had a very good heart and kind disposition and every qualification for a Governor. But, unfortunately his hand was weak. His ideas were radical. At that time the Local Board and Municipality Bills were brought forward, and the intention of them was that everybody should be appointed by election. Gentlemen, I am not a Conservative, I am a great Liberal.

But to forget the prosperity of one's nation is not a sign of wisdom. The only person who was opposed to the system of election was myself. If I am not bragging too much, I may, I think, say that it was on account of my speech that Lord Ripon changed his opinion and made one-third of the members appointed and two-thirds elected. Now just consider the result of election. In no town are Hindus and Mahomedans equal. Can the Mahomedans suppress the Hindus and become the masters of our "Self-Government?" In Calcutta an old, bearded Mahomedan of noble family met me and said that a terrible calamity had befallen them. In his town there were eighteen elected members, not one of whom was a Mahomedan; all were Hindus. Now, he wanted Government to appoint some Mahomedan; and he hoped Government would appoint himself. This is the state of things in all cities. In Aligarh also, were there not a special rule, it would be impossible for any Mahomedan, except my friend Maulvi Mahomed Yusuf to be elected; and at last he, too, would have to rely on being appointed by Government.

Then how can we walk along a road for which neither we nor the country is prepared?

I am now tired and have no further strength left. I can say no more. But, in conclusion, I have one thing to say, lest my friends should say I have not told them what is of advantage for our nation and for the country, and by what thing we may attain prosperity. My age is above seventy. Although I can not live to see my nation to attain to such a position as my heart longs for it, yet my friends who are present in this meeting will certainly see the nation attain such honourable prosperity and high rank, if they attend to my advice. But, my friends, do not liken me to that dyer who, only possessing mango colour dye, said the mango colour dye was the only one he liked. I assure you that the only thing which can raise to a high rank is high education. Until our nation can give birth to highly educated people it will remain degraded; it will be below others, and will not attain such honour as I desire for it. These precept I have given you from the bottom of my heart. I do not care if anyone calls me a madman or anything else. It was my duty to tell those things which, in my opinion, are necessary for the welfare of my nation, to cleans my hands before God, the only Omni-Potent, the Merciful, and the Forgiver of Sins.

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II Address of the Mohammadan Deputation Simla, 1 October 1906

The twentieth century introduced new bearings to Indian politics. Syed Ahmed Khan's policy of collaboration with the British and aloofness from politics was no longer logical. The emergence of the western-educated Muslim intelligentsia had triggered a new strategy to tackle Hindu majority vis-Ă -vis reform. The Hindu attitude towards the Muslims generally and the agitation against the Partition of Bengal had heightened tensions amongst the two communities. Externally, the dwindling fortunes of the Ottoman Empire had created an anxiety about its impact on Muslims' position in India.

The first step in this direction was the 35-member Muslim deputation to Viceroy Lord Minto at Simla in October 1906. Led by the Aga Khan this representative deputation demanded that: (a) in all local and provincial elections Muslim representatives must be elected separately by purely Muslim electors; and (b) Muslims must be given weightage. This demand was based not merely on their numerical strength and their political importance but also on 'the value of the contribution which they make to the defence of the empire.' The Viceroy accepted in principle both the demands but it took almost three years to secure them after much struggle.

The Hindus alleged that the Simla Deputation was inspired by the British but there is no evidence to prove that.

The Deputation comprised:

H. H. Aga Sir Sultan Mahomed Khan, Bombay Shahzada Bakhtiar Shah, Calcutta Malik Omar Hayat Tiwana, Punjab Mian Mohammad Shah Din, Lahore Moulvi Sharfuddin, Patna Nawab Ali Choudhry, Eastern Bengal Syed Amir Hussain Khan, Calcutta Nasseer Hussain Khayal, Calcutta Mirza Shujaat Ali Beg Syed Ali Imam, Patna Nawab Sarfaraz Hussain Khan, Patna pakstudies.8m.com/mohammadan.html

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Nawab Sarfaraz Hussain Khan, Patna

Mohammadan

Ahmad Mohiudin Khan, Madras Moulvi Rafiuddin Ahmad, Bombay Ebrahimbhoy Adamji Peerbhoy, Bombay Abdur Rahim, Calcutta Syed Allahdad Shah, Sindh Maulana H M Malak, CP Mushir-ud-Doula, Punjab Abdul Majid Khan, Punjab Khwaja Yusuf Shah, Punjab Mian Mohammad Shafi, Punjab Sheikh Ghulam Sadik, Punjab Hakim Mohammad Ajmal Khan, Delhi Munshi Ihtisham Ali, Oudh Syed Nabi Ullah, Allahabad Moulvi Sayed Karamat Hussain Allahabad Syed Abdulraoof, Allahabad Munshi Abdur Salam Khan, Rampur Mohammad Muzammil Ullah Khan, Aligarh Haji Ismail Khan, Aligarh Sahibzada Aftab, Aligarh Moulvi Mushtaq Hussain, UP Moulvi Habibul Rahman Khan, UP Nawab Sirdar Ali Khan, Deccan Maulvi Syed Mahdee Ally Khan (Mohsin-ul-Mul), Aligarh, UP The address presented by the Deputation has been reproduced bellow: May it please Your Excellency,Availing ourselves of the permission accorded to us, we the undersigned nobles, jagirdars, talukdars, lawyers, zemindars, merchants, and others, representing a large body of the Mohammadan subjects of His Majesty the King Emperor in different parts of India, beg most respectfully to approach Your Excellency with the following address for your favourable consideration.

2. We fully realise and appreciate the incalculable benefits conferred by British rule on the teeming millions belonging to divers religions, who form the population of the vast continent of India, and have every reason to be grateful for the peace, security, personal freedom, and liberty of worship that we now enjoy. Further, from the wise and enlightened charter of the Government, we have every reasonable ground for anticipating that these benefits will be progressive, and that India will, in future, occupy an increasingly important position in the comity of nations.

3. One of the most important characteristics of British policy in India is the increasing deference that has, so far as possible, been paid from the first to the

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increasing deference that has, so far as possible, been paid from the first to the views and wishes of the people of the country in matters affecting their interests with due regard always to the diversity of race and religion, which forms such an important feature of All-Indian problems.

4. Beginning with the confidential and unobtrusive method of consulting influential members of important communities in different parts of the country, this principle was gradually extended by the recognition of the right of recognised political or commercial organisations to communicate to the authorities their criticisms and views on measures of public importance; and, finally, by the nomination and election of direct representatives of the people in Municipalities, District Board, andabove allin the Legislative Chambers of the country. This last element is, we understand, about to be dealt with by the Committee appointed by Your Excellency on the percent occasion.

5. The Mohammadans of India number, according to the census taken in the year 1901, over sixty-two millions, or between one-fifth and one-fourth of the total population of His Majesty's Indian dominions; and if a reduction be made for the uncivilised portions of the community enumerated under the heads of animists and other minor religions, as well as for those classes who are ordinarily classified as Hindus, but, properly speaking, are not Hindus at all, the proportion of Mohammadans to the Hindu majority becomes much larger. We therefore desire to submit that, under any system of representation, extended or limited, a community in itself more numerous than the entire population of any first class European power, except Russia, may justly lay claim to adequate recognition as an important factor in the State. We venture, indeed, with Your Excellency's permission, to go a step further, and urge that the position accorded to the Mohammadan community in any kind of representation, direct or indirect, and in all other ways, affecting their status and influence, should be commensurate not merely with their numerical strength, but also with their political importance, and the value of the contribution which they make to the defence of the Empire; and we also hope that Your Excellency will, in this connection, be pleased to give due consideration to the position which they occupied in India a little more than a hundred years ago, and of which the traditions have naturally not faded from their minds.

6. The Mohammadans of India have always placed implicit reliance on the sense of justice and love of fair dealing that have characterised their rulers, and have, in consequence, abstained from pressing their claims by methods that might prove at all embarrassing; but earnestly as we desire that the Mohammadans of India should not in the future depart from the excellent and time honoured traditions. Recent events have stirred up feelings, especially among the younger generation of Mohammadans, which might in certain circumstances and under certain contingencies, easily pass beyond the control of temperate counsel and sober guidance.

7. We, therefore, pray that the representations we herewith venture to submit, after a careful consideration of the view and wishes of a large number of our coreligionists in all parts of India, may be favoured with Your Excellency's earnest attention.

8. We hope Your Excellency will pardon our stating at the outset that representative institution of European type are new to the Indian people. Many of the most thoughtful members of our community, in fact, consider that the greatest care, forethought, and caution will be necessary if they are to be successfully adapted to the social, religious, and political conditions obtaining in India; and that, in the absence of such care and caution, their adoption is likely, among other evils, to place our national interests at the mercy of an unsympathetic majority.

Since, however, our rulers have, in pursuance of immemorial instincts and traditions, found it expedient to give these institutions an increasingly important place in the government of the country, we Mohammadans cannot any longer, in justice to our own national interest, hold aloof from participating in the conditions to which their policy has given rise. While, therefore, we are bound to acknowledge pakstudies.8m.com/mohammadan.html

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with gratitude that such representation as the Mohammadans of India have hitherto enjoyed has been due to a sense of justice and fairness on the part of Your Excellency and your illustrious predecessors in office, and Heads of Local Governments by whom the Mohammadan members of Legislative Chambers have, almost without exception, been nominated, we cannot help observing that the representation thus accorded to us has necessarily been inadequate to our requirements, and has not always carried with it the approval of those whom the nominees were selected to represent. This state of things was probably, under existing circumstances, unavoidable; for while on the one hand, the number of nominations reserved to the Viceroy and Local Governments has necessarily been strictly limited, the selection, on the other hand, of really representative men has, in the absence of any reliable method of ascertaining the direction of popular choice, been far from easy. As for the results of election, it is most unlikely that the name of any Mohammadan candidate will ever be submitted for the approval of Government by the electoral bodies as now constituted, unless he is in sympathy with the majority in all matters of their own community, or for persons who, if not Hindus, are expected to vote with the Hindu majority, on whose good-will they have to depend for their future re-election.

It is true that we have many and important interests in common with our Hindu fellow-countrymen, and it will always be a matter of the utmost satisfaction to us to see these interests safeguarded by the presence, in our Legislative Chambers, of able supports of these interests irrespective of their nationality. Still it cannot be denied that we Mohammadans are a distinct community with additional interests of our own, which are not shared by other communities, and these have hitherto suffered from the fact that they have not been adequately represented. Even in the provinces in which Mohammadans constitute a distinct majority of the population, they have too often been treated as though they were inappreciably small political factors that might, without unfairness, be neglected. This has been the case, to some extent, in the Punjab; out in a more marked degree in Sind and in Eastern Bengal.

9. Before formulating our views with regard to the election of representatives, we beg to observe that the political importance of a community to a considerable extent gains strength or suffers detriment, according to the position that the members of that community occupy in the service of the State. If, as is unfortunately the case with the Mohammadans, they are not adequately represented in this manner, they lose in the prestige and influence which are justly their due. We, therefore, pray that Government will be graciously pleased to provide that, both in the gazetted and the subordinate and ministerial services of All-Indian provinces, a due portion of Mohammadans shall always find place. Orders of like import have, at times, been issued by Local Governments in some provinces, but have not unfortunately, in all cases, been strictly observed, on the ground that qualified Mohammadans were not forthcoming. This allegation, however, well-founded it may have been at one time, is, we submit, no longer tenable now; and wherever the will to employ them is not wanting, the supply of qualified Mohammadans, we are happy to be able to assure Your Excellency, is equal to the demand. Since, however, the number of qualified Mohammadans has increased, a tendency is unfortunately perceptible to reject them on the ground of relatively superior qualification having to be given precedence. This introduces something like the competitive element in its worst form, and we may be permitted to draw Your Excellency's attention to the political significance of the monopoly of all official influence by one class. We may also point out in this connection that the efforts of Mohammadan educationists have, from the very outset of the educational movement among them, been strenuously directed towards the development of character, and this, we venture to think, is of greater importance than mere mental alternates in the making of a good public servant.

10. We venture to submit that generality of Mohammadans in all parts of India feel aggrieved that Mohammadan judges are not more frequently appointed to the High Courts and Chief Courts of judicature. Since the creation of these Courts, only Mohammadan lawyers have held these honourable appointments, all of whom have fully justified their elevation to the Bench. At the present moment there is not a

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fully justified their elevation to the Bench. At the present moment there is not a single Mohammadan judge sitting on the Bench of any of these Courts, while there are three Hindu Judges in the Calcutta High Court, where the proportion of Mohammadans in the population is very large; and two in the Chief Court of the Punjab, where the Mohammadan form the majority of the population. It is not, therefore, an extravagant request on our part that a Mohammadan should be given a seat on the Bench of each of High Courts and Chief Courts. Qualified Mohammadan lawyers eligible for these appointments can always be found, if not in one province then in another. We beg permission further to submit that the presence on the Bench of these Courts of a judge, learned in Mohammadan law, will be a source of considerable strength to the administration of justice.

11. As Municipal and District Boards have to deal with important local interests, affecting to a great extent the health, comfort, educational needs, and even the religious concerns of the inhabitants, we shall, we hope, be pardoned if we solicit, for a moment, Your Excellency's attention to the position of Mohammadans thereon before passing to higher concerns. These institutions form, as it were, the initial rungs in the ladder of self-government, and it is here that the principle of representation is brought home intimately to the intelligence of the people. Yet the position of Mohammadans on these Boards is not at present regulated by any guiding principle capable of general application, and practice varies in different localities. The Aligarh Municipality, for example, is divided into six wards, and each ward returns one Hindu and one Mohammadan Commissioner; and the same principle, we understand, is adopted in a number of Municipalities in the Punjab and elsewhere, but in a good many places the Mohammadan tax payers are not adequately represented. We would, therefore, respectfully suggest that local authority should, in every case, be required to declare the number of Hindus and Mohammadans entitled to seats in Municipal and District Boards, such proportion is authoritatively determined, we would suggest that either community should be allowed severally to return their own representatives, as is the practice in many towns in the Punjab.

12. We now also suggest that the Senates and Syndicates of Indian Universities might be similarly dealt with: that is to say, there should, so far as possible, be an authoritative declaration of the proportion in which Mohammadans are entitled to be represented in either body.

13. We now proceed to the consideration of the question of our representation in the Legislative Chambers of the country. Beginning with the Provincial Councils, we would most respectfully suggest that, as in the case of Municipalities and District Boards, the proportion of Mohammadan representatives entitled to a seat should be determined and declared with due regard to the important considerations which we have ventured to point out in paragraph 5 of this address; and that the important Mohammadan landowners, lawyers, merchants, and representatives of other important interests, the Mohammadan members of District Boards and Municipalities, and the Mohammadan graduates of universities, of a certain standing, say 5 years, should be formed into electoral college, and be authorised, in accordance with such rules of procedures as Your Excellency's Government may be pleased to prescribe in that behalf, to return the number of members that may be declared to be eligible.

14. With regard to the Imperial Legislative Council, whereon the due representation of Mohammadan interests is a matter of vital importance, we crave leave to suggest: i. That in the cadre of the Council, the proportion of Mohammadan representatives should not be determined on the basis of the numerical strength of the community, and that, in any case, the Mohammadan representatives should never be an ineffective minority. ii. That, as far as possible, appointment by election should be given preference over nomination.

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iii. That, for purposes of choosing Mohammadan members, Mohammadan

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iii. That, for purposes of choosing Mohammadan members, Mohammadan landowners, lawyers, merchants, and representatives of other important interests of a status to be subsequently determined by Your Excellency's Government, Mohammadan members of the Provincial Councils and Mohammadan Fellows of Universities should be invested with electoral powers to be exercised in accordance with such procedure as may be Your Excellency's Government in that behalf.

15. An impression has lately been gaining ground that one or more Indian Members may be appointed on the Executive Council of the Viceroy. In the event of such appointments being made, we beg that the claims of Mohammadans in that connection may not be overlooked. More than one Mohammadan, we venture to say, will be found in the country fit to serve with distinction in that august chamber.

16. We beg to approach Your Excellency on a subject which most closely affect our national welfare. We are convinced that our aspirations as a community and our future progress are largely dependent on the foundation of a Mohammadan University, which will be the centre of our religious and intellectual life. We, therefore, most respectfully pray that Your Excellency will take steps to help us in an undertaking in which our community is so deeply interested.

17. In conclusion, we beg to assure Your Excellency that, in assisting the Mohammadan subjects of His Majesty, at this stage in the development of Indian affairs, in the directions indicated in the present address, Your Excellency will be strengthening the basis of their unswerving loyalty to the Throne and laying the foundation of their political advancement and national prosperity, and Your Excellency's name will be remembered with gratitude by their posterity for generations to come; and we feel confident that Your Excellency will be gracious enough to give due consideration to our prayers.

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III Presidential Address of Hasrat Mohani 14th Annual Session of the AIML Ahmedabad, 30 December 1921

An Indian Republic or A United States of India The Mopla Rebellion A National Parliament Governmental Policy The Duty of Muslims Muslim Demands A Congress-League Compact Encouraged by the success of the Simla Deputation the Muslim leadership founded in December 1906, of the All India Muslim League (AIML) with three main objectives: (i) to promote among Muslims feelings of loyalty to the British government; (ii) to protect and advance the political rights and interests of the Muslims of India and to represent their needs and aspirations to the government; and (iii) to prevent the rise among Muslims feelings of hostility towards other communities.

At the Delhi Durbar (1911), King George V announced two major changes as 'boons' to Indians. First, the capital of India was to be transferred from Calcutta to Delhi supposedly as a gesture to Muslim sentiment. Secondly, the Partition of Bengal (1905) was reversed as a concession to Hindu clamour.

The Muslims were shocked and lost all faith in British pledges. The feeling that the British listened only to agitation brought about a change in Muslim thinking. In 1913, the Muslim League altered its creed from loyalty to 'a form of self-government suitable to India.' They were now to emulate Hindu methods of agitation under a radical leadership.

The Government of India Act 1909, enlarged the Provincial Councils, added more members to the Central Legislative Council and introduced separate electorates for the Muslims as demanded by the Simla Deputation. But the reforms came nowhere near the Indian expectations.

The First World War (1914-1918) saw Indian participation on the side of the British Empire. The Muslim League, however, came closer to the Hindus and the Congress. This was sealed in a Pact at Lucknow in 1916 in which M. A. Jinnah, the young Bombay barrister, took a leading part. The Congress conceded separate electorates for Muslims while the latter agreed to sacrifice pakstudies.8m.com/hasrat_mohani.html

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conceded separate electorates for Muslims while the latter agreed to sacrifice their majority position in Bengal and Punjab for the sake of weightage in minority provinces. The real advantage gained was in terms of acceptance of AIML as representative body of Muslims.

The Khilafat Movement (1918-1924) saw the Muslims and Hindus closing their ranks further. But the experiment of non-co-operation against the British was a failure resulting in the breakdown of Hindu-Muslim entente. The movement could not save the Ottoman Empire either. It was destroyed by the Treaty of Sèvres (1920). The caliphate itself was abolished in 1924 by the Turkish nationalists under Mustafa Kemal to make way for modern Turkey. Reproduced here is the presidential address by Maulana Hasrat Mohani at the 14th Annual Session of the AIML Ahmedabad on 30 December 1921. In his address the Maulana has regretted the weak position of the AIML. While expressing full appreciation for the Hindu-Muslim unity and the movement for Swaraj, the Maulana has voiced his reservations as regards both. He has stressed that though it is good to see Hindus and Muslims jointly struggling for the independence of India, but in the wake of independence, it will be hard to resolve the deep-rooted conflicts between the two communities and to avoid the Hindu domination over the Muslims in the new arrangement. He has, therefore, put forward the idea of a united states of India, where the Muslim minority provinces will derive strength from the Muslim majority provinces.

Gentlemen! while thanking you for electing me to preside over this session of the AllIndia Muslim League, I wish to say in all sincerity that the importance of this session of the League, in which the fate of Hindustan is to be decided, required the choice of a person abler than myself, such as Maulana Mohammad Ali, Dr. Kitchlew or Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, to preside over its deliberation; but, unfortunately, the Government has forcibly taken away the first two gentlemen from us. I expressed my inability to accept the responsibility. Consequently, as the proverb goes, "if thou dost not accept it willingly, it will be forced on thee", this great duty was placed on my weak shoulders. I wish to discharge it to the best of my ability. Success is in the hand of God. The present condition of the League appears to be very weak indeed; but this does not in the least derogate it from its real importance, for it was the All-India Muslim League which actually realised the first and the most essential condition of Indian independence, Hindu-Muslim unity; and now that it has been achieved, it is the duty of the League to maintain it also. Besides, it is on the platform of the League that all sections of political opinion amongst the Musalmans, extremists or moderates, have so far been, and in future, too, will probably be, brought together. Before going into the causes of the weakness of the League, it will be better to enumerate the aims and objects of the League. These are (1) the attainment of Swaraj by the people of India by all peaceful and legitimate means; (2) to protect and advance the political, religious and other rights and interests of the Indian Musalmans; (3) to promote friendship and union between the Musalmans and other communities of India; (4) to maintain and strengthen brotherly relations between the Musalmans of India and those of other countries.

The first of this is also known to be the creed of the Congress. Therefore, so long as the word Swaraj is not defined in consonance with Muslim desire, and the means for its attainment are not amplified, it is only natural that Muslim unity, is the common object both of the League and the Congress. The fourth object, the unity of the Muslim world, which has been, along with other questions, connected with the Khilafat, has been specially taken up by the Khilafat Committee. There remains only the second object, that is the protection of the special interests of the Musalmans. As to this, so long as a much greater and more important object, that is, the attainment of Swaraj still remains unachieved, people would rather direct their united efforts against the common enemy than look after their special interests. They will be attended to when the time comes for it. As if these causes were not sufficient in themselves to decrease the influence of the League, its rules and regulations were,

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themselves to decrease the influence of the League, its rules and regulations were, unfortunately, so framed that, while public opinion has developed at a rapid pace, most members of the League have not moved an inch from their first position. As a result, the League remains nothing more than an old calendar. It is very necessary to remove the causes of the weakness of the League and to remove them immediately; for in proportion as we approach nearer and nearer to the goal of Swaraj, the need of the League will be felt more and more, because questions of special Muslim rights will rise again with greater importance when India is free.

Our first duty, therefore, should be to reduce the fee for the membership of the League and thus increase its members, who will choose their League representatives every year. The members to the Council of the Provincial and the All-India Muslim Leagues should be chosen, as in the case of the Congress, every year.

An Indian Republic or A United States of India But the most pressing necessity of all is a change in the first object of the League to suit the changed Muslim conditions. Everyone of us knows that the word Swaraj has been definitely left vague and undefined in the creed of the Congress. The object of it has been that, if the Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs are settled on the lines of our demands, then Swaraj within the British Empire will be considered sufficient; otherwise efforts will be directed towards the attainment of complete independence.

But, Gentlemen! from the Muslim point of view, it is not enough that we should stand for complete independence alone. It is necessary to decide upon the form that it should take; and in my opinion it can only be an Indian Republic or on the lines of a United States of India.

Besides this, the term 'peaceful', which defines and restricts the scope of the legitimate means for the attainment of Swaraj in the Congress creed, is opposed to the nature and religious aspirations of the Musalmans. Therefore, in the creed of the League, the words 'possible' and 'proper' should be substituted for the words 'legitimate' and 'peaceful'. I will explain the matter in detail. The Musalmans should understand clearly that they derive a two-fold advantage from the establishment of an Indian Republic: firstly, the general benefit which they will undoubtedly share along with their Indian brethren as citizens of a common State; secondly, the special advantage which the Musalmans will derive from it is that, with every decline in the prestige and power of the British Empire, which to-day is the worst enemy of Muslim countries, the Muslim world will get breathing time and opportunity to improve its condition. Gentlemen! in spite of the present Hindu-Muslim unity, many serious misunderstandings and suspicions still exist between these two great communities of Hindustan, and it is of primary importance that we should grasp the true nature of these misunderstandings. The Hindus have a lurking suspicion that given an opportunity, the Musalmans will either invite their co-religionists from outside to invade India or would, at least, help them in case they invaded to plunder and devastate Hindustan. These misunderstandings are so deep-rooted and widespread that, so far as my knowledge goes, no Indian statesman has escaped them, except the late Lokamanya Tilak. On the other hand, the Musalmans suspect that on the achievement of self-government, the Hindus will acquire greater political powers and will use their numerical superiority to crush the Musalmans. Gentlemen! it is quite clear that these misunderstandings can only be overcome by a conciliatory discussion and mutual and intimate understanding; and it is an essential condition of this mutual understanding that the third party should not come between them.

The generality of Musalmans, with few exceptions, are afraid of the numerical superiority of the Hindus, and are absolutely opposed to an ordinary reform scheme as a substitute for complete independence. The primary reason for this is that in a merely reformed, as contrasted with an independent government, they will be under a double suspicion: first, a subjection to the Government of India, which will be common to Hindus and Musalmans; secondly, a rejection by a Hindu majority, which they will have to face in every department of Government. On the other hand, if the danger of the English power is removed, the Musalmans will only have the Hindu majority to fear. Fortunately this fear is such that it will be automatically removed with the establishment of the Indian Republic; for while the Musalmans, as pakstudies.8m.com/hasrat_mohani.html

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a whole, are in a minority in India, yet nature has provided a compensation in the fact that the Musalmans are not in a minority in all provinces. In some provinces, such as Kashmir, the Punjab, Sind, Bengal and Assam, the Musalmans are more numerous than the Hindus. This Muslim majority will be an assurance that in the United States of India, the Hindu majority in Madras, Bombay and the United Provinces will not be allowed to overstep the limits of moderation against the Musalmans. Similarly, so long as a completely liberated India does not come into the hands of the Hindus and Musalmans themselves, the Musalmans would aid their coreligionist invaders; but on the establishment of the Indian Republic, which will be shared in common by Musalmans would desire that the power of even a Muslim foreigner should be established over his country.

The Mopla Rebellion Gentlemen! I have just stated it as a necessary condition of the Hindu-Muslim compromise that the third party, the English, should not be allowed to step in between us. Otherwise, all our affairs will fall into disorder. Its best example is before you in the shape of the Mopla incident. You are probably aware that Hindu India has an open and direct complaint against the Moplas, and an indirect complaint against all of us, that the Moplas are plundering and spoiling their innocent Hindu neighbours; but possibly you are not aware that the Moplas justify their action on the ground that, at such a critical juncture, when they are engaged in a war against the English, their neighbours not only do not help them or observe neutrality, but aid and assist the English in every possible way. They can, no doubt, contend that, while they are fighting a defensive war for the sake of their religion and have left their homes, property and belongings, and taken refuge in hills and jungles, it is unfair to characterise as plunder their commandeering of money, provisions and other necessaries for their troops from the English or their supporters. Both are right in their complaints; but so far as my investigation goes, the cause of this mutual recrimination can be traced to the interference of the third party. It happens thus: whenever any English detachment suddenly appears in a locality and kills or captures the Mopla inhabitants of the place, rumour somehow spreads in the neighbourhood that the Hindu inhabitants of the place had invited the English army for their protection, with the result that after the departure of the English troops, the neighbouring Moplas do not hesitate to retaliate, and consider the money and other belongings of the Hindus as lawful spoils of war taken from those who have aided and abetted the enemy. Where no such events have occurred, the Moplas and Hindus even now live peacefully side by side; Moplas do not commit any excesses against the Hindus, while the Hindus do not hesitate in helping the Moplas to the best of their ability.

A National Parliament I have wandered far from my purpose. I meant to emphasise that, in the first clause dealing with the aims and objects of the League, the word Swaraj should be defined as complete independence in the cause of an Indian republic. Otherwise, there is a danger that in the presence of a third party, self-government within the British Empire, instead of being beneficial, might actually prove injurious. The second amendment necessary is that the methods for the attainment of Swaraj should be amplified. In the place of 'peaceful' and 'legitimate' means 'possible' and 'proper' should be permitted. Thus, on the one hand, the opportunity of joining the League will be given to those who do not honestly believe in non-co-operation as the sole path of salvation, recognising the possibility of other methods and adopting them also. On the other hand, the amendment will remove the complaint of those who believe that non-co-operation cannot, under any circumstances, remain peaceful to the last, and who, while subscribing to the creed of the Congress, and to the first clause of the section dealing with the objects of the League, as a matter of policy and expediency, refuse to admit it as a faith for all times and circumstances—or to remain non-violent even in intention.

Gentlemen! there are only two possible means of replacing one government by another. One is the destruction of an existing government by the sword and the establishment of another in its place—a method which has been followed in the pakstudies.8m.com/hasrat_mohani.html

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establishment of another in its place—a method which has been followed in the world thus far. The second alternative is to sever all connections with the present government, and to set up a better organised government parallel to it, and to improve and develop it till the old order is dissolved and the new takes its place.

Friends, to achieve this object, we must immediately set up, on a separate and permanent foundation, our courts, schools, arts, industries, army, police—and a national parliament. No-violent non-co-operation can only help to paralyse government, it cannot maintain it. The question now is, can such a parallel government be established only through non-violent non-co-operation—of course, provided the rival government does not interfere with its establishment—a condition which is obviously impossible. The rival government will certainly interfere. We might contend that we will proceed on with our work silently and quietly and in spite of governmental interference, as is being done at present. A stage will, however, be reached ultimately, when action on peaceful lines will become absolutely impossible; and then we shall be forced to admit that a parallel government can be started, but not continue to the last through peaceful means.

Governmental Policy Examples of Government repression are before your eyes. First, it attempted, through the Karachi trials, to prevent the Musalmans from openly proclaiming the articles of their faith. When people, undaunted by this decision of the Government, preached throughout the length and breadth of India that it was unlawful to serve in the army, the Government slowly overlooked these activities, fearing that a mere repetition of the Karachi resolution might lead to disaffection in the Army. And in order to divert the attention of the people from these activities, it suddenly, but deliberately declared the enrolment of volunteers unlawful, so that it might get an opportunity of striking at the non-co-operators. Like moths that gather to sacrifice their lives around a lighted candle, the advocates of civil disobedience swarmed forward to break this declaration of Lord Reading and cheerfully went to jail in their thousands. This is undoubtedly an example of self-sacrifice and self-effacement which will rightly move Mahatma Gandhi to ecstasy; but we detect another truth hidden in this demonstration of happiness and joy. It reveals to our eyes the last stages of both the repression of the Government and the patience of the people. The people are, no doubt, prepared gladly to bear and suffer the hardships of a few days of imprisonment; but on the declaration of martial law, the non-violent non-cooperation movement will prove totally insufficient and useless. Amongst the Musalmans, at least, there will hardly be found a man who will be prepared to sacrifice his life uselessly. A man can only have one of two feelings in his heart when faced by the barrel of a gun: either to seek refuge in flight or to take advantage of the law of self-preservation and despatch the adversary to hell. The third alternative of cheerfully yielding up one's life to the enemy, and considering it to be the one real success, will remain confined to Mahatma Gandhi and some of his adherents and fellow-thinkers. I, on my part, fear that in general the reply to martial law will be what is commonly called guerrilla warfare. The responsibility lies with the representatives of the Musalmans.

Consequently, as representatives of the Musalmans, the members of the All-India Muslim League should consider it their duty either to refrain from adopting non-cooperation as their creed, or to free it from the limitation of keeping it either violent or non-violent; for it is not in our power to keep non-co-operation peaceful or otherwise. So long as the Government confines itself to the use of chains and fetters, non-co-operation can remain as peaceful as it is today; but if things go further and the Government has recourse to gallows or machine guns, it will be impossible for the movement to remain non-violent.

The Duty of Muslims At this stage, some people would like to ask how it is that, while the Hindus are content to adopt non-violent non-co-operation as the means for attaining independence, the Musalmans are anxious to go a step further. The answer is that the liberation of Hindustan is as much a political duty of a Musalman as that of a Hindu.

Owing to the question of the Khilafat it has become a Musalman's religious duty as well. pakstudies.8m.com/hasrat_mohani.html

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well.

In this connection, I should like to say just one word. The glories of Ghazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the conclusion of the recent Franco-Turkish Treaty might create an idea in some people's minds that the evacuation of Smyrna by the Greeks is certain, and the restoration of Thrace to the Turks, if not certain, is within the bounds of possibility. Consequently, they might entertain the hope that the struggle in the Near East is coming to a close. I want to warn all such people that the claims of the Musalmans of India are founded more on religious than political principles. So long as the Jazirat-ul-Arab (including Palestine and Mesopotamia) are not absolutely freed from non-Muslim influence, and so long as the political and military power of the Khilafat is not fully restored, the Musalmans of India cannot suspend their activities and efforts.

Muslim Demands As regards the Khilafat, the Muslim demands are these: (1) that in the pursuance of the promise of Mr. Lloyd George, Thrace and Smyrna, along with the city of Symrna (Izmir), should remain under purely Turkish control, so that the political status of the Khalifat-ul-Muslimeen which is essential for the Khilafat, should suffer no diminution; (2) all non-Turkish control should be removed from Constantinople, the shores of Marmora and the Dardanelles, in order that the Khilafat at Constantinople may not be under non-Muslim control, which is essential for the Khilafat; (3) all naval and military restrictions imposed on the Khilafat should be removed, as otherwise, the Khalifah would have no power to enforce his orders; (4) the Jazirat-ul-Arab, including the Hedjaz, Palestine, and Mesopotamia, should be free from all non-Muslim influence, and not be under British mandate; as it was the death-bed injunction of the Prophet. It should be noted that in the fourth demand, we wish the English to give up their mandate over Mesopotamia and Palestine, and to remove their influence from the Hedjaz. As to the questions of whether the Arabs will acknowledge the Sherif of Mecca or the Sultan of Turkey as their Khalifah, or whether the Arab Government of Hedjaz, Mesopotamia and Palestine will be independent or under the suzerainty of the Khalifah, these will be decided by the Musalmans. We do not want non-Muslim advice and assistance.

A Congress-League Compact In my opinion, Gentlemen! the most pressing necessity of Hindustan is the immediate conclusion of a definite compact between the Congress and the League. The Congress should not enter into any negotiations with the Government concerning Swaraj: (1) until the minimum Muslim demands with regard to the Khilafat are satisfied; (2) on the other hand, the Muslims should definitely bind themselves to the assurance that, even though their demands with regard to the Khilafat are satisfied, the Musalmans of India will stand to the last by the side of their Hindu brethren for the attainment and preservation of Indian independence. Such a compact is all the more necessary because there are sings that the enemies of Indian independence— and we have to confess with regret that a number of deceitful Indians are working with the foreigners—are concentrating all their efforts on wrecking Hindu-Muslim unity and creating distrust and misunderstanding between the two communities. On the one hand, the Musalmans are being enticed by false hopes with regard to the Khilafat question. On the other, some showy toys of political concessions are being prepared as a gift for the Hindus, even before the stipulated period of 10 years. It is intended that in their simplicity, the Musalmans should consider the return of Smyrna, etc., as the satisfaction of their Khilafat demands, and slacken their efforts for the attainment of Swaraj ; while Swaraj itself, or at least, its precursor, and begin to consider the Khilafat an irrelevant question. There can be only one solution for all these problems. Hindus and Musalmans, after mutual consultation, should have Indian independence declared by Mahatma Gandhi, so that in future the English may have no possibility of deceiving, nor India of being deceived. After the declaration of independence, the Congress and the League will have only one object left: that is the preservation of Swaraj. January 1, 1922, is the best date for the purpose, because we would thus have fulfilled the promise that we made to attain Swaraj within this year —and the people of India will achieve success in the eyes of God and man.

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—and the people of India will achieve success in the eyes of God and man.

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Jinnah's 14 points Free Web Hosting Provider - Web Hosting - E-commerce - High Speed Internet - Free Web Page

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IV Jinnah's Fourteen Points 1929 The Government of India Act 1919 had introduced more reforms including the system of dyarchy in the provinces but to dissatisafaction of the Indians.

The new instalment of reforms was expected in ten years but it did not arrive. The Hindu-Muslim discord was the main stumbling block as the Simon Commission (1927) found. The Nehru Report (1928) was an attempt to produce an agreed constitution but instead it annoyed the Muslims further.

In 1929, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah presented his fourteen points in response to the Nehru Committee Report. The Nehru Report not only contained unjust provisions regarding the Indian Muslim but were also in serious contradiction to what had already been agreed upon in the Lucknow Pact, 1916, especially on the issue of separate electorate for the Muslims of India. Jinnah's Fourteen Points are reproduced below: 1. The form of the future constitution should be federal with the residuary powers vested in the provinces.

2. A uniform measure of autonomy shall be granted to all provinces.

3. All legislatures in the country and other elected bodies shall be constituted on the definite principle of adequate and effective representation of minorities in every province without reducing the majority in any province to minority or even equality.

4. In the Central Legislature, Musalman representation shall not be less than one-third.

5. Representation of communal groups shall continue to be by means of separate electorates as at present: provided it shall be open to any community, at any time, to abandon its separate electorate in favour of joint electorate.

6. Any territorial redistribution that might at any time be necessary shall not, in any way, affect the Muslim majority in the Punjab, Bengal and N. W. F. Province.

7. Full religious liberty, i.e., liberty of belief, worship and observance, propaganda, association and education, shall be guaranteed to all communities.

8. No bill or resolution or any part thereof shall be passed in any legislature or any other elected body if three-fourths of the members of any community in that particular body oppose such a bill, resolution or part thereof on the ground that it would be injurious to the interest of the community or in the alternative, such other method is devised as may be found feasible and practicable to deal with such cases. pakstudies.8m.com/jinnah_s_14_points.html

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9. Sind should be separated from the Bombay Presidency.

10. Reforms should be introduced in the N.W.F.Province and Baluchistan on the same footing as in other Provinces.

11. Provision should be made in the constitution giving Muslims as adequate share along with the other Indians, in all the services of the State and in local self-governing bodies having due regard to the requirements of efficiency.

12. The constitution should embody adequate safeguards for the protection of Muslim culture and for the protection and promotion of Muslim education, language, religion, personal laws and Muslim charitable institutions and for their due share in the grants-in-aid given by the State and by the self-governing bodies.

13. No cabinet, either Central or Provincial, should be formed without there being a proportion of at least one-third Muslim Ministers.

No change shall be made in the constitution by the Central Legislature except with the concurrence of the States constituting the Indian Federation.

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Allama Iqbal Free Web Hosting Provider - Web Hosting - E-commerce - High Speed Internet - Free Web Page

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V Presidential Address of Allama Iqbal 21st Session of the All-India Muslim League, Allahabad 29 December 1930

Islam and Nationalism Unity through Harmony of Differences Federal States The Simon Report Conception of Federation The Round-Table Discussion of Federation The Problem of Defence The Alternative The Round-Table Conference Conclusion

The Government of India Act 1919 had introduced more reforms, including the system of dyarchy in the provinces but the Indians were still unhappy.

The new instalment of reforms was expected in ten years but it did not arrive. The Hindu-Muslim discord was the main stumbling block as the Simon Commission (1927) found. The Nehru Report (1928) was an attempt to produce an agreed constitution but instead it annoyed the Muslims further. The latter's articulation of demands came in the Fourteen Points (1929) of Mr. Jinnah and still later in Iqbal's Allahabad address (1930).

Iqbal's political philosophy as outlined in the address centres on the creative role of Islam in the evolution of Indian Muslim society, and the place of that society in a plural country like India.

In the second part of his address, Iqbal gives his own solution to the problem of nationalism in Islam. The principle of western democracy, according to him, could not be applied to India. But the 'demand for the creation of a Muslim India within India' was perfectly justified.

Iqbal demands an emphatic endorsement of the Muslim Conference Resolution of 1 January 1929 and says: 'Personally, I would like to go further than the demands embodied in it. I would like to see the Punjab, NWFP, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state. Selfgovernment within the British Empire, or without the British Empire, the

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government within the British Empire, or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated North-West Indian Muslim state appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims at least of North-West India.'

Iqbal considers the free development of Muslim society an impossibility under unitary type of government contemplated by nationalist Hindu politicians. Therefore, he reiterates his demand of 'the formation of a consolidated Muslim state in the best interests of India and Islam.'

The rest of his address is devoted to a discussion of the kind of federation to be established in the light of the proposals made by: (a) Hindus who wanted to retain a strong central authority where majority would rule; (b) the British who desired power to shift to the provinces; and (c) the Muslims who demanded a federation where they would get majority rights in five out of eleven provinces.

Iqbal finds the British model of democracy unsuited for India which was inhabited by many nations. 'We [Muslims] are seventy millions, and far more homogeneous than any other people who can fitly be described as a nation in the modern sense of the word.'

Warns the Muslims not to be taken in by the argument that Turkey and Persia and other Muslim countries are progressing on national, i.e. territorial lines. Those countries are almost wholly Muslim. The Muslims of India are differently situated.

Gentlemen! I am deeply grateful to you for the honour you have conferred upon me in inviting me to preside over the deliberations of the All-India Muslim League at one of the most critical moments in the history of Muslim political thought and activity in India. I have no doubt that in this great assembly there are men whose political experience is far more extensive than mine, and for whose knowledge of affairs I have the highest respect. It will, therefore, be presumptuous on my part to claim to guide an assembly of such men in the political decisions which they are called upon to make today. I lead no party; I follow no leader. I have given the best part of my life to a careful study of Islam, its laws and polity, its culture, its history and its literature. This constant contact with the spirit of Islam, as it unfolds itself in time, has, I think, given me a kind of insight into its significance as a world fact. It is in the light of this insight, whatever its value, that while assuming that the Muslims of India are determined to remain true to the spirit of Islam, I propose, not to guide you in your decisions, but to attempt the humbler task of bringing clearly to your consciousness the main principle which, in my opinion, should determine the general character of these decisions.

Islam and Nationalism It cannot be denied that Islam, regarded as an ethical ideal plus a certain kind of polity by which expression I mean a social structure regulated by a legal system and animated by a specific ethical idealhas been the chief formative factor in the life-history of the Muslims of India. It has furnished those basic emotions and loyalties which gradually unify scattered individuals and groups, and finally transform them into a well-defined people, possessing a moral consciousness of their own. Indeed it is no exaggeration to say that India is perhaps the only country in the world where Islam, as a people-building force, has worked at its best. In India, as elsewhere, the structure of Islam as a society is almost entirely due to the working of Islam as a culture inspired by a specific ethical ideal. What I mean to say is that Muslim society, with its remarkable homogeneity and inner unity, has grown to be what it is, under the pressure of the laws and institutions associated with the culture of Islam. The ideas set free by European political thinking, however, are now rapidly changing the outlook of the present generation of Muslims, both in India and outside India. Our younger men, inspired by these ideas, are anxious to see them as living forces in their own counties, without any critical appreciation of the facts which have determined their evolution in Europe, Christianity was understood to be a purely monastic order which gradually developed into a vast church-organisation, not against any system of polity of a

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developed into a vast church-organisation, not against any system of polity of a secular nature, for the obvious reason that there was no such polity associated with Christianity. And Luther was perfectly justified in rising in revolt against this organisation; though, I think, he did not realise that, in the peculiar condition which obtained in Europe, his revolt would eventually mean the complete displacement of the universal ethics of Jesus by the growth of a plurality of national and hence narrower systems of ethics. Thus, the upshot of the intellectual movement initiated by such men as Rousseau and Luther was the break-up of the one into a mutually ill-adjusted many, the transformation of a human into a national outlook, requiring a more realistic foundation, such as the notion of the country, and finding expression through varying systems of polity evolved on national lines, i.e. on lines which recognise territory as the only principle of political solidarity. If you begin with the conception of religion as complete other-worldliness, then what has happened to Christianity in Europe is perfectly natural. The universal ethics of Jesus is displaced by national system of ethics and polity. The conclusion to which Europe is consequently driven is that religion is a private affair of the individual and has nothing to do with what is called man's temporal life.

Islam does not bifurcate the unity of man into an irreconcilable duality of spirit and matter. In Islam God and the universe, spirit and matter, church and state, are organic to each other. Man is not the citizen of a profane world to be renounced in the interest of a world of spirit situated elsewhere. To Islam matter is spirit realising itself in space and time.

Europe uncritically accepted the duality of spirit and matter probably from Manichaean thought. Her best thinkers are realising this initial mistake today, but her statesmen are indirectly forcing the world to accept it as an unquestionable dogma. It is, then, this mistaken separation of spiritual and temporal which has largely influenced European religious and political thought, and has resulted practically in the total exclusion of Christianity from the life of European States.

The result is a set of mutually ill-adjusted States, after trampling over the moral and religious convictions of Christianity, are today feeling the need of a federated Europe, i.e. the need of a unity which the Christian church-organisation originally gave them, but which, instead of reconstructing in the light of Christ's vision of human brotherhood, they considered it fit to destroy under the inspiration of Luther.

A Luther in the world of Islam, however, is an impossible phenomena; Middle Ages, inviting a destroyer. In the world of Islam, we have a universal polity whose fundamentals are believed to have been revealed, but whose structure, owing to our legists want of contact with the modern world, today stands in need of renewed power by adjustment. I do not know what will be the final fate of the national idea in the world of Islam. Whether Islam will assimilate and transform it, as it has before assimilated and transformed many ideas expressive of a different spirit, or allow a radical transformation of its own structure by the force of this idea, is hard to predict. Professor Wensinck of Leiden (Holland) wrote to me the other day: "It seems to me that Islam is entering upon a crisis through which Christianity has been passing for more than a century. The great difficulty is how to save the foundations of religion when many antiquated notions have to be given up. It seems to me scarcely possible to state what the outcome will be for Christianity, still less what it will be for Islam." At the present moment, the national idea is racialising the outlook of Muslims, and this is materially counteracting the humanising work of Islam. And the growth of racial consciousness may mean the growth of standards different and even opposed to the standards of Islam.

I hope you will pardon me for this apparently academic discussion. To address this Session of the All-India Muslim League, you have selected a man who is not despaired of Islam as a living force for freeing the outlook of man from its geographical limitations, who believes that religion is a power of the utmost importance in the life of individuals as well as of states, and finally, who believes that Islam is itself Destiny and will not suffer a destiny! Such a man cannot but look at matters from his own point of view. Do not think that the problem I am indicating is a purely theoretical one. It is a very living and practical problem

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calculated to affect the very fabric of Islam as a system of life and conduct. On a proper solution of it alone depends your future as a distinct cultural unit in India.

Never in our history has Islam had to stand a greater trial than the one which confronts it today. It is open to a people to modify, reinterpret or reject the foundational principles of their social structure; but it is absolutely necessary for them to see clearly what they are doing before they undertake to try a fresh experiment. Nor should the way in which I am approaching this important problem lead anybody to think differently. You are a Muslim assembly, and, I suppose, anxious to remain true to the spirit and ideals of Islam. My sole desire, therefore, is to tell you frankly what I honestly believe to be truth about the present situation. In this way alone is it possible for me to illuminate, according to my light, the avenues of your political action.

Unity through Harmony of Differences What then, is the problem and its implications? Is religion a private affair? Would you like Islam, as a moral and political ideal, meeting the same fate in the world of Islam as Christianity has already met in Europe? Is it possible to retain Islam as an ethical ideal and to reject it as a polity, in favour of national politics in which the religious attitude is not permitted to play any part? This question becomes of special importance in India where the Muslims happen to be in a minority. The proposition that religion is a private individual experience is not surprising on the lips of a European. In Europe, the conception of Christianity as a monastic order, renouncing the world of matter and fixing its gaze entirely on the world of spirit, led, by a nature of the Prophet's religious experience, as disclosed in the Qur'an, however, is wholly different. It is not mere experience in the sense of a purely biological event, happening inside the experiment and necessitating no reactions on its social environment. It is individual experience creative of implicit legal concepts whose civic significance cannot be belittled merely because their origin is revelational. The religious ideal of Islam, therefore is organically related to the social order which it has created. The rejection of the one will eventually involve the rejection of the other. Therefore the Islamic principle of solidarity, is simply unthinkable to a Muslim. This is a matter which, at the present moment, directly concerns the Muslims of India. "Man", says Renan, "is enslaved neither by his race, nor by his religion, nor by the course of rivers, nor by the direction of mountain ranges. A great aggregation of men, sane of mind and warm of heart, creates a moral consciousness which is called a nation." Such a formation is quite possible, though it involves the long and arduous process of practically remaking men and furnishing them with a fresh emotional equipment. It might have been a fact in India, if the teaching of Kabir and the Divine Faith of Akbar had seized the imagination of the masses of this country. Experience, however, shows that the various caste units and religious units in India have shown no inclination to sink their respective individualities in a larger whole. Each group is intensely jealous of the collective existence. The formation of the kind of moral consciousness which constitutes the essence of a nation in Renan's sense demands a price which the people of India are not prepared to pay. The unity of an Indian nation, therefore, must be sought, not in the negation, but in the mutual harmony and co-operation of the many. True statesmanship cannot ignore facts, however unpleasant they may be. The only practical course is not to assume the existence of a state of things which does not exist, but to recognise facts as they are, and to exploit them to our greatest advantage. And it is on the discovery of Indian unity in this direction that the fate of India as well as of Asia depends. India is Asia in miniature. Part of her people have cultural affinities with nations in the East, and part with nations in the middle and west of Asia. If an effective principle of co-operation is discovered in India, it will bring peace and mutual goodwill to this ancient land which has suffered so long, more because of her situation in historic space than because of any inherent incapacity of her people. And it will at the same time solve the entire political problem of Asia.

It is, however, painful to observe that our attempts to discover such a principle of internal harmony have so far failed. Why have they failed? Perhaps, we suspect each other's intentions, and inwardly aim at dominating each other. Perhaps, in the higher interests of mutual co-operation, we cannot afford to part with the

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higher interests of mutual co-operation, we cannot afford to part with the monopolies which circumstances have placed in our hands, and conceal our egoism under the cloak of a nationalism, outwardly simulating a large-hearted patriotism, but inwardly as narrow-minded as a caste or tribe. Perhaps, we are unwilling to recognise that each group has a right to free development according to its own cultural traditions. But whatever may be the causes of our failure, I still feel hopeful. Events seem to be tending in the direction of some sort of internal harmony. And as far as I have been able to read the Muslim mind, I have no hesitation in declaring that, if the principle that the Indian Muslim is entitled to full and free development on the lines of his own culture and tradition in his own Indian homeland, is recognised as the basis of a permanent communal settlement, he will be ready to stake his all for the freedom of India. The Principle that each group is entitled to free development on its own lines is not inspired by any feeling of narrow communalism. There are communalisms and communalisms. A community which is inspired by a feeling of ill-will towards other communities is low and ignoble. I entertain the highest respect for the customs, laws, religious and social institutions of other communities. Nay, it is my duty, according to the teaching of the Qur'an, even to defend their places of worship if need be. Yet I love the communal group which is the source of my life and behaviour; and which has formed me what I am by giving me its religion, its literature, its thought, its culture, and thereby reacting its whole past, as a living operative factor, in my present consciousness. Even the authors of the Nehru Report recognise the value of this higher aspect of communalism. While discussing the separation of Sind, they say: "To say from the view-point of nationalism that no communal provinces should be created is, in a way, equivalent to saying from the still wider international view-point that there should be no separate nation. Both these statements have measure of truth in them. But the staunchest internationalist recognises that without the fullest national autonomy, it is extraordinarily difficult to create the international State. So also, without the fullest cultural autonomy and communalism in its better aspect is culture it will be difficult to create a harmonious nation.

Communalism, in its higher aspect, then, is indispensable to the formation of a harmonious whole in a country like India. The units of Indian society are not territorial as in European countries. India is a continent of human groups belonging to different races, speaking different languages, and professing different religions.

Their behaviour is not at all determined by a common race-consciousness. Even the Hindus do not form a homogeneous group. The principle of European democracy cannot be applied to India without recognising the fact of communal groups. The Muslim demand for the creation of a Muslim India within India is, therefore, perfectly justified. The resolution of All-Parties Muslim Conference at Delhi is to my mind wholly inspired by this noble idea of a harmonious whole which, instead of stifling the respective individualities of its component wholes, affords them chances of fully working out the possibilities that may be latent in them. And I have no doubt that this House will emphatically endorse the Muslim demand embodied in this resolution.

Personally, I would go further than the demands embodied in it. I would like to see the Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single State. Self-government within the British Empire, or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated North-West Indian Muslim State appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of North-West India. The proposal was put forward before the Nehru Committee.

They rejected it on the ground that, if carried into effect, it would give a very unwieldy State. This is true in so far as the area is concerned; in point of population, the State contemplated by the proposal would be much smaller than some of the present Indian provinces. The exclusion of Ambala Division, and perhaps of some districts where non-Muslims predominate, will make it less extensive and more Muslim in population, so that the exclusion suggested will enable this consolidated State to give a more effective protection to non-Muslim minorities within its area. The idea need not alarm the Hindus or the British. India is the greatest Muslim country in the world. The life of Islam as a cultural force in this living country very largely depends on its centralisation in a specified territory.

This centralisation of the most living portion of the Muslims of India, whose pakstudies.8m.com/allama_iqbal.html

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This centralisation of the most living portion of the Muslims of India, whose military and police service has, notwithstanding unfair treatment from the British, made the British rule possible in this country, will eventually solve the problem of India as well as of Asia. It will intensify their sense of responsibility and deepen their patriotic feeling. Thus, possessing full opportunity of development within the body-politic of India, the North-West Indian Muslims will prove the best defenders of India against a foreign invasion, be that invasion one of ideas or of bayonets.

The Punjab with a 56 percent Muslim population supplies 54 percent of total combatant troops in the Indian army; and if the 19,000 Gurkhas recruited from the independent State of Nepal are excluded, the Punjab contingent amounts to 62 percent of the whole Indian army. This percentage does not take into account nearly 6,000 combatants supplied to the Indian army by the North-West Frontier Province and Baluchistan. From this, you can easily calculate the possibilities of North-West Indian Muslims in regard to the defence of India against foreign aggression. The Right Hon'ble Mr. Srinivasa Shastri thinks that the Muslim demand for the creation of autonomous Muslim States along the North-West border is actuated by a desire "to acquire means of exerting pressure in emergencies on the Government of India. I may frankly tell him that the Muslim demand is not actuated by the kind of motive he imputes to us; it is actuated by a genuine desire for free development, which is practically impossible under the type of unitary government contemplated by the nationalist Hindu politicians with a view to securing permanent communal dominance in the whole of India.

Nor should the Hindu fear that the creation of autonomous Muslim States will mean the introduction of a kind of religious rule in such States. I have already indicated to you the meaning of the word religion, as applied to Islam. The truth is that Islam is not a church. It is a State, conceived as a contractual organism long, long before Rousseau ever thought of such a thing, and animated by an ethical ideal which regards man not as an earth-rooted creature, defined by this or that portion of the earth, but as a spiritual being understood in terms of a social mechanism, and possessing rights and duties as a living factor in that mechanism.

The character of a Muslim State can be judged from what The Times of India pointed out some time ago in a leader on the Indian Banking Inquiry Committee.

"In ancient India, the paper points out, "the States framed laws regulating the rates of interests; but in Muslim times, although Islam clearly forbids the realisation of interest on money loaned, Indian Muslim States imposed no restrictions on such rates." I therefore demand the formation of a consolidated Muslim State in the best interests of India and Islam. For India, it means security and peace resulting from an internal balance of power; for Islam, an opportunity to rid itself of the stamp that Arabian Imperialism was forced to give it, to mobilise its laws, its education, its culture, and to bring them into closer contact with its own original spirit and with the spirit of modern times.

Federal States Thus it is clear that, in view of India's infinite variety in climates, races, languages, creeds and social systems, the creation of autonomous States based on the unity of language, race, history, religion and identity of economic interests, is the only possible way to secure a stable constitutional structure in India. The conception of federation underlying the Simon Report necessitates the abolition of the Central Legislative Assembly as a popular assembly and makes it an Assembly of the representatives of Federal States. It further demands a redistribution of territory on the lines which I have indicated. And the Report does recommend both. I give my whole-hearted support to this view of the matter; but I venture to suggest that the redistribution recommended in the Simon Report must fulfil two conditions. It must precede the introduction of the new constitution, and it must be so devised as to finally solve the communal problem. Proper redistribution will make the question of joint and separate electorates automatically disappear from the constitutional controversy of India. It is the present structure of the provinces that is largely responsible for this controversy. The Hindu thinks that separate electorates are contrary to the spirit of true nationalism, because he understands the word 'nation' to mean a kind of universal amalgamation in which no communal entity ought to pakstudies.8m.com/allama_iqbal.html

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retain its private individuality. Such a state of things, however, does not exist. Nor it is desirable that it should exist. India is land of racial and religious variety. Add to this general economic inferiority of the Muslims, their enormous debt, especially in the Punjab, and their insufficient majorities in some of the provinces, as at present constituted, and you will begin to see clearly the meaning of our anxiety to retain separate electorates. In such a country and in such circumstances, territorial electorate cannot secure adequate representation of all interests, and must inevitably lead to the creation of an oligarchy. The Muslims of India can have no objection to purely territorial electorates if provinces are demarcated so as to secure comparatively homogeneous communities, possessing linguistic, racial, cultural and religious unity.

The Simon Report Conception of Federation But in so far as the question of the powers of the Central Federal State is concerned, there is subtle difference of motives in the Constitutions proposed by the Pandits of India and the Pandits of England. The Pandits of India do not disturb the central authority as it stands at present. All that they desire is that this authority should become fully responsible to the Central Legislature which they maintain intact, and where their majority will become further reinforced on the nominated element ceasing to exist. The Pandits of England, on the other hand, realising that democracy in the Centre tends to work contrary to their interest and is likely to absorb the whole power now in their hands, in case a further advance is made towards responsible government, have shifted the experiment of democracy from the Centre to the provinces. No doubt, they introduce the principle of federation and appear to have made a beginning by making certain proposals, yet their evaluation of this principle is determined by considerations wholly different from those which determine its value in the eyes of Muslim India. The Muslims demand federation because it is pre-eminently a solution of India's most difficult problem, i.e. the communal problem. The Royal Commissioner's view of federation, though sound in principle, does not seem to aim at responsible government for Federal States. Indeed, it does not go beyond providing means of escape from the situation which the introduction of democracy in India has created for the British, and wholly disregards the Communal problem by leaving it where it was.

Thus it is clear that, in so far as real federation is concerned, the Simon Report virtually negatives the principle of federation in its true significance. The Nehru Report, realising a Hindu majority in the Central Assembly, reaches for a unitary form of government, because such an institution secures Hindu dominance throughout India; the Simon Report retains the present British dominance behind the thin veneer of an unreal federation, partly because the British are naturally unwilling to part with the power they have so long wielded, and partly because it is possible for them, in the absence of an inter-communal understanding in India, to make out a plausible case for the retention of that power in their own hands. To my mind a unitary form of government is simply unthinkable in a self-governing India. What is called 'residuary powers' must be left entirely to self-governing States, the Central Federal State exercising only those powers which are expressly vested in it by the free consent of Federal States. I would never advise the Muslims of India to agree to a system, whether of British or of Indian origin, which virtually negatives the principle of true federation, or fails to recognise them as a distinct political entity.

The Round-Table Discussion of Federation The necessity for a structural change in the Central Government was probably seen long before the British discovered the most effective means for introducing this change. That is why, at a rather late stage, it was announced that the participation of the Indian Princes in the Round-Table Conference was essential. It was a kind of surprise to the people of India, particularly the minorities, to see the Indian Princes at Round-Table Conference dramatically expressing their willingness to join an All-India Federation, and, as a result of their declaration, the Hindu delegatesuncompromising advocates of a unitary form of Governmentquietly pakstudies.8m.com/allama_iqbal.html

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delegatesuncompromising advocates of a unitary form of Governmentquietly agreeing to the evaluation of a federal scheme. Even Mr. Shastri, who, only a few days before, had severely criticised Sir John Simon for recommending a federal scheme for India, suddenly became a convert and admitted his conversion in the plenary session of the Conferencethus offering the Prime Minister of England an occasion for one of his wittiest observations in his concluding speech. All this has meaning both for British, who have sought the participation of the Indian Princes, and the Hindus, who have unhesitatingly accepted the evaluation of an All-Indian federation. The truth is that the participation of the Indian Princesamong whom only a few are Muslimsin a federation scheme serves a double purpose. On the one hand, it serves as an all-important factor in maintaining the British power in India practically as it is, on the other hand, it gives an overwhelming majority to the Hindus in an All-India Federal Assembly.

It appears to me that Hindu-Muslim differences regarding the ultimate form of Central Government are being cleverly exploited by British politicians through the agency of the princes, who see in the scheme prospects of better security for their despotic rule. If the Muslims silently agree to any such scheme, it will simply hasten their end as a political entity in India. The policy of the Indian Federation thus created will be practically controlled by Hindu-princes forming the largest group in the Central Federal Assembly. They will always lend their support to the Crown in matters of Imperial concern; and in so far as internal administration of the country is concerned, they will help in maintaining and strengthening the supremacy of the Hindus. In other words, the scheme appears to be aiming at a kind of understanding between Hindu India and British ImperialismYou perpetuate me in India, and in return, I give you a Hindu oligarchy to keep all other Indian communities in perpetual subjection. If, therefore, the British Indian provinces are not transformed into really autonomous States, the Princes' participation in a scheme of Indian federation will be interpreted only as a dextrous move on the part of British politicians to satisfy, without parting with any real power, all parties concerned: Muslims with the word 'federation'; Hindus with a majority in the Centre; and British Imperialist whether Tory or Labouritewith the substance of real power.

The number of Hindu States in India is far greater than of Muslim States; and it remains to be seen how the Muslim demand for 33 percent seats in the Central Federal Assembly is to be met in a House or Houses constituted of representatives taken from British India as well as from Indian States. I hope the Muslim delegates are fully aware of the implications of the federal scheme as discussed in the Round-Table Conference. The question of Muslim representation in the proposed All-India Federation has not yet been discussed. "The interim report", says Reuter's summary, "contemplates two chambers in the Federal Legislatureeach containing representatives both of British India and the States, the proportion of which will be a matter of subsequent consideration under the heads which have not yet been referred to the Subcommittee." In my opinion, the question of proportion is of the utmost importance, and ought to have been considered simultaneously with the main question of the structure of the Assembly.

The best course, I think, would have been to start with a British Indian federation only. A federal scheme born of an unholy union between democracy and despotism cannot but keep British India in the same vicious circle of a unitary Central Government. Such a unitary form may be of the greatest advantage to the British, to the majority community in India, and to the Indian Princes; it can be of no advantage to the Muslims unless they get majority rights in five out of eleven Indian provinces with full residuary powers, and a one-third share of seats in the total House of the Federal Assembly. In so far as the attainment of sovereign powers by the British Indian Provinces is concerned, the position of H. H. the Ruler of Bhopal, Sir Akbar Hydari and Mr Jinnah is unassailable. In view, however, of the participation of the Princes in the Indian Federation, we must now see our demand for representation in the British Indian Assembly in a new light.

The question is not one of the Muslim share in a British Indian Assembly, but one which relates to representation of British Indian Muslims in an All-India Federal Assembly. Our demand for 33 percent must now be taken as a demand for the same proportion in the All-India Federal Assembly, exclusive of the share allotted pakstudies.8m.com/allama_iqbal.html

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same proportion in the All-India Federal Assembly, exclusive of the share allotted to the Muslim States entering the Federation.

The Problem of Defence The other difficult problem which confronts the successful working of a Federal system in India is the problem of India's defence. In their discussion of this problem, the Royal Commissioners have marshalled all the deficiencies of India in order to make out a case for Imperial administration of the army. "India and Britain", say the Commissioners, "are so related that India's defence cannot now, or in any future which is within sight, be regarded as a matter of purely Indian concern. The control and direction of such an army must rest in the hands of agents of the Imperial Government. Now does it necessarily follow from this that further progress towards the realisation of responsible government in British India is barred until the work of defence can be adequately discharged without the help of British officers and British troops? As things are, there is a block on the line of constitutional advance. All hopes of evolution in the Central Government towards the ultimate goal described in the declaration of August 20, 1917, are in danger of being indefinitely frustrated if the attitude illustrated by the Nehru Report is maintained, that any future change involves putting the administration of the army under the authority of an elected Indian Legislature." Further, to forcify their argument, they emphasise the fact of competing religious and rival races of widely different capacity, and try to make the problem look insoluble by remarking that "the obvious fact that India is not, in the ordinary and natural sense, a single nation is nowhere made more plain than in considering the difference between the martial races of India and the rest." These features of the question have been emphasised in order to demonstrate that the British are not only keeping India secure from foreign menace, but are also the 'neutral guardians' of internal security. However, in federated India, as I understand federation, the problem will have only one aspect, i.e., external defence. Apart from provincial armies necessary for maintaining internal peace, the Indian Federal Congress can maintain, on the North-West Frontier, a strong Indian Frontier Army composed of units recruited from all provinces and officered by efficient and experienced military men taken from all communities. I know that India is not in possession of efficient military officers, and this fact is exploited by the Royal Commissioners in the interest of an argument for Imperial administration. On this point, I cannot but quote another passage from the Report which, to my mind, furnishes the best argument against the position taken up by the Commissioners. "As the present moment," says the Report, " no Indian holding the King's Commission is of higher army rank than a captain. There are I believe, 39 captains of whom 25 are in ordinary regimental employ. Some of them are of an age which would prevent their attaining much higher rank, even if they passed the necessary examination before retirement. Most of these have not been through Sandhurst, but the desire and however earnest the endeavour to work for the transformation, the overriding conditions so forcibly expressed by the Skeen Committee (Whose members, apart from the Chairman and the Army Secretary, were Indian gentlemen), in the words 'Progress‌must be contingent upon success being secured at each stage and upon military efficiency being maintained throughout', must in any case render such development measured and slow. A higher command cannot be evolved at short notice out of existing cadres of Indian officers, all of junior rank and limited experience. Not until the slender trickle of suitable Indian recruits for the officer classand we earnestly desire an increase in their numberflows in much greater volume, not until sufficient Indian have attained the experience and training requisite to provide all the officers for, at any rate, some Indian regiments, not until such units have stood the only test which can possibly determine their efficiency, and not until Indian officers have qualified by a successful army career for high command, will it be possible to develop the policy of Indianization to a point which will bring a completely Indianized army within sight. Even then years must elapse before the process could be completed."

Now I venture to ask who is responsible for the present state of thing? Is it due to some inherent incapacity of our martial races or to the slowness of the process of military training? The military capacity of our martial races is undeniable. The process of military training may be slow as compared to other processes of human

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process of military training may be slow as compared to other processes of human training. I am no military expert to judge this matter. But as a layman, I feel that the argument, as stated, assumes the process to be practically endless. This means perpetual bondage for India, and makes it all the more necessary that the Frontier Army, as suggested by the Nehru Report, be entrusted to the charge of a committee of defence the personnel of which may be settled by mutual understanding.

Again it is significant that the Simon Report has given extraordinary importance to the question of India's land frontier, but has made only passing reference to its naval position. India has doubtless had to face invasions from her land frontiers; but it is obvious that her present master took possession of her on account of her defenceless sea coast. A self-governing and free India, will, in these days, have to take greater care of her sea coast than her land frontiers.

I have no doubt that if a Federal Government is established, Muslim Federal States will willingly agree, for purposes of India's defence, to the creation of neutral Indian military and naval forces. Such a neutral military force for the defence of India, was a reality in the days of Mughal rule. Indeed, in the time of Akbar, the Indian frontier was, on the whole, defended by armies officered by Hindu generals.

I am perfectly sure that the scheme of neutral Indian army, based on a federated India, will intensify Muslim patriotic feelings, and finally set at rest the suspicion, if any, of Indian Muslims joining Muslims from beyond the frontier in the event of an invasion.

The Alternative I have thus tried briefly to indicate the way in which the Muslim of India thought, in my opinion, to look at the two most important constitutional problem of India. A redistribution of British India calculated to secure a permanent solution of the communal problem is the main demand of the Muslims of India. If, however, the Muslim demand for a territorial solution of the communal problem is ignored. then I support, as emphatically as possible, the Muslim demands repeatedly urged by the All-India Muslim conference. The Muslims of India cannot agree to any constitutional change which affect their majority right, to be secured by separate electorates, in the Punjab and Bengal, or fail to guarantee them 33 percent representation in any central legislature. There were two pitfalls into which Muslim political leader fell. The first was the repudiated Lucknow pact, which originated in a false view of Indian nationalism, and deprived the Muslims of India from chances of acquiring any political power in India. The second is the narrow-visioned sacrifice of Islamic solidarity in the interest of what may be called "Punjab ruralism", resulting in a proposal which virtually reduces the Punjab Muslims to the position of minority. It is the duty of the League to condemn both the pact and the proposal.

The Simon Report does great injustice to the Muslims in not recommending statutory majority for the Punjab and Bengal. It would either make the Muslims stick to the Lucknow Pact or agree to a scheme of joint electorates. The despatch of the government of India on the Simon Report admits that since the publication of this document, the Muslim community has not expressed its willingness to accept any of the alternative proposed by the Report. The despatch recognises that it may be a legitimate grievance to deprive the Muslims of the Punjab and Bengal of representation in the councils in proportion to their population merely because of

weightage allowed to Muslim minorities elsewhere. But the despatch of the Government of India fails to correct the injustice of the Simon Report. In so far as the Punjab is concernedand this is the more crucial pointit endorsees the so-called `carefully balanced scheme` worked out by the official member of the Punjab Government, which gives the Punjab Muslim majority of two over the Hindus and Sikhs combined, and proportion of 49 percent of the house as a whole. It is obvious that the Punjab Muslims cannot be satisfied with less than a clear majority in the total house. However, Lord Irwin and his Government do recognise that the justification of communal electorates for majority communities would not cease unless and until, by the extension of franchise, their voting strength more correctly reflects their population; and further, unless a two-third majority of the Muslim pakstudies.8m.com/allama_iqbal.html

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reflects their population; and further, unless a two-third majority of the Muslim members of the provincial Council unanimously agree to surrender the right of separate representation. I cannot, however, understand why the Government of India, having recognised the legitimacy of the Muslim grievance, have not had the courage to recommend a statutory majority for the Muslims in the Punjab and Bengal.

Nor can the Muslims of India agree to any such changes which fail to create at least Sind as a separate province, and treat the North-West Frontier Province as a province of inferior political status. I see no reason why Sind should not be united with Baluchistan and turned in to a separate province. It has nothing in common with the Bombay Presidency. In point of life and civilisation, the Royal Commissioners find it more akin to Mesopotamia and Arabia than India. The Muslim geographer Masudi noticed this kinship long ago, when he said, "Sind is a country nearer to the dominions of Islam. The first Ummayyad ruler is reported to have said of Egypt: "Egypt has her back towards Africa and her face towards Arabia". With necessary alteration, the same remark describes the exact situation of Sind. She has her back toward India and her face toward Central Asia. Considering further the nature of her agricultural problem, which can invoke more sympathy form the Bombay Government, and her infinite commercial possibilities dependent on inevitable growth of Karachi and to a second metropolis in India, It is unwise to keep her attached to a presidency which, though friendly today is likely to become a rival at no distant period. Financial difficulties, we are told, stand in the way of separation. I do not know of any definite authoritative pronouncement on the matter. But, assuming there are such difficulties, I see no reason why the Government of India should not give temporary financial help to the promising province in her struggle for independent progress.

As to the North-West Frontier Province, it is painful to note that the Royal Commissioners have practically denied that the people of this province have any right to reform. They fall far short of the Bray Committee, and the council recommended by them is merely a screen to hide autocracy of the Chief Commissioner. The inherent right of the Afghan to light a cigarette is curtailed merely because he happens to be living in a powder house. The Royal Commissioners' epigrammatic argument is pleasant enough, but far from convincing. Political reform is light, not fire; and to light, every human being is entitled, whether he happens to live in a powder house or a coal mine. Brave, shrewd and determined to suffer for his legitimate aspiration, the Afghan is sure to resent any attempt to deprive him of opportunities of full self- development. To keep such a people contented is in the best interest of both England and India.

What has recently happened in that unfortunate province is the result of a stepmotherly treatment shown to the people since the introduction of the principle of self-government in the rest of India. I only hope the British statesmanship will not obscure in view of the situation by hoodwinking itself into the belief that the present unrest of the province is due to any extraneous causes.

The recommendation for the introduction of a measure of reform in the N.W.F.P. made in the Government of India's Despatch is also unsatisfactory. No doubt the despatch goes further than the Simon Report in recommending a sort of representative Council and a semi-reparsentative Cabinet, but it fails to treat this important Muslim province on equal footing with other Indian provinces. Indeed, the Afghan is by instinct more fitted for democratic institutions than any other people in India.

The Round-Table Conference I think I am now called upon to make a few observations on the Round-Table Conference Personally, I do not feel optimistic as to the results of this conference.

It was hoped that, away from the actual scene of communal strife and in a changed atmosphere, better counsels would prevail, and a genuine settlement of the differences between the two major communities of India would bring India's freedom within sight. Actual events, however, tell a different tale. Indeed, the discussion of the communal question in London has demonstrated, more clearly than ever, the essential disparity between the two great cultural units of India. Yet

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than ever, the essential disparity between the two great cultural units of India. Yet the Prime Minister of England apparently refuses to see that the problem of India is international. He is reported to have said that "his Government would find it difficult to submit to parliamentary proposal for the maintenance of separate electorates, since joint electorates were much more in accordance with British democratic sentiment". Obviously he does not see that the model of British democracy cannot be of any use in a land of many nations; and that a system of separate electorates is only a poor substitute for a territorial solution of the problem. Nor is the Minority Sub-Committee likely to reach a satisfactory settlement. The whole question will have to go before the British parliament; and we can only hope that the keen-sighted representatives of the British nation, unlike most of our Indian politicians, will be able to pierce through the surface of things, and clearly see the true fundamentals of peace and security in a country like India.

To base a Constitution on the concept of a homogeneous India, or to apply to India principles dictated by British democratic sentiment, is unwittingly to prepare her for a civil war. As far as I can see, there will be no space in the country until the various peoples that constitute India are given opportunities of free selfdevelopment on modern lines, without abruptly breaking with their past.

I am glad to be able to say that our Muslim delegates fully realise the importance of a proper solution of what I call-India's international problem. They are perfectly justified in pressing for a solution of the communal question before the responsibility in the Cultural Government is finally settled. No Muslim politician should be sensitive to the taunt embodied in that propaganda word "Communalism"expressly devised to exploit what the Prime Minister calls British democratic sentiments, and to mislead England into assuming a state of thing which does not really exist in India. Great interests are at stake. We are 70 millions, and far more homogeneous than any other people in India. Indeed the Muslims of India are the only Indian people who can fully be described as a nation in the modern sense of the word. The Hindus, though ahead of us in almost all respects, have not yet been able to achieve the kind of homogeneity which is necessary for a nation, and which Islam has given you as a free gift. No doubt they are anxious to become a nation in a kind of travail, and in the case of India, involve a complete overhauling of her social structure. Nor should the Muslim leaders and politicians allow themselves to be carried away by the subtle but fallacious arguments that Turkey and Persia and other Muslim countries are progressing on national, territorial lines. The Muslims of India are differently situated. The countries of Islam outside India are practically wholly Muslim in population. The minorities there belong, in the language of the Qur'an, to 'the people of the book'. There are no social barriers between Muslims and 'the people of the book'. Indeed the first practical step that Islam took towards the realisation of the final combination of humanity was to call upon peoples processing practically the same ethical ideal to come forward and combine. The Qur'an declares, "O people of the Book! Come let us join together on the 'word' (Unity of God) that is common to us all." The wars of Islam an Christianity, and later, European aggression in its various forms, could not allow the infinite meaning of this verse to work itself out in the word of Islam. Today, it is being gradually realised in the countries of Islam in shape of what is called Muslim Nationalism.

It is hardly necessary for me to add that the people test of the success of our delegates is the extent to which they are able to get the non-Muslim delegates of the Conference to agree to our demands as embodied in Delhi Resolution. If these demands are not agreed to, then a question of a very great and far-reaching importance will arise for the community. There will arrive the moment for independent and concerted political action by the Muslims of India. If you are at all serious about your ideal and inspirations, you must be ready for such action. Our leading men have done a good deal of political thinking, and their thoughts have certainly been made more or less, sensitive to the forces which are now shaping the destinies of people of India and outside India. But, I ask, has this thinking prepared us for the kind of action demanded by the situation which may arise in the near future? Let me tell you frankly that, at the present moment, the Muslims of India are suffering from two evils. The first is the want of personalities. Sir Malcom Hailey and Lord Irwin were perfectly correct in their diagnosis, when they told the

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Hailey and Lord Irwin were perfectly correct in their diagnosis, when they told the Aligarh University that the community had failed to produce leaders. By leaders, I mean men who, by Divine gift or experience, possess a keen perception of the spirit and destiny of Islam, along with an equally keen perception of the trend of modern history. Such men are really the driving force of a people, but they are God's gift and cannot be made to order. The second evil from which the Muslims of India are suffering is that the community is fast loosing what is called the hard instinct. This makes it possible for individuals and groups to start independent careers without contributing to the general thought and activity of the community.

We are doing today in the domain of politics what we have been doing for centuries in the domain of religion. But sectional bickering in religion do not do much harm to our solidarity. They at least indicate and what makes the sole principle is so broadly conceived that it is almost impossible for a group to become rebellious to the extent of wholly detaching itself from the general body of Islam.

But diversity in political action, at a moment when concerted action is needed in the best interests of the very life of our people, may prove fatal. How shall we then, remedy these two evils? The remedy of the first evil is not in our hands. As to the second evil, I think it is possible to discover a remedy. I have got definite views on the subject; but I think it is proper to postpone their expression till the apprehended situation actually arises. In case it does arise, leading Muslims of all shades of opinion will have to meet together, not to pass resolution, but finally to decide the Muslim attitude and to show the path to tangible achievement. In this address, I mention this alternative only because I wish that you may keep it in mind, and give some serious thought to it in the meantime.

Conclusion Gentlemen! I have finished. In conclusion, I cannot but impress upon you that the present crisis in the history of India demands complete organisation and unity of will and purpose in the Muslim community, both in your own interest as a community, and in the interest of India as a whole. The political bondage of India has been and is a source of infinite misery to the whole of Asia. It has suppressed the spirit of the East, and wholly deprived her of that joy of self-expression which once made her the creator of a great and glorious culture. We have a duty towards India where we are destined to live and die. We have a duty towards Asia, especially Muslim Asia. And since seventy millions of Muslims in a single country constitute a far more valuable asset to Islam than all the countries of Muslim Asia put together, we must look at the Indian problem, not only from the Muslim point of view, but also from the standpoint of the Indian Muslim as such. Our duty towards Asia and India cannot be loyally performed without an organised will fixed on a definite purpose. In your own interest, as a political entity among other political entities of India, such an equipment is an absolute necessity. Our disorganised condition has already confused political issues vital to the life of the community. I am not hopeless of an inter communal understanding, but I cannot conceal from you the feeling that in the near future our community may be called upon to adopt an independent line of action to cope with the present crisis. And an independent line of political action, in such a crisis, impossible only to a determined people, possessing a will localised by a single purpose.

Is it possible for you to achieve the organic wholeness of a unified will? Yes, it is.

Rise above sectional interests and private ambitions, and learn to determine the value of your individual and collective action, however directed on material ends, in the light of the ideal which you are supposed to represent. Pass from matter to spirit. Matter is diversity; spirit is light, life and unity. One lesson I have learnt from the history of Muslims. At critical moments in their history, it is Islam that has saved Muslims and not vice versa.

If today you focus your vision on Islam and seek inspiration from the evervitalising idea embodied in it, you will be only reassembling your scattered forces, regaining your lost integrity, and thereby saving yourself from total destruction.

One of the profoundest verses in the Holy Qur'an teaches us that the birth and rebirth of the whole of humanity is like the birth and rebirth of a single individual.

Why cannot you, who as people, can well claim to be the first practical exponents of this superb conception of humanity, live and move and have your being as a

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of this superb conception of humanity, live and move and have your being as a single individual? I do not wish to mystify any body when I say that things in India are not what they appear to be. The meaning of this, however, will dawn upon you only when you have achieved a real collective ego to look at them. In the words of the Qur'an, "Hold fast to yourself; no one who erreth can hurt you, provided you are well-guided." (5:104).

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VI Now or Never Are We to Live or Perish for Ever?

1933

Three sessions of the Round Table Conferences were held at London in 1930, 1931 and 1932. The Congress boycotted the first session and launched a Civil Disobedience Movement which was called off as a result of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact. In the second session of the Conference the Indian leaders agreed on a federal form of government, while the communal issue could not be resolved, paving way for the announcement of the Communal Award in August 1932 by the British government to the dislike of all the political parties in India. The Award retained separate electorates, but the Muslim majorities in Punjab and Bengal assemblies were badly affected. The third session of the Conference failed to settle any significant issue.

It was in such setting that a group of Muslim students stationed at Cambridge at that time issued and distributed a pamphlet in 1933. The pamphlet titled Now or Never: Are We to Live or Perish for Ever is signed by Choudhary Rahmat Ali, Muhammad Aslam Khan Khattak, President, Khyber Union, Sahibzada Sheikh Muhammad Sadiq and Inayat Ullah Khan of Charsada, Secretary, Khyber Union. It was this pamphlet which envisaged the name PAKSTAN for the state the Muslims of India were destined to have in 1947 which was slightly modifies later on as PAKISTAN. At this solemn hour in the history of India, when British and Indian statesmen are laying the foundations of a federal Constitution for that land, we address this appeal to you, in the name of our common heritage, on behalf of our thirty million Muslim brethren who live in PAKISTAN—by which we mean the five Northern units of India, viz.: Punjab, North-West Frontier Province (Afghan Province), Kashmir, Sind and Baluchistan—for your sympathy and support in our grim and fateful struggle against political crucifixion and complete annihilation.

Our brave but voiceless nation is being sacrificed on the alter of Hindu Nationalism not only by the non-Muslims, but to the lasting disgrace of Islam, by our own socalled leaders, with reckless disregard to our future in utter contempt of the teachings of history.

The Indian Muslim Delegation at the Round Table Conference have committed an inexcusable and prodigious blunder. They have submitted, in the name of Hindu Nationalism, to the perpetual subjection of the ill-starred Muslim nation. These leaders have already agreed, without any protest or demur and without any reservation, to a Constitution based on the principle of an All-India Federation. This, in essence, amounts to nothing less than signing the death-warrant of Islam and its future in India.

In doing so, they have taken shelter behind the so-called Mandate from the community. But they forgot that that suicidal Mandate was framed and formulated by their own hands. That Mandate was not the Mandate of the Muslims of India. Nations pakstudies.8m.com/now_and_never.html

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never give Mandates to their representatives to barter away their very souls; and men of conscience never accept such self-annihilating Mandates, if given—much less execute them. At a time of a crisis of this magnitude, the foremost duty of saving statesmanship is to give a fair, firm and fearless lead, which, alas, has been persistently denied to eighty millions of our co-religionists in India by our leaders during the last seventy-five years. These have been the years of false issues, of lost opportunities and of utter blindness to the most essential and urgent needs of the Muslim interests. Their policy has throughout been nerveless in action and subservient in attitude. They have all along been paralysed with fear and doubt, and have deliberately, time and again, sacrificed their political principles for the sake of opportunism and expediency. To do so even at this momentous juncture is a policy of Bedlam. It is idle for us not to look this tragic truth in the face. The tighter we shut our eyes, the harder that truth will hit us.

At this critical moment, when this tragedy is being enacted, permit us to appeal to you for your practical sympathy and active support for the demand of a separate Federation—a matter of life and death for the Muslims of Indiaas outlined and explained below: India, constituted as it is at the present moment, is not the name of one single nation.

It is, in fact, the designation of a State created for the first time in history, by the British. It includes peoples who have never previously formed part of India at any period of its history; but who have, on the other hand, from the dawn of history till the advent of the British, possessed and retained distinct nationalities of their own.

In the five Northern Provinces of India, out of a total population of about forty millions, we, the Muslims, constitute about thirty millions. Our religion, culture, history, traditions, economic system, laws of inheritance, succession and marriage are basically and fundamentally different from those of the people living in the rest of India. The ideals which move out thirty million brethren-in-faith living in these Provinces to make the highest sacrifices are fundamentally different from those which inspire the Hindus. These differences are not confined to the broad basic principles— far from it. They extend to the minutest details of our lives. We do not inter-dine; we do not inter-marry. Our national customs and calendars, even our diet and dress are different.

It is preposterous to compare, as some superficial observers do, the differences between Muslims and Hindus with those between Roman Catholics and Protestants.

Both the Catholics and Protestants are part and parcel of one religious system— Christianity; while the Hindus and Muslims are the followers of two essentially and fundamentally different religious systems. Religion in the case of Muslims and Hindus is not a matter of private opinion as it is in the case of Christians; but on the other hand constitutes a Civic Church which lays down a code of conduct to be observed by their adherents from birth to death.

If we, the Muslims of Pakistan, with our distinct marks of nationality, are deluded into the proposed Indian Federation by friends or foes, we are reduced to a minority of one to four. It is this which sounds the death-knell of the Muslim nation in India for ever. To realise the full magnitude of this impending catastrophe, let us remind you that we thirty millions constitute about one-tenth of the whole Muslim world. The total area of the five units comprising PAKISTAN, which are our homelands, is four times that of Italy, three times that of Germany and twice that of France; and our population seven times that of the Commonwealth of Australia, four times that of the Dominion of Canada, twice that of Spain, and equal to France and Italy considered individually.

These are facts—hard facts and realities—which we challenge anybody to contradict.

It is on the basis of these facts that we make bold to assert without the least fear of contradiction that we, Muslims of PAKISTAN, do possess a separate and distinct nationality from the rest of India, where the Hindu nation lives and has every right to live. We, therefore, deserve and must demand the recognition of a separate national status by the grant of a separate Federal Constitution from the rest of India. pakstudies.8m.com/now_and_never.html

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In addressing this appeal to the Muslims of India, we are also addressing it to the two other great interests—British and Hindu—involved in the settlement of India's future.

They must understand that in our conviction our body and soul are at stake. Our very being and well-being depends upon it. For our five great Northern states to join an AllIndia Federation would be disastrous, not only to ourselves, but to every other race and interest in India, including the British and the Hindu.

This is more especially true when there is a just and reasonable alternative to the proposed settlement, which will lay the foundations of a peaceful future for this great sub-continent; and should certainly allow of the highest development of each of these two peoples without one being subject to another. This alternative is a separate Federation of these five predominantly Muslim units—Punjab, North-West Frontier Province (Afghan Province), Kashmir, Sind and Baluchistan. The Muslim Federation of North-West India would provide the bulwark of a buffer state against any invasion either of ideas or of arms from outside. The creation of such a federation would not materially disturb the ratio of the Muslim and Hindu population in the rest of India. It is wholly to the interest of British and Hindu statesmanship to have as an ally a free, powerful and contented Muslim nation having a similar but separate Constitution to that which is being enacted for the rest of India. Nothing but a separate Federation of our homelands would satisfy us. This demand is basically different from the suggestion put forward by Doctor Sir Mohammed Iqbal in his Presidential address to the All-India Muslim League in 1930. While he proposed the amalgamation of these Provinces into a single state forming a unit of the All-India Federation, we propose that these Provinces should have a separate Federation of their own. There can be no peace and tranquillity in the land if we, the Muslims, are duped into a Hindudominated Federation where we cannot be the masters of our own destiny and captains of our own souls.

Do the safeguards provided for in the Constitution give us any scope to work for our salvation along our own lines? Not a bit. Safeguard is the magic word which holds our leaders spellbound, and has dulled their consciences. In the ecstasy of their hallucinations they think that the pills of safeguards can cure nation-annihilating earthquakes. Safeguards asked for by these leaders and agreed to by the makers of the Constitution can never be a substitute for the loss of separate nationality. We, the Muslims, shall have to fight that course of suicidal insanity to death. What safeguards can be devised to prevent our minority of one in four in an All-India Federation from being sacrificed on every vital issue to the aims and interests of the majority race, which differs from us in every essential of individual and corporate life? What safeguards can prevent the catastrophe of the Muslim nation smarting and suffering eternally at the frustration of its every social and religious ideal? What safeguards can compensate our nation awakened to its national consciousness for the destruction of its distinct national status? However effective and extensive the safeguards may be, the vital organs and proud symbols of our national life, such as army and navy, foreign relations, trade and commerce, communications, posts and telegraphs, taxation and customs, will not be under our control, but will be in the hands of a Federal Government, which is bound to be overwhelmingly Hindu. With all this, how can we, the Muslims, achieve any of our ideals if those ideals—conflict as they must—with the ideals of Hindus?

The history of the last century, in this respect, is full of unforgettable lessons for us.

Even one who runs may read them. To take just one instance: Despite all these safeguards and guarantees we have enjoyed in the past, the very name of our national language—URDU, even now the lingua franca of that great sub-continent—has been wiped out of the list of Indian languages. We have just to open the latest census report to verify it. This by itself is a tragic fall. Are we fated to fall farther? But that too is dust in the scales by comparison with the tremendous national issues involving our whole future as a nation and a power not only in India but also in the whole of Asia.

In the face of these incontrovertible facts, we are entitled to ask for what purpose are we being asked to make the supreme sacrifice of surrendering our nationality and submitting ourselves and our posterity to Non-Muslim domination? What good is likely to accrue to Islam and Muslims by going into the Federation is a thing which pakstudies.8m.com/now_and_never.html

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passes our understanding. Are we to be crucified just to save the faces of our leaders, or to bolster up the preposterous falsehood that India can be a single nation? Is it with a view to achieve[sic] a compromise at all costs, or is it to support the illusion that Hindu nationalism is working in the interests of Muslims as well as Hindus? Irony is flattered to death by a mental muddle of such a nature and on such a scale. We have suffered in the past without a murmur and faced dangers without demur. The one thing we would never suffer is our own self-strangulation. We will not crucify ourselves upon the cross of Hindu nationalism in order to make a Hindu-holiday.

May we be permitted to ask of all those statesmen—Muslim or British or Hindu— supporting the Federal Constitution, if it is really desirable to make our nation sacrifice all that Islam has given us during the last fourteen hundred years to make India a nation? Does humanity really stand to gain by this stupendous sacrifice? We dare say that still is Islam the ancient fire glows and promises much for the future, if only the leaders would let it live. Whilst in Europe, excluding Russia, in about the same area as that of India and with about the same population, there live and prosper as many as twenty-six nations, with one and the same religion, civilisation and economic system, surely it is not only possible but highly desirable for two fundamentally different and distinct nations, i.e., Muslim and Hindu, to live as friendly neighbours in peace and prosperity in that vast sub-continent. What bitter irony is it that our leaders have not the courage to stand up and demand the minimum for our political salvation. We are face to face with a first-rate tragedy, the like of which has not been seen even in the long and eventful history of Islam. It is not the question of a sect or of a community going down; but it is the supreme problem which affects the destiny of the whole of Islam and the millions of human beings who, till quite recently, were the custodians of the glory of Islam in India and the defenders of its frontiers. We have a still greater future before us, if only our soul can be saved from the perpetual bondage of slavery forged in an All-India Federation. Let us make no mistake about it. The issue is now or never. Either we live or perish for ever. The future is ours only if we live up to our faith. It does not lie in the lap of the gods, but it rests in our own hands. We can make or mar it. The history of the last century is full of open warnings, and they are as plain as were ever given to any nation. Shall it be said of us that we ignored all these warnings and allowed our ancient heritage to perish in our own hands?

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VII Letters of Iqbal to Jinnah 1936-1937

Allama Muhammad Iqbal, the poet philosopher of the East and one of the early exponents of the two-nation theory remained in regular correspondence with the Quaid-i-Azam M. A. Jinnah, the AIML leader, during the period 19361937. Unfortunately Jinnah's letters to Iqbal are not available to the historian.

Mr. Jinnah, who himself got Iqbal's letters addressed to him published, has regretted the fact in these words: "During the period under reference I worked alone unassisted by the benefit of a personal staff and so did not retain duplicate copies of the numerous letters that I had to dispose of."

According to Jinnah "these letters are of very great historical importance, particularly those which explain his views in clear and unambiguous terms on the political future of Muslim India. His views were substantially in consonance with my own and had finally led me to the same conclusions as a result of a careful examination and study of the constitutional problems facing India, and found expression in due course in the united will of Muslim India as adumberated in the Lahore resolution of the All-India Muslim League, popularly known as the "Pakistan Resolution" passed on 23rd March, 1940."

Lahore 20 March 1937 My dear Mr. Jinnah, I suppose you have read Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru's address to the All-India National Convention and that you fully realise the policy under-lying it in so far as Indian Muslims are concerned. I believe you are also aware that the new constitution has at least brought a unique opportunity to Indian Muslims for self-organisation in view of the future political developments both in India and Muslim Asia. While we are ready to co-operate with other Progressive Parties in the country, we must not ignore the fact that the whole future of Islam as a moral and political force in Asia rests very largely on a complete organisation of Indian Muslims. I, therefore, suggest that an effective reply should be given to the All-India National Convention. You should immediately hold an All-India Muslim Convention in Delhi to which you should invite members of the new Provincial Assemblies as well as other prominent Muslim leaders. To this Convention you must restate, as cleanly and as strongly as possible, the political objective of the Indian Muslims as a distinct political unit in the country.

It is absolutely necessary to tell the world both inside and outside India that the economic problem is not the only problem in the country. From the Muslim point of view cultural problem is of much greater consequence to most Indian Muslims. At any rate it is not less important than the economic problem. If you could hold this Convention, it would test the credentials of those Muslim Legislators who have pakstudies.8m.com/letters_of_iqbal.html

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Convention, it would test the credentials of those Muslim Legislators who have formed parties contrary to the aims and aspirations of Indian Muslims. It would further make it clear to the Hindus that no political device, however subtle, can make the Indian Muslim lose sight of his cultural entity. I am coming to Delhi in a few days time and hope (to) have a talk with you on this important matter. I shall be staying in the Afghan Consulate. If you could spare a few moments, we should meet there.

Please drop a line in reply to this letter as early as possible.

Yours sincerely Muhammad Iqbal

Lahore 21 June 1937 My dear Mr. Jinnah, Thank you so much for your letter which I received yesterday. I know you are a busy man; but I do hope you won't mind my writing to you so often, as you are the only Muslim in India today to whom the community has right to look up for safe guidance through the storm which is coming to North-West India, and perhaps to the whole of India. I tell you that we are actually living in a state of civil war which, but for the police and military, would become universal in no time. During the last few months there has been a series of Hindu-Muslim riots in India. In North-West India alone there have been at least three riots during the last three months and at least four cases of vilification of the Prophet by Hindus and Sikhs. In each of these four cases, the vilifier has been murdered. There have also been cases of burning of the Qur'an in Sind. I have carefully studied the whole situation and believe that the real cause of these events is neither religious nor economic. It is purely political, i.e., the desire of the Sikhs and Hindus to intimidate Muslims even in the Muslim majority provinces.

And the new constitution is such that even in the Muslim majority provinces, the Muslims are made entirely dependent on non-Muslims. The result is that the Muslim Ministry can take no proper action and are even driven to do injustice to Muslims, partly to please those on whom they depend, and partly to show that they are absolutely impartial. Thus it is clear that we have our specific reasons to reject this constitution. It seems to me that the new constitution is devised only to place at the Hindus. In the Hindu majority provinces, the Hindus have of course absolute majorities, and can ignore Muslims altogether. In Muslim majority provinces, the Muslims are made entirely dependent on Hindus. I have no doubt in my mind that this constitution is calculated to do infinite harm to the Indian Muslims. Apart from this it is no solution of the economic problem which is so acute among Muslims.

The only thing that the Communal Award grants to Muslims is the recognition of their political existence in India. But such a recognition granted to people whom this constitution does not and cannot help in solving their problem of poverty can be of no value to them. The Congress President has denied the political existence of Muslims in no unmistakable terms. The other Hindu political body, i.e. the Mahasabba, whom I regard as the real representative of the masses of the Hindus, has declared more than once that a united Hindu-Muslim nation is impossible in India. In these circumstances it is obvious that the only way to a peaceful India is a redistribution of the country on the lines of racial, religious and linguistic affinities. Many British statesmen also realise this, and the Hindu-Muslim riots which are rapidly coming in the wake of this constitution are sure further to open their eyes to the real situation in the country. I remember Lord Lothian told me before I left England that my scheme was the only possible solution of the troubles of India, but that it would take 25 years to come. Some Muslims in the Punjab are already suggesting the holding of a NorthWest Indian Muslim Conference, and the idea is rapidly spreading. I agree with you, however, that our community is not yet sufficiently organised and disciplined and perhaps the time for holding such a conference is not yet ripe. But I feel that it would be highly advisable for you to indicate in your address at least the line of action that the Muslims of North-West India would be finally driven to take.

To my mind, the new constitution with its idea of a single Indian federation is

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To my mind, the new constitution with its idea of a single Indian federation is completely hopeless. A separate federation of Muslim provinces, reformed on the lines I have suggested above, is the only course by which we can secure a peaceful India and save Muslims from the domination of non-Muslims. Why should not the Muslims of North-West India and Bengal be considered as nations entitled to self-determination just as other nations in India and outside India are?

Personally I think that the Muslims of North-West India and Bengal ought at present to ignore Muslim minority provinces. This is the best course to adopt in the interest of both Muslim majority provinces. It will therefore be better to hold the coming session of the League in the Punjab, and not in a Muslim minority province. The month of August is bad in Lahore. I think you should seriously consider the advisability of holding the coming session at Lahore in the middle of October when the weather is quite good in Lahore. The interest in the All-India Muslim League is rapidly growing in the Punjab, and the holding of the coming session in Lahore is likely to give a fresh political awakening to the Punjab Muslims.

Yours sincerely Muhammad Iqbal Bar-at-Law

Lahore 11 August 1937 My dear Mr. Jinnah, I suppose you have already read the resolution passed by the A.I.C.C. Your move in time has saved the situation, and we are all waiting for your observations on the Congress resolution. The Tribune of Lahore has already criticised it and I believe Hindu opinion will generally be opposed to it. However, it should not act as an opiate as far as Muslims are concerned. We must carry the work of organisation more vigorously than ever and should not rest till Muslim Governments are established in the five provinces and reforms are granted to Baluchistan.

The rumour is that part of the Unionist Party does not mean to sign the League creed.

So far Sir Sikandar and his party have not signed it and I heard this morning that they would wait till the next session of the League. The idea, as one of themselves said to me, is to slacken the activities of the Provincial League. However, I shall place you in possession of all the facts in a few days time and then ask your opinion as to how we should proceed. I do hope that before the Lahore Session you would be able to tour in the Punjab for at least two weeks.

Yours sincerely Muhammad Iqbal Bar-at-Law

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VIII Pirpur Committee Report 1938

General Survey Political Parties The Conflict and its Causes General Policy of the Congress Bande Matram Exclusion of Muslims from Local Bodies and Debt Conciliation Boards Communal Riots Cause and Origin The Language and Culture Basic Creed of Wardha Scheme Hindustani Mother-Tongue Propagation of Party Ideals Syllabus Detailed—The History Of Islam In India Religious Education and Wardha Scheme The Basic Schools Syllabus

The Pirpur Committee had been appointed by the All-India Muslim League Council in March 1938, with Raja Sayed Muhammad Mehdi of Pirpur as its chairman, to prepare a detailed report regarding the high-handedness of the Congress Ministries (1937-1939) formed after the elections under the 1935 Government of India Act in different provinces. The Congress had won majorities in five of the eight provinces and as a result formed ministries there. The Muslim League had failed to perform well. But the Congress was unable to set a good example in better and impartial government. Soon cases of discrimination against the minorities came into evidence. Extracts from this Report have been reproduced here.

General Survey

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General Survey The communal problem in India has long defied settlement. It has been approached by the responsible leaders of various communities and political parties from different angles, but each attempt to arrive at a final and satisfactory settlement has generally resulted in increased bitterness, because, during the pendency of negotiations, it is usually the first and throw upon it the whole blame for the failure of the peace parleys. The problem is so baffling that there is a tendency on the part of some of the leaders to adopt the ostrich-like policy of ignoring the problem altogether, or at least of deferring its solution till such time as India is "free". In our humble opinion, however, the problem is a real one and the sooner it is solved the better will it be for the country. To postpone its decision is simply to create a vicious circle: the communal problem can only be solved when India is free: India can only be free when the communal problem is solved. Such a circle can lead us nowhere and will only make the country a prey to any foreign exploiter.

Recently the minorities have been asked to think in terms of international politics and appeals have been made to present a united front to protect India against the perils involved in the international situation. It has been deemed sufficient to assure the minorities in repeated resolutions, which have now assumed a monotonous formality, that their "language, culture and religion" will be protected and the minorities are expected to accept these assurances without any further safeguards.

In our opinion this is a wholly incorrect approach to the problem. The communal problem remains unsettled not because of the communalism of the minorities, but because of the communalism of the majorities. In each province it is for the majority community to win the confidence of the minority, and this can only be done by deeds and not by words.

No one who is familiar with Indian affairs would deny the fact that the Congress has failed to inspire confidence in the minorities and has failed to carry them with it in spite of its oft-repeated resolution guaranteeing religious and cultural liberty to the various communities because its actions are not in conformity with its words.

Consequently, though it has succeeded in bringing to its fold a few Muslims, Sikhs and Christians, the Congress continues to be a predominantly Hindu organisation and the majority of its members, in spite of their pretensions to nationalism, are still imbued with narrow communalism.

Intoxicated with power after their success in the last general election, the leaders of the Congress initiated a closed-door policy by declaring that they were opposed to the formation of coalitions or alliances with any other party in the legislatures. The fact that separation and exclusiveness is not conducive to the evolution of a common national life was conveniently lost sight of in the hour of triumph.

We, in India, have been brought up in the traditions of the British Parliamentary democracy and the constitution foisted on us is also modelled more or less on the British pattern. There is, however, an essential difference between the body-politic of this country and that of Britain. The majority and minority parties in Britain are interchangeable; their complexion and strength go on changing with the conditions of the country. Today a National Government is in power, but the Conservative, Liberal and Labour parties have an equal chance of running the government of the country. Here, in India, we have a permanent Hindu Majority and the other communities are condemned to the position of perpetual minority. Thus it is easy for the majority to assume a non-communal label and do things communal under the cloak of nationalism.

Any attempt to apply the Western principles of nationalism without paying due regard to the peculiar conditions of the country is bound to confuse the issue. For the evolution of healthy nationalism and advancement of the country on the path of freedom it is absolutely necessary that this problem at once so important and so full of difficulties, should be dispassionately examined and clearly stated.

The Indian National Congress's conception of nationalism is based on the establishment of a national state of the majority community in which other nationalities and communities have only secondary rights. The Muslims think that pakstudies.8m.com/pirpur_s_report.html

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nationalities and communities have only secondary rights. The Muslims think that no tyranny can be as great as the tyranny of the majority and they believe that only that state can be stable which gives equal rights and equal opportunities to all communities no matter how small. They attach great importance to this principle, which alone can safeguard the rights of the Muslims and other minorities. The Muslims have made it clear more than once that besides the question of religion, culture, language and personal laws there is another question equally important for their future. They must secure definitely their political rights and their due share in the national life, government and administration of the country.

(Subsequent 15 paras omitted) Political Parties The growing tendency of political parties to become more and more communal is the chief danger to which democracy is exposed in India. In other countries, political parties are formed on such a basis that the majority and minority parties are interchangeable. Those who vote for Socialists today, can, if they feel dissatisfied, support the Nationalists or Conservatives tomorrow. The strength and following of various political parties vary according to the confidence they inspire among the people and to the extent they are able to fulfil their election pledges. Moreover, the success of a government is reflected in the popularity of its legislative measures and constant efforts are needed to maintain the majority. In India, owing to the existence of a permanent religious majority, the complexion of political parties is quite different from those in other democracies. There is always a danger that a party, composed mainly of members of a particular community or followers of a particular religion may pass under the name of a Nationalist Party. Such a party is exposed to the temptation of raising the communal bogey in order to keep together its dissatisfied elements, who are too insistent on the fulfilment of election pledges, and thus to continue in perpetual majority.

Expectations were raised high by the promises made during the last general elections by the Congress to better the condition of the poor. The Muslims being the poorest community in India were the first to show disaffection towards the Congress because they felt that its economic programme was a mere camouflage to enlist their support at the elections and brought them no substantial relief. In any other country these poor classes could have gone over to the opposition without being dubbed communalists.

Speaking at the Students' Federation meeting at Calcutta Mr. M. A. Jinnah stated that the League's fight was not against the Hindu community but against the Congress High Command. The Muslim League Party was allowed to coalesce with other progressive groups or parties whose ideals were nearly the same. This makes it clear that the aim of the Muslim League was not to wage war against other communities of India but to organise the Muslims and devote its energy to the solution of political and economic problems that face the country as a whole.

In order to work with other communities the programme of the Muslim League has to be such as would make it possible for other communities to co-operate with it. If the Party adopts an aggressive communal attitude it would be impossible to maintain harmony with other communities. Thus it is to the advantage of the Muslims to have a truly national and liberal programme so that others may cooperate with them. On the other hand, if the Muslim League chooses a narrow and communal policy the Muslims will be condemned to perpetual minorities in almost all the provinces of India. They will be deprived of all opportunity of having, at any time, an effective voice in the administration of the country. Even in each of the two major Muslim Provinces—the Punjab and Bengal—it is not possible for the Muslims to have a majority without the co-operation of other communities. Thus it is clear that the Muslim League cannot afford to take up an aggressive communal attitude. But unfortunately responsible Congressmen and a section of the Press have made it their duty to misrepresent the views of the leaders of the Muslim League and its activities. pakstudies.8m.com/pirpur_s_report.html

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The attitude of the Congress, however, made it impossible for the League to cooperate with it in spite of the efforts of a number of League leaders to maintain cordial relations. The just and legitimate demands of the Muslims were regarded as an inconvenient feature of political life. Contemptuous offers were made to the leaders of the Muslim League. They were asked to liquidate the Muslim League Parliamentary Board, disband the League parties in the legislatures and to sign unconditionally the Congress pledge. To the patriotic Muslims such a course meant the denial of their right to organise themselves in order to maintain their separate identity and preserve their culture, and a complete surrender to the Party which, on its own admission, was mostly composed of Hindus and which had failed to win the confidence of the Muslim voters in the general election. The Congress parties adopted the very methods for which they had hitherto condemned the British Government. Rival Muslim organisations were started and spoon-fed by Congress Cabinets and Committees. Attempts were made not only to disregard the true representatives of the Muslims, but a virulent campaign of vilification was started against the Muslim League and its leaders with the help of a few Muslims who signed the Congress pledge. The temptation of office was held out to those who joined the Congress and a few Muslims, who had been returned to the Legislatures on the ticket of the Muslim League Parliamentary Board, were persuaded to sign the Congress pledge and were given places in the Ministries as representatives of the Muslim masses.

It has been alleged that the cry of "Islam in Danger" was raised and the name of God was used by the League to secure votes. But the very party which has so vehemently made all these allegations felt doubts about the efficacy of its political and economic programme and adopted the same methods for which it condemned the Muslim League. As a matter of fact the Muslim Ulema working for the Congress dragged in religion to enlist support for the Congress candidates. In the Bijnor bye-election the Congress Muslim workers were dressed in the green Islamic colour, carried the Islamic flag with Crescent and Star and raised the cry "Allah-oAhbar" at their meetings. The Muslim League, on the other hand, never depended on the Ulema for its success. It was not the League that raised the cry of "Islam in Danger". It has been put into its mouth by its opponents. Every Muslim believes that Islam can never be in danger.

Again, it has been stated by responsible Congress leaders that because during the bye-elections, the Muslim League candidates were standing on communal tickets, the Hindu zamindars, bankers and lawyers, who had so far opposed the Congress, preferred a Congress candidate. We are further told that the action of these people was not due to communalism but was a reaction to communalism. This statement is falsified by the recent event at Fyzabad. In the bye-election for the Fyzabad General Constituency, though the Muslim League adopted a policy of indifference, certain Muslim zamindars and others were found supporting the Mahasabha candidates who possessed a much wider appeal. On the Congress platform too, side by side with Congress leaders of repute, were seen persons who were noted for their narrow communalism. One of these speakers had only been recently convicted for spreading communal hatred and had been released on bail pending appeal. We wonder if the average voter was given the fullest opportunity to distinguish between the Mahasabha candidate, standing on a purely communal ticket, and the Congress candidate, who stood on a "non-communal" ticket.

In Bihar instances were bought to our notice of speeches tending to provoke communal feelings being made even at meetings attended by Parliamentary Secretaries and responsible Congressmen. Similarly, in the Central Provinces instances have been reported which go to substantiate the theory that there is something like identity of purpose between the Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha.

A person can be a member of the Congress and the Mahasabha at the same time, but this privilege is not extended to the Institution that represents the interests of a minority. When K. S. Abdur Rahman pointed out an occasion when even Congress Ministries participated in the reception of the President of the Mahasabha and drew attention to the enthusiasm shown by Congressmen all over the Province at his receptions, Dr. Khare replied that he was present at one of the meetings and that Congressmen had gone there in their individual capacity. Technically Dr. Khare was pakstudies.8m.com/pirpur_s_report.html

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Congressmen had gone there in their individual capacity. Technically Dr. Khare was right, but one has to consider the impression that his conduct created in the mind of the man in the street, who must have read in it a complete identification between the so-called communal organisation of the Mahasabha of proclaimed "national" institution of the Congress.

Popular imagination looks more to things that happen and gives them its own meaning and interpretation. Whatever may be the underlying principle of Congress nationalism and whatever may be the justification for the foregoing incidents, the fact remains that the average Hindu is inclined to associate Swaraj with Ram Raj and Congress Government with Hindu Government. The Muslims feel that, notwithstanding the non-communal professions of the Congress and the desire of a few Congressmen to follow a truly national policy, a vast majority of the Congress members are Hindus who look forward, after many centuries of British and Muslim rule, to the re-establishment of purely Hindu Raj. (11 paras that follow omitted) The Conflict and its Causes General Policy of the Congress With the acceptance of office the Congress found itself in circumstances which were not dissimilar to those which face belligerent nations after an armistice. We all remember how after the Great War different countries faced this problem. The success and stability of each government depended upon the measure of success with which this problem was tackled. Work had to be found for disbanded soldiers and gigantic efforts were needed on the part of the governments to turn the warlike energies of the nations into peaceful pursuits of trade and industry.

When the Congress Governments were formed direct conflict with the British Government ceased. The chief objective, which had so far brought together the different elements within the Congress fold, was lost sight of in the general scramble for power and the ideal for which the people had worked since 1920 was abandoned at least temporarily. The course of true statesmanship for the Congress Cabinets lay in creating a calm and peaceful atmosphere and class-wars and defiance of lawful authority were the last things to be encouraged at the juncture.

Unfortunately these were the things which were encouraged most. The authority of the police and other governmental agencies, which were so far responsible for the maintenance of law and order, was defined. People of a particular community were encouraged to believe that the government was now theirs. Instances of intimidation and defiance of lawful authority increased in number every day.

A section of responsible leaders created the impression that every member of the Congress enjoyed a privileged position and every Congressman became conscious of the fact that by virtue of belonging to the party in power he could influence the administrative machinery. Several Muslim speakers drew pointed attention to this state of affairs in their speeches on the adjournment motion in the U. P. Legislative Assembly on the communal disturbances. They stated that great mischief had been done by the Chief Secretary's circular asking the District Officers to consult the local Congress Committees. This had resulted in the demoralisation of the local officials, who could not take up an independent attitude on delicate matters.

Congressmen had taken up the position of non-official advisers to local officials and selfish people utilised the situation for their own benefit and for mischievous ends.

People were encouraged to do what they liked and to say whatever they wanted.

Respect for lawful authority was undermined. In the communiquĂŠ issued by the Governor of the U. P. at the time of the resignation of the Cabinet over the

question of the release of political prisoners, reference was made to the disturbing nature of the activities of some of these men. It was pointed out that the release of prisoners had been made an occasion for widespread demonstrations of a revolutionary character which had created a great impression on the public mind.

We think that if similar situations had occurred in other provinces as well we would have been able to quote many more pieces of evidence from such impartial sources. pakstudies.8m.com/pirpur_s_report.html

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have been able to quote many more pieces of evidence from such impartial sources.

The privileged position which the Congress workers enjoy and the way in which partiality is shown to them has been made clear in the remarks of the judges of the Oudh Chief Court in the Hearsay case in which a Congress worker was one of the parties. Their Lordships felt compelled to point out that the filing of the appeal by the Government with no judicial justification was bound to create the impression that the fact that the complainant was the President of the local Congress Committee has something to do with it.

The way in which members of the Congress Party have interfered in the day-to-day administration of justice has also been dealt with in several judgements of the Allahabad High Court. In the Contempt of Court case against Dr. Vishwanath Mukerji, a Congress M. L. A. from Gorakhpur, Their Lordships observed: "We have reason to believe that a large number of communications have been addressed to courts in this Province during the last month by persons on behalf of parties to cases and others interested in such cases. The two cases which we have just decided are the first of this class and having regard to the attitude adopted by Dr. Mukerji, we felt able to take a lenient view of these offences..... It must be made clear to every one that this Court will not tolerate any attempt to bring pressure upon a judicial officer and particularly upon junior judicial officers who are not in a position to defend themselves. We have taken a lenient view of this case and we trust that such leniency will not be misunderstood".

We have received numerous complaints, supported by evidence, from Muslims that they have been bullied by local Congress organisations and have found it difficult to get even-handed justice. A sort of parallel government is being run by Congressmen. Wherever the police makes inquiries the local Congress organisation also starts its own independent investigations. The atmosphere is no longer congenial to the pursuit of ordinary vocations of life with freedom.

In spite of all this prominent Congress leaders lose no opportunity of repeating that one of the first acts of the Congress Cabinets was to restore the civil liberty of the people we should like to know if this civil liberty is only meant for the members of the majority community.

In the succeeding chapters we discuss the various causes of conflict between the two major communities in India and how they have been aggravated by the shortsighted policies of Congress Governments.

Bande Matram It was as a result of the intense resentment among the Muslim masses that the AllIndia Muslim League passed the following resolution on the Bande Matram issue at its Lucknow session: This meeting of the All-India Muslim League strongly condemns the attitude of the Congress in foisting Bande Matram as the national anthem upon the country in callous disregard of the feelings of Muslims and considers this song not merely positively anti-Islamic and idolatrous in its inspiration and ideas, but definitely subversive of the growth of genuine nationalism in India.

This meeting further calls upon the Muslim members of the various Legislatures and public bodies in the country not to associate themselves in any manner with the highly objectionable song.

The Congress Working Committee issued a lengthy statement on the song in October 1937 and ultimately decided to recommend that certain stanzas, which contained allegorical references may not be used on the national platform. It is further claimed that the two stanzas recommended as the National Song do not contain a word or phrase that will offend anybody.

By excluding certain lines from the "National Song" the Congress High Command

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By excluding certain lines from the "National Song" the Congress High Command has conceded the League's contention that Bande Matram at least does contain objectionable passages. They must, however, realise that the Muslims cannot forget the historical background of the song and the sentiments which led to its composition.

Further, in support of the song it is stated that Bande Matram has been associated with Indian nationalism for more than thirty years and numerous associations of sentiments and sacrifices have gathered round it and that no objection was taken to it, except on political grounds, by the Government. To our mind the defence exposes the narrow and predominantly communal nature of the nationalism proclaimed by the Congress. The fact that the British Government objected to the song on merely political grounds only goes to prove the League's contention that the religious import of the song is directed against the Muslims alone.

We cannot help wondering that if popular songs are not made to order and cannot be successfully imposed, why, since the acceptance of office by the Congress, Bande Matram is being thrust upon the impressionable boys in schools. We may here point out that before the acceptance of office by the Congress this song was recited at meetings held under the aegis of the Congress and those who attended them were there out of their own free will. As such there was no occasion for objection. But now the position has changed. The Congress now forms the Government in seven provinces of India. Congressmen and their sympathisers have started singing the song at public meetings and other functions where members of different religions have to be present.

Moreover, the various Congress Governments have lifted the ban on the song in Government schools. The reason given was that since the ban was imposed by the Government of the Pre-Reform days and was directed against Indian nationalism it had to be lifted. The effect of this order has been, however, quite different. School teachers, keen on winning the favour of the new masters, have taken it upon themselves to make the singing of Bande Matram a permanent feature of the school curriculum. To mention only a few examples, the Muslim students of Patna objected to the singing of the song and went on strike.

The school management compelled some of the students to leave the school. The Muslim public of Patna had to open a separate school to save the careers of these boys from being totally ruined. Then in the Central Provinces the Muslim students have the same grievance against the Municipal schools. In the Normal School at Wardha the Muslim students are not allowed to touch the food in the school mess, are forced to stand with folded hands when Bande Matram is sung and made to live entirely on vegetarian diet. All this only shows a callous disregard of the feelings and sentiments of the Muslims by the Congress Governments.

(Four paras that follow omitted) Exclusion of Muslims from Local Bodies and Debt Conciliation Boards The Muslims have found it almost impossible to get into the local bodies or into the Debt Conciliation Boards in the provinces with joint electorate. In Bihar the Muslims had to boycott the elections to the local bodies so long as their grievances were not redressed. In the C. P. and Berar, where the Muslims form a very small minority, they have been excluded from local bodies. It was pointed out to us that the Muslims were better treated by the Independent Party than they are now by the Congress. Before the advent of the Congress Government there used to be at least one Muslim on each Debt Conciliation Board, but now there are several boards with no Muslim representation. We may further add that an overwhelming majority of the Muslims in this province belongs to the class of labourers or small cultivators, who are heavily indebted to the rich money-lenders and as such their cases require special attention. We have dealt with this question fully in Part III of this Report.

We may, however, state that even the operation of measure, designed apparently to promote public welfare, irrespective of class or community, is so manipulated as to exclude the minorities, specially the Muslims, from their benefits.

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exclude the minorities, specially the Muslims, from their benefits.

(Seven paras that follow omitted) Communal Riots Cause and Origin Communal riots have unfortunately become more frequent in the Congress provinces and they have been largely the natural outcome of the disregard for law and order and disrespect for life and property preached by irresponsible Congressmen. It is a lamentable fact that not only have the occasions when communal tension has resulted in violent outbreaks increased to an extent hitherto unknown, but fresh causes of friction have arisen as a result of the policy adopted by the Congress Governments.

In giving an account of the nature of disputes between the two communities we cannot do better than describe the various viewpoints that have been put forward by the leaders of the two communities and the discussion in the Legislatures of the United Provinces, Bihar, Central Provinces and Orissa.

In reply to a question the Premier of Bihar said that orders had been issued against the Muslims in sixteen places in connection with Muharram. Bakr-'Id and Holi festivals. Some of the speakers, justifying the Government's action, went even so far as to maintain that non-violence was the accepted creed of the Congress Party and that orders under Section 144, Cr. P. C. were issued to avoid violence. Thus the creed of non-violence, to carry the argument to its logical conclusion which had been so far employed against the British bureaucracy, was not to be employed to deprive the minority community of its civil rights. The Government defended the promulgation of such orders on the grounds of avoiding a breach of peace. It was further stated that the period of these orders was extended to give the parties a chance to obtain an injunction from Civil Courts. On the other hand, in Zahidabad (Gorakhpur), where the Muslims had already secured a decree from the Civil Court recognising their right of cow sacrifice, orders under Section 144, Cr. P. C. were issued, according to the U. P. Premier, to avoid a breach of peace.

The Karachi Congress resolution on the fundamental rights of minorities only guarantees them their rights so far as observance does not lead to breach of peace.

Thus it is only natural that this provision should be utilised by the Congress Ministers to deprive the Muslims of their civil rights.

In the United Provinces Legislative Assembly several attempts were made to fix the responsibility for riots on the Muslims. The Minister of Education, Mr Sampurnanand, is reported to have said that the minority community thought that it could bring the Congress Government to their knees by creating communal disturbances. He however, admitted that in his own home town, Benares, the riots started with a clash between two parties of Holi processionists could, by no stretch of imagination, be connected with the activities of the minority community.

Then the Minister of Justice, Dr. K. N. Katju, maintained that irresponsible statements of members of the Muslim League and a campaign of vilification of the Government in the Urdu Press was responsible for the riots and that the minority community, taking advantage of the Government's solicitude for the freedom of the Press and speech, wanted to bully them. The Minister of Justice should have been better informed, at least of the happenings in his own town Allahabad. The Magistrate in delivering judgement in one of the riot cases at Allahabad, observed: "It is the Hindus who set the ball rolling".

We cannot believe that a "campaign of lies" in the Urdu Press could have influenced those people against whom the above remark of the Magistrate was made.

The U. P. Premier, Mr. G. B. Pant, was of the opinion that the objectionable propaganda of the Muslim League and the determination of the Opposition to embarrass the Government was responsible for the riots. It is the duty of the

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embarrass the Government was responsible for the riots. It is the duty of the Government to maintain law and order and to protect the lives and property of the citizens. In all democratic countries the Opposition criticises the Government and yet no Government has tried to explain away its failure by accusing the Opposition of "embarrassing the Government".

Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, referring to the riots, is reported to have said: "Why were there riots this year? It was because the Congress Ministry was in power".

At a meeting of the Unity Board at Allahabad Mr. Badri Prasad, Secretary of the Hindu Mahasabha, stated: "These riots were created by some organisations to lower the growing strength of the Congress".

To our mind all these speeches fail to get at the root of the problem by throwing the blame on the Opposition. We believe that the trouble was due to the preaching of the ideals of a party in the name of nationalism and forcing them on everybody.

The Muslims knew that they were powerless and all that they could do was to adopt a policy of self-preservation based on peaceful relations with the majority community. It was the failure of the Congress Governments which largely depended on the support of the Hindu members to take strong measure against Hindu aggressive elements that resulted in the crop of communal disturbances all over the country.

The Language and Culture The question of language and culture has assumed great importance recently due to confused thinking among some of the prominent Congress leaders who refuse to acknowledge the very existence of a separate Muslim culture in India. The word "Culture" has a wide significance and covers the entire activity of man—intellectual, aesthetic, spiritual, moral, social, economic and political; for, the true seat of culture or its main spring is the mind of man; and as is the mind, so is manifestations which constitute its culture. This definition itself should convince those who deny the existence of a separate Muslim culture. This is, however, not a place to enter into a detailed discussion on Muslim culture and we will confine ourselves to the practical problem that faces the country.

We may point out that the Urdu language came into existence as the result of an attempt to take a purely Aryan language and turn it into a common language so that both Hindus and Muslims may understand each other. It is not a purely Muslim language as the modern champions of Hindustani would have us believe nor it is spoken or understood in Islamic countries. The Muslims who came to India spoke either Persian or Arabic. There was no reason why they should have adopted an entirely new language if it was not for the purpose of having a common language with the inhabitants of the country. Urdu is thus the lingua franca of India—the great binder of different peoples.

Urdu was built up by the contributions of both Hindus and Muslims. The former have done as much to make it the common language of the country as the latter. If we find, Khusrau, Ghalib, Mir and Akbar Allahabadi among the Muslim giants of Urdu literature, we have also Pandit Ratan Nath Sarshar and Pandit Daya Shanker Naseem from amongst the Hindus. Even among the living men there is no one who is more keen on preserving the Urdu language than Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru, a great Scholar of Urdu It is thus clear that Muslims, far from being opposed to the evolution of a common language for the country, were in fact the first to realise its necessity and have done their best to evolve one. Unfortunately, however, the communal tension, which made its first appearance in the country in the beginning of this century, also affected the question of language, and Urdu, which had so far been accepted as the lingua franca of the country, was dubbed as the language of the Muslims alone.

We may further point out that the Muslims, having decided to have Urdu as their mother tongue, took to the language in right earnest and their entire literature, including all branches of knowledge, has been built up in this language. As such

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including all branches of knowledge, has been built up in this language. As such they attach great importance to the preservation of Urdu as written in the Persian script and would stoutly resist all attempts to destroy it.

We think that these assurances do not go far and instead of allaying the fears of the Muslims they have only aggravated them. The real issue has been lost sight of. The controversy referred to by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad has resulted in the accumulation of a vast literature in both Hindi and Urdu in which increasing use of Sanskrit and Arabic and Persian words has been made by the writers of Hindi and Urdu respectively. Thus the Maulana's definition has no application to the language as written and spoken today. In fact, Hindustani is actually a non-existent language.

It only exists in the minds of the Congress leaders. The living languages are Urdu and Hindi. The mere fact that a book, which is full of Sanskrit words, is published in Persian script does not make it any more intelligible to Muslims than that if it were published in Deva Nagri script.

We are surprised at the supporters of Sanskrit advocating the use of a deal language, as no doubt Sanskrit is, for supplying technical and scientific terms to the future common language of the country. Mahatma Gandhi seems to disagree with the definition of Hindustani provided by Maulana Azad, who thinks that the difference between Urdu and Hindi is only that of script and the two are really one.

Further, if the question of script was not taken into account both languages would become Hindustani. The Mahatma, on the other hand, points out that Urdu and Hindi should be regarded as feeders for Hindustani, which is to supplement and not to supplant the provincial languages. Moreover, we doubt if his instructions about the use of Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian words according to the varying circumstances would be conducive to the evolution of a lingua franca. We think that such a language, if it is evolved at all, would fail to serve the very purpose for which it is meant. It will fail to bring the various people of India together by the ties of a common language.

Another subject allied with the question of common languages, is the question of classical literature. The speech of the Minister of Education, Bihar, throws ample light on the subject. Opening the proceedings of the Text Book Committee, he declared that the soul of India was awakened once again and was crying for selfexpression, self-realisation and self-fulfilment. He added that she would achieve none of these until she found the mould and channel, the medium and setting, the tradition and background in which Kabir, Rahman, Nanak and Tulsidas thought and taught and sang and prayed. We need hardly point out how narrow and one-sided a view of Indian cultural background has been taken by the Minister of Education. He forgets the very existence of Khursrau, Ghalib and Mir and the part played by them in moulding the culture of the country. We are further at a loss to understand how the temporal character of education is to be maintained with the inclusion of prayers. The foregoing remarks of the Minister give us an indication of what the cultural background is going to be and the wide gulf that separates the innocent looking resolutions passed by the Congress and the actual practice enunciated by no less a person than a responsible Minister of Education in a Congress Government.

The contributions of writers and thinkers of all communities should build up the national language and culture of the country. But if an attempt is made to introduce text-books and use officially a language which represents only the ideas, thoughts and sentiments of a particular community, the mere use of the Persian script will not change the communal nature of the language.

Mahatma Gandhi, writing on the tyranny of the English language in the Harijan, said: "The medium of a foreign language through which higher education has been imparted has caused incalculable intellectual and moral injury to the nation. The tyranny of English has been so great that even Sanskrit and Persian have to be learnt through English. I know what time I took to learn arithmetic, etc. I should have learnt them easily in one year if I had not to learn them through English but Gujrati and my grasp of the subjects would have been easier and clearer. I would have made use of such knowledge in my home. This English medium created an unpassable barrier between me and the members of my family who had not gone to

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unpassable barrier between me and the members of my family who had not gone to an English School. I was fast becoming a stranger to my own home".

We may point out that Muslim boys and girls will suffer from all these disabilities, which have been so vividly described by Mahatama Gandhi, if the present attempts of Congress Ministers to impart education to them in the overwhelming majority of Muslims of India speak and read Urdu and that is their mother-tongue. The Muslims of these minority provinces further point out that if their children are forced to receive education through the medium of a vernacular which is not their mother-tongue, not only cultural degeneration will set in among them but they will also be placed at a disadvantage in competition with the boys of other communities, who are fortunate enough to receive their education in their own mother-tongue.

The Muslims in Orissa and Maharatti-speaking districts of the Central Provinces and Berar look with alarm at the proposal of introducing Oriya and Maharatti as mediums of instructions without including Urdu as one of the media. To point out that a Muslim will have to learn Oriya, Maharatti or any other vernacular, as the case may be, in addition to English and Urdu, his own mother-tongue. Complaints were also made to us of the unwillingness of Government and local bodies to open Urdu schools where the number of Muslim boys of school-going age justified the existence of such schools. In Malabar, of the 73 schools declared uneconomic by the Standing Committee of the District Board and recommended for abolition 58 are Moplah Muslim Schools. Moreover, most of the special facilities provided to the Moplahs by the previous government to encourage education among them have been withdrawn by the Congress Government. Then districts like Saugor and Mandla in C. P. with a substantial Muslim population have no Urdu school. In Hinganghat Middle School all teaching is done in Maharatti both in primary and upper classes. Applications written in Urdu are rejected by the municipal boards in the Central Provinces and Berar. Then, the text-books prescribed at present for study deal exclusively with the glories of Hindu divinities and Hindu heroes and saints; and contain no reference to the cultural or social achievements of the Muslims or to any historic names held in veneration by them. The grievance of the Muslims is not that these text-books deal with Hindu heroes or Hindu great men, but that they do not speak of the Muslims at all. This is not a way to evolve a single nationality and build up a common culture.

Then in Bihar, although the use of Urdu script is allowed, the courts usually insist on presentation of a copy written in the Hindi script. In the Legislative Assembly of C. P. Berar the speeches of members who speak Urdu are reported either in Hindi script or only a summary of their speeches is reported in English.

The foregoing are some of the examples of the methods employed to suppress Urdu in provinces where the Congress is in power.

It may not be out of place here to state briefly certain principles which have been applied to the solution of the language problem in Switzerland. Out of a total population of about three millions there are about 7,00,000 French, about 2,00,000 Italians and the rest Germans. There are 22 cantons of which only three are fully French-speaking three-half French and half German-speaking and one is Italianspeaking and 15 are German-speaking cantons. The Italians do not form more than six per cent of the total population, yet the Italian-speaking minority has got the same facilities for receiving education, and shares all the advantages with the rest of the population. In Locarno separate arrangements are made for teaching French and German in primary schools. In the canton of Fribourg there are two sets of schools to impart education, one in German and the other in French.

We may further point out the rights the minority enjoyed in Czechoslovakia before the occupation of the Subetanland by Germany and in spite of that they complained of lack of an autonomous German section in the Ministry of Education. The complete complaint which they formulated regarding the inadequate building and subsidy in the German University and the erection of the so-called minority schools, and the closing down of German primary and technical schools between 1931 and 1935, forms an interesting reading. pakstudies.8m.com/pirpur_s_report.html

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In the field of education the Sudetan Germans possessed their own university, two technical high schools, and academy of music, 90 secondary schools (55 gymnasia, 22 Realshuler and 13 girls schools), 14 training colleges, 629 commercial and agricultural schools, 430 higher and 3,363 lower primary schools, and 501 kindergartens.

When a small country like Switzerland can afford to impart education in three languages, surely more than one language can be taught in an Indian province. In Switzerland while arrangements are made to impart education in the mother-tongue of the children, the Muslims in India are deprived of this benefit because of the unwillingness of Governments and local bodies to make adequate arrangements.

The demands of the Muslims are treated light-heartedly and they are accused of communalism. All this is happening in spite of the constant reiteration of the Karachi minorities resolution by responsible Congress leaders. In view of these facts we are constrained to remark that the Congress High Command is not able to enforce its declared policy in the Congress-governed provinces, at least so far as the welfare of the Muslims is concerned.

(Paras that follow not printed) Basic Creed of Wardha Scheme In our opinion only that system of education can be taken to be acceptable both to Hindus and Muslims which allows complete freedom of thought and freedom to express ideas, freedom to discuss the ideas expressed, freedom to teach the truth as the teacher sees it, and freedom to search for the truth and to proclaim it. Keeping this in view, it is necessary that teachers of all classes, religions and political creeds should be employed.

We also want to point out that the distinction between common citizenship and common nationality should not be lost sight of and the system of education should be based on liberal principles where no particular political creed or philosophy is given undue predominance. The principle of non-violence on which the Wardha Scheme is based, has been conceived by the political philosophy of the Muslim nation differently. Non-violence to them is not the absolute and final truth but has been accepted by them as valid under a certain condition. We shall point out in its proper place how emphasis has been laid on the superiority of non-violence.

We are in no way condemning the doctrine of non-violence, but in an educational scheme there must be scope for teaching different forms of political doctrines. If from their childhood boys and girls are made to think in terms of the superiority of non-violence, it may produce the same results as the doctrine of superiority of race has done in certain totalitarian states.

To base an education scheme on the creed of a leader of a political party is to import a method of education that finds favour in totalitarian states and is clearly contrary to the sound principles of education. This will involve giving education a religious garb. It will clearly imply the welding of two nations in one synthetic culture by means of a system of primary education and will only facilitate the conversion of the youth to the ideas of the Congress. Unless it is possible for education to be imparted on lines, where there is room for other ideals to flourish, this scheme of education cannot be accepted and the Muslim institutions will have to be separated.

Whatever may be one's opinion regarding the merits or demerits of the system of education in totalitarian states, we think that in a country like India, a land of various nationalities, only that system of education can be successful which is calculated to make a person understand the society of which he is a part and to create a great body of skilful people who would be tolerant of other people's views.

A system of education which emphasises the superiority of one political ideal over others will encourage intolerance. We have seen how this sort of education and belief in the superiority of the National Socialist creed has resulted in the imposition of disabilities on the Jews. The fact has to be faced that the Muslims and Hindus are destined to live together in this country and the most suitable system of

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are destined to live together in this country and the most suitable system of education is that which inculcates in them toleration and mutual respect.

Hindustani In our view, the Wardha Scheme is definitely calculated to prevent and circumscribe the progress of the Urdu language and the Urdu script; for the scheme contemplates making Hindustani a compulsory subject in order to provide a lingua franca for India. But the word Hindustani is extremely misleading. At first it seemed to signify the Urdu language as it is ordinarily spoken in Northern India and was defined as such by certain Congress leaders. But soon it became clear that by Hindustani, Mr Gandhi did not mean Urdu but a language which was neither Urdu nor Hindi and which did not exist at present and has yet to be created.

This change in the meaning of the term Hindustani has not been due to individual caprice but is the result of a definite policy initiated by the High Command of the Congress. Thus under the garb of Hindustani and the cover of the ideal of one language for India, it is Hindi that the Wardha Scheme contemplates to impose on Muslims. This is the strongest blow that can be dealt to the Urdu language, and it is a prospect which cannot be looked upon with equanimity by anyone who has the interest of Muslim culture at heart.

The ever-changing definition of Hindustani leads us to the suspicion that with the Urdu language, the repository of Muslim culture, will also go with the Urdu script, because a script is adequate only for the language for which it has been adopted.

The Urdu script will soon be found inadequate for the new lingua franca of India, and, therefore, unnecessary and burdensome. And, secondly, the forces that are aiming at eliminating the Urdu language will work with additional momentum to eliminate the Urdu script, and with greater chances of success. The time will soon come when it will be generally recognised that the Indian child should be relieved of the burden of having to learn two scripts Urdu and Deonagari—and that the Urdu script, which is not the script of the language of the majority of the country, can safely be omitted as an integral part of national education.

In countries peopled by more than one nation speaking different languages never has an attempt been made to evolve a new language common to both. The language of the minority has been duly safeguarded by its definite recognition. The Flemish language has only recently been recognised in Belgium. We, therefore, think that the solution of the problem lies in recognising the Urdu language as the mothertongue of the Muslims of India.

Mother-Tongue It has been asserted that the present system of education does not meet the requirements of the country in any shape or form. English having been made the medium of instruction in all the higher branches of learning, it has created a permanent gulf between the highly educated few and the uneducated many. It has prevented knowledge from percolating into the masses; the excessibe importance given to English has cast upon the educated classes a burden which has maimed them mentally for life and has made them strangers to their own land. As one's mother-tongue is the foundation of all education, we recommend that in the case of Muslim boys, their mother-tongue, namely Urdu, should be employed.

A book with technical terms and Sanskrit words will not be any the more intelligible to the Muslims because it is written in Persian script.

Special emphasis has been laid on the importance of Hindustani as a national language, and it has been described as the most important product of the cultural contact of Muslims and Hindus and some recent utterances of Congress leaders have only tended to that a non-existent language is sought to be forced on India.

The advocacy of the more frequent use of Sanskrit by the Minister of Education, U. P. and its acceptance by the Congress High Command so that it may be intelligible to people of all provinces is an example of the attitude of Congress leaders.

We may also state that it is not possible to point out any scientific literature that will

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We may also state that it is not possible to point out any scientific literature that will conform with the definition of such literature given by certain Congress leaders.

The scientific books that exist in the Urdu language at present contain technical terms adopted mostly from Arabic and Persian. It will be educationally wasteful and unsound to replace this rich store of technical terms by forcibly coined Sanskrit technical terms which will be totally unintelligible to the Muslims even if written in Persian script.

The absence of literature in Hindustani will place the students under a great difficulty and after leaving school they will not be able to add to their knowledge by further study. If the state undertakes the production of books in a language which does not exist at present and the source and derivation of the technical terms of which is not known, it will result in impeding the progress of literary production in the existing languages.

Propagation of Party Ideals Before making a brief review of the syllabus provided under the Wardha Scheme, we must pursue further the question as to how far the scheme will help the propagation of the political, cultural and social ideas of the Congress and tend to weaken and ultimately obliterate the religious traditions and culture of Indian Muslims.

The scheme lays down a course in geography and civics and in current events, combined with a reverential study of the different religions of the world, trying to show how in essentials they are in perfect harmony. Stress is also laid on the gradual movement towards greater political and cultural unity. The history of great liberators of mankind and their victories is to find a prominent place in the curriculum. Moreover, emphasis is laid on lessons drawn from life, showing the efficacy of non-violence in all its phases. The teaching of the history of national awakening in India and celebrations of national festivals and national weeks are to form a feature of the life of every school.

If training classes are opened to pupils of all political creeds and principles and all religions it may be possible that this course of study may work successfully. The reverential study of different religions of the world would be meaningless if the students are brought to believe in the superiority of non-violence as a creed over all other creeds. The experiment made in totalitarian states for teaching the superiority of one race or of a particular political philosophy has created a spirit of aggressiveness in those states and we fear that emphasis on the creed of nonviolence to the exclusion of all others would have a similar effect here.

Kaka Sahib Kalikar, speaking at the meeting of the All India National Education Conference at Wardha said: I began to take active interest in national education in 1907. In the beginning, I used to think that the aim of national education was to create revolutionaries. Later I found that it was impossible to have such revolutionaries unless there was a strong wave of patriotism throughout the country. The aim of national education, therefore, I thought was to create patriots. My experience taught me that patriotism could not be created without a study of national culture.

Thus, the idea of national education became wider and deeper.

Mr. K. G. Mashroowala, writing in the Harijan of April 20, 1937, remarked: The school will be the centre for the radiation of culture to the surrounding society. The principle underlying the system has been described as the application of the law of non-violence in the training of children as prospective citizens of the world.

Here we may note that education in citizenship on the basis of the political creed of the party is one of the chief features of the Fascist system of education. Under the Wardha Scheme also the conception of citizenship is correlated with the doctrine of pakstudies.8m.com/pirpur_s_report.html

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Wardha Scheme also the conception of citizenship is correlated with the doctrine of non-violence.

Syllabus Detailed—The History Of Islam In India The Whole subject is treated as follows: i. The Development of Indo-Muslim Culture: Such heroes have been chosen as give a particular colour to history. ii. Amir Khusro, Kabir, Guru Nanak, Akbar and Dara Shikoh have been chosen. This, in our opinion, will give only a one-sided view of the Muslim history, where as Hindu heroes like Harsha, Prithvi Raj, Sivaji, Ranjit Singh and others find a prominent place. Those persons who attempted to propound a new religion out of Hinduism and Islam have been presented as Muslim saints and sages, while those with purely Islamic outlook have been totally ignored.

Further, the whole of Muslim History, which is full of achievements and worldwide upheavals has been broken up into very insignificant and unimportant portions. A very large number of Muslim heroes, with unparalleled achievements in various spheres of life, have been left out. Whereas the teaching of Satyagraha as a world force will form an important part of the syllabus. For the sake of comparison, we give a corresponding Fascist view of the universality of their creed: Today I hold that Fascism as an idea, a doctrine, a realisation, is universal; it is Italian in its particular institutions but it is universal in the spirit, nor could it be otherwise. The spirit is universal by reason of its nature." (The Doctrine of Fascism, by Benito Mussolini).

Religious Education and Wardha Scheme While the Wardha Scheme claims to exclude the religious instructions of different Indian communities, it really aims at supplanting all other religions by a new religion, Gandhism. The Muslims take strongest exception to this and wish to emphasis that the most outstanding fact in the history of Muslim education in India is that the Muslims have all along insisted on the teaching of Islam as one of the most essential ingredients of the education of a Muslim boy. Even the Government of India has to concede to this demand and a number of schemes for separate Muslim institutions have already got the support of certain Provincial Governments.

Reverting to the syllabus of the Wardha Scheme, one finds in it an attempt to inculcate in the mind of the student the idea that "all religions meet in their essentials in perfect harmony". This is obviously an incorrect and misleading point of view.

There are many essentials of Islam which are exclusively Islamic and which cannot be harmonised with the teaching of other religions.

The Basic Schools The Basic Schools are already being started under the Wardha Scheme. The scheme aims at creating an atmosphere in which all social subjects, specially civics will be taught. A glance at the distribution of teaching work in the school shows that more than two-thirds of the time will be devoted to practical work. Apart from this, the practical training in civics also covers a large part of the child's time outside the school. In short in Mr. Gandhi's own words, the schools are to teach more than the books and teachers. The schools, therefore, require more serious attention and can inflict much greater harm than the entire syllabus.

In the present practical training in civics the main stress has been laid on territorial allegiance. In the early stages village is presented as the only source of inspiration and the whole concern of the child. Later on comes the town and finally India claims the child's entire allegiance. The scheme specifically subordinates religion to the "love of the mother-land, reverence for its past and a belief in its future pakstudies.8m.com/pirpur_s_report.html

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the "love of the mother-land, reverence for its past and a belief in its future destiny".

Besides this, the celebration of seasonal Hindu holidays, music and dances occupy an important place in this training. These being in conflict with Islamic life are bound to lead to trouble. The suggestion in the syllabus that the Muslims suffer from social disabilities like the Harijans, is calculated to create an inferiority complex in them.

Syllabus This syllabus can be discussed adequately by dividing it into three parts, viz.—(1) the syllabus of Grade I, which intends to introduce the child to his immediate environment as to the remotest; (2) the syllabus of Grades II to VI, which specially provides for the teaching of history. It aims at leading the child to the realisation of his heritage to enable him to build up— 1. An organisation, which would guide the destiny of Muslims in India, must take the entire charge of Muslim education.

2. Muslim education, language and culture being All India problems, should be tackled in co-ordination by the centre and the provinces.

In the light of the above principles the following practical suggestions are made: 1. The Muslim Organisations must institute a permanent Central Education Advisory Board to assist it.

2. In all provinces and in the central legislature one or more Muslim members should be charged with the responsibility of Muslim education.

3. There should be a Muslim Education Board in every province for (a) protecting Muslim institutions from destructive internal and external influences; (b) supervising the working of the Muslim Institutions; and (c) guiding Muslim Education along the desired lines.

4. The Central and Provincial Education Boards must be given authority in the matter of finance and supervision to such an extent as might be compatible with the successful running of the whole system.

5. The Muslim Institutions must be inspected by Muslim Staff specially engaged for the purpose. The educational and cultural activities of Congress Governments should be watched carefully.

(The rest of the document not printed)

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IX Pakistan Resolution 27th session of the AIML Lahore 23 March 1940

The Muslim League having experienced the high-handed attitude of the Congress attitude while in power made a concerted effort to gain popularity. Gradually, the Muslim opinion was converging on a definite goal.

In 1938, the Sind ML recommended that the AIML should devise a scheme of constitution under which Muslims might attain full independence. The next step was the passage of the historic Lahore Resolution in March 1940, later on known as Pakistan Resolution. The Resolution demanded the formation of 'geographically contiguous units' containing numerical Muslim majorities into a separate state. This formally launched the movement for the independent state of Pakistan. The Pakistan Resolution was tabled by Maulvi A. K. Fazlul Haq and was seconded by Chaudhry Khaliquzaman.

Reproduced below is the text of the Resolution.

"While approving and endorsing the action taken by the Council and the Working Committee of the All-India Muslim League, as indicated in their resolutions, dated the 27th of August, 17th and 18th of September and 22nd of October 1939, and 3rd of February of 1940 on the constitutional issue, this Session of the All-India Muslim League emphatically reiterates that the scheme of federation embodied in the Government of India Act, 1935, is totally unsuited to, and unworkable in the peculiar conditions of this country and is altogether unacceptable to the Muslim India.

It further records its emphatic view that while the declaration, dated the 18th of October 1939 made by the Viceroy on behalf of His Majesty's Government is reassuring in so far as it declares that the policy and plan on which the Government of India Act, 1939, is based will be reconsidered in consultation with the various parties, interests and communities in India, Muslim India will not be satisfied unless the whole constitutional plan is reconsidered de novo and that no revised plan would be acceptable to the Muslims unless it is framed with their approval and consent.

Resolved that it is the considered view of this Session of the All-India Muslim League that no constitutional plan would be workable in this country or acceptable to the Muslims unless it is designed on the following basic principles, viz., that geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions which should be so constituted, with such territorial re-adjustments as may be necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in a majority as in the North-Western and Eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute "Independent States" in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign.

That adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards should be specifically provided in the constitution for minorities in these units and in the regions for the protection pakstudies.8m.com/pakistan_resolution.html

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of their religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them and in other parts of India where the Musalmans are in a minority adequate, effective and mandatory safeguards shall be specifically provided in the constitution for them and other minorities for the protection of their religious, cultural, economic, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with them.

The Session further authorises the Working Committee to frame a scheme of constitution in accordance with these basic principles, providing for the assumption finally by the respective regions of all powers such as defence, external affairs, communications, customs, and such other matters as may be necessary."

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X Cripps Proposals 30 March 1942

The Hindu press had dubbed the resolution as the Pakistan demand. The British government did not hasten to condemn it. By the August 1940 'offer', which reiterated Dominion status for India, it promised not to transfer responsibilities to any government where authority was denied by large and powerful elements in Indian national life.

The impact of World War II forced Britain On 11 March 1942, and the prime minister of Great Britain, Sir Winston Churchill, announced the appointment of a mission with new constitutional proposals for a Dominion after the war with two or more independent unions. Both the Congress and the League rejected the proposals. The Congress believed that they were meant to break up the unity of India while the Muslim League thought that though Pakistan was conceded by implication no firm commitment had been made.

The Proposals were published on 30 March 1942. The text of these proposals is reproduced below: A. Immediately upon cessation of hostilities steps shall be taken to set up in India in the manner described hereafter an elected body charged with task of framing a new constitution for India.

B. Provisions shall be made as set out below for participation of Indian States in the Constitution making body.

C. His Majesty's Government undertake to accept and implement forthwith the Constitution so framed subject only to: 1. The right of any province of British India that is not prepared to accept the new constitution to retain its present constitutional position, provision being made for its subsequent accession if it so decides...

2. The signing of a treaty shall be negotiated between His Majesty's Government and the constitution making body. This treaty will cover all necessary matters arising out of the complete transfer of responsibility from British to Indian hands... d) The constitution making body shall be composed as follows unless the leaders of the Indian opinion in the principal communities agree upon some other form before the end of hostilities...

During the critical period which now faces India and until the new constitution can be framed, His Majesty's Government must inevitably bear the responsibility for

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be framed, His Majesty's Government must inevitably bear the responsibility for and retain control and direction of the defence of India as part of their World War effort but the task of organising to the full the military, moral and material resources must be the responsibility of the Government of India with the cooperation of the people of India.

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XI AIML Legislators' Convention Resolution Delhi, April 1946

Pakistan Zones Having failed to solve the Indian problem, the British government sent a Cabinet Mission (May 1946) with a plan for the constitutional future of India consisting of a three layer structure for the long term and an interim arrangement to be activated after the adherence of the parties to the overall plan. The Cabinet Mission firmly rejected the partition demand. Reaction to the plan were complex but in August 1946, Quaid-i-Azam ordered the day of 'Direct Action' by the July Convention of All-India Muslim League. Earlier in April 1946, the AIML Legislature had passed the following resolution at Delhi: "Whereas in this vast subcontinent of India hundred million Muslims are the adherents of a faith which regulates every department of their life (educational, social, economic and political), whose code is not confined merely to spiritual doctrines and tenets or rituals and ceremonies, and which stands in sharp contrast to the exclusive nature of Hindu Dharma and philosophy, which has fostered and maintained for thousands of years a rigid caste system, resulting in the degradation of 60 million human beings to the position of untouchables, creation of unnatural barriers between man and man and superimposition of social and economic inequalities on a large body of the people of this country, and which threatens to reduce Muslims, Christians and other minorities to the status of irredeemable helots, socially and economically. Whereas the Hindu caste system is a direct negation of nationalism, equality, democracy and all the noble ideals that Islam stands for.

Whereas different historical backgrounds, traditions, cultures, social and economic orders of the Hindus and Muslims have made impossible the evolution of a single Indian nation inspired by common aspirations and ideals; and whereas after centuries they still remain two distinct major nations.

Whereas soon after the introduction by the British of the policy of setting-up political institutions in India on the lines of Western democracies based on majority rule, which meant that the majority of one nation or society could impose its will on the majority of the other nation or society in spite of their opposition, as was amply demonstrated during the two and a half years regime of Congress Governments in the Hindu majority provinces under the Government of India Act, 1935, when the Muslims were subjected to untold harassment and opposition as a result of which they were convinced of the futility and ineffectiveness of the so- called safeguards provided in the constitution and in the Instrument of Instructions to the Governors and were driven to the irresistible conclusion that in a United Indian Federation, if established, the Muslims even in majority provinces would meet with no better fate, and their rights and interests could never be adequately protected against the perpetual Hindu majority at the Centre. pakstudies.8m.com/aiml_legislators.html

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Whereas the Muslims are convinced that with a view to saving Muslim India from the domination of the Hindus, and in order to afford them full scope to develop themselves according to their genius, it is necessary to constitute a sovereign independent State comprising Bengal and Assam in the North-East zone and the Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan in the North-West zone.

This Convention of the Muslim League legislators of India, Central and Provincial, after careful consideration hereby declares that the Muslim nation will never submit to any constitution for a united India and will never participate in any single constitution-making machinery set-up for the purpose, and that any formula decided by the British Government for transferring power from the British to the peoples of India which does not conform to the following just, equitable principles, calculated to maintain internal peace and solution of the Indian problem:-

Pakistan Zones First that the zones comprising Bengal and Assam in the north-east and the Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province, Sind and Baluchistan in the north-west of India, namely, Pakistan zones where the Muslims are a dominant majority be constituted into a sovereign independent State and that an unequivocal undertaking be given to implement the establishment of Pakistan without delay.

Second, that two separate constitution-making bodies be set-up by peoples of Pakistan and Hindustan for the purpose of framing their respective constitutions.

Third, that the minorities in Pakistan and Hindustan be provided with safeguards on the lines of the All-India Muslim League resolution passed on March 23, 1940, at Lahore, that the acceptance of the Muslim league demand of Pakistan and its implementation without delay are the sine qua non for the Muslim league cooperation and participation in the formation of an interim Government at the Centre.

This Convention further emphatically declares that any attempt to impose a constitution on a united India basis or to force any interim arrangement at the Centre contrary to the Muslim League demand will leave the Muslims no alternative but to resist such imposition by all possible means for their survival and national existence."

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XII The Cabinet Mission Plan May 1946

Having failed to resolve the Indian problem, the British government sent a Cabinet Mission (May 1946) with a plan for the constitutional future of India consisting of a three layer structure for the long term and an interim arrangement to be activated after the adherence of the parties to the overall plan. The Cabinet Mission firmly rejected the partition demand.

The Cabinet Mission Plan was announced on 16 May 1946. The focal point of the plan was the preservation of the 'single state'. It provided for a Union of India comprising both British India and the states. The Union was to deal with the subjects of foreign affairs, defence and communications. It envisaged the formation of three groups of provinces: Section A to comprise the six Hindu majority provinces of Madras, Bombay, U.P., Orrisa, C.P., Bihar; Section B, the provinces of the Punjab, NWFP, Sind and Baluchistan; while the provinces of Bengal and Assam were to form Section C. The plan also promised that the provinces and the states will be the basic units and all subjects other than the Union subjects and all residuary powers would vest in the provinces. Para 8 of the 16 June statement of the Cabinet Delegation and the Viceroy stated that: 'In the event of the two major parties or either of them unwilling to join in the setting up of a coalition government on the above lines, it is the intention of the Viceroy to proceed with the formation of an interim government which will be as representative as possible of those willing to accept the statement of May 16.' Jinnah interpreted it thus: 'To me that if the Congress refuses to join an interim government composed as proposed in that statement while the League agreed to do so, then the Viceroy would go ahead and form the government as proposed but without the Congress representatives.' But to Wavell this was only 'a possible, perhaps even the natural interpretation of the meaning of paragraph 8. The Mission and the Viceroy interpreted it differently. They considered that since both parties had now accepted the statement of 16 May, paragraph 8 required that fresh efforts should be made to form an interim government.

Jinnah protested that this interpretation had been dishonestly concocted by the legalistic talents of the Cabinet Mission.' Consequent upon this 'breach of faith' the All India Muslim League Council passed a resolution to withdraw its acceptance (6 June 1946) of the Cabinet Plan on 28 July 1946. The Viceroy later unilaterally invited Congress to form the government on 6 August 1946.

The Muslim League later joined the government on 25 October 1946.

Statement by the Cabinet Delegation and The Viceroy 1. On March 15th last just before the despatch of the Cabinet Delegation to India Mr. Attlee, the British Prime Minister, used these words: pakstudies.8m.com/cabinet_mission.html

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2. "My colleagues are going to India with the intention of using their utmost endeavours to help her to attain her freedom as speedily and fully as possible.

What form of Government is to replace the present regime is for India to decide; but our desire is to help her to set up forthwith the machinery for making that decision."

3. "I hope that India and her people may elect to remain within the British Commonwealth. I am certain that they will find great advantages in doing so."

4. "But if she does so elect, it must be by her own free will. The British Commonwealth and Empire is not bound together by chains of external compulsion. It is a free association of free peoples. If, on the other hand, she elects for independence, in our view she has a right to do so. It will be for us to help to make the transition as smooth and easy as possible."

5. Charged in these historic words wethe Cabinet Ministers and the Viceroyhave done our utmost to assist the two main political parties to reach agreement upon the fundamental issue of the unity or division of India. After prolonged discussions in New Delhi we succeeded in bringing the Congress and the Muslim league together in Conference at Simla. There was a full exchange of views and both parties were prepared to make considerable concessions in order to try and reach a settlement but it ultimately proved impossible to close the remainder of the gap between the parties and so no agreement could be concluded. Since no agreement has been reached we feel that it is our duty to put forward what we consider are the best arrangements possible to ensure a speedy setting up of the new constitution. This statement is made with the full approval of His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom.

6. We have accordingly decided that immediate arrangements should be made whereby Indians may decide the future constitution of India and an Interim Government may be set up at once to carry on the administration of British India until such time as a new Constitution can be brought into being. We have endeavoured to be just to the smaller as well as to the larger sections of the people; and to recommend a solution which will lead to a practicable way of governing the India of the future, and will give a sound basis for defence and a good opportunity for progress in the social, political and economic field.

7. It is not intended in this statement to review the voluminous evidence that has been submitted to the Mission; but it is right that we should state that it has shown an almost universal desire, outside the supporters of the Muslim League, for the unity of India.

8. This consideration did not, however, deter us from examining closely and impartially the possibility of a partition of India; since we were greatly impressed by the very genuine and acute anxiety of the Muslims lest they should find themselves subjected to a perpetual Hindu-majority rule.

9. This feeling has become so strong and widespread amongst the Muslims that it cannot be allayed by mere paper safeguards. If there is to be internal peace in India it must be secured by measures which will assure to the Muslims a control in all matters vital to their culture, religion, and economic or other interests.

We therefore examined in the first instance the question of a separate and fully independent sovereign State of Pakistan as claimed by the Muslim League. Such a Pakistan would comprise two areas; one in the north-west consisting of the Provinces of the Punjab, Sind, North-West Frontier, and British Baluchistan; the other in the north-east consisting of the Provinces of Bengal and Assam. The League were prepared to consider adjustment of boundaries at a later stage, but insisted that the principle of Pakistan should first be acknowledged. The argument for a separate Pakistan was based, first, upon the right of the Muslim majority to decide their method of Government according to their wishes, and secondly, upon the necessity to include substantial areas in which Muslims are in a minority, in order to make Pakistan administratively and economically workable. The size of the non-Muslim pakstudies.8m.com/cabinet_mission.html

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Pakistan administratively and economically workable. The size of the non-Muslim minorities in a Pakistan comprising the whole of the six Provinces enumerated above would be very considerable as the following figures show:

North-Western Area

Muslim

Non-Muslim

Punjab

16,217,242

12,201,577

North-West Frontier Province

2,788,797

249,270

Sind

3,208,325

1,326,683

British Baluchistan

438,930

62,701

Total

22,653,294

13,840,231

62.07%

37.93%

Bengal

33,005,434

27,301,091

Assam

3,442,479

6,762,254

Total

36,447,913

34,063,345

51.69 %

48.31 %

North-Eastern Area

The Muslim minorities in the remainder of British India number some 20 million dispersed amongst a total population of 188 million.

These figures show that the setting up of a separate sovereign State of Pakistan on the lines claimed by the Muslim League, would not solve the communal minority problem; nor can we see any justification for including within a sovereign Pakistan those districts of the Punjab and of Bengal and Assam in which the population is predominantly non-Muslim. Every argument that can be used in favour of Pakistan, can equally in our view be used in favour of the exclusion of the non-Muslim areas from Pakistan. This point would particularly affect the position of the Sikhs.

1. We therefore considered whether a smaller sovereign Pakistan confined to the Muslim majority areas alone might be a possible basis of compromise. Such a Pakistan is regarded by the Muslim league as quite impracticable because it would entail the exclusion from Pakistan of:: (a) the whole of the Ambala and Jullundur Divisions in the Punjab; (b) the whole of Assam except the district of Sylhet; and (c) a large part of Western Bengal, including Calcutta, in which city the Muslims form 23.6% of the population. We ourselves are also convinced that any solution which involves a radical partition of the Punjab and Bengal, as this would do, would be contrary to the wishes and interests of a very large proportion of the inhabitants of these Provinces. Bengal and the Punjab each has its own common language and a long history and tradition. Moreover, any division of the Punjab would of necessity divide the Sikhs leaving substantial bodies of Sikhs on both sides of the boundary. We have therefore been forced to the conclusion that neither a larger nor a smaller sovereign state of Pakistan would provide an acceptable solution for the communal problem.

2. Apart from the great force of the foregoing arguments there are weighty administrative, economic and military considerations. The whole of the transportation and postal and telegraph system of India have been established on the basis of a united India. To disintegrate them would gravely injure both parts of India. The case for a united defence is even stronger. The Indian armed forces have been built up as a whole for the defence of India as a whole, and to break them in two would inflict a deadly blow on the long traditions and high degree of efficiency of the Indian Army and would entail the gravest dangers.

The Indian Navy and Indian Air Force would become much less effective. The pakstudies.8m.com/cabinet_mission.html

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Cabinet Mission The Indian Navy and Indian Air Force would become much less effective. The two sections of the suggested Pakistan contain the two most vulnerable frontiers in India and for a successful defence in depth the area of Pakistan would be insufficient.

3. A further consideration of importance is the greater difficulty which the Indian States would find in associating themselves with a divided British India.

4. Finally there is the geographical fact that the two halves of the proposed Pakistan State are separated by some seven hundred miles and the communications between them both in war and peace would be dependent on the goodwill of Hindustan.

10. We are therefore unable to advise the British Government that the power which at present resides in British hands should be handed over to two entirely separate sovereign States.

1. This decision does not however blind us to the very real Muslim apprehensions that their culture and political and social life might become submerged in a purely unitary India, in which the Hindus with their greatly superior numbers must be a dominating element. To meet this the Congress have put forward a scheme under which Provinces would have full autonomy subject only to a minimum of Central subjects, such as Foreign Affairs, Defence and Communications.

12. Under this scheme Provinces, if they wished to take part in economic and administrative planning on a large scale, could cede to the Centre optional subjects in addition to the compulsory ones mentioned above.

13. Such a scheme would, in our view, present considerable constitutional disadvantages and anomalies. It would be very difficult to work a Central Executive and Legislature in which some Ministers, who dealt with Compulsory subjects, were responsible to the whole of India while other Ministers, who dealt with Optional subjects, would be responsible only to those Provinces which had elected to act together in respect of such subjects. This difficulty would be accentuated in the Central Legislature, where it would be necessary to exclude certain members from speaking and voting when subjects with which their Provinces were not concerned were under discussion.

14. Apart from the difficulty of working such a scheme, we do not consider that it would be fair to deny to other Provinces, which did not desire to take the optional subjects at the Centre, the right to form themselves into a group for a similar purpose. This would indeed be no more than the exercise of their autonomous powers in a particular way.

15. Before putting forward our recommendation we turn to deal with the relationship of the Indian States to British India. It is quite clear that with the attainment of independence by British India, whether inside or outside the British Commonwealth, the relationship which has hitherto existed between the Rulers of the States and the British Crown will no longer be possible.

Paramountcy can neither be retained by the British Crown nor transferred to the new Government. This fact has been fully recognised by those whom we interviewed from the States. They have at the same time assured us that the States are ready and willing to co-operate in the new development of India. The precise form which their co-operation will take must be a matter for negotiation during the building up of the new constitutional structure, and it by no means follows that it will be identical for all the States. We have not therefore dealt with the States in the same detail as the Provinces of British India in the paragraphs which follow.

1. We now indicate the nature of a solution which in our view would be just to the essential claims of all parties, and would at the same time be most likely to bring about a stable and practicable form of constitution for All-India. pakstudies.8m.com/cabinet_mission.html

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16. We recommend that the constitution should take the following basic form: i. There should be a Union of embracing both British India and the States, which should deal with the following subjects: Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Communications; and should have the powers necessary to raise the finances required for the above subjects. ii. The Union should have an Executive and a Legislature constituted from British Indian and States representatives. Any question raising a major communal issue in the legislature should require for its decision a majority of the representatives present and voting of each of the two major communities as well as a majority of all the members present and voting. iii. All subjects other than the Union subjects and all residuary powers should vest in the Provinces. iv. The States will retain all subjects and powers other than those ceded to the Union. v. Provinces should be free to form Groups with executives and legislatures, and each Group could determine the Provincial subjects to be taken in common. vi. The constitutions of the Union and of the Groups should contain a provision whereby any province could, by a majority vote of its Legislative Assembly, call for a reconsideration of the terms of the constitution after an initial period of 10 years and at 10 years intervals thereafter.

17. It is not our object to lay out the details of a constitution on the above lines, but to set in motion the machinery whereby a constitution can be settled by Indians for Indians.

It has been necessary however for us to make this recommendation as to the broad basis of the future constitution because it became clear to us in the course of our negotiations that not until that had been done was there any hope of getting the two major communities to join in the setting up of the constitution-making machinery.

We now indicate the constitution-making machinery which we propose should be brought into being forthwith in order to enable a new constitution to be worked out.

18. In forming any Assembly to decide a new Constitutional structure the first problem is to obtain as broad-based and accurate a representation of the whole population as is possible. The most satisfactory method obviously would be by election based on adult franchise; but any attempt to introduce such a step now would lead to a wholly unacceptable delay in the formulation of the new Constitution.

The only practicable alternative is to utilize the recently elected Provincial legislative Assemblies as the electing bodies. There are, however, two factors in their composition which make this difficult. First, the numerical strengths of the Provincial Legislative Assemblies do not bear the same proportion to the total population in each Province. Thus, Assam with a population of 10 million has a Legislative Assembly of 108 members, while Bengal, with a population six times as large, has an Assembly of only 250. Secondly, owing to the weight age given to minorities by the Communal Award, the strengths of the several communities in each Provincial Legislative Assembly are not in proportion to their numbers in the Province. Thus the number of seats reserved for Muslims in the Bengal Legislative Assembly is only 48% of the total, although they form 55% of the Provincial population. After a most careful consideration of the various methods by which these inequalities might be corrected, we have come to the conclusion that the fairest and most practicable plan would be: i. (a) to allot to each Province a total number of seats proportional to its population, roughly in the ratio of one to a million, as the nearest substitute for representation by adult suffrage. pakstudies.8m.com/cabinet_mission.html

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ii. (b) to divide this provincial allocation of seats between the main communities in each Province in proportion to their population. iii. (c) to provide that the representatives allotted to each community in a Province shall be elected by the members of that community in its Legislative Assembly.

We think that for these purposes it is sufficient to recognise only three main communities in India: General, Muslim, and Sikh, the "General" community including all persons who are not Muslims or Sikhs. As the smaller minorities would, upon the population basis, have little or no representation since they would lose the weight age which assures them seats in the Provincial legislatures, we have made the arrangements set out in paragraph 20 below to give them a full representation upon all matters of special interest to the minorities.

19. (i) We therefore propose that there shall be elected by each Provincial legisla five Assembly the following numbers of reprsentatives, each part of the legislature (General, Muslim or Sikh) electing its own representatives by the method of pr~ portional representation with the single transferable vote:

SECTION A

Province

General

Muslim

Total

Madras

45

4

49

Bombay

19

2

21

Up

47

8

55

Bihar

31

5

36

CP

16

1

17

Orissa

9

0

9

Total

167

20

187 SECTION B

Province

General

Muslim

Sikh

Total

Punjab

8

16

4

28

N.W.F.P

0

3

0

3

Sindh

1

3

0

4

Total

9

22

4

35

Province

General

Muslim

Total

Bangal

27

33

60

Total

34

36

70

SECTION C

Total for British India

292

Maximum for Indian States 93 Total

385

Note: In order to represent the Chief Commissioners' Provinces there will be added to Section A the Member representing Delhi in the Central Legislative Assembly, the Member representing. Ajmer-Merwara in the Central Legislative Assembly, and a representative to be elected by the Coorg Legislative Council.

To Section B will be added a representative of British Baluchistan. pakstudies.8m.com/cabinet_mission.html

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i. It is the intention that the States should be given in the final Constituent Assembly appropriate representation which would not, on the basis of the calculations adopted for British India, exceed 93, but the method of selection will have to be determined by consultation. The States would in the preliminary stage be represented by a Negotiating Committee. ii. The representatives thus chosen shall meet at New Delhi as soon as possible. iii. A preliminary meeting will be held at which the general order of business will be decided, a Chairman and other officers elected, and an Advisory Committee (see paragraph 20 below) on the rights of citizens, minorities, and tribal and excluded areas set up. Thereafter the provincial repr~ sentatives will divide up into the three sections shown under A, B, and C, in the Table of Representation in subparagraph (i) of this paragraph. iv. These sections shall proceed to settle the Provincial Constitutions for the Provinces included in each section, and shall also decide whether any Group Constitution shall be set up for those Provinces and, if so with what provincial subjects the group should deal. Provinces shall have the power to opt out of the groups in accordance with the provisions of sub-clause (viii) below. v. The representatives of the Sections and the Indian States shall reassemble for the purpose of settling the Union Constitution. vi. In the Union Constituent Assembly resolutions varying the provisions of paragraph 15 above or raising any major communal issue shall require a majority of the representatives present and voting of each of the two major communities. vii. The Chairman of the Assembly shall decide which (if any) of the resolutions raise major communal issues and shall, if so requested by a majority of the representatives of either of the major communities, consult the Federal Court before giving his decision. viii. As soon as the new constitutional arrangements have come into operation, it shall be open to any Province to elect to come out of any Group in which it has been placed. Such a decision shaU be taken by the new legislature of the Province after the first general election under the new constitution.

20. The Advisory Committee on the rights of citizens, minorities, and tribal and excluded areas should contain full representation of the interests affected, and their function will be to report to the Union Constituent Assembly upon the list of Fundamental Rights, the clauses for the protection of minorities, and a scheme for the administration of the tribal and excluded areas, and to advise whether these rights should be incorporated in the Provincial, Group, or Union constitution.

21. His Excellency the Viceroy will forthwith request the Provincial Legislatures to proceed with the election of their representatives and the States to set up a Negotiating Committee. It is hoped that the process of constitution-making can proceed as rapidly as the complexities of the task permit so that the interim period may be as short as possible.

22. It will be necessary to negotiate a Treaty between the Union Constituent Assembly and the United Kingdom to provide for certain matters arising out of the transfer of power.

23. While the constitution-making proceeds, the administration of India has to be carried on. We attach the greatest importance therefore to the setting up at once of an Interim Government having the support of the major political parties. It is essential during the interim period that there should be the maximum of co-operation in carrying through the difficult tas~ that face the Government of India. Besides the heavy task of day-today administration, there is the grave danger of famine to be countered; there are decisions to be taken in many matters of post-war development pakstudies.8m.com/cabinet_mission.html

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countered; there are decisions to be taken in many matters of post-war development which will have a far-reaching effect on India's future; and there are important international conferences in which India has to be represented. For all these purposes a Government having popular support is necessary. The Viceroy has already started discussions to this end, and hopes soon to form an Interim Government in which all the portfolios, including that of War Member, will be held by Indian leaders having the full confidence of the people. The British Government, recognising the significance of the changes in the Government of India, will give the fullest measure of co-operation to the Government so formed in the accomplishment of its tasks of administration and in bringing about as rapid and smooth a transition as possible.

24. To the leaders and people 6f India who now have the opportunity of complete independence we would finally say this. We and our Government and countrymen hoped that it would be possible for the Indian people themselves to agree upon the method of framing the new constitution under which they will live. Despite the labours which we have shared with the Indian Parties, and the exercise of much patience and goodwill by all, this has not been possible. We therefore now lay before you proposals which, after listening to all sides and after much earnest thought, we trust, will enable you to attain your independence in the shortest time and with the least danger of internal disturbance and conflict. These proposals may not, of course, completely satisfy all parties, hut you will recognise with us that at this supreme moment in Indian history statesmanship demands mutual accommodation.

We ask you to consider the alternative to acceptance of these proposals. After all the efforts which we and the Indian Parties have made together for agreement, we must state that in our view there is small hope of peaceful settlement by agreement ot the Indian Parties alone. The alternative would therefore be a grave danger of violence, chaos, and even civil war The result and duration of such a disturbance cannot be foreseen; but it is certain that it would bea terrible disaster for many millions of men, women and children. This is a possibility which must be regarded with equal abhorrence by the Indian people, our own countrymen, and the world as a whole.

We therefore lay these proposals before you in the profound hope that they will be accepted and operated by you in the spirit of accommodation and goodwill in which they are offered. We appeal to all who have the future good of India at heart to the interests of the whole four hundred millions of the Indian people.

We hope that the new independent India may choose to be a member of the British Commonwealth. We hope in any event that you will remain in close and friendly association with our people. But these are matters for your own free choice.

Whatever that choice may be we look forward with you to your ever increasing prosperity among the great nations of the world, and to a future even more glorious than your past.

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XIII Quaid-i-Azam's Presidential Address First Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, Karachi, 11 August 1947

This speech to the Constituent Assembly, delivered after his election as its first president, is significant in our history as it outlines the policies that the Quaid wished to implement in Pakistan on its establishment.

The Quaid-i-Azam emphasized that as a sovereign body the Constituent Assembly had two onerous and responsible functions to perform: (a) to frame the future constitution of Pakistan; and (b) function as a full and complete sovereign body as the Federal Legislature of the country.

The Quaid reminded the Assembly that first duty of the government was to maintain law and order, so that the life, property and religious beliefs of its subjects were fully protected by the State.

The second duty was to root out bribery and corruption which were like poison. 'We must put that down with an iron hand', he said.

Then he wanted to get rid of the curse of black-marketing which he thought was 'a colossal crime against society', in fact 'the biggest and most grievous of crimes'. Such people ought to be very severely punished.

The next thing he wanted it to tackle was 'the evil of nepotism and jobbery' which he said 'must be crushed ruthlessly'.

Reproduced below is the text of the address: Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen!

I cordially thank you, with utmost sincerity, for the honour you have conferred upon me—the greatest honour that is possible for this Sovereign Assembly to confer—by electing me as your first President. I also thank those leaders who have spoken in appreciation of my services and their personal references to me. I sincerely hope that with your support and your co-operation we shall make this Constituent Assembly an example to the world. The Constituent Assembly has got two main functions to perform. The first is the very onerous and responsible task of framing our future constitution of Pakistan and the second of functioning as a full and complete sovereign body as the Federal Legislature of Pakistan. We have to do the best we can in adopting a provisional constitution for the Federal Legislature of Pakistan. You know really that not only we ourselves are wondering but, I think, the whole world is wondering at this unprecedented cyclonic revolution which has brought about the plan of creating and establishing two independent sovereign Dominions in this sub-continent. As it is, it has been unprecedented; there is no parallel in the history of the world. This mighty subcontinent with all kinds of inhabitants has been brought under a plan which is titanic, unknown, unparalleled. And what is very important with regard to it is that pakstudies.8m.com/quaid_s_address.html

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titanic, unknown, unparalleled. And what is very important with regard to it is that we have achieved it peacefully and by means of an evolution of the greatest possible character.

Dealing with our first function in this Assembly, I cannot make any well-considered pronouncement at this moment, but I shall say a few things as they occur to me.

The first and the foremost thing that I would like to emphasize is this—remember that you are now a sovereign legislative body and you have got all the powers. It, therefore, places on you the gravest responsibility as to how you should take your decisions. The first observation that I would like to make is this: You will no doubt agree with me that the first duty of a government is to maintain law and order, so that the life, property and religious beliefs of its subjects are fully protected by the State.

The second thing that occurs to me is this: One of the biggest courses from which India is suffering—I do not say that other countries are free from it, but, I think, our conditions are much worse—is bribery and corruption. That really is a poison.

We must put that down with an iron hand and I hope that you will take adequate measures as soon as it is possible for this Assembly to do so.

Black-marketing is another curse. Well, I know that black-marketeers are frequently caught and punished. Judicial sentences are passed or sometimes fines only are imposed. Now you have to tackle this monster which today is a colossal crime against society, in our distressed conditions, when we constantly face shortage of food and other essential commodities of life. A citizen who does blackmarketing commits, I think, a greater crime than the biggest and most grievous of crimes. These black-marketeers are really knowing, intelligent and ordinarily responsible people, and when they indulge in black-marketing, I think they ought to be very severely punished, because they undermine the entire system of control and regulation of foodstuffs and essential commodities, and cause wholesale starvation and want and even death.

The next thing that strikes me is this: Here again it is a legacy which has been passed on to us. Alongwith many other things, good and bad, has arrived this great evil—the evil of nepotism and jobbery. This evil must be crushed relentlessly. I want to make it quite clear that I shall never tolerate any kind of jobbery, nepotism or any influence directly or indirectly brought to bear upon me. Wherever I will find that such a practice is in vogue or is continuing anywhere, low or high, I shall certainly not countenance it.

I know there are people who do not quite agree with me division of India and the partition of the Punjab and Bengal. Much has been said against it, but now that it has been accepted, it is the duty of everyone of us to loyally abide by it and honourably act according to the agreement which is now final and binding on all.

But you must remember, as I have said, that this mighty revolution that has taken place is unprecedented. One can quite understand the feeling that exists between the two communities wherever one community is in majority and the other is in minority. But the question is, whether it was possible or practicable to act otherwise than what has been done. A division has to take place. On both sides, in Hindustan and Pakistan, there are sections of people who may not agree with it, who may not like it, but in my judgement there was no other solution and I am sure future history will record its verdict in favour of it. And what is more it will be proved by actual experience as we go on that was the only solution of India's constitutional problem. Any idea of a united India could never have worked and in my judgement it would have led us to terrific disaster. May be that view is correct; may be it is not; that remains to be seen. All the same, in this division it was impossible to avoid the question of minorities being in one Dominion or the other.

Now that was unavoidable. There is no other solution. Now what shall we do?

Now, if we want to make this great State of Pakistan happy and prosperous we should wholly and solely concentrate on the well-being of the people, and especially of the masses and the poor. If you will work in co-operation, forgetting the past, burying the hatchet, you are bound to succeed. If you change your past and work together in a spirit that everyone of you, no matter to what community he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is

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he belongs, no matter what relations he had with you in the past, no matter what is his colour, caste or creed, is first, second and last a citizen of this State with equal rights, privileges and obligations, there will be no end to the progress you will make.

I cannot emphasize it too much. We should begin to work in that spirit and in course of time all these angularities of the majority and minority communities, the Hindu community and the Muslim community—because even as regards Muslims you have Pathans, Punjabis, Shias, Sunnis and so on and among the Hindus you have Brahmins, Vashnavas, Khatris, also Bengalis, Madrasis, and so on—will vanish. Indeed if you ask me this has been the biggest hindrance in the way of India to attain the freedom and independence and but for this we would have been free peoples long long ago. No power can hold another nation, and specially a nation of 400 million souls in subjection; nobody could have conquered you, and even if it had happened, nobody could have continued its hold on you for any length of time but for this. Therefore, we must learn a lesson from this. You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the State. As you know, history shows that in England conditions, some time ago, were much worse than those prevailing in India today. The Roman Catholics and the Protestants persecuted each other. Even now there are some States in existence where there are discriminations made and bars imposed against a particular class.

Thank God, we are not starting in those days. We are starting in the days when there is no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another, no discrimination between one caste or creed and another. We are starting with this fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens of one State. The people of England in course of time had to face the realities of the situation and had to discharge the responsibilities and burdens placed upon them by the government of their country and they went through that fire step by step. Today, you might say with justice that Roman Catholics and Protestants do not exist; what exists now is that every man is a citizens, an equal citizen of Great Britain and they are all members of the Nation.

Now, I think we should keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State.

Well, Gentlemen! I do not with to take up any more of your time and thank you again for the honour you have done to me. I shall always be guided by the principles of justice and fairplay without any, as is put in the political language, prejudice or ill-will, in other words, partiality or favouritism. My guiding principle will be justice and complete impartiality, and I am sure that with your support and co-operation, I can look forward to Pakistan becoming one of the greatest nations of the world.

I have received a message from the United States of America addressed to me. It reads: I have the honour to communicate to you, in Your Excellency's capacity as President of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, the following message which I have just received from the Secretary of State of the United States: On the occasion of the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly for Pakistan, I extend to you and to the members of the Assembly, the best wishes of the Government and the people of the United States for the successful conclusion of the great work you are about to undertake.

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XIV Objectives Resolution 1949

When Pakistan came into being as an independent dominion, it was governed under Pakistan Provisional Constitution Order deriving essence from certain legal provisions notably the Government of India Act 1935 read with the India Independence Act 1947. As a matter of fact the interim constitution "also served as the model for the constitutions of 1956, 1962 and 1973."

It was the Constituent Assembly that was to draft the constitution for the country and also to act as the interim legislature. But it did not meet as legislature until February 1948. Hence no progress was made towards the framing of the constitution during that period. The major hurdle in making the constitution was the conflict over the question of representation to be accorded to the major regional groups in the central legislature of the country. The Constituent Assembly set up the Basic Principles Committee in March 1949, to report on the main principles on which the constitution of the country was to be framed. The Committee produced its report in 1952, which envisaged parity as its principle feature.

The same month (March 1949) the Constituent Assembly passed the Objectives Resolution which defined the broad lines on which the state was to be run. The Objectives Resolution is included in the Constitution of Pakistan (presently held in abeyance) as its preamble and is legally treated as its substantive part. Reproduced below is the text of the Objectives Resolution (Preamble to the Pakistan Constitution).

Whereas sovereignty over the entire Universe belongs to Almighty Allah alone, and the authority to be exercised by the people of Pakistan within the limits prescribed

by Him is a sacred trust; And whereas it is the will of the people of Pakistan to establish an order— Wherein the state shall exercise its powers and authority through the chosen representatives of the people; Wherein the principles of democracy, freedom, equality, tolerance and social justice, as enunciated by Islam, shall be fully observed; Wherein the Muslims shall be enabled to order their lives in the individual and collective spheres in accordance with the teaching and requirements of Islam as set out in the Holy Quran and Sunnah; Wherein adequate provisions shall be made for minorities freely to profess and practice their religions and develop their cultures; Wherein the territories now included in or in accession with Pakistan and such pakstudies.8m.com/objective_resolution.html

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Objective Resolution Wherein the territories now included in or in accession with Pakistan and such other territories as may hereafter be included in or accede to Pakistan shall form a Federation wherein the units will be autonomous with such boundaries and limitations on their powers and authority as may be prescribed;

Wherein shall be guaranteed fundamental rights, including equality of status, of opportunity and before law, social, economic and political justice, and freedom of thought, expression, belief, faith, worship and association, subject to law and public morality; Wherein adequate provision shall be made to safeguard the legitimate interests of minorities and backward and depressed classes; Wherein the independence of the judiciary shall be fully secured.

Wherein the integrity of the territories of the Federation, its independence all its rights, including its sovereign rights on lands, sea and air, shall be safeguarded; So that the people of Pakistan may prosper and attain their rightful and honoured place amongst the nations the nations of the World and make their full contribution towards internationals peace progress and happiness of humanity.

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