Casablanca, Enforcing El Hank's Right to Exist.

CASABLANCA ENFORCING EL HANK’S RIGHT TO EXIST

CASABLANCA ENFORCING EL HANK’S RIGHT TO EXIST

Somers Glenn Antwerp, September 2014

Design Studio ISTT International Studies - Territories in Transition Faculty of Design Sciences - Architecture UA - University of Antwerp supervisors: Fille Hanjoul Johan De Walsche

5

CONTENTS

..

CONTENTS ..

INTRODUCTION ..

FROM HISTORY TO PRESENT

Expansion of Casablanca Chronological Extension Plans Rehousing districts Methodology District Carrière Centrale District Hay Hassani District Sidi Othman District Ain Chock District El Hank ..

PRESENT ISSUES

Rehousing: Eliminating the bidonvilles Villes sans Bidonvilles Restructuration Relogement Recasement

Privacy and gender segregation: What is left today?

Privacy Gender

Modifications: A culture of self-builders Expansion Adaptation Appropriation ..

EL HANK: A NEIGHBOURHOOD UNDER PRESSURE

Development of the Corniche

Low density of El Hank

Low quality of the image of El Hank ..

STRATEGY

Extending the urban fabric Rehousing district

Extending the green axe

Secondary public centre Density Ambition ..

WORDS OF GRATITUDE .. ILLUSTRATIONS .. BIBLIOGRAPHY

6

INTRODUCTION

Morocco is a North-African country with over 33 million inhabitants.

Casablanca is the city with the largest population, followed by Rabat, Fès and Marrakesh. Casablanca is the economical capital of the country, and is far less touristic as for example Marrakesh. Only the Hassan II mosque and the old Medina are mentioned in travel guides such as “Trotter” and “National Geopraphic”. In the twentieth century the city has known a large population explosion. The economic prosperity, due to the success of the harbour, lured people from the countryside to the city. The promise of a better and more modern life was a strong attraction. This was not only the case for the Moroccan people, also a large number of Europeans travelled overseas in their search for a prosperous life.

Bidonvilles The growing number of inhabitants resulted in slums at the former borders of the city, also called bidonvilles. Builders could not follow the immense need for housing and the poorest could not afford a proper dwelling. As a reaction to this the government ordered that new districts needed to be build to absorb the slums. French architects and urban planners threw themselves at this assignment. They saw the city as a laboratory. Projects and typologies were tested here before being imported back to France. In 1929 the Parisian critic Léandre Vaillat declared that “Casablanca is boldly constructing new projects that Paris is too timid to try”.

Districts as Carrière Centrale, Sidi Othman, Ain Chock, Hay Hassani and El Hank were built. The goal was to house a large number of people, to be able to eradicate the bidonvilles.

Jean-Louis Cohen and Monique Eleb went a step further and state that “Casablanca is one of the most significant urban creations of the twentieth century”. This illustrates the importance of the city as a study object and as an example.

Villes Sans Bidonvilles Up till now we see that there are still slums in the city. In 2004 the government launched a new plan called “Villes sans bidonvilles”. Again the intention is to get rid of the slums. Today new developments of large scale are being built at a dazzling speed in the periphery of the city. Families are relocated to a remote location outside of the city, and are cramped in small apartments. No money is invested in public space.

7

Carriere Centrale Carrière Centrale is a district that was of great importance to the city of Casablanca. The way the city looks today has evolved out of principles initiated here. The district can be differentiated in two parts.

The first part is the Cité Horizontale. This neighbourhood is based on the eight by eight meter grid of Michel Ecochard. The grid has resulted in clusters of individual houses. The system has spread throughout the city and was still used many decades later.

The second part is the Cité Verticale. It is a cluster of three buildings designed by ATBAT-Afrique members Georges Candilis, Shadrach Woods and Vladimir Bodiansky. Two of the three buildings, Sémiramis and Nid d’abeille, received international attention and were published in many magazines. With these buildings the architects forced a breakthrough in the scene of architecture. At the CIAM congress, in 1953 in Aix-enProvence, regional differences were recognized. The idea of the universal house was contested by the concept of “Habitat”, which also gave housing a regional facet.

The architects made the famous GAMMA-grid. This was the result of an analysis of the Carièrre Centrale bidonville. They saw this informal settlement as good case study material, and as a valuable neighbourhood.

The Carrière Centrale development provided the city of Casablanca with international attention.

1 (above) Nid d’abeille on the cover of L’architecture d’aujourd’hui in 1954.

2 (left) Aerial view of the Carrière Centrale bidonville.

8

El Hank Although Carrière Centrale was very important for the development of El Hank and its planning still defines the city today, I want to focus on another district called El Hank. The urban fabric of the neighbourhood is eccentric compared with that of the rest of the city. The site shows a lot of potential due to its low density and overload of open spaces.

It is named after the “El Hank lighthouse” that was built in 1919, long before the district was developed. Only in 1952, the site was chosen for a rehousing project. A part of the traditional centre of the city, which housed mainly Jews, had become unlivable. The inhabitants were relocated to El Hank. But designing the typology for a dwelling for the Jewish population was difficult, since they had various lifestyles. Ultimately Ecochard was the man that had to decide. He chose in favour of collective housing, because gender segregation and privacy were not as important for Jews as for Muslims. In total 37 slabs were built. The type was designed by L.H. Laure.

Eventually no Jews moved to the district. Instead the Muslim population inhabit the slabs. Owners add, change and appropriate to adapt the unit to their needs and ways of living. The government is aware of this, but looks the other way. The relationship between the residents and the government is complex. The people fear them, but on the other hand they provoke by illegal building practices. These adaptations are interesting to investigate, because it shows the shortcomings of the existing dwellings and shows the lifestyle of the residents.

In the North of the district, near the lighthouse, is a bidonville. People have built their shacks in the old army fortress. In the south of the district is the upper-class neighbourhood of Anfa. Luxury villas define the view there. The slabs of L.H. Laure are in between these neighbourhoods. The inhabitants are rather middle-class people.

For the past years the existence of the district is under pressure. Prestigious developments are built and planned in the vicinity of the neighbourhood.

The strategic location and the low density of the quarter attract project developers. The people of El Hank told us that recently they won a law suit against the government. Because they wanted to destruct the slabs. The government lost and the district is safe for now. But when the situation doesn’t change, El Hank will not survive the pressure that it is under. Is it possible to enforce the right of existence of El Hank as a living quarter for the middle-class residents? By trying to solve this question I want to support the people of El Hank in their conquest against relocation. The design acts as a statement to prove that El Hank has its place in that location, and that it can be a key to solve the problem of the bidonville in the north. At the same time I want to show an alternative for the VSB plan executed by the government.

9

In the following chapters life in a city as Casablanca is investigated. The situation is totally different from what we know in Europe. How do people live and use their dwellings and how do we, as architects, react to that?

This knowledge is essential for us to be able to make a design for this specific context.

3 Aerial view of El Hank in 1953.

4 The slabs of El Hank, designed by L.H. Laure. The owners adapted and appropriated according to their needs. The building on the left shows the back faรงade, while the builing on the right shows the front faรงade.

5 This picture illustrates the contrast between the new prestigious projects and the existing dwellings. The situation is inflammable. The pressure of luxury is untenable.

FROM HISTORY TO PRESENT

11

The story of Casablanca began in the eleventh century. A small group of nomadic Berbers founded the town by eventually settling in one location. Due to raising trade, the city expanded over the years and gained importance. The harbour, which enabled trade with Europe, was an important trigger for the development. In the twentieth century Casablanca began to grow exponentially, in a demographic sense and in amount of residents. People from the hinterland moved to the city to find work and to search for a more modern life. They ended up in slums as a result of the immense shortage of housing. These slums were called bidonvilles, as a reference to the materials they were made of.

In time different extension plans were made by French planners, such as Tardif, Prost, Courtois and Ecochard. The common aim was to regulate the expansion. Each plan added a unique piece to the present city. What was the impact of these plans and what still remains of the original intensions?

To house the incoming flow of people, new districts needed to be built.

These districts had to absorb the people of the bidonvilles in new dense living quarters. By reinterpreting traditional Arabic principles, they were convinced that the dwellings were suitable for the Muslim population.

Did the typologies work? Through the years the owners adapted and changed their house. What was their motive and what still remains of the initial concepts? The planners also took care of the bigger scale. How was public life organized and is this still visible today?

12

11th century : “Anfa”, settlement of Berbers.

13th century : centre of trade, attracts European ships.

15th century : Destruction by the Portuguese.

1770 : City is restored New name: “Dar el-Beiba”.

1854 : Export of grain to Europe (especially France) Influx of Europeans New name: “Casablanca”.

8000 residents 1904 : Paul Mohr: “Casablanca is the largest commercial town in Morocco and home to the greatest number of Europeans after Tangiers.”

1907 : French occupation Trade accelerated, the city grew faster 1912 : 46 000 residents

EXPANSION OF CASABLANCA

CHRONOLOGICAL Anfa Casablanca is mentioned for the first time in the eleventh century. Back then it was not more than a small settlement. People called the village “Anfa”. It was founded by Berbers. Over the years the village grew, the attractive location at the coast lured more people.

In the fifteenth century Anfa developed into a centre of trade. Italian and Portuguese trade vessels laid anchor in the harbour. At the end of the fifteenth century the growth of Anfa was halted due to an attack of the Portuguese. The attack was retaliation, because the Portuguese vessels were attacked by locals. The city was completely destroyed.

Dar el-Beiba It took a long time before the city was restored. Only in 1770 the city walls were rebuild and reinforced. The Sultan, who gave the order for reconstruction, renamed the city “Dar el-Beiba”. The goal was to create a military and economical stronghold.

From 1854 onward, grain was exported to Europe, especially to France.

This grain was produced inland and shipped from the harbour. Export increased when steamships were introduced. European companies opened offices in Dar el-Beiba to facilitate the trade. Goods were stored till the ships arrived. The city grew into a collection and distribution centre. A growing number of European merchants moved to the town, which counted 8000 inhabitants at that time. This arrival of a new wealthy class also had consequences for the expression of the settlement. Sheds were replaced by proper, permanent dwellings. The Europeans used the name “Casablanca” for the city, because of the white buildings. This name became widespread. People from the hinterland moved to the town to find work. Huts were constructed outside the city walls.

In 1904 the German Paul Mohr wrote: “Casablanca is the largest commercial town in Morocco and home to the greatest number of Europeans after Tangiers.” This quote illustrates the importance of the town and the growth it underwent.

In 1907 seven Europeans were killed by locals. France responded immediately with an attack. After the city was bombed, the French troops were led into town. Casablanca was now controlled by the French. The murder of the seven Europeans was a clever excuse to invade. The French government also knew the potential of Casablanca, with its links with Marrakech and Fès, the rich agricultural countryside and the strategic harbour.

During the French occupation, trade accelerated. Industrial facilities were built in town and the Medina grew denser. Land prices increased twentyfold and the number of residents increased even more. In 1912 Casablanca counted 46 000 residents, of which 12 000 Europeans.

13

14

7 Schema drawn by Michel Ecochard. It shows the areas occupied by various populations and its number of inhabitants.

It also shows the demographic growth in that short period.

8 This picture is a still from the movie “Salut, Casa!� from 1952 directed by Jean Vidal. Michel Ecochard is explaining the enormous growth of the city.

15

Expansion In the period between 1920 and 1950 Casablanca became “the place to be” for developers and investors. The city kept on growing. French architects and urban planners, such as Tardif (1912), Prost (1917), Courtois (1944) and Ecochard (1951) made extension plans for the city to structure the growth. These new plans defined the layout of the city.

It is also in this period that the bidonvilles became an enormous problem.

By 1950, the city has reached 650 000 inhabitants, of which 120 000 people lived in the slums. Rehousing districts as Carriere Centrale, Ain Chock, Hay Hassani, Sidi Othman and El Hank were built to house the people living in these slums.

Independence After a certain period of instability, Morocco overthrew the foreign political power. From 2nd of March 1956 onward, the country was no longer ruled by the French protectorate and the executive power was assigned to king Hassan ll and his elected parliament. In contrast with for example politics and economics, for the field of architecture no big changes were made.

Moroccan and French architects continued their work. The new Moroccan government wanted to mirror itself with its former ruler, and didn’t want to be inferior to the French. Modernist buildings were still built, as in colonial times.

In the 80’s living conditions in the slums became unliveable. The persistent dissatisfaction provoked mass protest and fierce riots.

In order to address these troubled times king Hassan launched a new urban plan in 1984. It was introduced by the new Urban Planning Department of Casablanca by the French architect Michel Pinseau.

Although the plan looked very promising, a great amount of attention was given to representative buildings. The Hassan II mosque became the centrepiece of the plan of Pinseau.

Villes Sans Bidonvilles The problem of the bidonvilles wasn’t only restricted to Casablanca, everywhere in the country slums could and can still be found.

In 2004 the king of Morocco, Mohammed Vl, launched the “Villes Sans Bidonvilles” plan.

This would become one of the world’s most ambitious project in terms of urban resettlement and slum eradication.

Today these new districts are being built at the borders of the cities.

Through repetition and typologies that are easy to build, the periphery grows at a high speed. The goal is to eradicate the slums by 2020.

16

9 Plan of Casablanca in 1900 by Weisgerber.

17

EXTENSION PLANS Casablanca intramuros The plan on the left was drawn by Weisgerber. It shows the situation in 1900. The city walls surround the entire town, which was not bigger than 50 hectares. The drawing on the right shows the size of the town in that time. The black line illustrates the shoreline today, and the red line shows the borders of the city at the moment of the plan in 1900.

10 Drawing showing the borders of the city in 1900.

18

11 (left) the image shows the proximity of the Medina and the business quarter. Passing through the wall evoques a strong shift in atmosphere.

12 (right) the dense urban fabric of the Medina.

13, 14 The dwellings show a basic quality. Although the urban fabric is very dense, the dwellings seem to be appreciated. The balconies are used, and the facades are relatively well-maintained. Ground level is dominated by public facilities.

19

In 1900 three main quarters could be noticed: the Medina, the Mellah and the Tnaker.

The Medina was the European district. Here the trade took place. The Mellah was the housing district for the upper class. This included European merchants and rich locals. The dwellings of these two districts were of a relative high quality, and were prestigious for that time. Three main types of housing could be distinguished. The first is a patio house. The living quarters are organized surrounding a patio. The second is a low-rise apartment typology with balconies. The third is a merchants dwelling, with storage on ground level.

The third quarter was the Tnaker. Residents lived here in straw huts, called Nouallas. The inhabitants were of the lower social class.

Today Casablanca intramuros is called the “old Medina�. It is still the historical centre of the city. From there the city has expanded drastically in all directions.

East and South of the Medina is the business district. They are two separate worlds. By passing through the wall a totally other atmosphere is perceived. There is a strong transition from a dense low-rise community to a more open neighbourhood where high-rise flats dominate the view.

West of the Medina is a similar cramped housing district for the lower social class and in the North-East is the harbour.

The dwellings itself are relatively well-maintained. Although the urban fabric is very dense, the situation seems livable. The average building can be described as a low-rise building, with a public facility on ground level and living units above. This is similar to the description of the housing typologies from 1900. The patio houses disappeared, the patios are probably roofed over for extra space.

15 Locals transporting a noualla.

20

16 Extension plan of Casablanca made in 1912 by Tardif.

21

Tardif’s Extension plan Surveyor Albert Tardif drew an extension plan in 1912. He tried to connect the randomly scattered parts of the city and laid out a road network. His plan consisted of three major extension areas. The first was on the west of the Medina, which was reserved for luxury villas. The two others were on the east side and were destined for housing and industry.

17 Drawing showing the borders of the plan of 1912. The black line illustrates the shoreline today, while the red line shows the location and size of the plan of Tardif.

22

18 Extension plan of Casablanca made in 1917 by Prost.

23

Prost’s Extension plan The French architect and planner Henri Prost proposed his plan in 1917.

The plan was decisive for how the city looks like today. According to Cohen and Eleb “his name is connected to Casablanca as Haussmann’s is connected to Paris”. The plan has three key points.

The first is improving and extending a structured road network.

Secondly, he divided the city in different zones, each one with its own function. Thirdly, each zone is associated with its own regulations. Height restrictions and rules concerning hygiene and public health are imposed on each neighbourhood.

19 Drawing showing the borders of the plan of 1917. The black line illustrates the shoreline today, while the red line shows the location and size of the plan of Prost.

24

20 Extension plan of Casablanca made in 1944 by Courtois.

25

Courtois’ Extension plan In 1944 the city has reached more than 500 000 inhabitants. Courtois was ordered to extend the layout of the city that Prost made thirty years earlier.

He proposed new industrial districts in the east and plans were made to distribute newcomers more evenly.

To prevent major traffic issues he modernized major road junctions and designed a hierarchical street system. He introduced a new business district around the place de France.

21 Drawing showing the borders of the plan of 1944. The black line illustrates the shoreline today, while the red line shows the location and size of the plan of Courtois.

26

22 Extension plan of Casablanca made in 1952 by Ecochard.

27

Ecochard’s Extension plan In 1952 the government hired Michel Ecochard to design a new plan.

Ecochard introduced zoning principles that complied with Le Corbusier’s Athens Charter. He proposed that the industrial activities in the harbour were more connected to housing districts. In doing so the workers were closer to the factories. He also insisted that the plan didn’t include separate neighbourhoods for Muslims, Jews or Europeans. He was the first that did this, all the former plans were based on strict segregation.

23 Drawing showing the borders of the plan of 1952. The black line illustrates the shoreline today, while the red line shows the location and size of the plan of Ecochard.

28

REHOUSING DISTRICTS

INTRODUCTION This chapter presents the rehousing districts, which were built in the fifties. This period is interesting to investigate, because it was then that French architects and planners used Casablanca as a laboratory to test new typologies and lay outs. This resulted in innovative and remarkable buildings, which need to be studied to be able to take position.

These new districts were built as a reaction to the immense need of housing. This problem was due to migration from rural parts of Morocco to the cities. They are designed by French architects and urban planners during the colonization. The goal was to absorb the bidonvilles. Today these districts are totally integrated in the urban fabric of Casablanca.

Through the case studies we can gather new insights about how these districts work and about current problems. These problems vary from modifications of the original typologies to gender segregation and privacy, and are analysed in the next chapter “Present”. Five districts are discussed: Hay Hassani, Carrière Centrale, Sidi Othman, Ain Chock and El Hank. Five topics are reviewed per district. These topics are explained in the following chapter “Methodology”.

29

30

25 100 by 100 meters characteristic section of Sidi Othman.

31

METHODOLOGY The districts Carrière Centrale, Hay Hassani, Sidi Othman, Ain Chock and El Hank are analysed and presented in the same way. Five topics are addressed.

The first topic gives general information and serves as an introduction.

Location and history are the main subjects. Which architects were involved? What was the most important motive for building the district?

When was it erected? What are the main characteristics?

The second topic explains the different typologies that were designed and implemented. When possible old plans and views are shown, together with pictures of how the buildings were adapted by the residents. It is important for us to know how the architects assumed that the residents would live and how they actually live. It will help to define the conditions for the design.

The third topic is an investigation of the density of the district. A segment of 100 meters by 100 meters is chosen. This segment has to be characteristic for the entire district. Special features like a mosque or a big square can’t be in it, because then the result will be deceptive. The images on the left serve as an example. The following step is to count the units.

Statistics show that in Moroccan cities the average household counts 4.8 peoples. When we multiply the amount of units with the average size of a household, we get an estimation of the people that live in this 10 000 square meters. When the segment was chosen correctly, this result can be extrapolated to the entire district. As an addition the relation of built space to open space is calculated. This is done by measuring. The different densities give us a way to compare the districts. It assists us to explore the balance between density and quality of life.

The fourth topic is about public space. It is an important parameter for Arabic cities, because people tend to live more outdoors. The way public life is organised and how public space is used in the districts is interesting to learn about. By comparing the quality of public space and the density we can establish a certain limit to which neighbourhoods can be densified.

This limit can be an extra parameter for the design.

The last topic is about “Taking position”. This chapter serves as a summary of what is most important in each district. It shows what we have learnt specifically from that neighbourhood and what we want to take with us for our own design.

32

26 Location of Carrière Centrale in Casablanca.

27 Carrière Centrale in its environment.

28 Absorption of the “Carrière Centrale” bidonville.

33

DISTRICT CARRIÈRE CENTRALE Carrière Centrale is located east of the old Medina. Its aim was to rehouse 32 000 people living in the Carrière Central-bidonville, which was the largest in Casablanca. It is the oldest slum of North Africa and parts of it still exist up till now.

The project is designed in 1952 and is composed of two parts: the “Cité Verticale”, designed by ATBAT-Afrique and the “Cité Horizontale”, designed by Michel Ecochard.

The Cité Horizontale is defined by a eight by eight meter grid. In this 64 square meters a courtyard house is fit in. Later on the grid became famous due to its copied status in the rest of Casablanca. When building the project Ecochard used industrialized methods which allowed building at high speed.

The Cité Verticale contains collective housing. It was an answer to the voice of the people. They saw the courtyard houses as a barricade to a more modern, European way of living. Both “Cités” will be explained in depth in the paragraph “Typology”.

29 Cité Horizontale by Ecochard

30 Cité Verticale by ATBAT-Afrique.

34

31 Layout of the CitĂŠ Horizontale by Michel Ecochard.

32 Plan of 4 units in the CitĂŠ Horizontale. The dwellings are fitted in a eight by eight meter grid.

35

Typology Cité Horizontale The first part of the district is the Cité Horizontale. As mentioned above it is designed by Michel Ecochard. The model wasn’t specifically planned for Carrière Centrale, and could also be implemented elsewhere. It was used to create housing at high speed, to counterbalance the growth of the bidonvilles.

The units are placed on an eight by eight meter grid. This results in units of 64 square meters. Each unit has two rooms leading into a private outdoor courtyard. This set-up is similar to the traditional Arabic courtyard house.

Ecochard wanted to provide a basic, minimum housing unit, suitable for the Arabic way of living.

On a larger scale these units were organized in a “neighbourhood unit”.

Each neighbourhood contains 1800 people at a density of 350 inhabitants per hectare. This specific number was chosen after research into Moroccan rural settlements. A scheme was created showing the amount of public facilities that needed to be included, such as schools, hammams, mosques, etc. The amount of facilities were defined per 1800 inhabitants.

33 Scheme of the neighborhood unit.

It shows the amount of public facilities that are needed.

36

34 Plan of 1 unit in the Cité Horizontale in its original state.

The rooms are clustered around an outdoor patio.

BEDROOM 1

BEDROOM 2

35 Ground floor of a unit in the Cité Horizontale after adaptation by its owners. More similar levels are added. On the roof is a roofterrace.

KITCHEN

37

As years passed inhabitants started to change their dwellings. The first step was to cover the patio and create a large indoor space. The next step was to add more levels to accommodate their grown up children with partner and grandchildren. Today we see that the original one-level units have evolved to houses with an average height of four levels!

The dwelling on the left is an example of how this extension can happen.

The schemes on the next page illustrate how this process of extension occurs generally.

36 (left) On the roof is a roofterrace.

The space is mainly used by women for drying laundry or meeting with neighbours.

37 (right) living room

38 (left) The guestroom where we were welcomed.

39 (right) The alley leading to the different dwellings. It has a strong private and collective character.

Intruders are not welcome here.

38

40 The eight by eight meter courtyard house, designed by Ecochard.

41 The courtyard is covered, an extra interior space is created.

39

42 An additional level is added by the residents.

43 When money is available, more levels will be built. Ground level can be altered into an atelier or shop. In many cases a roof terrace is added.

40

44 This image shows the contrast between how the units were designed and how they were adapted and expanded through the years. There are only few left that remained one single level.

41

42

45 The Nouveau trame Marocaine can be found everywhere in the city. This picture is taken during a bus trip.

46 The Nouveau trame Marocaine in Sidi Othman.

43

Due tot the fact that the dwellings by Ecochard were easy and cheap to built for the government, the eight by eight grid was copied in the whole city of Casablanca. They were combined in different lay outs and arrangements. It became a basic system for the government and other architects, to built in a fast and cheap way. The system was called the “Nouveau trame Marocaine�.

47 The Nouveau trame Marocaine in Sidi Othman.

48 The Nouveau trame Marocaine near the coastline.

44

49 View of Sémiramis today.

45

Cité Verticale The second part of the district is the Cité Verticale. It was designed by ATBAT-Afrique. This is the African branch of ATBAT (Atelier des bâtisseurs) and was founded in 1949 by Georges Candilis, Shadrach Woods, Henri Piot and Vladimir Bodiansky, who was the director.

The project consists of three high-rise buildings placed in the heart of the district: Sémiramis, Nid d’abeille and the Bodiansky-block The first building is “Sémiramis”. The slab is designed by Candilis, Josic and Woods. It has private patios along the eastern and western facades.

The inhabitants enter their houses through a patio which is accessed by a walkway situated every two-floors. The patios on either side of the slab are connected, this allows cross-ventilation.

50 View of Sémiramis in its original state.

46

51 The walls flanking the walkways have a height of 1,8 m, to protect the privacy of the inhabitants.

47

52 The walkways became collective alleys, guarded by the inhabitants. The owners of the last apartment claimed their part of the alley and extended their dwelling.

48

53 Plan of SĂŠmiramis in its original state.

49

54 Section of SĂŠmiramis in its original state.

50

55 Plan of 1 unit in SĂŠmiramis in its original state.

56 Plan of a unit in SĂŠmiramis after adaptation by its owner.

bathroom

parents' bedroom

kitchen

51

This unit we visited is in the corner of the building. The inhabitants were able to claim their part of the corridor to create a private entrance. They closed down the patio and removed the wall inbetween. This gave them one big space, which today are two living rooms. Moreover they created an extra floor to make a large kitchen. Both parents used to live there together with their five children. Today only 2 children still stayed, of which one has a small child.

57 Picture inside the adapted dwelling. Behind the door on the left is the toilet. In the front are two living rooms.

58 Picture inside the same adapted dwelling.

52

53

54

60 View of Nid d’abeille today.

55

The second slab is called “Nid d’abeille”, which is also designed by Candilis, Josic and Woods. The name is French for a honeycomb, which is a reference to the characteristic southern façade. The units are accessed through balconies on the northern façade. Large openings in the southern façade allow light to enter the patios. Different designs were made, varying from closed for Muslim residents, to more open for European and Jewish inhabitants. Finally only the Muslim variation was built.

By alternating the balconies on each level, they become suspended in air. Cross ventilation is guaranteed through the openings between the patios. The building is a careful mixture of indigenous and modernistic approaches.

61 View of Nid d’abeille in its original state.

56

62 Plan of Nid d’abeille in its original state.

57

63 Section of Nid d’abeille in its original state.

58

64 Plan of 1 unit in Nid d’abeille in its original state.

65 Plan of a unit in Nid d’abeille after adaptation by its owners.

59

All the inhabitants closed their patio, which resulted in the loss of the characteristic facade. Also the cross-ventilation that was designed by the architect is gone. The inhabitants of this unit did the same. The balcony was two floors high. The residents added an extra floor to create even more space. The owners of this particular unit changed the balcony into a kitchen and the upper floor is now a small bedroom (of which there is no plan). The residents also claimed the corridor to create an entrance zone with a small area to sit. The two main rooms are the living rooms.

66 Picture inside the adapted dwelling. In the back is the kitchen, while on the sides are the two living rooms. The picture is a panorama from inside the aisle.

67 Picture inside the adapted dwelling. This is one of the living rooms.

60

61

62

69 The third bulding of the CitĂŠ verticale is designed by Bodiansky, but is far less known.

63

The last building of the Cité Verticale is the block designed by Bodiansky.

This is a rather ordinary building and is not as famous as the other two.

The picture on the left shows it.

Sémiramis and Nid d’abeille are the result of innovative research of the bidonvilles. Candilis and Woods saw beyond the dirt and garbage. For them the bidonville was the result of a way of living without planning.

It is the spontaneous expression of the Moroccan concept of living. Both slabs were adapted to this concept of living. This means that a building for Europeans cannot be the same as a building for Muslims. This other way of thinking was the breeding ground for the new term “Habitat”.

Candilis and Woods brought their ideas to the outside world via Team 10.

This resulted in the famous GAMMA-grid which was presented at the CIAM congress in 1953 in Aix-en-Provence. The modernist movement was now at a critical point. Architecture had to be uniform and reproducable.

Through habitat regional characteristics were introduced.

70 The GAMMA grid presented in Aix-en-Provence in 1953.

64

71 100 by 100 meters characteristic section of Carrière Centrale.

65

Density The chosen segment contains 94 individual houses. The basic unit of one level has been extended to an average of four levels. In most of the cases the first floor has been altered to garages, working ateliers or shops. Three levels of living units remain, and results in 282 housing units. This leads to a density of 1354 inhabtants per hectare (282 x 4.8). The relation of built to open space is 60 %.

72 View down the long street that goes across the 100 by 100 section.

66

73 This road leads towards SÊmiramis and Nid d’abeille and is an important public place for people living nearby. On ground level a lot of shops and ateliers are created. The street leads to smaller squares.

67

Public Space There is a strong hierarchy in public space. Squares in different sizes can be distinguished. There are small squares with a more collective character.

Especially residents from the surrounding houses use it. But also big plazas that have a larger sphere of influence are present. Most of the time there is a mosque or another big facility nearby.

The streets leading to the squares and to the dwellings have different sizes as well. This indicates the importance and the public factor of the street.

Most of the time a big street indicates that the street is an important approach road, and people that are not from the neighbourhood use it too. Smaller streets are principally used by residents that live nearby.

People know each other and the street gets a more collective character.

The “Neighbourhood unit” of Ecochard prescribes a good mixture of dwellings and public facilities. The typology of the dwellings allows a public ground level: small shops, internet cafés, barbers, etc are widespread.

Although the units were designed as dwellings of only one level high, public space is preserved. Today the units average three or even four levels, but public spaces are still agreeable. This is a result of the well invented masterplan and the hierarchy.

74 (left) The units are designed to be able to adapt a living unit into a public facility, such as a shop for refrigerators.

75 (right) Also the Nid d’abeille building has been adapted to have shops and working ateliers on ground level.

68

76 This is a small square adjacent to the street with the shops. This square leads to another which is even more collective.

69

77 Many streets have different characters and are used for different activities. This streets functions as a collective square for multifunctonal use. Cars can park here, kids can play, ...

70

78 This picture and the one one the next page show the squares arround SÊmiramis and Nid d’abeille. Both places are remarkably well maintained in contrast with many other squares in Casablanca. Our guide told us that this was not the case five years ago.

But due to the fact that more and more visitors came to visit the two famous buildings, the inhabitants started to look after it more. They became proud of their neighborhood. Today more people actually use the square, it became a place for meeting and resting in the shade.

71

72

73

74

80 The buildings by ATBAT-Afrique were not prepared for the adaptations by the residents.

The initial concept is lost. Is there a way to preserve the soul of the building even after the adaptations?

81 The patio dwellings were designed to get light and fresh air through the courtyard. After the extensions the density of the neighbourhood rose. But this goes hand in hand with the loss of quality.

75

Taking position after analysing Carrière Centrale Expansibility Given the fact that the Arabic culture is one of self-builders and of strong family bonds, expansibility of the house has to be a design parameter.

The basic unit of the Cité Horizontale proved to be able to fit into this culture. The basic unit was a good starting point. The initial investment for the government was relatively small, and through this method large areas could be built at high speed. Inhabitants were able to adapt their dwelling according to their own needs.

On the other hand, the typologies of the Cité Verticale weren’t suitable for this culture of self-builders. All the initial concepts are lost due to the adaptations of the residents. If the designed units are small, then expansibility has to be a parameter that is essential. Cadilis, Josic and Woods were not prepared for that.

On the topic of expansibility ATBAT-Afrique failed, but the appearance of the original buildings was striking. The buildings defined the face and character of the entire district. Is it possible to preserve this character even after adaptations by the residents? Also on the topic of appearance, expansibility has to be addressed.

Density The Cité Horizontale reaches a density of 1354 inhabitants per hectare, which is very high. The multiplication of the levels allow a single house to be inhabited by entire families. But the initial concept of the courtyard typology was that every dwelling received fresh air and light through the patio. Today all the patios are roofed over and the building block got very dense. Is there a way to reach such high density, without loss of quality of the dwellings?

76

82 Location of Hay Hassani in Casablanca.

83 Hay Hassani in its environment.

84 Absorption of the “Emmoui”bidonville.

77

DISTRICT HAY HASSANI Hay Hassani, also known as Derb Jdid, is located in the south-east of the city. The French architect Elie Azagury designed the masterplan in 1958.

The plan provides housing for 25 000 peoples. To create a district that works independent, Azagury inserted a wide variation of functions. A commercial centre, schools, a mosque, public and collective green, sport facilities etc were introduced. The quarter gets a vivid character by not only building houses. The buildings are placed is such a way that repetitive long rows of identical apartment blocks are avoided.

Typology For the housing Azagury created different types. He wanted to accommodate different social classes, to prevent the quarter of becoming a ghetto. These different types also prevent the district from having a monotonous character. These typologies vary from long multi-layered slabs, to small clusters of only few units.

The typologies that will be discussed are: Basile, Arsène, Maxime, Emile and Jonquille. Each one has its own specifications, which appeal to different kinds of peoples.

85 Aerial view of Hay Hassani.

The image shows the mixture of different typologies.

78

HAY HASSANI: BASILE

86 Plan of 1 Basile apartment block in its original state. This plan shows level 1.

1

HAY HASSANI: BASILE

87 Plan of 1 Basile apartment block in its original state. This plan shows ground level. Every unit has its entrance here. The units on ground floor through the courtyard and the units above via a private staircase.

0

79

BASILE The Basile type was designed for small and starting families. It was a cluster of eight units, four on ground level and four on the first floor. The footprint measures 17 by 17 meters and has the shape of a swastika. The apartments on ground level each had a private patio. In total these units measured 50 square meters. The apartments on the first flour were smaller and only had a service courtyard. These units measured 27 square meters.

Every apartment consisted of two rooms with and additional kitchen and bathroom. At the same time every apartment had its own entrance on ground level.

88 Section of 1 Basile apartment block in its original state.

89 Picture of 1 Basile apartment block in its original state.

80

90 (left) Plan of ground level of a basile unit in its original state.

91 (right) Plan of ground level of an adpted unit.

92 (left) Adapted level 1.

93 (right) Adapted level 2.

94 (left) Adapted level 3.

95 (right) Adapted level 4.

81

Today the patios have been closed and multiple levels were added.The blocks are almost unrecognisable. Small details as the windows above the doors made us find them. The owner of the house we visited was the second generation in the dwelling. His parents were the original owners.

As soon as the owner got married they added two levels. When they got a son they built an extra level on top of it. The top floor is the roof terrace, which is important for the wife to dry her laundry.

96, 97, 98 These three pictures show how the original types have been adapted and extended.

82

83

84

100 Section of an Arsène unit in its original state.

101 Plan of level 1 of an Arsène unit in its original state.

102 Plan of ground level of an Arsène unit in its original state.

85

Arsène The units of this type are the same as those of the Basile typology. This variant is exceptional because the apartments are clustered in a snakelike footprint. Small squares are formed which smoothen the transition from public to private. Some of these squares stay rather unused, while others become totally claimed by the owners.

Originally the type also counted two levels, while now there are almost everywhere two levels extra. This doesn’t harm the intentions of the architect in terms of the layout. The small squares still function as they used to.

103 Layout of the Arsène type. The snake-like footprint is clearly visible.

104 Picture of the Arsène type in its current state.

86

105 Picture of the Arsène type in its current state. Here the small square functions as an intermediate space between private and public. Residents hang their laundry, the car is parked there and kids are playing.

87

106 Picture of the Arsène type in its current state. A part of the square is claimed by one of the residents.

88

89

90

107 Section of the Maxime type in its original state.

HAY HASSANI: MAXIME

108 Plan of ground level of the Maxime type in its original state.

0

91

Maxime The Maxime type was the most elementary of the district. It was meant for the poorest class. The units are grouped in a slap of two floors high.

Each unit measured 30 square meters, and had two rooms with a small kitchen and bathroom. There was no private outdoor space. The slabs are organised in parallel rows. Between these rows are small collective streets in which all outdoor activities happen. It is a space in which women dry their laundry and kids can play.

The entrances of the units on the first level and on the second level are on different sides of the slabs, which ensures privacy. Moreover the streets stay animated on both sides. Each staircase leads to two units on the upper floor.

109 This image shows the faรงade with the entrances to the units on the upper level.

110 Laundry is being dried in the streets, due to the lack of a private outdoor space. This gives the space a more collective character.

92

111 Plan of a Maxime unit in its original state. The unit is situated at ground level.

112 Plan of an adapted unit.

93

Although inside the dwelling a lot has changed, the character of the type is still intact. The typology was easily recognisable and one of the two faรงades stayed almost the same. The moment that we visited the dwelling it was inhabited by twelve persons. The owner had expanded into the collective street. The annex serves as an entrance area and guestroom at the same time. The front room and the large room in the back at the left side are joined into one large living room. The other room is also furnished as a living room, but it is mainly used as bedroom.

In the small streets these expanded entrance rooms occur often. The side of the entrances at the first floor is almost entirely expanded forward.

In some blocks roof terraces are added.

113 (left)Picture of inside the dwelling. The picture is taken in the joined living rooms.

114 (right) Picture of the annex that serves as an entrance room. The room is a transition from public to most private.

94

115 The picture shows the faรงade with the entrances to the units on ground floor in contrast to the facade with the staircases that lead to the units on the upper level. The space in between is the small collective street. On top of the buildings roof terraces are fenced of with a temporary hoarding.

95

96

116 Section of the Porphyre type in its original state. The section of the Emile type is the same, but with one level on top.

HAY HASSANI: EMILE

117 Plan showing ground floor of the Emile type in its original state.

The plan of Porphyre is exactly the same.

0

97

Emile / Porphyre The Emile type is a slab of four levels high. Also here the units consisted of two rooms with a bathroom and a kitchen. Remarkable for this typology are the entrances. The entrances are lowered before accessing the apartments. This creates a strong mental barrier and a shift from public to more private. A small private outdoor loggia made this typology suitable for a slightly higher class than the Maxime type. The loggia was fenced with a claustra wall. The staircases are shared per eight apartments. The variation between the staircases and the units give the typology its specific faรงade, which was easy to recognise.

The Porphyre type is exactly the same as the Emile type, but has only three floors. The section on the left shows Porphyre.

Today most of these loggias are closed to create a larger kitchen. But other than that not much has changed in the dwellings. The typology made it difficult for the owners to expand. The only way to expand is upward, but I think that the fact that the roof is shared with 4 dwellings beneath it makes it difficult. Moreover a basic unit seems large enough for a small family to live in. The building is probably sold, aiming for that target group.

118 In the left of the picture is the backside of the Emile type. There are no entrances at the backside, so public space stays unused and ignored.

98

119 This picture shows the front faรงade of the Emile type. The variation between the staircases (painted pink) and the units (painted white) gives the faรงade its characteristic look. The oversized sidewalk is used by the inhabitants as a collective space to dry laundry or just to chat.

99

100

120 Section of the Jonquille type in its original state.

HAY HASSANI: JONQUILLE 121 Plan of the Jonquille type in its original state.

0

101

Jonquille The Jonquille type consists of four and sometimes three levels, with units of 60 square meters, which is one of the biggest typologies. One Jonquille unit is twice the size of one Maxime unit. The units were provided with three rooms, a bathroom, a kitchen and private loggia. The loggia served as private outdoor area. The staircase is shared per two units per floor. The entrance to the staircase on ground level is accentuated by a cantilevered shed. The repeating chess-board pattern in the faรงade is characteristic for this typology.

122 Both pictures show the jonquille type today. The type is still clearly recognisable.

123 Old picture of the Jonquille type in its original state.

102

124 Plan of a Jonquille type in its original state. storage

kitchen

toilet

bathroom

parents' bedroom

bedroom +guestroom

livingroom +diningroom

125 Plan of a Jonquille type after adaptation. Not much has changed.

bathroom

kitchen

parents' bedroom

bedroom +guestroom

livingroom +diningroom

103

Also in this typology the inhabitants didn’t change much. They closed the loggia to enlarge the bathroom, by doing this more space was freed up to enlarge the kitchen. The inhabitants told us that this adaptation was common in the building and that almost all the families did it. The units on ground level added a small private garden at the backfaçade to create a buffer to the public street.

These are the only adaptations that were executed. First and for all because the typlogy isn’t suitable for adaptation or extension. There are no courtyards to roof over or no real collective space to extend on. Both sides are situated along public streets.

Secondly because the units are large enough for one family. Inhabitants can live in it according to the arabic way of living. Privacy issues are avoided and the plan is logical.

126 The back façade of the Jonquille typology is in the right of the picture. The inhabitants installed a buffer by creating a small private garden, which is hardly used.

127 On the left is the front façade of the Jonquille type. The characteristic façade of the type is still clearly recognisable.

104

128 This picture shows the public street between the Jonquille type on the right and small individual houses on the left. In the back the street is blocked for cars, which makes it a quite place. This makes the character of the street more collective.

Inhabitants of the individual houses dry their laundry in the streets, while children play outside.

105

106

129 100 by 100 meters characteristic sections of Hay Hassani.

107

Density For the density of Hay Hassani, two typical areas were chosen. The first one consists mainly of individual housing, the second one of slabs and clustered collective housing.

On the ground level of the first segment are 51 individual housing units and 15 units of the Arsène type. Both types have an average height of 4 layers. This results in an average density of 900 inhabitants per hectare.

The built space in relation to the open space results in a percentage of 41%.

The second segment mainly contains collective housing. There are 66 units of the Emile type, 44 of the Maxime type and also 44 of the Porphyre type. This gives the segment a density of 739 inhabitants per hectare, combined with a percentage of only 25% built space.

108

130 Public space created by the snake-like footprint of the Arsène type.

109

Public Space Public life was an important design parameter for Azagury. The smart shape and placement of the buildings allows for different kinds of public places to be created. These vary from large public plazas to intimate squares. Even after expansion of the housing units these public places still exist and are still used. We can discover a strong hierarchy from large plazas, to smaller public squares, to intimate transitions at the entrances of the buildings and possibly to collective staircases.

Not only the masterplan is responsible for this good quality of urban life.

Inhabitants start to use the spaces that are given to them. Laundry is being dried, pieces of pavement are removed to create a garden, etc. The public spaces are charged which makes them interesting and appealing to use. The presence of people attracts more people. The fact that most of the housing units don’t have a private exterior space increases the importance of the public space. This creates, to some extent, a necessity to use public space for certain functions as drying laundry.

It is important to keep in mind that a certain basic quality of a space needs to be there before it will be appropriated and used to eventually become a charged space. This basic quality includes the use of some sort of pavement, a good variation of shadow and sun, smart use of height differences, etc. The used materials need to be durable and easy to maintain. Because this can become a problem if it is not taken into account.

131 Azagury inserted more open spaces than in other districts of Casablanca. These spaces make the district breathe and enhance the quality of life.

110

132 Public space is claimed by the residents by drying their laundry.

The fact that the sidewalk is over dimensioned makes this possible. It makes up for the under dimensioned housing units.

The sidewalk becomes more than merely a circulation zone.

111

133 Here the public space is claimed on a more permanent level. The residents made private gardens to create distance between the public sidewalk and the private rooms behind the windows.

112

134 This picture shows a public space that has been claimed into a collective space. The small square functions as a transition between the public and the private. Cars are parked, laundry is being dried, doors stay open, kids play outside, ...

These aspects contribute to the collective character.

113

114

115

116

117

118

119

120

138 The linear collective space of the Maxime type. It serves as the transition from public to private.

139 The collective spaces formed by the Arsène type. Invisible boundaries between public and private are common in Hay Hassani.

140 Special attention has to be addressed to public spaces that are flanked by back sides of buildings. These spaces lack social control and become neglected.

!! !

121

Taking position after analysing Hay Hassani Abundance of typologies The large diversity of typologies makes the district attractive. Repetition is avoided. There is a wide range from small to large units. This attracts different kinds of people of various social classes.

Public space The urban fabric of Hay Hassani consists of a sequence of public spaces and squares. These spaces are of different scales and different kinds of activities are possible.

By drying laundry and children that are playing, the smaller streets become claimed by the residents as collective spaces. For example the streets between the Maxime and Jonquille types are more than just streets. It are linear public spaces that transcend the function of circulation. It is these spaces that are the first invisible boundary between public and private.

Here uninvited visitors are being watched and approached. The fact that the streets are not accessible for ongoing traffic helps to create this communal feeling. This way only people that live there have to be there.

This same communal atmosphere can be found in the Arsène type. The lay-out generates a collective entrance area. This place has the same function and feeling as the space between Maxime and Jonquille but isn’t linear. It can be combined and linked up with a street that does have ongoing traffic.

These collective spaces can make up for the lack of a private outdoor space. This can be compared with the strategy of overdimensioned sidewalks. Inhabitants claim the surplus of sidewalks as collective space.

Special attention has to be addressed to the back side of buildings. If a public space is flanked at all sides by back sides, then this place tends to be neglected and isn’t used. This can become dangerous places because there is no social control.

Density The density of Hay Hassani isn’t the highest of all district, but public life in the district works as in no other districts. Collective spaces are omnipresent. Is this the limit of densification, to be able to preserve the quality of public life?

122

141 Location of Sidi Othman in Casablanca.

142 Sidi Othman in its environment.

143 Absorption of the “Ben M’Sik” bidonville.

123

DISTRICT SIDI OTHMAN The district was planned and built between 1953 and 1955. The aim was to rehouse the people living in the Ben M’Sik bidonville, which was one of the largest in Casablanca. In the field of architecture the district is known for its characteristic buildings by Hentch and Studer, which stand out against the standard self-built architecture which dominates the rest of the district.

Typology Similar as in Carrière Centrale, two parts can be distinguished. The first is the horizontal part which consists of individual housing and is based on the “Nouveau trame Marocaine”.

The second one is the vertical part which consists of 3 particular apartment blocks. The design is made by the Swiss architects Jean Hentsch and André Studer. They wanted to design a building that applied to the specific Moroccan way of living, similar as Candilis and Woods did for Sémiramis and Nid d’abeille. They used the same concept of suspended courtyards.

These patios measured seven by three meters and were combined in three different ways, resulting in three different typologies: the crossed patio slab, the cascade patio slab, and the building block. In total eleven blocks were planned, of which only three were built (one of each type).

144 Old picture of the characteristic façade of the crossed patio slab.

The image stands out against the standard self-built architecture of the Nouveau trame Marocaine which dominates the rest of the district.

124

145 Result of the Nouveau trame Marocaine.

146 Result of the Nouveau trame Marocaine.

125

Nouveau trame Marocaine The view in Sidi Othman is dominated by self-built architecture. The district could be produced at high speed via the Nouveau trame Marocaine. A courtyard house of 1 level is built and the owners do the rest. I want to show this part of the district to illustrate how the district generally looks like.

147 Result of the Nouveau trame Marocaine.

126

148 Original plan of the crossed patio slab. Both faรงades contain patios.

149 Original unit in the crossed patio slab.

127

Crossed patio slab This is the first of the three typologies. The slab was five levels high, and still is today. The basic units were always the same, although they are shifted 90 degrees every floor. This means that originally an area of three by three meters of the patio was covered, which housed the service area with small kitchen and toilet. This implicates that thirteen square meters stayed uncovered. The building is designed symmetrically, so on the back faรงade are also patios. The building has a good east to west orientation which is perfect for the dwellings. Visible columns carry the weight of the patios.

Today almost all patios are covered, although the building stayed recognisable. The strange, rugged lay-out of the slab is still perceived. The units seem rather small to function well. In this way it was a logical step for the inhabitants to roof over the patio.

150 Old picture of the crossed patio slab in its original state.

151 Picture of the crossed patio slab after adaptations. The patios are roofed over.

128

129

130

153 Original plan of the cascade patio slab. There is a clear distinction between the back and front faรงade.

154 Original unit in the cascade patio slab.

131

Cascade patio slab The second type isn’t symmetrical. The back façade, which contains the stairs, is a rather common façade, while the front façade is the eye catcher. The building is six floors high. The basic units covered an area of 100 square meters, with four rooms, a kitchen, bathroom and an outdoor space, which was free to arrange.

Also here all the patios have been covered, although the units are large enough. The act of covering the patio is an easy task, which doesn’t take much materials, nor manpower. The inhabitants choose to have an extra room instead of the outdoor space. Maybe the patios were not used because of privacy issues? Views from higher patios downward are not unthinkable. The character of the building isn’t lost because the covering of the patios doesn’t change much of the appearance.

155 Old picture of the cascade patio slab in its original state.

156 Picture of the cascade patio slab after adaptations. The patios are roofed over.

132

157 Picture of the backfaรงade. The stair well is painted red.

133

158 The roofing over of the patios created the opportunity to build roof terraces, which can be used to dry laundry.

134

135

136

160 Original plan of the building block typology.

161 Section of the building block typology in its original state.

137

Building block The third building uses the same principles but is organised in a different lay-out. The units are combined in a circular manner, while the other two typologies attach the units in a linear way. The staircase is in the middle of the building.

The patios are visible in the four corners and are shifted every floor. This means that also here only a small part of the patio was covered. Today all patios are entirely roofed over. Probably for the same reasons as stated in the previous typology. Some windows have been closed or made smaller.

Other adaptations or extensions seem impossible. The type doesn’t allow it. The character of the building isn’t lost and it is easy to recognise.

162 Old picture of the building block type in its original state.

138

163 Picture of the building block after adaptations. The patios are roofed over, and windows are smaller or even totally closed.

139

164 Picture of the building block after adaptations.

140

141

142

166 100 by 100 meters characteristic section of Sidi Othman.

143

Density The segment contains 61 houses. These houses are a basic type that has been extended to an average of four floors. Most of the time ground level is not for living. This results in 183 living units (61 x 3). The outcome is a density of 878 inhabitants per hectare (183 x 4.8), combined with a percentage of 56% built space.

167 Picture showing the type of buildings that are present in the chosen section.

144

168 This picture shows the square in front of the Cascade patio slab

by Hentsch and Studer. The place has become a meeting point for people living nearby. The trees provide shade, and the space is well maintained.

145

Public Space Public space is a difficult subject in Sidi Othman. Because the major part of the district is a result of the Nouveau trame Marocaine, public space wasn’t a design issue. The goal was to build as much and as fast as possible. As an example take a look at the 100 by 100 meters section for the calculation of the density. The urban fabric exists out of a sequence of streets. As a result public life happens in the streets. Main streets become places were people meet and chat. We can speak here of linear public spaces.

In contrast to that is the space situated in front of the slabs by Hentch and Studer, along one of the main streets. Here some space is left open and is installed as a green square. We have visited the building twice and both times the space was full of people. It became a meeting point for people living nearby. The inhabitants maintain the space remarkably well. Possibly because the building is visited frequently by architectural tourists, and they are quite proud of it.

169 Linear public spaces define public life in Sidi Othman. This picture is an example of one of the bigger streets there. Note the man sitting on a chair on the sidewalk.

146

147

148

171 Public life in Sidi Othman happens along its main roads. Places that are busy, lure even more people as spectators.

172 The slabs by Hentsch and Studer didn’t loose their character. Even after the adaptations, the soul of the building is still intact.

149

Taking position after analysing Sidi Othman Linear Public space In contrast to Hay Hassani, public life in Sidi Othman occurs along its main streets. These streets become places were inhabitants meet and were it is always busy. Moreover the presence of a crowd, lures even more people.

As an example, residents sitting on a bench at the main street can observe a lot of activities. A bench were nothing happens will always be empty.

The square before the slabs of Hentch and Studer, is a sort of annex along the main street. The square becomes a breathing space in the rather dense neighbourhood. First and for all, it works this well because it is situated along an animated road. And second because it is one of the few green and unbuilt spaces. There is a lot of shade and benches to sit on.

Soul of the building As Sémiramis and Nid d’abeille of Carrière Centrale, also the slabs of Sidi Othman were originally the eye catchers of the district. Although those of Carrière Centrale lost their character and presence, the patio slabs of Sidi Othman still define the view. They kept their character and soul despite of the adaptations by the residents. Also here the patios are roofed over, but the typical form can still clearly be recognised. The reason for this is that the building isn’t suitable for more adaptations or extensions. Besides the roofing over of the patios, nothing more can be added. This can be seen as a strategy: making it difficult or even impossible for the residents to change and extend their dwelling. An important condition is that the units have to be large enough.

150

173 Location of Ain Chock in Casablanca.

174 Ain Chock in its environment.

175 Absorption of the “Ben M’Sik” bidonville.

151

DISTRICT AIN CHOCK Ain Chock was meant to be built for people with varying levels of income, including people living in the Ben M’Sik bidonville. It was Antoine Marchisio that designed the site plan and the initial units. Building process began in 1945, and was conducted in different phases. The first residents arrived in 1946. 2400 dwellings were completed by 1949.

In 1951 an extension plan was made by Pierre Mas and Paul Busuttil.

The design was based on the same concepts as those of Marchisio, but had to be cheaper. The reason was that some of the initial units stayed vacant due to the relatively high price. In 1953 the district counted 15 000 residents. A severe disadvantage was that at that time only ten percent of the inhabitants had running water and only 25 percent had electricity.

Drinking fountains were provided in public spaces.

Eventually only some hundred residents of 50 000 in total, came from the bidonvilles. The rest were people that moved there, because the neighbourhood was so spacious and the units so comfortable. Even Europeans moved to the district.

Typology The characteristic part of the district is the “sawtooth-quarter�. This neighbourhood is composed of small dwellings linked to smaller streets that are connected to the main streets at a 45 degree angle. This layout allows sunlight in almost all units. Inhabitants enter the dwellings through small blind alleys. The street pattern is based on the characteristic hierarchical street system of the old Medina. The units are very different, it is difficult to find clear typologies. They vary from two to four room dwellings.

Besides this sawtooth-quarter, the planners also implemented courtyard houses in diverse lay-outs and arrangements.

176 Old picture of Ain Chock, photographed in 1952. The sawtooth motive is clearly visible.

152

177 Plan of the unit drawn in 1946 by Antoine Marchisio.

178 Plan of the original unit, as stated by the inhabitants. Although we suspect that the original unit was the courtyard house as the plan above.

179 Plan of the unit in its adapted state. One extra level was added.

153

Courtyard Type Today all the courtyard houses have changed into dwellings of multiple levels. As in the other districts the patios have been roofed over.

The former courtyard house shown on this page counts two levels today.

It is situated near the main road, outside the saw-tooth neighbourhood.

The second floor wasn’t accessible for us, but it contains a kitchen, a living room and an extra bedroom. On ground level there are two living rooms, a bedroom and a bathroom.

The residents told us that the original unit was as the plan in the middle, but we think the type can be traced back to the original type of Marchisio, which was built in 1946. The way the entrance is organised and how the rooms are twisted around the main living room, is clearly similar as Marchisio’s type.

180 Front façade of the adapted courtyard dwelling.

154

181 A small sink is placed under the stairs, to make sure there is no lost space.

155

182 The two living rooms are linked through this ornamented opening.

156

183 Plan of ground level of the unit in its original state. The lay-out suggests that the unit used to be a courtyard type before.

184 Plan of the ground level of the unit in its adapted state. Two levels and a roof terrace are added.

157

Also in this case, the so called original plan of the dwelling betrays a past as a courtyard dwelling. The way the rooms are connected to the main room and the way people enter straight into the salon is typical for a courtyard dwelling. The courtyard served as a transition from public to private, so in my opinion the salon used to be a patio.

Today two more levels and a roof terrace are added. The house is inhabited by one big family: ground level is inhabited by the two grandparents with their daughter and their grandchild. On the upper floors lives the son with his family. There are two entrances to keep the dwellings separately.

Although the units are strictly kept apart, the son and his family always eat downstairs with the parents.

185 The dwelling on the right is the dwelling that is analysed. The door on the left leads upstairs, while the door on the right is the entrance to the unit on ground level.

158

186 (left) Plan of the unit in its original state. The stairs is outside.

187 (right) Plan of the unit after adaptation. The stairs is inside now.

188 (left) Plan of the second floor of the unit after adaptation.

189 (right) Plan of the third floor of the unit afer adaptation. The roof terrace is on the fourth floor and has the same outline as the third level.

159

Sawtooth-quarter This last type is situated in the sawtooth-quarter. It originally counted two floors, each with one separate unit. The analysed apartment is on the upper level. Via an outdoor stairs the dwelling could be reached. The unit consisted of two living rooms with a storage room, a bathroom and a kitchen.

When the family of the owners expanded, they also had to enlarge their home. They added two levels and a roof terrace. The outdoor stairs was roofed over to be able to maximize the upper level. The original plan didn’t change much. Only the bathroom was made smaller to be able to construct the stairs. On the upper levels are two more living rooms, a kitchen with dining room, a bedroom and the terrace.

Today the man lives alone, because the rest of the family left. The original living and kitchen are used for guests. He lives on the upper floors.

190 This picture shows another unit, but of the same type. Here the outside stairs is still kept outside as it originally was.

160

191 This picture shows the roof terrace of the last type. It is used for drying laundry and storing materials.

161

162

192 100 by 100 meters characteristic section of Ain Chock.

163

Density The segment contains 62 units. These units have extended to an average height of four levels, and the ground floor is kept for living. No commercial activities are inserted. This results in 216 living units (72 x 3). The outcome is a density of 1037 inhabitants per hectare (216 x 4.8), combined with a percentage of 61% built space.

193 Picture to illustrate the expansion and width of the streets.

164

194 View from inside the sawtoothquarter to the main street.

The doorway creates a clear boundary. A subtile transition from public to more collective can be perceived.

165

Public Space The sawtooth-quarter in Ain chock is designed according to the hierarchic street system of the old Medina. The neighbourhood is walled, which strengthens the feeling of being inside or outside the quarter. The districts mains street leads via the large doorways to the streets inside the quarter,.

In turn these streets end in small blind alleys, which give access to the entrances of the dwellings. Each step brings you a step closer from public to private.

195 The doorway is perceived as a clear boundary. “Intruders� are watched carefully.

166

196 Transition point from the main street to a smaller street. The passage happens through one of the doorways.

167

197 Small streets end in blind alleys, which give access to the dwellings. This principle is based on the streets system of the Medina.

168

198 This picture shows the angle between the main street and the smaller streets. This angle leads to the sawtooth layout of the neighbourhood.

169

170

199 The Sawtooth district is designed as an entity. The wall surrounding the district serves as a boundary between public and more collective.

200 The hierarchic street pattern is based on the lay-out of the Medina. Main streets, end in smaller streets, which end in blind alleys. These alleys give access to the units.

171

Taking position after analysing Ain Chock Entity The Sawtooth district is designed and still perceived as one entity. The fact that the neighbourhood is walled strengthens this feeling. The wall can be traced back to the Medina, which also was walled to fence of enemies.

Today it has lost this function, but still serves as an invisible barrier from public to more collective. First and for all, designing the district as a whole, can strengthen the mutual bond between the inhabitants. Furthermore it enhances the impact it has on its environment.

Hierarchic street pattern Also the lay-out of the streets can be traced back to the Medina. The width of a street is an important factor to determine if a street is public or more private. A smaller street will be conceived as more private or collective.

A second determining factor is the accessibility for ongoing traffic. If a street doesn’t have people passing through it, then inhabitants can start claiming this space by hanging laundry and letting their children play outside. The sawtooth district in Ain Chock is full of smaller streets which are not suitable for ongoing traffic. In this way a collective atmosphere is stimulated. If this collective space is designed as a multifunctional space, then it can compensate smaller units.

In my opinion it can be a strategy to invest in collective space, to be able to create small, and cheap units. Density can be raised, without losing the basic quality of the neighbourhood.

172

201 Location of El Hank in Casablanca.

202 El Hank in its environment.

173

DISTRICT EL HANK The district is named after the “El Hank lighthouse� that was built in 1919, long before the district was developed. Only in 1952, the site was chosen for a rehousing project. A part of the traditional centre of the city, which housed mainly Jews, had become unlivable. The inhabitants were relocated to El Hank.

Typology Designing a specific typology for the Jewish population was difficult, since they had various lifestyles. Ecochard was the man that had to decide, because at that moment he was in charge of all urban planning in Casablanca. He chose in favour of collective housing, because gender segregation and privacy were not as important for Jews as for Muslims. In total 37 slabs were built. The type was designed by L.H. Laure. Eventually no Jews moved to the district. The Muslim population inhabited the slabs instead.

203 Old picture of El Hank. The urban fabric of the district is unlike any other in Casablanca.

174

204 Original plan of the slab designed

by L. H. Laure.

175

The slabs are five to six levels high and have two characteristic faรงades. The front faรงade gives access to the entrances through a collective corridor.

It is this side of the building that is the most active. People move in the corridors and meet with neighbours, women are drying their laundry and so on.

The back faรงade is far less attractive. It is the side of the bedrooms, so almost no much movement can be spotted. It is this side that in many cases is being used to hang the TV satellite and if possible to dry laundry.

The units consisted of two to three rooms, a small bathroom and a small kitchen. Behind the staircase and at the edge of the slab were communal laundry rooms. The inhabitants next to these rooms claimed these spaces as their own, to be able to expand their unit.

Inhabitants are mostly Muslims, while the units were designed for Jews.

Problems with privacy and gender segregation were common. Inhabitants tried to solve this by adapting their dwelling although this was not simple in such a small unit.

On ground level the inhabitants created their own private garden to establish a buffer between public space and their private bedroom. These gardens are hardly used, their only function is to fence off voyeurs.

In some of the slabs the inhabitants created a common stairs to the roof.

Here they have a lot of space to dry laundry.

205 Section of the slab designed by L. H. Laure. The slabs are five to six levels high.

176

206 This picture shows the back faรงade. The windows are placed in a symmetrical way.

The inhabitants of the units on ground level claimed a part of public space to create their own private garden. This garden serves as a buffer between public and private. Characteristic for this facade, besides the windows, are the TV satellites.

177

178

207 This picture shows the front faรงade. This side of the slab is the most vibrant. The communal stairs end in corridors which give access to the units. These corridors become collective spaces were people meet, and laundry is dried. The owners of the units on the edges of the slab claim the corridor as their own private space. They close it to create an extra private indoor space.

179

180

208 Close-up of the front faรงade. It is characterised by the collective corridors and the adaptations by the inhabitants.

181

209 Close-up of the back faรงade. It is characterised by the symmetrical placement of the windows, the satellites and the laundry.

182

210 Plan of the unit in its original state. children's bedroom +guestroom

parents' bedroom

kitchen livingroom+ diningroom

bathroom

211 Plan of the unit after adaptation.

parents' bedroom

bedroom +guestroom

livingroom +diningroom

bathroom

kitchen

183

The inhabitant of this unit lives here alone, and did not change anything.

He and his sister live in the same slab. He never cooks in his kitchen, because he always eats together with his sister. The kitchen is the first thing you see when you enter the unit. This is not according to the Arabic way of living, because the kitchen is a very private place. By closing the curtains of his small kitchen he can hide it from view.

212 The units are very small, this results in cramped situations.

The kitchen is not visible on the picture, but it is on the left of the refrigerator.

213 The small kitchenette is the first thing you see upon entering the dwelling. By closing the curtains he can hide it from view.

184

214 Plan of the unit in its original state. children's bedroom +guestroom

livingroom +diningroom

parents' bedroom

kitchen bathroom

215 Plan of the unit after adaptation.

bedroom +guestroom

girls' bedroom

kitchen

livingroom +diningroom bathroom

185

The owners of this dwelling joined two rooms, to create one large open space. In this room two living spaces are created. The third room remained a bedroom for the girls. They also enlarged the kitchen and fenced it off from the entrance. In this way the issue of a too public kitchen is solved.

216 The living space in the back is the guestroom. The furniture is decorated and kept clean. It clearly is seen by the inhabitants as the most beautiful space in the dwelling.

217 The other living space is far less decorated and is meant for daily use. When we entered the unit, the grandmother was resting in this part of the living room.

186

218 Plan of the unit in its original state.

219 Plan of the unit after adaptation.

187

This unit was changed in a similar way as the one on the previous page.

Here the two living rooms are kept apart, to be able to receive guests in a different space as the living room for daily use. Moreover the kitchen is made more private

220 Picture of the guestroom.

188

221 Plan of the unit in its original state.

bedroom +guestroom

laundry room

kitchen

livingroom bathroom +diningroom

drying room

222 Plan of the unit after adaptation.

bedroom +guestroom

parents' bedroom

kitchen

livingroom +diningroom

bathroom private laundry drying area

189

Originally this unit was very small and almost unlivable. It consisted of only two rooms, a small kitchen and a bathroom. By claiming the collective laundry and drying room and the corridor, the residents were able to adapt their dwelling as best as possible to the Arabic notion of living. Privacy issues are resolved. The former corridor serves as an entrance area, where neighbours can have a quick chat. In the unit they created two relatively large living rooms. In the former drying room is now the kitchen. Privacy of the women in the kitchen is respected. The laundry room is changed into a bedroom for the parents.

223 Almost all the units on the edge of the slab claimed their part of the corridor. The closing and changing of the windows of the laundry rooms suggest that all these spaces are privatised by the neighbours.

190

224 Plan of the unit in its original state. children's bedroom +guestroom

livingroom +diningroom

225 Plan of the unit after adaptation.

parents' bedroom

kitchen bathroom

191

The owners of this unit also live next to the communal laundry room. They only claimed a small piece of that space, the other part is still communal.

They used the extra space to create an additional living room and to be able to make a hallway, to fence off the entrance.

They didn’t claim their part of the corridor. The reason for this is that they didn’t fully claim the laundry room. Due to this, people still have to be able to pass to do their laundry.

The unit now counts three living rooms, a bedroom, a kitchen and a bathroom. One living room is meant for the eldest son and his wife.

226 View of the living room adjacent to the corridor.

192

227 This picture shows the two types of faรงades in contrast with each other.

193

194

228 Location of the segment in the district.

229, 230 The two following images illustrate the density of the neighborhood.

195

Density El Hank is a different situation. We cannot apply the method that was used before, because El Hank has an uneven urban fabric. The following images show some of the different situations that a 100 by 100 meter segment can generate.

231 Possible 100 by 100 meter segments, all with different density and character.

Therefore it is impossible to find a segment that is characteristic for the entire district. To determine the density, the area which is analysed is extended to the entire living quarters. Large open spaces and public facilities at the edges of the district are neglected, because they will affect the density and give a false result.

The first step is to determine the surface of the section. The area is divided in regular shapes. This makes it easy to calculate. It results in an area of almost 19 hectares.

The next step includes counting the units. By studying pictures and measuring the lengths of the slabs, this number can be determined. 1735 units are counted, multiplying this with the average size of a household (4.8), this leads to 8328 inhabitants. To be able to compare this with the other districts, this number has to be converted to inhabitants per hectare. The output is a density of 443 inhabitants per hectare, combined with only 7% built space.

196

232 Map of El Hank.

The three darker buildings are from left to right: the hammam, the mosque and a market. These buildings define the commercial centre of the district. The green axe is marked in green.

233 Aerial view of the commercial centre of El Hank.

197

Public Space Besides the slabs, one of the main characteristics of El Hank is public space. Only 7% of the area is built, this means that a lot of open space remains. During fieldwork, the inhabitants often quoted this as positive, because the rest of Casablanca is far more dense.

The public heart of the district is in the centre. It contains a mosque, a hammam and a market. Between these buildings there is an outdoor market as well. This square is the epicentre of public life.

The green axe is one of the most important elements to organise public life. It connects different parts of the district and serves as a meeting place. Small and larger squares, schools, the commercial centre and so on, lead to this axe.

In the middle the axe is cut in half by a vibrant road with rather a lot of traffic. Also in the south it ends brusque.

The urban fabric of the neighbourhood isn’t composed out of streets, but it is a sequence of squares in different shapes and sizes. This is due to the placement of the slabs. They are organized to generate semi-enclosed public spaces, and not to flank streets.

234 View of the commercial centre.

198

235 View of the commercial centre of El Hank.

236 View of an outside market on the square in front of the mosque in the commercial centre.

199

237 The urban fabric of El Hank is a sequence of public spaces.

The slabs define semi-enclosed squares.

238 The slabs are not organised along streets, but they are arranged around open spaces to form public squares.

200

239 The green axe functions as a connection between the different slabs and squares. It can be seen as a highway for pedestrians.

Nevertheless it isn’t only used for circulation. People meet, children play and so on.

201

202

240 One of the main characteristics of El Hank is public space. The arrangements of the slabs creates semi-enclosed spaces.

Some of these spaces are overdimensioned, which results in neglect. The density of the neighbourhood is still low, this makes new interventions possible.

203

Taking position after analysing El Hank Public space Public space is the binding element in El Hank. The slabs are connected through squares. It is clear that the urban fabric of the district is eccentric in contrast with the rest of Casablanca. The residents cherish this open feeling. The danger is the excess of public spaces. We see that some squares or part of squares remain unused and neglected. Two main reasons can be determined. The first is the fact that large parts of the neighbourhood are undefined. By placing a simple paving stone or asphalt a space can become used in different ways. Cars can be parked, a market can be held, children can play soccer or basketball. It is not the intention to lay asphalt all over the district but by choosing smart locations to do so, the neighbourhood will notice the benefits.

The second reason brings us to the next paragraph.

Density The density of El Hank is alarmingly low, only 443 inhabitants per hectare.

This is three times lower than that of Carrière Centrale. The neglect of several squares illustrates this. These squares are overdimensioned, the boundaries fade away. But due to the fact that there is this much open space, a lot is possible. By adding new buildings, the district will become more dense, and moreover public life will enhance. Overdimensioned spaces will become more at human scale and will become agreeable.

204

PRESENT ISSUES

205

This chapter focuses on Casablanca as it is today. Several matters are discussed, of which a position has to be taken before designing.

The strategy of eradicating the bidonvilles and moving the inhabitants into rehousing districts is an important matter. The government initiated the plan “Villes sans Bidonvilles�. Three strategies are introduced; Restructuration, Recasement and Relogement, each with its own positive and negative side. What are the consequences for the inhabitants? What can we use from these strategies for our own design?

The Muslim people have a rich tradition, with many rules of behaviour.

Each rule has an effect on how the units and the city are organised. But traditional rules are changing. Young people want to escape from the restrictions. What remains of traditions and what is forgotten? Does this affect living conditions?

The Arabic society is a community of self-builders. Inhabitants change and built out their homes. This happens due to lack of space or because of economic reasons. It is a totally different design context than in Europe.

What are the consequences for us, the designers?

206

REHOUSING : Eliminating the bidonvilles

Since the 1900’s Casablanca has known an immense increase of inhabitants, due to people moving from the hinterlands to the cities.

The next table shows the top 300 of fastest growing cities in the world.

Casablanca is ranked 133th, and still grows with 2.07% on a yearly basis.

Rank

City

Country

Average annual growth, 2006 to 2020, in %

1 2 3 …

132 133 134 …

298 299 300

Beihai Ghaziabad Sana’a

China India Yemen

10.58 5.20 5.00

Ho Chi Minh City Casablanca Amman

Vietnam Morocco Jordan

2.07 2.07 2.05

Porto Kunming Stockholm

Portugal China Sweden

0.70 0.69 0.67

The demand for new housing is enormous, builders can’t keep up.

Today a large number of people in Morocco still live in slums.

How does the Moroccan government react to the existence of these slums? How do they deal with the fast growing city of Casablanca?

207

208

243 Picture of Limkansa. The district is an example for the Restructuration method.

244 Picture as an example for the Relogement method.

245 Picture of Errahma. The district is an example for the Recasement method.

209

VILLES SANS BIDONVILLES “Villes sans Bidonvilles� is the plan of the Moroccan government to eliminate the slums. The program was initiated in 2004. The goal was to rehouse 348 000 inhabitants, living in 1000 bidonvilles, spread out over 85 cities. In Casablanca 100 000 residents in total will be relocated.

The program contains three methods: Restructuration, Relogement and Recasement.

Today the plan is being executed. In 2011 a temporary balance was made up : 43 cities and villages have been declared free of slums, 177 416 people have been moved and 61 600 transfers are still in process. This results in 239 016 transfers, which is 70 percent of the planned moves.

Also in the city of Casablanca slums have decreased in size and number.

At the borders of the city new building sites define the view, based on both the Recasement and Relogement method. Inhabitants from the slums have to move to these locations.

In the next chapters the three methods used in the Villes sans Bidonvilles strategy will be explained.

246 King Mohammed VI signed the Villes sans Bidonvilles plan in 2004.

210

247 Schema of the restructuration operation.

248 Picture of the upgraded slum.

Rainwater and dirt can be drained through the ditch in the middle of the street.

211

RESTRUCTURATION The aim of the restructuration method is to upgrade the bidonville into a more livable quarter. The government intends to absorb the bidonville in the urban fabric of the city. Electricity and access to drinking water is provided. Streets and squares are constructed, to enhance public life. The improvement of the bidonville is only executed when the total cost per unit does not exceed 30 000Dh (2700 euro). The government pays for half of the investment, the inhabitants pay the rest. Most of the time, the residents need to reorganize their dwellings. A grid is proposed in order layout the streets.

This strategy will only be implemented if the slum is not located on a strategical spot in the city. If the site is interesting for a more prestigious aim, then the bidonville will be destructed and one of the two other strategies will be deployed.

Limkansa Limkansa is a slum south of Casablanca next to highway A5. The first shacks date back to 1981. Between 1996 and 2008 the bidonville expanded swiftly. The settlement is divided in 5 parts. These segments are numbered from 1 to 5. Limkansa 5 houses the most people and is the commercial center. A highway cuts through Limkansa 3. This was constructed between 2001 and 2003. Before the highway was built, the settlement was called Bouskura.

The settlement has been able to expand fast because the landowner sold the plots in an efficient way.

First the land is walled, to “hide” the illegal building practice. Inside the walls the land is divided in small parcels, leaving just enough room to create narrow roads. Each parcel is provided with four walls. The person that buys the parcel only has to build the roof to be able to inhabit the dwelling. When more money is available he can add more levels.

The bidonville underwent “restructuration”. The units were provided with electricity. In the streets phone booths and street lightning are installed.

Drinking water points were constructed. In some areas the houses even got connected to a water system. The bidonville is becoming a real neighbourhood. This informal settlement is constructed by and for the inhabitants which bonds them with the location.

212

Scheme of the expansion of Limkansa. Evolution in four steps:

249 First the landowner walls his land.

250 Then he divides it into parcels.

213

251 He builds four walls, and then sells the dwellings.

252 Eventually the residents can add and change whenever it is necessary.

214

253 Scheme of the relogement operation.

254 Typical example of the architecture that represents the Relogement strategy.

255 A Relogement-neighbourhood.

The highest building is the mosque. Every neighbourhood has to have one. The presence of a mosque is a condition that has to be fulfilled by law.

215

RELOGEMENT The Relogement method is implemented when the bidonville will be demolished. It is mostly used when the slum is in a central or strategic place in the city, and the bidonville has to make room for more prestigious projects. The inhabitants are replaced to social housing complexes built by the government. These complexes are situated in a remote location at the borders of the city. The apartments cost between 80 000Dh (7200 euro) and 120 000 Dh (10 700 euro), of which the government pays 33%.

The apartments are small with a maximum surface of 60 square meters.

The next pictures are taken during a bus trip outside Casablanca. These projects are everywhere at the borders of the city. The buildings in the pictures represent the architecture that characterises the Relogement method.

256 These new neighbourhoods are isolated islands. There is no connection at all with the city.

257 Enormous new Relogementneighbourhood in process of construction.

216

258 Scheme of the recasement operation.

259 The same type of building is repeated.

217

RECASEMENT The objective of this method is to stimulate private initiative. Therefore the government doesn’t have to build the houses. The bidonville dwellers purchase a parcel that is pointed out for them and will pay for the construction of the house. The government will assure sufficient infrastructure. They will build roads, provide electricity and drinking water.

There are two types of parcels, one for a single-family house, which is 60 to 70 square meters and one for a double-family house, which is 80 square meters. The prices vary from 50 000Dh (4500 euro) for a single family parcel -of which the government pays 25 000Dh (2250 euro)- to 60 000Dh (5400 euro) for a double family parcel -of which the government pays 20 000Dh (1800 euro) per family. Before the family can start building the new house, they have to tear down their old shack, to guarantee that the inhabitants will not keep both dwellings.

The government provides a standard plan for building the dwelling. The plan is the same for the entire neighbourhood. The bidonville-dweller pays for the construction of the house.

260 The government makes the parcels ready to be built. These parcels wait for a new owner.

218

261 System of the development of Errahma.

262 The ground floor of the dwellings is in many cases a public facility such as a shop, a restaurant or an atelier.

219

Errahma Errahma is situated 5 kilometres south of the city. Construction started in 2007 and still goes on today. It is a district built for “recasement” of bidonville dwellers. Here the government has initiated a method to make the recasement even more affordable.

The first step of this method is conducted by the government and includes the numbering of the bidonville units. Each unit that ends in a public street is considered as one unit. This unit is called “a zriba”. It is possible that behind the door of the zriba this one unit consists of more separate units. But these aren’t registered. When the residents didn’t get a number, they cannot apply for “recasement”.

The inhabitants from a counted zriba have to find a partner that is in the same situation. They can choose freely. Together these two families will apply for one house. By linking together these two partners the costs can be reduced by half .The first family gets an apartment on the first floor, while the second family gets one on the second floor. The ground floor is meant for public facilities such as shops or working ateliers and is shared by both families. This gives the inhabitants an opportunity to earn money.

Also the roof terraces can be used by the two owners.

The total cost for the parcel and the construction of the house amounts to approximately 280 000Dh, that’s 140 000 Dh (12 500 euro) per family.

There are two methods to reduce this cost even more.

The first possibility is to find a private investor. This third partner pays for the construction of the house and becomes the owner of the ground floor.

The roof terrace is split by three. The families only have to pay for the purchase of the parcel.

Another possibility for the families is to rent out the ground floor. They can use this extra income to pay off the loan for building the house.

In the end the families are owner of their apartment. If they have enough money to build the house then they also have an extra space to sell goods or to rent out. This provides them with an extra income which they probably didn’t have in the bidonville.

This method is also conducted with three parties. This means that the building will be four levels high. Every family will have one floor and the ground floor and the roof terrace are shared. The price per family will be even lower.

220

263 Characteristic section of Errahma.

221

Errahma has a very symmetrical lay-out which makes it suitable for the calculation of the density via the method used to determine the density of the rehousing districts. The characteristic piece is repeated multiple times. It is this piece that we will use to determine the density.

The segment contains 490 units, which results in 2352 persons (490 x 4,8). It covers an area of 2,5 hectares. The outcome is a density of 1037 inhabitants per hectare, combined with a percentage of 54% built space.

264 Image showing the density of the district.

222

265 This picture is taken at the border of Errahma. The quarter is designed as an island in the desert.

223

224

266 Large families are squeezed in small apartments.

267 Families and friends are split.

People living in the bidonvilles are relocated to remote locations at the borders of Casablanca.

People could be relocated to open locations in the city. Due to this their social contacts and jobs aren’t lost.

268 There is an overload of public facilities on ground level of the units. Many of the shops stay empty. There should be a more diverse offer of typologies.

225

Taking position after analysing the Villes sans Bidonvilles plan Small units The apartments in the new developments of the Recasement and Relogement method are too small, with a maximum surface of around 60 square meters. This can be problematic, because in many cases the bidonville dwellers live in large shacks with their entire family. It is impossible to squeeze them in a small apartment. Providing different sizes of units can be a solution.

Familiar context The Restructuration method keeps people in their own dwellings and in their familiar context. Families and friends are not ripped apart. The mutual bond between neighbours in the slums is strong. Keeping them there and improving the living circumstances will turn these neighbourhoods into vibrant quarters.

For both the Relogement and Recasement method the opposite is true. People are being relocated in places far away from their original environment. Most of these people have no transport, this means that they are stuck in the remote districts at the borders of the city. They lose their jobs and the contact with friends and family.

In my opinion solutions have to be found inside the city. Empty sites and locations in which densification is possible must be used for the relocation of these people. This way their bond with the city is guaranteed.

Density Errahma The density of Errahma lies in between that of Hay Hassani and of Carrière Centrale. It is interesting to know what density the government works towards. It can be a good parameter to state that the density of our design matches the density of Errahma, to be able to compare the designs. In this way our design can be a statement towards the government to show other possibilities for the same amount of people.

Overload of public facilities on ground level in Errahma The standard plans of the units in Errahma contain a public ground level.

Here a shop or atelier can be opened. In the main streets this typology works, but in the smaller streets these shops have no use. We saw that a lot of shutters stayed closed and that residents started adapting the shop into a living space. Different typologies have to be made according to the location of the dwelling in the quarter.

226

269 A lot of shops and ateliers stay closed due to an overload.

270 Another typology would be more suitable in the smaller streets.

Also in this picture most of the shops are gone.

227

271, 272 These two pictures show a quarter right next to Errahma.

Also here every dwelling has a public ground level. Now nobody lives in the neighbourhood yet, but most likely not more than half of the shops will be used in the future.

228

273 The basic unit of Limkansa consists merely of walls. In my opinion it is better to make basic units of two levels. One level is ready to be lived in, while the second one can be a roof terace.

The terrace can serve as an extension area.

274 The typical hierarchy of public space in districts as for example Errahma is forgotten. The doorstep serves as a direct boundry from public to private.

229

Construction of Limkansa The way Limkansa is constructed is a smart way to be able to control the arrangement of a neighbourhood, without having to invest a large amount of money. The landowners are able to design the lay out of their quarters without having to built a lot. In their turn the inhabitants can build their dwelling according to their personal needs. In my opinion the basic unit, which now consists of only walls and no roof, has to be livable from the start. For this reason it is better that the basic unit would consist of two floors. Ground floor could be an interior space and the second floor a roof terrace. Residents can adapt this roof terrace according to their needs, but don’t have to from the start. In this way the designer can control how ground level looks like, which is important for the atmosphere of the neighbourhood.

Public space in the new developments Public space, in the districts that are constructed according to the Relogement and Recasement method, is neglected. Only the dwellings and the main streets are designed and built. Further way from the main roads there is only sand and dirt. The government relies on the fact that the residents will construct their own sidewalk and will create their own squares. The typical hierarchy of the urban fabric and of the street patterns are forgotten. Collective or semi-private space doesn’t exist. The transition from public to private happens at the doorstep and is very brusque. If the government wants the quarters to become qualitative neighbourhoods, they will have to be more careful in designing public space. Public life is an important aspect in the Arabic way of living, as a result this has to be visible in the way the districts are designed.

230

275 Only the main streets are constructed. Some residents have built their own sidewalks.

231

276 Residents make their own sidewalks, which results in strange situations.

232

277 Due to the absence of public squares, markets and other public activities are held in the main streets.

233

234

PRIVACY AND GENDER SEGREGATION: What is left today?

Privacy and the separation of genders are issues that are difficult to grasp for us, Europeans. Before starting to design, it is important to be able to grasp these subjects and to define our own point of view in this. To be able to do so, the traditional situation has to be analysed and has to be clear. Only after that, we can look at the reflection of these issues today.

In a modern city, such as Casablanca, the situation is ambiguous. Society is at a turning-point. The younger people of Casablanca are in the process of modernization. They look at cities such as New York and Paris, and want to live in the same way. Their habits change. Some traditions are forgotten, while others are enhanced. In contrast to that older families still live according to these traditions. This is what makes it difficult.

For us, designers, it is important to know which traditions are still valued and will be still valued in the future. Maybe some traditions are in such a way imprinted in the Moroccan way of living that they cannot be erased?

It is our task to find out.

235

236

279 Aerial view of he traditional town

280 (left) Plan of the traditional town.

281 (right) Plan of the hara. Each entrance ensures privacy.

237

PRIVACY Traditional situation Privacy was an important notion in Islamic culture. The traditional town showed ingenious transitions from public to private. This began on the largest scale, the city. The city was the most public part of the chain. A first transition occurred by entering the hara, from public to collective. Most of the time the spatial definition of a hara was not much more than an alley leading to a few houses. The residents used this alley as a meeting point and as an extension of their house when there was a special event.

There was a strong sense of social control. An outsider was sent away, or at least he would have been asked about his intentions. The next step was entering the housing unit.

The traditional courtyard house was omnipresent in the historical town.

From here the private section of the chain started. Inside the unit there were different levels of privacy. People entered the house through the courtyard. This was the least private part of the dwelling. The entrances of two units were never straight across each other and the view to the courtyard was always blocked. This was to prevent others from looking inside. The courtyard was a multifunctional place and led to the different rooms. The guestroom was the most public room. Here guests were welcomed. There was a strong relation between the guestroom and the courtyard. In many cases the guestroom was the most beautiful room.

When possible, the family had a living room, apart from the guestroom.

This living room was more private than the guestroom.

The kitchen and the bedrooms were at the end of the chain. The kitchen was the working place for the women and had to be strictly separated from the more public rooms. The wife had to be able to cook and work there, extracted from the eye of possible guests. The bedroom was a sacred room. It is obvious that this was also very private. In many cases rooms had more functions, because of a lack of space. A space could have been a living room during the day and a bedroom at night.

This chain shows that the traditional town was full of mental barriers where public changed into private, even on the scale of the unit. But what is left of this today? The courtyard houses have disappeared and the city became more and more European.

282 Collective alley, leading to the different units.

238

283 These schemes show the scaling down process of the traditional town, from most public to most private.

The first step is the scale of the village.

284 Main streets end in smaller streets which eventually end in the smallest alleys. This brings us to the scale of the hara. This is a community of neighbours.

This street gives access to all the dwellings of the community. There is a strong shift from public to collective.

239

285 These small collective alleys give access to the dwellings. This is the first private part of the chain. Although in the dwelling itself different grades of private are recognisable. The units are courtyard houses, so the first step is entering the courtyard. This is the least private space of the dwelling.

286 (left) The courtyard is adjacent to the guestroom. The relationship between the two spaces is close, because guests enter the guestroom through the patio. In larger dwellings the inhabitants also have a second living room, which is for the family. This room is more private than the guestroom and the courtyard.

287 (right) The last pieces of the chain are the kitchen and the bedrooms.

These are very private spaces.

240

288 The collective space formed by the snake-like footprint of the Arsène type in Hay Hassani.

289 (left) the collective space of the Cité Bournazel.

290 (right) aerial view of the Cité Bournazel in Casablanca.

241

The city today The urban fabric of the traditional town is very dense, with narrow streets and alleys. The reason for this high density is the back-to-back building of courtyard houses. The analysis of the districts earlier in the book gives enough information about the more modern neighbourhoods to draw conclusions about how the city of today works. These districts are designed in a more open way, although many of these quarters also consisted of courtyard houses as living units. Today these dwellings have changed, the patios are gone and more levels are added. The difference is that they are not built back-to-back and side-by-side. More public space is left open and streets are wider. The presence of cars is an important factor in this evolution. Nonetheless there still is a strong hierarchy in public space, where the smallest squares still have a more collective then public character. Social control is strong.

A good example of the use of collective space is the CitĂŠ Bournazel. The units are clustered around a patio. The doors of the units are left open.

This illustrates the collective character and the social control.

Another good example is Hay Hassani. The pictures of the Arsène type show the collective space that gives access to the units.

Both examples show a more contemporary approach of the collective space of the hara. The traditional shift from public to collective to private still exists and is essential.

291 In the traditional town, courtyard houses are built back-to-back.

292 The doors in the collective space of the CitĂŠ Bournazel stay open.

242

293 The large buildings in the back show the modernised face of Casablanca.

243

With this third example I want to illustrate the fact that parts of the city are evolving to a more European city. Skyscrapers and large slabs define the view in the picture on the left. In these parts of the city public life is organised in a more European way. People meet in the streets and in large main squares. Pure collective space as in the previous examples is out of the question, which is a logical progress. Casablanca doesn’t want to be inferior to cities as for example Paris.

It is our task, as designers, to choose a clear point of view in this matter, because the issue of privacy is essential for our design. The city shows two faces: the image of a modern city goes hand in hand with parts of the city that still show a more traditional hierarchy. Is this hierarchy outdated and can we built as in European cities?

294, 295 Casablanca has developend into a modern city. With these two pictures I want to illustrate that.

244

297 (left) original state of apartment 1.

298 (right) adaptation of the apartment.

The kitchen is made bigger and more private.

children's bedroom +guestroom

parents' bedroom girls' bedroom

bedroom +guestroom

livingroom +diningroom

kitchen kitchen

bathroom livingroom +diningroom bathroom

299 (left) original state of apartment 2.

300 (right) adaptation of the apartment.

The kitchen is hidden behind a curtain. At night the guestroom is used as bedroom for the children.

parents' bedroom

children's bedroom +guestroom

parents' bedroom

bedroom +guestroom

livingroom +diningroom

kitchen bathroom

livingroom+ diningroom

bathroom

kitchen

245

The units today In El Hank a few students got the opportunity to enter some apartments.

These units are very small and the plan was rather European. The inhabitants had to be inventive to adapt it to the Islamic way of living.

Through these units we can discover what habits and traditions are still valued.

We see that although there is a lack of space, the guestroom is still there.

This means we can conclude that it is an aspect that cannot be left out.

The function of the room changes through time. In daytime it serves as the traditional guestroom, while at night it becomes an extra bedroom for the children. The room has a semi-private function, as in the traditional situation.

In the original apartments the kitchen is the first thing a guest sees. This is not according to the Muslim traditions. Where possible, the residents adapted the kitchen to make it bigger and more private. Thereby we can deduce that a European open kitchen is not an option, that this is still a private space.

Also in all the units one separate bedroom is kept. The bedroom is still a sacred place and is always private.

301 (left) original state of apartment 3.

bedroom +guestroom

302 (right) adaptation of the apartment.

The owner of this apartment appropriated the common laundry rooms and the corridor. The kitchen is moved to the drying room and the laundry room became an extra bedroom.

laundry room bedroom +guestroom

parents' bedroom

kitchen livingroom bathroom +diningroom

drying room

kitchen

livingroom +diningroom

bathroom private laundry drying area

246

303 The traditional hierarchy in public space of the Medina has to be reinvented. The linear collective spaces of the Maxime type and the collective spaces of the Arsène type can serve as good examples of how this could be done in a more contemporary setting. Both types are found in the Hay Hassani district.

304 Linear collective space of the Maxime type.

305 Collective spaces of the Arsène type.

247

Taking position after analysing the issue of privacy The modern city The traditional hierarchy in public space doesn’t have to be considered outdated. It can and has to be designed in such a way that it suits the modern city. People tend to live outside and will keep on doing so.

Designing public life and implementing collective space can be a strategy to enhance the quality of a neighbourhood. This doesn’t have to be considered a step back in time. Even the modern city will benefit from the reinterpretation of the traditional transitions from public to private.

Cramped Medina The traditional cramped situation as in the Medina has become impossible to use in the future. Nonetheless the traditional hierarchy in public space has to be reinterpreted. Analysing districts as for example Hay Hassani can learn us a lot about how collective space can be shaped. The collective squares and linear collective spaces of the district serve as a excellent transformation of the collective blind alley in the traditional town.

The unit Inside the unit the guestroom, the private kitchen and the private bedroom are essential for a well functioning dwelling. These items have become imprinted habits that are still valued. The adaptations by the residents and discussions with locals prove this statement.

248

306 Men meeting in the guestroom.

307 The musharabiya on the first floor works according to the same principle as the veil of the women.

249

GENDER Traditional situation The differences between genders in Islamic culture is a difficult discussion.

The traditional wife is considered “Muhsana”. This means that a husband needs to protect his wife, so that her honour will not be violated. A woman has to be discrete and can’t display herself to other men. As a result women need to be veiled in public or when visitors enter the house.

This privacy is not introduced to exclude the women from public life, but the goal is merely to protect them. For example when there was a guest in the house, it was not appropriate for the wife to be alone in one room with a man other than her own. Only when her husband was there too, she could enter the room.

The use of a musharabiya illustrates this statement. It was common in the traditional town. It is an element that prevents people from looking inside the house, while people on the inside could see what happened on the street.

Actually the veil of the women is based on the same principle, it blocks outsiders to view her face, but on the other hand her sight isn’t hindered.

As a result women used to meet inside the dwellings. Roof terraces were a good place for them to come together. A secondary circulation circuit between neighbours could be determined on the roofs. Due to this women could meet without having to leave the house.

But is this separation of genders today still an issue?

250

308 Men meet in the most public places.

251

the city today

When we were walking through the streets of Casablanca we saw both men and women. I don’t think that today there is still something as a space only for men or a space only for women. The situation is more nuanced.

Both sexes meet in public. For men this habit grew historically, public space used to be their realm. But for women this happened more recent.

Women tend to meet closer to home, in parts of the neighbourhood that are less public. Men on the other hand meet in the most public places. The collective space is a perfect place for women to meet.

309 Women also meet outside, but tend to meet closer to home.

252

310 The space in the picture is the guestroom. The students were welcomed there.

253

The units today The differences between men and women inside the house are more difficult to discover. People are not keen on talking about it. The guestroom still plays an important role as an answer to the gender issue.

Although the apartments of El Hank are very small, every dwelling still has one! When friends or family are invited in the house, the encounter can take place in this room. When this are all men then the wife can retreat to the more private living room or the kitchen, in case this should feel more appropriate. Women need to have the possibility to retreat to more private places, although they will not always do so.

The wife has to be able to reach the kitchen without being seen by guests.

Cooking food and bringing groceries inside the house needs to happen in a concealed way. When there are no visitors the wife is the one that pulls the strings. She is the glue that holds the family together.

This example is the Maxime type in Hay Hassani. The inhabitants converted the kitchen into a private space, which is accessible without interference with the guestroom. The guestroom is in the back of the largest space. It is the space that is shown in the picture. The closed living space serves as a bedroom at night.

311 (left) Original state of the Maxime type.

312 (right) The Maxime type after adaptation.

254

313 The guestroom, the private kitchen and the private bedroom are indispensable for a dwelling to function according to the Arabic way of living. These rooms can be found in more traditional dwellings, and in modern apartments as well.

255

Taking position after analysing the issue of gender segregation Gender differences Women of Casablanca are in a process of modernization. The differences between the sexes are becoming smaller. But habits are difficult to unlearn, they still are there in a more concealed way. Some values have become imprinted and are considered natural.

Guestroom, kitchen and bedroom The chapter privacy learned us that the guestroom, the private kitchen and the private bedroom are essential. This has its origins in the traditional hierarchy from public to private. But also the gender segregation plays an important role in this. Kitchen and bedroom are places for the women to retreat when this seems necessary.

Conversations with the students of the architecture school of Casablanca learned us that even in the most modern parts of the city these aspects are indispensable for a well functioning dwelling.

256

MODIFICATIONS: A culture of self-builders

257

On 11th July 2014 the inevitable happened. A building that was extended by the owners had collapsed. The building was situated near the El Hank district. Inhabitants were adding a sixth level, while the building was intended to have a maximum of only three levels.

Three neighbouring buildings collapsed together with it. The accident caused the death of 23 people, while 55 were wounded.

The buildings were built in the 1960’ and were changed numerous times through the years. A few days before the incident the residents had noticed that some of the doors were not closing properly and that dust was coming out of fresh cracks in the walls. This should have alarmed them. Moroccan newspapers point the finger to the authorities and the poorly-regulated housing sector.

This event shows the essentiality of the subject of self-built architecture in our design. We, as designers, have to be aware of the situation. Our creations have to be prepared for these modifications. This chapter learns us about how the residents change their dwellings, and what the main motives for these actions are.

315 Picture of the disaster.

258

316 This picture shows appropriation.

The collective alleys of the slabs in El Hank have been appropriated by the residents of the last appartments. They closed the alley to create an extra room.

259

A dwelling in any Arabic city is always subject to change. The main reason is the inhabitants. The Arabic culture is a culture of self-builders. Friends help each other and exchange services. The residents will add levels, close down patios, appropriate public space and so on. Their goal is to create extra space for living. The government looks away and tolerates it. The relationship between the government and the people is complex. The people fear the government and accuse them to be corrupt, while on the other hand they provoke them by neglecting the rules. Three types of modifications will be discussed: expansion, adaptation and appropriation.

317, 318 Both pictures illustrate adaption.

The patios of SÊmiramis and Nid d’abeille have been closed to create extra space.

319 This picture shows expansion.

The individual dwellings of Hay Hassani have expanded to five floors high.

260

320 Shops or ateliers are created on ground level. The living functions move up one floor. This picture is taken in the CitÊ Horizonale in Carrière Centrale.

261

EXPANSION A modification is labelled as expansion when the family enlarges their dwelling, and no public or collective domain is claimed. In other words, when the residents add new levels to their dwelling. The Cité Horizontal in Carrière Centrale is a good example to illustrate this. Initially the buildings in the quarter were courtyard houses of only one level. Today the buildings have expanded to an average of four levels. The motive behind this expansion is the family. When the family grows, the house has to expand. If the son gets married and does not have money to afford his own place, he and his wife live in the house of the parents. A level is added for them. This level serves as a sleeping place and in many cases has a separate living room for the young family to retreat. The entire family eats together. Due to this in most cases the new level doesn’t have a kitchen.

Today we see that young families tend to search for their own place. In former times the first step was living in the parents house. Today this step is skipped, if it is financially possible.

A second motive is the economic situation. A family expands their house in order to put up a room for rent. Another possibility is to open a shop or working atelier on ground floor, while the living functions move up one floor. This motive is the reason for most of the expansions that occur today.

321 Expansion of the Cité Horizontale.

Growth of the family was the main motive.

262

322 The picture shows individual dwellings in Hay Hassani.

Residents add extra levels when this is needed or when money is available.

263

264

323 The owners of the apartments closed the balconies by placing windows. Only 2 terraces are in the original state.

265

ADAPTATION Adaptations are smaller forms of modifications. Closing down patios, making windows smaller and so on, are common practices. This happens all the time in the city. The residents enlarge their homes by making all possible space usable. The difference with expansion is that this is on a smaller scale. Closing down a patio is less radical than adding three levels.

Also this activity does not involve claiming spaces that is not theirs. In many cases adaptation is the first step in the modification process. It can happen fast, without many resources. Striking examples are Sémiramis and Nid d’abeille. After the adaptations the buildings were unrecognizable.

324 The adaptations that occured through the years of Nid d’abeille.

325 The adaptations that occured through the years of Sémiramis.

266

326 In many cases the self-built adaptations are not the work of professionals, which results in a degeneration of the buildings.

The image of the buildings deteriorates.

267

268

327 Public space in El Hank is appropriated by a resident of the slab to create a garden.

269

APPROPRIATION Appropriation involves occupying public or collective space. Also here the goal is to extend the homes. The inhabitants appropriate a collective alley or a piece of public space as the pictures show. The residents go further than their own property, they start “stealing� space from the government or from neighbours. The government knows about it, but looks away. The apartment below shows a situation where the owner appropriated the collective laundry rooms and the corridor, to create extra space.

328 (left) original state of the apartment.

bedroom +guestroom

329 (right) the apartment after appropriation of the collective laundry rooms.

laundry room bedroom +guestroom

parents' bedroom

kitchen

livingroom bathroom +diningroom

drying room

kitchen

livingroom +diningroom

bathroom private laundry drying area

330, 331 Doors are placed in the collective corridors of apartment blocks.

The collective place becomes private. The residents see it as their own personal space.

270

332 The collective corridors of the slabs in El Hank are appropriated and personalised by the owners.

An extra room is created as an extension to the dwellings.

271

272

333 By making the typologies large enough and suitable for the Arabic way of living, the inhabitants don’t need to expand their dwellings.

334 Designing typologies that can be extended is the other strategy.

Due to this the residents can change their house according to their needs. The designer needs to be prepared for that, and has to design the base strong enough to carry additional levels.

273

Taking position after analysing the modifications.

When making a design for Casablanca, we have to acknowledge to the fact that owners will change their dwellings and that the original design will not stay the same. Dangerous situations can occur when residents start to extend, while our designs are not prepared for that. We, as designers, have two options.

The first is to design the buildings in a way that it is not possible or not necessary to change them. By making the typology not suitable for modifications, it will be difficult for the people to make changes. Slabs as the patio buildings of Sidi Othman have proved that they are difficult to expand, in this way dangerous situations are avoided.

By providing a basic unit that is large enough from the start we can make it unnecessary for the owners to enlarge their dwellings. When the basic unit is livable and suits the Arabic way of living then the residents will not have the urge to add in an extreme way.

The second option is the total opposite. It forecasts and guides the adaptations. By providing a basic unit, the owners have a solid base as a starters dwelling. When more money is available or when the family expands, then adaptations and enlargements should be easy to make.

A space for expansion should be there, and it has to be incorporated in the structure. The basic structure has to be able to carry the additional levels. People will have a strong bond with their homes. The house will be moulded by them and for their specific situation.

These two methods can be strategies for our design. When we visited Casablanca it became clear that the more modern families look for dwellings that don’t need to be expanded or changed. Younger families don’t seem to have the urge or the hunger to built themselves. As in other subjects, also for this matter the people of Casablanca are at a turningpoint. Our designs should implement both strategies. Finished dwellings and basic units that can be expanded, can go hand in hand.

274

EL HANK

275

A NEIGHBOURHOOD UNDER PRESSURE

El Hank is an interesting site to study. The quarter shows a lot of potential.

The density is low and there is a lot of open space, unlike the rest of Casablanca. This makes it possible to make interventions and see the study as a vision for the future. Nonetheless the district is under pressure.

Recently the inhabitants won a lawsuit against the government, to prevent their neighbourhood from destruction. This chapter explains the main complications, to which the eventual design has to respond.

First the upgrading process in the area of the Corniche is discussed.

Prestigious and luxurious complexes are being planned and built. El Hank stays behind between these projects. Does El Hank still have a future?

Second the density and morphology of El Hank is compared with the other characteristic districts. El Hank is totally different from the rest. The density is very low, but the wide views and open spaces are cherished by the inhabitants. Can the district remain this way, knowing that the site is interesting for project developers, because of its strategic location?

Last but not least, the quality of the image of the district is put forward.

Because of the amateur adaptations and the neglect of maintenance, the slabs are deteriorating. Again the same question can be raised. Can the district remain this way?

With this master study I want to argue to save El Hank from eradication.

The goal is to prove the right of existence of the district as a living quarter for the lower social classes.

276

336 Image of the, up till now, undeveloped eastern part of the Corniche.

277

DEVELOPMENT OF THE CORNICHE The Corniche is the strip along the coastline. It is divided in two parts by the peninsula of El hank.

The first part is the eastern part and stretches from the harbor till the peninsula. The Hassan II mosque is here in the middle. The area is now mainly undeveloped. It has a lot of potential and can become the new face of the city, seen from the sea. Construction has begun near the harbour with the “Marina development�.

The western section starts at the other side of the peninsula and continues till far away from the city. This part is more developed and consists mostly of hotels and beach facilities.

337 Eastern part of the Corniche.

338 Western part of the Corniche.

278

339 Schema Directeur d’Aménagement Urbain (SDAU).

The plan is part of the “Masterplan Casablanca 2030”.

279

The image on the left is part of the masterplan “Casablanca 2030”, and is called “Schema Directeur d’Aménagement Urbain (SDAU)”. It shows that the area of the entire Corniche, including the peninsula, is destined for large urban projects. The aim for the western part is more towards the tourism industry. Today big projects for this area are already planned or built. The next paragraphs will explain some of them.

280

340 The location of the Marina.

It is situated between the harbour and the Hassan II mosque.

341 General overview of the development.

342 Image of how the tower will look like.

281

Development of the eastern Corniche.

1. The Marina The project is situated between the harbour en the Hassan II mosque on the eastern Corniche. The building complex is designed by WATG. It consists of luxury hotels, retail stores, a night club, a yacht marina, a convention center and a public square.

The aim of the project is to reconnect the city to its ocean frontage. WATG wanted to create “a new vibrant and modern marina in Casablanca for the local people and visitors alike�. The designed tower is to be seen from all over town. The architects want to put Casablanca on the map.

The images below and on the next page show the contrasts between the new development and the old housing districts with bidonville. The images of the Marina look impressive, but the moral aspect behind it is almost perverse. Luxury hotels and slums exist just across the street. The money invested in the Marina is overwhelming, while a little contribution could upgrade the entire bidonville right next to it.

343 Across the street of the luxury hotels is a bidonville, where people live in poverty.

282

344 The contrast between the new developments and the existing dwellings near the Corniche is striking.

283

284

345 The location of the Hassan II mosque.

346 General view of the Hassan II mosque.

285

2. Hassan II mosque The Hassan II mosque was part of the masterplan by Pinseau. The works started in 1986, and were finished 7 years later. Builders worked on it night and day: 1400 workers during the day, and 1100 in the night. It is the largest mosque in Africa and the 7th largest in the world.

There was a lot of controverse about the price of the mosque. Was it moraly justified to built such an expensive structure, knowing that people still live in slums?

347 Parts of the mosque are literally built in the sea.

348 There is a large square in front of the mosque.

286

287

288

350 The location of the Avenue Royale.

It connects the Hassan II mosque with the center of the city.

351 (left) plan of the development.

352 (right) aerial view.

289

3. Avenue Royale This new avenue will connect the Hassan II mosque and the Place des Nations Unies. It is a very prestigious and ambitious project. The area that the boulevard is planned in is now very dense. Many people will need to be expropriated. The boulevard is designed by AS Architecture studio. The design was made in 1999, it remains a question if and when it is going to be build. The first stage of expropriations and demolitions has started near the mosque. The government choose the face and prestige of the city over the wellbeing of the people.

353 Image of how the boulevard will look like.

290

354 The location of the area that will be developed. It connects the Hassan II mosque with El Hank.

355 The dashed line indicates the future path of the new tramway.

356, 357 Both plans show the expansion of the network of public transport.

291

4. development of the area between El Hank and the Hassan II mosque The area connects the Hassan II mosque with El Hank. Now the site is undeveloped, and consists mainly of sand. There is a lot of potential, because of the strategic location. Plans for extending the network of public transport have been made. A new tramline will drive over the Corniche.

The path is indicated on the map with a dashed line. This will upgrade the entire region and can be a catalyst for future projects. There are no definitive plans made yet. But there is no doubt that the area will become a prestigious neighborhood. First of all because of the strategic location at the seashore and next to the Hassan II mosque. Second, because the site forms the faรงade of Casablanca seen from the sea. Some designs and studies have been made. The drawing below is a study made by Dusapin-Leclercq Architects. It shows luxury apartments and shops, which reveal the intentions for the region.

358 A study for the Corniche, made by Dusapin-Leclercq Architects.

359 The undeveloped area of the Corniche. There is still a lot of undefined space between the buildings and the sea. The links with the shore and the Hassan II mosque make it a valuable location.

292

360 The area shows a lot of potential, due to its strategic location.

293

294

361 The location of the Morocco mall.

It is situated near the seashore, in the left corner of the map.

362 Aerial view of the shopping mall.

It is a prestigious project. A huge amount of money was invested.

295

Development of the western Corniche.

5. Morocco mall This shopping complex opened on 1 December 2011. It is the largest shopping centre in Africa. It has 250 000 m2 of floor space. The building is designed by Davide Padoa. He is a member of “Design International�, which is an architecture office from London. They do projects all over the world. Besides the endless amount of shops, the main attraction is a 1 000 000 liter aquarium. Visitors can go through the aquarium and have a 360-degree view of the 40 different species of fish. There is also the opportunity to go scuba diving. The project adds to the prestige of Casablanca.

363 This image shows that the area around the mall will be handled as well.

364 View of the enormous aquarium.

296

365 The location of Anfa place. It is situated near the seashore, west of El Hank.

366 Aerial view of the project.

367 The beach is integrated in the project.

297

6. Anfa place The complex is located on the western Corniche, near the oceanfront. It is designed by the prestigious architectural office Foster+Partners. The project includes a business area, hotels, luxury apartments, a beach club and a shopping area. It is said to be “a perfect combination of business and leisure activities�. The building proces was finishd in 2009.

368 Image of how the project would look like at night.

369 A boulevard with restaurants and shops ends on the beach.

298

370 The location of Sindibad and Les AllĂŠes Marines. Les AllĂŠes Marines is right next to Sindibad in the south.

371 Aerial view of the Sindibad development.

372 View of the different typologies in the Sindibad development.

299

7. Sindibad parc Sindibad is located near the Morocco mall. It is a combination of a residential zone and a green zone. The residential zone consists of different types going from villas to lofts and apartments. In the green zone is an attraction park, a zoo and a hotel. Philippe Madec designed the project. He was looking for the perfect combination between nature and the city. Negotiations are now in process.

8. Les allĂŠes marines It is a complex of luxury apartments around a green courtyard. It is located near the seashore. It is also very close to the Sindibad park. The project is designed by the architect Arnauld Gilles.

373 View of the interior of the apartments in Les AllĂŠes Marines.

374 Aerial view of Les AllĂŠes Marines.

300

375 The location of the hotel site.

376 Beach facility of the hotel site.

377 Beach facility of the hotel site.

301

9. Hotel site This is not a project, but an area that has already been developed. It is a zone on the western corniche, that is devoted to hotels and beach facilities. The western par of the Corniche is characerised by tourism. This side of the Corniche is totally different than the easern part, which is for living.

378 Beach facility of the hotel site.

379 Beach facility of the hotel site.

302

380 View of the western part of the Corniche. This area is devoted to beach facilities and hotels.

303

304

381 El Hank is the hinge between the western and the eastern Corniche.

382 El Hank is in the middle of the prestigious developments occurring on the Corniche.

305

Under pressure After studying the developments on the Corniche, we can conclude that the Corniche is being upgraded. Prestigious and luxury projects are build one next to the other. After every project the same question should be raised: couldn’t the money that was invested in this project, be used in a better way? Isn’t the well being of the people more important than the prestige of the city? In one part of the town luxury and wealth is displayed, while in another part people still live in slums. New projects should try to solve these problems and should not intensify the contrast.

The hinge between the western and the eastern Corniche is the living quarter El Hank. This district is in strong contrast with the developments, it stays behind in the movement. If El Hank stays as it is today, than it will not survive. The entire quarter will be eradicated and another prestigious project will take its place. The inhabitants fight for the right of existence of their dwellings. Recently they won a first trial, which was about destructing the district or not. They won the trial, but how long will they be able to slow down the inevitable? I want to prove that El Hank can earn the right of existence as a living quarter for the lower classes. The people in El Hank like to live there, and want to stay there. In order to do so, the situation in the neighbourhood will have to change. New projects will have to improve the image of the district.

383 The contrast between the developments and El Hank is striking. If El Hank stays in the current state, than it cannot compete with the upward movement of the Corniche. If nothing changes, El Hank will be destructed.

306

384, 385 These two images illustrate the contrast between the prestigious developments and El Hank.

307

308

100 m 386 (left) Nolli plan of Carriere Centrale.

100 m

387 (right) Nolli plan of Hay Hassani.

388 (left) second Nolli plan of Hay Hassani. This is a part of the district with only collective housing.

389 (right) Nolli plan of Sidi Othman.

390 (left) Nolli plan of Ain Chock.

391 (right) Nolli plan of Errahma.

309

LOW DENSITY OF EL HANK The schemas on this page are Nolli plans of the 100 by 100 meter sections chosen in the chapter “Rehousing Districts�. If we compare the layouts, we can distinguish El Hank clearly. The urban fabric is rather eccentric compared with the rest of Casablanca. The proportion of black an white of the schemes of El Hank are contrary to those of the other districts. This means that El Hank has a low density. The numbers on the next page prove this statement.

100 m

392 This are four Nolli plans of different segments in El Hank.

There is a clear difference with the other districts.

100 m

310

393 The tabel shows the number of inhabitants per hectare per district.

# District

Density

1 Carriere Centrale

1354pers/ha

2 Ain Chock

1037pers/ha

3 Errahma

941pers/ha

4 Hay Hassani 1

900pers/ha

5 Sidi Othman

878pers/ha

6 Hay Hassani 2

739pers/ha

394 The diagram illustrates the density per district. The values are in persons per hectare.

El Hank Hay Hassani 2 Sidi Othman

Districts

Hay Hassani 1 Errahma Ain Chock Carriere Centrale

0

200

400

600

800

1000

1200

1400

1600

311

If we compare the densities of the districts, calculated in the chapter “Rehousing districts”, we can conclude that the density and the percentage built space is by far the lowest of all. The density of El Hank is three times lower than that of Carrière Centrale, furthermore the percentage of built space is almost 9 times smaller. The inhabitants are aware of this and value the open character of their neighbourhood.

# District

395 The tabel shows the percentage of built space per district.

Built Space

1 Ain Chock

61%

2 Carriere Centrale

60%

3 Sidi Othman

56%

4 Errahma

54%

5 Hay Hassani 1

45%

6 Hay Hassani 2

25%

7 El Hank

7%

396 The diagram illustrates the percentage of built space. The values are percentages.

El Hank Hay Hassani 2 Hay Hassani 1

Districts

Errahma Sidi Othman Carriere Centrale Ain Chock

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

312

313

The low density and large amount of open space lead to an overload of public space. Inhabitants cherish the open character, but nevertheless many unused and dirty places can be spotted. Many of these spaces are overdimensioned. The following images illustrate the problem.

397, 398, 399, 400 Four pictures showing oversized public spaces, which are hardly used by the residents.

314

401 This public square is overdimensioned. Only a part of it is used. The other part is neglected and unused.

315

316

317

The following pictures show spaces that are of human scale. These spaces are used and maintained by the residents. The contrast with the previous spaces that are overdimensioned is clear. This amount of activities and maintainance should also be the goal for the overdimensioned spaces.

402, 403, 404, 405 Four pictures showing human scale public spaces. People use the spaces and there is less garbage.

318

406 This public space is of human scale. People use the space and maintain it.

319

320

407 Because of the large amount of open space, El Hank can serve as a rehousing district for the bidonville on the peninsula. In turn the peninsula can be used for more prestigious projects.

By densifying El Hank will become a full-fledged living quarter.

321

Under pressure If we want to ensure the existence of El Hank, then things will have to change. If we want to keep the district as a living quarter for the lower classes, there is no other option then densifying. The sight of undeveloped space lures developers and the government to use the space according to their will.

To ensure the right of existence, the density will have to be raised to at least the density of Errahma. To match the density of a district, constructed by the government, is a symbolic act. This way the district can be seen as a rehousing district for the bidonvilles near the Corniche, which will undoubtedly be destructed because of its strategic location. The aim is to prove the government that with the same density, a good quality of life can be generated. In this way the people of the bidonvilles on the peninsula are not replaced to a remote location. Their new homes will be right across the street. As a compensation for the government the peninsula will be freed of bidonvilles. They can use this magnificent space for more prestigious projects, which will match the developments of the Corniche. In turn El Hank will be densified into a full-fledged living quarter.

It will earn its place as the other living quarters behind the prestigious shore line of Casablanca.

The density of Errahma is comparable to that of Hay Hassani, which is a good reference. Azagury, the architect of the district, put a lot of effort in the quality of public life. He foresaw the district of enough open spaces.

This means that an extra of almost 40 to 50% of El Hank can be built, while the quality of public life will not deteriorate. In the contrary, one of the most important problems in El Hank is the overscaled public spaces. It will not be possible to justify wasted space, knowing the strategic location.

By densifying in those specific locations, public life will enhance and the district will become more attractive.

409 By freeing the peninsula of slums, the space can be implemented for prestigious projects that match the other developments along the Corniche.

In turn El Hank will become a full-fledged living quarter, as the other neighbourhoods behind the Corniche.

322

410 As a full-fledged living quarter El Hank will earn its place among the other neighborhoods behind the prestigious Corniche.

Today the Corniche is still undeveloped, but plans are made to turn this strategic area into the new face of Casablanca, seen from the sea.

323

324

411 The adaptations by the residents look unprofessional and of poor quality. This reduces the image of the district.

325

LOW QUALITY OF THE IMAGE OF EL HANK The slabs Arabic people come from a culture of self-builders. In many cases they are not professionals. As a result the appropriations of the corridors look rather pitiful. The back façade isn’t suitable for adaptations. But many of the residents changed their windows, which is not always executed as it should be. The result is rusty stains and pieces of cement on the walls.

Furthermore there is no one that concerns about maintenance of the buildings. All buildings should be painted again.

Public space The government should maintain public space, but they don’t bother. The government relies on the inhabitants to do so.

The first reason is because the inhabitants have no connection with the space. Due to this they will not take care of it. While on the other hand the private gardens and more collective spaces are clean and well-maintained.

This means that they can do it, but they feel like it is not their job. A good example is the public space in the bidonville on the peninsula of El Hank (see picture on the next page). The inhabitants have a strong connection with this place. Although they have almost no money, the place is kept green and neat.

A second reason is that many of the open spaces stay undefined. Due to this the inhabitants neglect the space, because they don’t use it. Moreover these spaces are difficult to keep clean.

412 The windows of the back façade of the slabs are replaced. They show rusty stains and leftovers of cement.

326

413 Picture of the public space in the bidonville of El Hank. The residents feel responsible for the square and maintain it. The green is kept clean and plants are taken care of.

On the other hand the streets are undefined and consist of sand. The contrast with the green square is clear. Garbage is omnipresent.

327

328

414 Residents adapt their dwellings.

They are not professionals which make the building look shabby.

329

330

415 Residents don’t take care of a space which they not feel responsible for. Moreover the space is undefined and hardly used other than for circulation.

The private gardens at the back façade of the slab are maintained and show some green.

331

332

416 This slab is painted recently. The image of the slab is far better than that of the slabs that are not painted. Maybe painting the slabs can be a solution to raise the image of the entire district.

333

Under pressure The quality of the image of El Hank is a problem that cannot be underestimated. It contributes to the negative image of the district.

For people from more wealthy districts or members of the government it is difficult to look past the dirt and the shabby facades, while El Hank actually is a vibrant district. The neighbourhood has to blend in between the luxury developments. This means that the buildings can’t be in ruins and public spaces should be defined to show that they have a function.

The district has to look vibrant to show the rest of Casablanca that it is a lively neighbourhood that cannot be destructed. The inhabitants like to live there, but that doesn’t show from the upkeep and state of the buildings or public spaces.

First and for all we should create this feeling of responsibility for the smaller public and the collective spaces in El Hank. This can be done by introducing a more human scale in overdimensioned spaces. The larger public places, for which it is difficult to arouse responsibility, should be designed in a way that they are easy to maintain. Tiling the surface can be a good solution. In this way lots of activities can take place, like having a market, parking cars, playing basketball, etc.

Secondly comes the issue of the slabs. This problem is more difficult to resolve. Destructing all the adaptations isn’t a solution, because then the units will not be adapted to their way of living anymore. If we can densify the district and turn it into a full-fledged and vibrant living quarter, then there is the possibility that the government will renovate the slabs and repaint them. We noticed that some of the slabs are repainted already.

This illustrates that the government is aware of the problem. The inhabitants told us that the King passes frequently over the Corniche by car. The “mayor” of the neighbourhood commanded the slabs, that are visible from the street, to be repainted, in order to hide the situation for the king. A temporary solution for the problem of the overall image can be to repaint all of them.

334

417 (left) original plan of the slabs.

418 (right) renovated slab, with additional entrance area.

335

A more thorough solution can be to enlarge the units. The structure of the building makes it possible to demolish the corridor and to build a self-bearing extension in front of the building. The loads are bore by the columns and the back façade. Due to this removing the corridor will not affect the structure of the remaining part. This extension provides the existing units with an entrance area in front of the unit, as a transition from collective to private. In this way the act of entering the unit happens in a smoother way, and privacy is guaranteed. The extension also has a new corridor to keep the concept of the slab the same. The stairs do not need to be changed and can be kept. The plan on the left is the original plan of the slab, while the plan on the right is the extended slab. The grey parts are the parts of the building that can be re-used.

The appearance of the building will be enhanced in short term. But what will keep the inhabitants from claiming the corridor all over again? The units are larger, and more adapted to the Arabic lifestyle. Inhabitants don’t need to extend their homes to be able to live according to their habits. The government will need to control and renovate the buildings regularly to be able to keep the buildings clean.

Another issue is the cost of the operation. Who will pay for it? Are the inhabitants interested in raising money together to update their homes?

Maybe it is interesting for the government to renovate the slabs to enhance to image of the district and the city? The strategic location of El Hank can be a stimulus to do so.

419 Original plan of the unit in the slabs.

420 Plan of th unit after renovation.

STRATEGY

337

This last part of the study focuses on the actual design. It is not my intention to explain every typology and each plan in detail. The goal of this chapter is to explain the reasons behind the actions. The references and examples that led to the solutions are discussed. Knowing this is crucial and in doing so the intentions and the goals of the designer will become more clear. The design is presented through a masterplan, and a schematic representation of El Hank. Four interventions will be suggested.

The first is extending the urban fabric of the district. The overdimensioned spaces are densified into squares of a more human scale. The reasons behind the layout are explained per section.

The second intervention is the construction of a rehousing district for the people living in the bidonville on the peninsula. Different areas are discussed and reasons behind choices that led to the typologies are explained.

The third intervention is the extension of the green axe. If we want the green axe to be able to execute its function as connector and creator of public life even after adding more dwellings, then the axe will have to be extended to be able to reach people in the entire district.

The last intervention is the introduction of a new community centre. The location is crucial and is chosen carefully.

In the end the density of El Hank after the implementation of the masterplan is calculated to be able to compare with other districts as Errahma and Hay Hassani.

340

423 Scheme of the district in its original state.

341

These two schemes symbolise El Hank. The scheme on the left is El Hank in its original state, while the one on the right is El Hank after implementation of the masterplan. In the original plan the green axe connects the different slabs and squares. The urban fabric is unevenly spread and the red circle is the commercial centre.

The first step is to densify the large overdimensioned spaces of the neighbourhood. This results in a more evenly spread urban fabric of the district.

The second addition is the rehousing district to rehouse people living in the bidonville across the street.

The third change is the extension of the green axe. Due to the fact that undefined parts are now built, people also have to be able to get there.

The new neighbourhoods have to be connected with the existing. The green axe is turned into a green triangle of which every side has a different character. The corners are the points where two axes collide. These corners can become larger squares.

The fourth addition is the construction of a community centre for people of the district. Societies can organise meetings, elderly people can come together to play cards, kids can play soccer in the square, etc. It is a place to gather. The four steps are discussed one by one in the next chapters.

424 Scheme of the district afer implementation of the masterplan. Four steps define the plan.

342

425 Plan of El Hank, illustrating the largest overdimensioned spaces.

426 Plan of a human scale public space in El Hank. The same dimensions can be used to densify other parts of the neighbourhood.

343

EXTENDING THE URBAN FABRIC One of the main problems of El Hank is the overdimensioned and undefined spaces. It are these spaces that have to be handled in the first place. The main goal of public spaces is to provoke public life.

Jan Gehl, a Danish architect and urban planner, states in his book “Cities for People” that public life is determined by two main factors. The first is the weather conditions. This is not a problem in Morocco. The second is the quality of public space. For this reason it is our job to change these overdimensioned spaces into attractive squares at the scale of the inhabitants. The spaces need to be defined and tempting to use in order to attract people for more than just circulation. The scheme below illustrates the importance of the quality of public space.

For this reason densifying El Hank means firstly densifying in these areas.

The plan on the left points out five locations. Each location will be handled.

Moreover the densification process is conducted with the elements that are characterising for the district. The two main characteristics, as stated in the chapter “Rehousing districts”, are public space and the slabs.

Additional housing is executed according to the same overall concept of the slabs. The system of corridors is implemented again, although the apartments have to be made sightly larger and designed according to the Muslim way of living. The gardens that are added on the ground level by the residents have to be part of the design. By using the same concept again, I want to prevent contrasts of gentrification. Units that are to expensive will not be sold in an environment as El Hank.

The picture beneath the plan and on the next page show spaces that are dimensioned well. The squares are of human scale and are used in a correct way. People take care of the spaces and use them frequently. We can consider them as good examples and we can implement the scale for the lay-out of the new slabs.

427 Scheme by Jan Gehl, from the book “Cities for People”.

Necessary activities are actions that have to be undertaken, like waiting for the bus.

Optional activities are activities that only occur when the environment is suitable for it.

It includes actions as reading a newspaper on a bench, playing soccer, etc.

Social activities are actions that happen because of the presence of other people, for example two friends meeting in the streets.

344

345

346

429 Plan of El Hank in its original state. The red arrow shows the location of the picture on the next page.

347

The two spaces on the previous images are the spaces between the two lower red arrows on the plan on the right side. The same lay-out is re-used to densify the part in the North. Today the open space is a playground and parking, but it isn’t used. The picture on the next page illustrates the spot. By implementing the same scale and concept of the building, a unity between existing and new is created.

430 Plan of El Hank after adding additional slabs. The lay-out of the two existing human scale public spaces is copied.

25m

348

431 View of the overdimensioned open space in the North of the neighbourhood. Today there is a playground and a parking, but these are hardly used.

349

350

432 Plan to change the system of the stairs and corridors. The new buildings can have alternating stairs, to keep both sides animated.

433 Plan of El Hank in its original state. The red arrow shows the location of the picture on the next page.

351

For the large open space in the northwest of the district, the same dimensions can be used. The slabs are placed along a new axe, with the same intermediate space.

For the new slabs that are placed in between other slabs, another typology can be implemented. Instead of using two stairs and a collective corridor, stairs per two units per floor can be chosen. Due to this both sides of the slab stay animated, and the problem of social control is prevented.

!

434 The problem of social control, as is illustrated in the chapter about “Hay Hassaniâ€?, can be prevented by creating two animated façades and alternating the stairs.

435 Plan of El Hank after adding additional slabs. The intermediate space is similar as the two spaces of human scale illustrated earlier this chapter.

352

436 The new slabs are placed along the wall in the right side of the picture.

353

354

437 Plan of El Hank in its original state. The red arrow shows the location of the picture on the next page.

355

This open space is clearly overdimensioned. The picture on the next page shows that the sides stay undefined and are not more than circulation spaces. By dividing the space in two smaller parts, both spaces get a more appropriate scale. The part on the left of the new slab is reachable from the small street in the south. This makes it accessible for cars. Therefore the square can be designed as a parking space. The other piece of public space can remain a soccer field. This spot will have a more human scale and will be clearly defined by the slabs.

In addition this can be a good location for the use of the slab with alternating stairs of which both sides stay animated.

438 Plan of El Hank after adding the additional slab. The overdimensioned space is divided in two spaces that are of human scale.

356

439 This large open space is overdimensioned. Parts stay unused and undefined. A new slab will divide the space in two smaller squares each with its own characteristics.

357

358

440 Plan of El Hank in its original state. The red arrow shows the location of the picture on the next page.

359

Also here the goal of adding the new slabs is bringing the square at a more human scale. The new slabs define clear boundaries for the space, while in the original situation the boundaries were not always present. There is a sports field in the original situation, but this is not used. By scaling down the space becomes more attractive and the quality rises. According to the scheme of Jan Gehl, this should also improve the amount of activities.

441 Plan of El Hank after adding the additional slabs.

360

442 The sports field in the middle of the open space isn’t used. There is garbage everywhere. The inhabitants ignore the space.

By scaling down the square and improving the quality, the square should be used more.

361

362

443 Plan of El Hank in its original state. The green axe ends abruptly in one of the main streets. The red arrow shows the location of the picture on the next page.

363

This addition is different from the rest. First and for all it is not an extra slab, but it is an extension of the existing blocks. This can be done because the side faรงades have no windows.

Secondly, the reason is not that the space was overdimensioned, but the slabs are prolonged to block the green axe. In the original situation, the axe ends abruptly in the street all the way in the south. It ends in nothing as the picture on the next page shows. By blocking the green axe before the slabs, the axe ends in the large open space.

The space in between the extended blocks becomes a space with clear boundaries and shows a basic quality that makes it attractive for the neighbouring residents.

444 Plan of El Hank after prolonging the slabs. The green axe will end in the large open space before the extended slabs.

364

445 In the original situation the green axe ends in nothing.

365

366

446 Schematic representation of El Hank in its original state.

367

Schematic representation of the intervention.

In the original plan on the left page, the green axe connects the different slabs and squares. The urban fabric is unevenly spread. The red circle in the commercial centre which is connected with the green axe.

The goal of the first interference is to densify the large overdimensioned spaces of the neighbourhood. This results in a more evenly spread urban fabric of the district and the intervention raises the overall density of the district. The green axe is blocked and ends in the large open space in the south, because of that the problem of the axe ending in nothing is solved.

447 Schematic representation of El Hank after the first intervention.

368

448 Aerial view of the bidonville and El Hank.

369

REHOUSING DISTRICT As tekst explained in the chapter “Rehousing: Eliminating the Bidonvilles� people living in bidonvilles inside the city are being relocated to places far away from their original environment. Most of these people have no transport, this means that they are stuck in the remote districts at the borders of the city. They lose their jobs and the contact with friends and family. But solutions can be found inside the city. Empty sites and locations in which densification is possible must be used for the relocation of these people. This way their bond with the city is guaranteed.

El Hank is such a location. The bidonville across the street is in a very strategic location. By creating a rehousing district nearby these people can still live in their familiar environment. Moreover the strategic site is freed of slums and can be used for more prestigious objectives. This is a win-win situation for both the people and the government.

The first part of this chapter is the schematical composition of the neigbourhood. It consists of two main parts. The first is the ring that makes the quarter as one entity. The second is the densifiction inside the ring, which is desinged according to the traditional hierarchic transitions from public to collective to private.

The second part of the chapter is the explanation of the typologies. Three areas are discussed, each with its own characteristics.

449 Families and friends are split.

People living in the bidonvilles are relocated to remote locations at the borders of Casablanca.

People have to be relocated to locations nearby. Due to this their social contacts and jobs aren’t lost.

370

371

372

450 Schematic representation of the ring around the rehousing district. The red line indicates the front faรงade, which gives access to the dwellings.

451 This picture of the SOCICA development illustrates that the district is designed inward, which makes it unattractive for the outside world.

373

Schematic composition Step 1: Designed as an entity As in Ain Chock, the walling of the neighbourhood makes it an entity and strengthens the cohesion. In this case the wall of Ain Chock is reinterpreted as a ring of units. The entrance to the inside of the enclave happens through passages between the units. The ring has the same function as the wall of Ain Chock and serves as a first transition from most public to semi-public. Designing the quarter as a separate entity, enhances the impact of the rehousing district on El Hank. Moreover it makes it possible to copy to other neighbourhoods.

SOCICA is a neighbourhood that also is walled and is designed in a very introvert way. The picture on the left shows the quarter. The dwellings are faced inward. In my opinion it is better to design the ring separately from the inside, to prevent the outside of becoming an unattractive backside.

By facing the units outward the relation with the environment becomes stronger and the development isn’t experienced as anti-social.

452 Ain Chock is walled. This strengthens the feeling of a separate entity.

374

453 Schematic representation the densification inside the ring. The main street runs from left to right, while the collective streets go up and down.

454 This picture shows one of the entrances of SOCICA. The entrances to the rehousing district in El Hank happen in a similar way. Passages are made between the units.

375

Step 1: Densification inside the entity The inside of the enclave is densified in a different way. Two types of streets can be distinguished.

The first is the main street, which is ends at both sides in the main entrances. It is the street that is presented horizontally in the scheme. The street is flanked with shops and apartments.

The second type is the collective street, which runs vertically in the scheme. They are the smaller streets perpendicular to the main street. The dwellings are built with their backs facing each other. As a result also the fronts are across the street. The front façades are split by the collective street, while the back façades are split by the small private gardens. This concept of building back-to-back with only private gardens in between is a very European solution. But it resolves some of the problems that we have seen in El Hank. The more private back façade doesn’t border at the more collective and public spaces. Due tho this conflicts of that sort are prevented and self-built gardens are not necessary.

455 The main entrances can be larger, to make hierarchy clear. This picture is from the district Dar Lamane.

376

456 Roof plan showing the different areas of the design.

1. The exterior of the enclave 2. The main street 3. The collective street

1

2 3

457 The typology of the ring is based on the Arsène type of Hay Hassani.

377

Three areas In this chapter the typologies will be presented. To do so, the quarter is divided in three areas, each with its own characteristics as far as public space and the dwellings go.

The first part is the exterior of the enclave, the ring. The second is the main street, and the third is the collective street. Each zone is numbered accordingly on the map below.

1. The exterior of the enclave The ring is based on the principle of the Arsène type of Hay Hassani. The units are arranged along a larger street. The transition from public to collective happens through these inner squares.

458 The typology of the ring is based on the Arsène type of Hay Hassani. The transition from public to private happens through a collective square adjacent to the street.

The plan on the next page shows the ground level of the design.The collective courtyard consists of two zones. The first is the most public part.

It is the transition zone. Here there is room for drying laundry, parking the car, or playing children. The next step is to enter the collective realm. This is composed of an inside guestroom that can be used by all the inhabitants of the entire block. In front of the guestroom is a collective garden. This collective space improves the living quality of the inhabitants and makes up for the smaller units. Through this collective space the stairs and the entrances to the private dwellings can be found. The design is based on a strong hierarchical chain of transitions from public to private.

The gardens are built back-to-back with the gardens of the typologies that will be presented in the section “collective street”. This means that the ring is faced entirely outward and is designed to have a connection with the rest of El Hank. The concept for the entire ring is the same although the execution can differ, due to the different dimensions of the north and south façade and the east and west façade.

!

380

460 First floor of the typology. Each floor contains two units.

381

The type counts four levels. Ground level is also shown on the previous page. The collective zone plays an important role. It enhances the quality of the dwelling. The units on ground level also have a back entrance through the collective garden into the private garden. This private garden ends in an extra living room. The units on the two levels above are the same (for that reason only one plan is presented here). They are smaller than the units on ground level, but can be used according to the Muslim way of living. Guests can be received in the collective guestroom if this should feel more appropriate. The upper floor is a common roof terrace.

This terrace serves as an extension area for all the residents. Here they can built extra rooms if this should seem necessary.

461 (left) second floor and third floor 462 (right) fourth floor

382

463 Location of the segment that is shown on the next page.

464 Public life in Sidi Othman is organised along its main streets.

383

2. The main street The main street is the most public part of the quarter, although it is less public as outside the neighbourhood, due to the fact that it is designed as a separate entity.

The main street has three widenings that are defined in different ways.

The squares can host different activities. For example one can be a square, completed with concrete tiles to be able to have a market and the others can be green squares with trees and benches.

The street contains dwellings and shops. The shops are situated on ground level and have two floors of apartments on top.

The main entrances to the street are passages of two floors high. There is one at every side of the main street.

The concept of a main street as a linear public space is based on the main street of Sidi Othman. This space is the largest open space in the district.

People come there to meet and chat. The main street of the design can also function in that way. Although the difference is that, in contrast with Sidi Othman, the quarter is not accessible for cars. This makes the main street calmer and more attractive for residents to remain in. Another difference is that it is much smaller in scale, but the side streets of the design are even smaller. This ensures the fact that the main street remains the largest open space of the quarter.

The plan on the next page shows the ground floor of the main street.

The location of the plan is accentuated in red on the roof plan on the left page. The variation between shops and dwellings are visible. The square is defined as a green square. After the plan a general impression of the faรงades of the buildings flanking main street is presented.

465 Public life in Sidi Othman is organised along its main streets.

In the design the cars are fenced off, which makes the main street even more attractive.

386

387

388

467 Shops in Dar Lamane.

389

These images are taken in the district Dar Lamane, which is built in the eighties. It is located near Carrière Centrale. It illustrates the ambition for the shops along main street. The shops are behind the arcade, which originally was a place for passage. But every morning the owners unload their goods and display them under the arcade. The arcade becomes an extension of the shop. The shops along main street in the design work in the same way and can be compared with the shops of Dar Lamane concerning the concept and the size.

468 Shops in Dar Lamane.

390

391

392

470 Location of the segment that is shown on the next page.

471 The collective street of this area is based on the concept of the collective street of the Maxime type in Hay Hassani.

393

3. The collective street Most of the dwellings in the quarter are situated in this area. They are placed along collective streets ending in main street and outside of the neighbourhood. The street is accessed through passages of one floor high.

The concept is based on the linear collective spaces of the Maxime type in Hay Hassani. The space becomes a meeting place for inhabitants and works as an extension of their homes. The next page shows the ground floor of the types along the collective street. In the plan on the left page the segment is accentuated.

In the design the collective street is flanked by collective guestrooms as in “the ring�. These guestrooms are shared with eight families.

Benches and greenery enhance the quality of the space even more. Due to this the outside activities will rise.

472 The collective street of this area is based on the concept of the collective street of the Maxime type in Hay Hassani.

396

474 Second floor

475 Roof terrace

397

The type consists of three floors. Ground floor consists of two units and the collective guestroom. There is one guestroom per two types. This means one guestroom per eight units.

The two units on the second floor use the same stairs. On the third floor is a communal roof terrace per two families in the building. This place can serve as an extension area for the owners.

The next page shows an impression of how the building will look .

476 Ground floor

398

399

400

478 Schematic representation of El Hank after the first intervention.

401

Schematic representation of the intervention.

The rehousing district adds to the value of the district and serves as a way of enforcing the right of existence of El Hank. In this way the district can be seen as the solution to free the peninsula and finish the Corniche as the new face of Casablanca. The rehousing district is perfectly compatible with the urban fabric of El Hank. It is designed outward in order to create a relationship and not to turn away from it. The density of the entity is 880 persons per hectare, which is comparable with the 940 inhabitants per hectare of Errahma. Due to this the district can serve as an example for the government to show how to implement traditional values and important notions of Arabic living in their new districts.

479 Schematic representation of El Hank after the second intervention.

402

480 Plan of the existing green axe.

481 Extension of the green axe into a green triangle.

403

EXTENDING THE GREEN AXE The green axe is the connection between the different slabs and squares in El Hank. After extending the urban fabric of the district, the existing green axe has become insufficient to provide this function in the entire district. To keep the green axe functioning as it was and as it should be the green axe has been extended into a green triangle.

The corners are the places were the sides of the triangle meet. These spaces are important hinges for the district. That is why every corner is designed as a larger square where more things can happen.

The upper right corner is the entrance area for the district seen from the Corniche. That how that space works in El Hank today. It should keep that function. When the new tramline on the Corniche is developed, this location is a perfect location for a tramstop.

The upper left corner can be a new entrance area with a parking that is accessible from the Corniche via the north western corner of the district.

Due to this people living in the extra slabs and in the Rehousing district can park their car there and walk to their dwellings.

The lowest corner is one of the biggest open spaces left in the district.

Today there is a soccer field which is used regularly by children and surrounding schools. The place is the centre of the lower part of the district and can become an important social focal point. The next chapter will discuss that more.

482 Upper right corner of the triangle.

The space serves as an entrance area to the district coming from the Corniche.

404

483 Schematic representation of El Hank after the second intervention.

405

Schematic representation of the intervention.

The green triangle brings the green axe at scale of the densified district. It can fulfill its function as connector and creator of public life, as it should do. Although the triangle will be finished and furnished in the same way, every side of the triangle is different due to the different layouts of slabs and dwellings flanking it. The corners of the triangle will become important hinges in the urban fabric of El Hank.

484 Schematic representation of El Hank after the third intervention.

406

485 The location of the new community centre is illustrated by the black arrow, while the red arrow indicates the former elderly centre.

486 Picture of the square in the lowest corner of the triangle.

Here the community centre will be built.

407

SECONDARY PUBLIC CENTRE As stated in the previous intervention, the lowest corner of the green triangle has become an important location. The square is the centre of the lower part of El Hank and it became connected via the green axe with the main street that cuts El Hank in two.

It is the perfect location for community center, where people can meet, kids can plan, elderly people can play cards, etc. A new building can be build for the small elderly center that is in the back of the square. The red arrow in the plan indicates the existing elderly centre. The new building will be accompagnied with trees or a cantilever to provide shadow.

In the first semester two students, Piero Parini and Sophie Schober, from the 1st Master studio designed a new public square. They chose the commercial centre for this location. In order to be able to create the square they destructed the hammam and rebuilt it on ground level in one of the slabs.

I think it is better to make this square in the proposed location in the lowest coner of the triangle. In this way nothing has to be destroyed and the commercial centre can keep on working as it did. In my opinion the new community centre and the commercial centre will not affect each other. Both aim for different functions and different people. The one will not compete with the other because they both aim for different activities and different people. Moreover both spaces are unique in their kind in the distict. Piero and Sophie didn’t built a cantilever, but used trees to create shadow.

487 Plan by Piero Parini and Sophie Schober for their new public square.

408

487 Schematic representation of El Hank after the third intervention.

409

Schematic representation of the intervention.

The strategy will turn El Hank into a vibrant and full-fledged quarter.

Although the district will be densified, public space will not deteriorate.

In the contrary, by turning the overscaled and undefined spaces into attractive squares at the scale of the residents, social life will enhance. By raising the quality of public space, more people will remain outside.

Moreover by introducing El Hank as the rehousing district for the bidonville on the peninsula, it will be easier for the district to enforce its right of existance.

488 Schematic representation of El Hank after all the interventions.

410

489 Design of the masterplan of El Hank.

490 Strategy of implementing smaller clusters to densify the district. The design is made by Vladdi Theuns and Rutger Pompen.

411

DENSITY After the implementation of the masterplan the new density has to be calculated. For this the same method is used as in the chapter “Rehousing districts�. The density was 443 persons per hectare. After the interventions the density has increased to 815 inhabitants per hectare. This means that the number of inhabitants almost doubled! Nonetheless the density that was worked towards was that of Errahma and Hay Hassani. This density is slightly higher and amounts to around 950 inhabitants per hectare.

Even after implementing the plan, the district is still more open than the rest of Casablanca. The open character had to remain.

To increase the density even more, another strategy has to be implemented. Adding more slabs is not an option, because the limit is reached. If we want to densify more smaller entities have to be designed in between the slabs. These buildings can turn the public spaces even more into human scale.

As an example I want to show the design of Vladdi Theuns and Rutger Pompen, both students of the 1st Master studio. They chose to densify by placing small clusters of dwellings in between the slabs. They picked a specific location in the north of El Hank, but in my opinion this strategy can be implemented in the whole of El Hank. It is the L-shaped clusters that really interest me. On the next page these clusters are multiplied and placed in locations that seem suitable for it. By doing so the density of the district rises even more.

491 Image of the smaller clusters inbetween the large slabs. The design is made by Vladdi Theuns and Rutger Pompen.

415

AMBITION REALISED? After implementation of the masterplan we can conclude that the district has been updated and turned into a full-fledged neighbourhood. Before the interventions the quarter needed more, to be considered a real neighbourhood.

By densifying the district and doubling the number of inhabitants, the government must agree that the quarter can’t be ignored. They have to acknowledge the fact that El Hank has earned its place among the other living quarters behind the Corniche. In return for upgrading El Hank, the Corniche itself and the peninsula can be implemented for more prestigious developments, which fits the governments ambition for the region. The contrast with El Hank will not be as striking as it would be if the district stayed as it is now.

Although the design will change the district, the soul is still preserved.

The open character remains, while the largest open spaces are gone.

This is better for public life, because it were this spaces that weren’t used and were neglected. Now these spaces are at human scale and will show more activities. Because of that people will feel more connected with their neighbourhood and will maintain the public spaces in better way.

Moreover people living in the bidonville on the peninsula can stay in their social context. They can keep their job and are not separated from their families. The rehousing quarter can serve as a statement towards the government that with the same density a more qualitative neighbourhood can be created. Public space cannot be neglected, and must be considered part of the dwellings. The hinge between public and private is the collective space. These spaces are totally forgotten in districts as Errahma. Because of the fact that the district is designed as an entity, it can be copied to other open spaces inside the city.

To be short, in my opinion the ambition of preserving El Hank as a living quarter for the low to middle class people is realised.

417

WORDS OF GRATITUDE In this afterword I want to thank some people that were essential for finishing this study.

First and for all, thank you Fille Hanjoul for our weekly discussions and for your help when it was needed.

Thank you Johan De Walsche for making time, despite your doctorate.

Our meetings always proved very instructive.

Special thanks to the students of the 1st Master studio of ISTT 2014. The students from the first semester were: Aline Cleyman, Julie De Raedt, Laurence Evrard, Annelies Gys, Katharina Hoekstein, Nina Hooyberghs, Nathalie Lambregts, Linde Muyshondt, Piero Parini, Rutger Pompen, Sophie Schober, Season Schnurrer, Lauranne Smolders, Inge Stevens, Vladdi Theuns and Melanie Vanz. The students of the second semester were: Alexandra Masura, Aurelie Ligon, Camille Luyten, Caroline Debray, Charlotte Gillain, Marie-Gabrielle Lafont, Fedde Holwerda, Gitte Van Den Bergh, Janne Koevoets, Jasper De Roover, Jens Pemen, Katina Teunen, Liesbeth De Bock, Lisse Vanbrabant, Loic Tybaert, Mariko Van Himme, Martin Reitenbach, Matthijs Bemelmans, Sofie Feber, Sophie Peelman, Susanne Apfelbeck, Vincent Speybrouck and Yasmijn Van Winkel. The work on the typologies would have been impossible for me to do on my own.

Thank you Habib, our guide from CasamĂŠmoire, for sharing your knowledge of the city in such a passionate way. Our talks about traditions were very useful.

And last but certainly not least I want to thank my mother for reading and correcting the entire book.

418

ILLUSTRATIONS All the pictures and drawings are made by members of the ISTT studio, unless mentioned otherwise. These members were Fille Hanjoul, the students of the 1st Master studio, and myself.

COHEN Jean-Louis, ELEB Monique; Casablanca - Colonial myths and architectural ventures; The Monacelli Press 2002 : 1, 3, 7-9, 15-16, 18, 20, 22, 28-30, 32-33, 50, 61, 70, 84-85, 89, 123, 143, 150, 157, 175-177, 203 http://arttattler.com/Images/Europe/Germany/Berlin/House%20of%20 Cultures/Desert%20of%20Modernity/plakat_larchitecture_daujourdhui. jpg : 2 http://intern.strabrecht.nl/sectie/ckv/10/Architectuur/Struct/10.01_ Studer_Andre,_Woonwijk_in_Casablanca,_1953-55.jpg : 144 http://archpaper.com/uploads/phaidon_atlas_02.jpg : 162 STUDIO BASEL; Lamkansa city; Prof. Roger Diener, Prof Marcel Meili 2008 : 243, 248 http://www.mhu.gov.ma/SiteAssets/Pages/Villes/Programme%20 Villes%20sans%20bidonvilles/vsb1.jpg : 246 RAGETTE Friedrich; Traditional domestic architecture of the Arab region; American University of Sharjah 2012 : 279-281, 306-307 http://www.albawaba.com/sites/default/files/im/000_Nic6347967.jpg 315

:

419

STUDIO BASEL; Les nouvelles MĂŠdinas de Casablanca; Prof. Roger Diener, Prof Marcel Meili 2005 : 324-325 http://www.urbamed.fr/wp-content/uploads/SDAU_Casa_2008.pdf : 339 http://www.casablancamarina.ma/ : 341-342 http://www.architecture-studio.fr/en/projects/csb1/development_of_ the_royal_avenue.html : 351-353 http://www.casatramway.ma/ : 356-357 http://www.francoisleclercq.fr/ : 358 http://www.welovebuzz.com/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/moroccomall-casablanca-1.jpg : 362 http://www.reynoldspolymer.com/images/galleries/001/151885.jpg : 364 http://designinternational.com/morocco-mall : 363 http://www.fosterandpartners.com/projects/anfa-place/ : 366-369 http://www.alliances.co.ma/programmes/immobilier-residentiel/lesallees-marines : 373-374 http://www.atelierphilippemadec.com/img/projets/quartiers-durablesde-sindibad-casablanca-maroc/ : 371-372 GEHL Jan; Cities for People; Island Press 2010 : 427

420

BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS AVERMEATE Tom, HAVIK Klaske, TEERDS Hans; Architectural Positions; SUN Publishers 2009 AVERMAETE Tom, KARAKAYALI Serhat, VON OSTEN Marion; Colonial Modern - Aesthetics of the past, Rebellions for the Future; Black Dog Publishing 2010 CARUSO Adam, THOMAS Helen; The stones of Fernand Pouillon; gta Verlag 2013 COHEN Jean-Louis, ELEB Monique; Casablanca - Colonial myths and architectural ventures; The Monacelli Press 2002 FRENCH Carole; National Geographic Reisgids, Marokko; Kosmos Uitgevers bv 2011 GEHL Jan; Cities for People; Island Press 2010 GEHL Jan; Life between Buildings, Using public space; Island Press 2011 JACOBS Jane; Dood en leven van grote Amerikaanse steden; SUN Trancity 2009 JOSSE Pierre; Trotter Marokko- Marrakech, Casablanca, Fès; Uitgeverij Lannoo 2013 LYNCH Kevin; The image of the city; The MIT Press 1960 RAGETTE Friedrich; Traditional domestic architecture of the Arab region; American University of Sharjah 2012 URBAN-THINK TANK; Torre David-Informal vertical communities; Lars Müller Publishers 2013

421

STUDIES AVERMAETE Tom; Framing the Afropolis – Michel Ecochard and the African city for the greatest number; OASE 82 HANJOUL Fille; GEN2 - Generosity and the Generic; Universiteit Antwerpen 2012 STUDIO BASEL; La Corniche; Prof. Roger Diener, Prof Marcel Meili 2005 STUDIO BASEL; Lamkansa city; Prof. Roger Diener, Prof Marcel Meili 2008 STUDIO BASEL; Madinat Errahma; Prof. Roger Diener, Prof Marcel Meili 2008 STUDIO ISTT; Casablanca; 1 Master UA, Prof. Fille Hanjoul 1st Semester 2014 STUDIO ISTT; Casablanca; 1 Master UA, Prof. Fille Hanjoul 2nd Semester 2014 VAN HOOF Tine; Publieke ruimte in Heliopolis; Masterthesis Artesis Hogeschool Antwerpen 2011-12 VON OSTEN Marion; Architecture without architects – Another anarchist approach; 2009

INTERNET http://fanack.com/en/countries/morocco-copy-1/society-media-culture/ society/family-structure/ (AVERAGE HOUSEHOLD SIZE) http://www.leconomiste.com/article/65279casablanca-restructurationdu-bidonville-sidi-massaoudi (VILLES SANS BIDONVILLES) http://www.mhu.gov.ma/Pages/Habitat/Programme%20Villes%20 sans%20bidonvilles.aspx (VILLES SANS BIDONVILLES) http://www.ndtv.com/article/world/corruption-greed-blamed-forcasablanca-building-tragedy-558723 (COLLAPSE OF THE BUILDING)