1 Petros G. Themelis MACEDONIAN METALWORKING
The existence of gold, silver, copper and iron mines
in
Macedonia,
attested
in
the
(Herodotus III, 63. VI, 46-47. VII, 12;
literary
sources
Thucydides I, 100,
2; Strabo VII, 331, απόσπ. 34; Aριστοτέλης, Περί θαυμαστών ακουσμάτων, 45 και 832b), has been confirmed by both archaeometallurgical 1
and
archaeological
investigations.1
R.J. Forbes, Metallurgy in Antiquity. A Notebook for Archaeologists and Technologists, Leiden 1950, 198; C. Renfrew, The Emergence of Civilisation, London 1972, 311; N.G.L. Hammond, A History of Macedonia I, Oxford 1972, 312313, 317; J.F. Healy, Mining and Metallurgy in the Greek and Roman World, London 1978, 46, 53, 57-62; W. Gentner et al., Silver Sources of Archaic Greek Coinage, Die Naturwissenschaften 65 (1978), 275-278; Π. Φάκλαρης, Oι δεσμώτες της Aκάνθου, AAA XIX (1986), 180, n. 7; E. Pernicka, Erzlagerstätten der Ägäis und ihre Ausbeutung im Altertum: Geochemische Untersuchungen zur Herkunftsbestimmung archäologischer Metallobjekte, JbZMusMainz 34 (1987), 607-714; I. Vokotopoulou - Ch. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, The Early Iron Age, in Ancient Macedonia: Catalogue of Exhibition in Australia, Athens 1988, 84-89; I. Bοκοτοπούλου, Nέα τοπογραφικά στοιχεία για την χώρα των Xαλκιδέων, στό Mνήμη Δ. Λαζαρίδη, Πόλις και χώρα στην αρχαία Mακεδονία και Θράκη, Θεσσαλονίκη 1990, 111, 120 για μεταλλείο που αναφέρεται σε επιγραφή των αρχών του 3ου αι. π.X.; X. Kουκούλη-Xρυσανθάκη, Tα “μέταλλα” της Θασιακής περαίας, στο: Mνήμη Δ. Λαζαρίδη, Πόλις και χώρα στην αρχαία Mακεδονία και Θράκη, Θεσσαλονίκη 1990, 493-514 με βιβλιογραφία; Z.A. Stos-Gale, C.F. Macdonald, Sources of Metals and Trade in the Bronze Age Aegean, in N.H. Gale (ed.), The Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean, SIMA 90 (Jonsered 1991), 270-281; M.Yu. Treister, The Role of Metals in Ancient Greek History, Leiden 1996, 21; M. Bαβελίδης, Γ. Γιαλόγλου, G. A. Wagner, B. Mέλφος, Σκαπτή Ύλη: ένα αρχαίο μεταλλείο χρυσού στην τοποθεσία Mάνδρα Kαρη, Παλιάς Kαβάλας, in Archaeometrical and archaeological research in Macedonia and Thrace, Proceedings of the 2nd Symposium, Thessaloniki 1966, 23-35. Iron mines, esp. on the Chalkidike, were in use til the Roman period: D.
2 Stone
moulds
for
casting
weapons,
tools
and
jewellery,
found at Assiros, are evidence of metalworking activity at least from the Late Bronze Age, which is corroborated by the presence of iron rust in levels of the same period at Axiochori.2 Further
indications
of
the
operation
of
metalworking workshops in Macedonia during the period from the ninth to the seventh century BC are the stone mould for casting jewellery, from Vergina, and the moulds recovered from Saratse, Kastanas, Anchialos and the site of Koukos Sykia at Sithonia in the Chalcidice.3 These attest a local metalworking tradition, mainly in bronze and iron, which apparently continued in the ensuing centuries. The production of certain bronze objects in Macedonia began in the ninth century BC. Occurring with greater frequency in the late eighth and during the seventh century BC, these continued to be made until around the fifth century BC and come mainly from graves at Tsousitsa, Vergina, Potidaia, Amphipolis,
the
area
of
Dion,
Nea
Michaniona
near
Thessaloniki and other sites that are less well-known. These objects are solid heavy bracelets, pins and bow fibulae, and, primarily, small cast pendants in the form Samsaris, Le mines et la metalurgie defer et de cuivre dans laprovince romaine de Macédoine, Klio 69, 1987, 152-162; cf A. Keramidciev, MacedActaArch 3, 1977, 103-115; Γ.A. Σουρής, Tο ρωμαϊκό εργοστάσιο όπλων της Θεσσαλοίκης, TEKMHPIA A, 1995, 66-76. 2 K.A. Wardle, Excavations at Assiros, BSA 1980, pl. 22. Cf. also W.A. Heurtley, Prehistoric Macedonia, London 1939, fig. 112b. Ancient Macedonia, op. cit., 145, no. 48; I. Vokotopoulou, Ch. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, op. cit., 84-89. 3 A. Mιχαηλίδου, I. Tζαχίλη, Λίθινη μήτρα για κοσμήματα από τη Bεργίνα. Ένα αινιγματικό τυχαίο εύρημα, Aρχαία Mακεδονία IV (1986), 365-376; M. Tιβέριος, AEMΘ 5 (1991), 236 and 245, fig. 1; idem, Aρχαιολογικές έρευνες στη διπλή τράπεζα κοντά στη σημερινή Aγχίαλο και Σίνδο (1990-1992) - O αρχαίος οικισμός, Eγνατία 3 (1991/92), 216-217, figs 10-12; J. Carington-Smith, J. Vokotopoulou, Excavations at Koukos, Sykia, AEMΘ (1992), 495-498, pls 502. 6a-b.
3 of: a) vases (oinochoe, lebes, pyxis), b) geometric shapes (globule, spindle (fusiform), loop and disc), c) animals (horse,
ibex,
birds)
and
d)
combinations
of
geometric
shapes and animals, which were made in the southern parts of Macedonia under the influence (via Thessaly) of large workshop
centres
in
the
Peloponnese
(Corinth,
Argos,
Sparta), as well as of regions outside Greece, in Central Europe.4 In the first half of the sixth century BC a new era dawned for the Macedonians, most probably linked with their expansion to the east of the River Haliacmon, which had already commenced in the late seventh century BC. The grave goods from the cemeteries at Sindos (560-450 BC), Vergina (540-480 BC), Aghia Paraskevi (575-500 BC), Pydna, Nea Michaniona (Aineia), as well as those from Aiane in Elymiotis,5 bear witness to the cultural burgeoning around 4
I. Bouzek, Graeco-Macedonian Bronzes, Prague 1973, 52158; idem, Thessalian and Macedonian Bronzes, Ephem 1988, 47-59, with earlier bibliography; J.-I. Zimmermann, Les chevaux de bronze dans l’art geometrique grec, Mainz 1989, 260-267; Treister, op. cit., 50; cf. I. Kilian-Dirlmeier, Anhänger in Griechenland von der mykenischen bis zur spätgeometrischen Zeit, München 1979, 221-224, nos 14491451, pls 103 and 107; see also Ancient Macedonia op. cit., 178-180, nos 103-106; K. Kilian, Trachtzubehör der Eisenzeit zwischen Ägäis und Adria, PZ 50 (1975), 87-109, pl. 86 (=map); Θ. Σαββόπουλος, Δύο χάλκινα περίαπτα από την Aξιούπολη Kιλκίς, AAA (1988), 91-101; I. Bοκοτοπούλου, Oι ταφικοί τύμβοι της Aίνειας, Athens 1990, 96-107, pls 61, 63, 66, drawings 50, 52 and 56; A Passion for Antiquities. Ancient Art from the Collection of B. and L. Fleischman, M. True, K. Hamma (eds), Catalogue of Exhibition in Malibu 13 October 1994-15 January 1995 and in Cleveland 15 February - 23 April 1995, Malibu 1994, 48, no. 11; cf A. Xρυσοστόμου, Tαφικά ευρήματα από τον οικισμό στη Nέα Zωή Πέλλας, in Mνείας Xάριν, volume in memory of Mary Siganidou, Theassaloniki 1998, 319. 5 M.Aνδρόνικος και συνεργάτες, Aνασκαφή Bεργίνας, Prakt 1987, 126-128; M. Aνδρόνικος, A. Kοτταρίδου, Aνασκαφή Bεργίνας, Prakt 1988, 100-107, pls 71-77; K. Σισμανίδης, Tο αρχαϊκό νεκροταφείο της Aγ. Παρασκευής Θεσσαλονίκης,
4 the middle of the sixth century BC, and to the influx of considerable quantities of objects, mainly clay vases, from the major centres of Southern Greece- Corinth, Athens -, and Asia Minor.6 It is not fortuitous that around 550 BC the first silver coins were issued by local tribes and colonies of Macedonia.7 These artefacts give the impression that they Άμητος B΄, Thessaloniki 1987, 787-802; M. Mπέσιος, Aνασκαφή στο βόρειο νεκροταφείο της Πύδνας 1989, AEMΘ 3 (1989), 156-157; M. Mπέσιος, M. Παππά, Πύδνα, Katerini 1995; see also Σ. Mοσχονησιώτου, Θέρμη - Σίνδος, AEMΘ 2 (1988), 283289; Bοκοτοπούλου, op. cit., 95-111; cf. the important finds from the Kozani-Aiani area: Γ. Kαραμήτρου-Mεντεσίδη, Kοζάνη, πόλη Eλιμιώτιδος, Thessaloniki 1993, 46-69, figs 19-39; Eυρ. Kεφαλίδου, Aττικός μελανόμορφος αμφορέας από ην Aιανή, in Mνείας Xάριν, volume in the memory of Mary Siganidou, Thessaloniki 1996, 115-124; cf. A. Johnston, On some graffiti from Aiani, ZPE 104 (1994), 81-82 where the term αρκά ποσέρια possibly implies smooth, undecorate metal vases without engraved or embossed representations, rather than clay ones. 6 In the first half of the 6th century BC Corinthian vases held sway, from the mid-6th century BC Attic vases held first place, followed by Corinthian and after them vases from Ionian and other workshops: M. Tιβέριος, Eισηγμένη κεραμική από τη διπλή τράπεζα της Aγχίαλου κοντά στη σημερινή Σίνδο, Παρνασσός 55 (1993), 557; Eυρ. Kεφαλίδου, Aττικός μελανόμορφος αμφορέας από την Aιανή, in Mνείας Xάριν, volume in the memory of Mary Siganidou, Thessaloniki 1996, 115-116 and notes 4-6. The lid of a lekanis with representation of seated females and a cock, which Tiverios designates, with reservations, as Boeotian (op. cit. 559, fig. 9) displays close stylistic similarities to the local vases of “Pyrgadikia” style and with the so-called “pre-Persian” vases of Olynthos: see E. Γιούρη, H κεραμεική της Xαλκιδικής στον 4ο αι. π. X., in KEPNOΣ, τιμητική προσφορά στον καθηγητή Γ. Mπακαλάκη, Thessaloniki 1972, 6-9, pls 3-6; cf. also I. Bοκοτοπούλου, M. Παππά, Mπ. Tσιγαρίδα, Πολύχρονο Xαλκιδικής 1988, AEMΘ 2 (1988), 321-322, n. 13. 7 J. Svoronos, L’'hellenisme primitif de la Macédoine prouvé par la numismatique et l' or du Pangée, ΔENA 19 (1918/19), 92-100; M.J. Price, The Coin Hoards of the Macedonians, London 1974, 119; M.J. Price, N.M. Waggoner, Archaic Greek Coinage: The Assyut Hoard, London 1975; C.M.
5 express an economically flourishing and militarily powerful aristocracy8 which, although not yet set off fully from the local cultural substratum (characteristic of which are the gold mask and bronze “Illyrian” helmet), nevertheless was tending to link itself consciously with the Greeks in the South
and
to
forge
its
own
new
cultural
and
ethnic
identity.9 Moreover, excavations in the cemetery at Sindos, and at the other sites mentioned above, have shown that in Macedonia the habit of placing metal and other precious objects
in
the
grave,
as
a
manifestation
of
the
aristocracy's social prestige, can be traced back to at least the sixth century BC and is associated comparable customs in Thrace and Illyria.10
with
This period of zenith and cultural links with the South coincides mainly with the reign of Amyntas I (548 (?)-498 BC) and of his son and successor Alexander I (498454 BC), and in part with that of Perdiccas I (454-413 BC), Kraay, Archaic and Classical Greek Coins, London 1976, 148; N.G.L. Hammond, G.T. Griffith, A History of Macedonia II, Oxford 1979, 69-71; N.G.L. Hammond, The Lettering and the Iconography of Macedonian' Coinage, in W.G. Moon (ed.), Ancient Greek Art and Iconography, Wisconsin 1983, 246-249; cf. V. Poulios, Macedonian Coinage from the 6th century to 148 BC, in Ancient Macedonia op. cit., 54-55. 8 As the many helmets and the iron offensive weapons from Sindos and other Archaic-Classical cemeteries indicate. Cf. E.N. Borza, In the Shadows of Olympus. The Emergence of Macedon, Oxford 1990, 88-89. 9 Borza 1990, op. cit., 277-282; cf. W. Volcker-Janssen, Kunst und Gesellschaft an den Höfen Alexanders d. Gr. und seiner Nachfolger, München 1993, 333, nn. 76-77. On the survival or revival of Mycenaean cultural elements in Macedonia in Archaic and Classical times see A. Cohen, Alexander and Achilles-Macedonians and 'Mycenaeans', in I.B. Carter, S.P. Morris (eds), The Ages of Homer, Austin 1995, 483-505. 10 J. Buzek, I. Ondrejova, Sindos-Trebenishte-Dubanli. Interrelations between Thrace, Macedonia and Greece in the 6th and 5th Centuries BC, Mediterranean Archaeology 1 (1988), 94; cf.M. Tιβέριος, Mακεδονικά, 26, 70-87.
6 although from 446/5 BC onwards he faced serious domestic problems
and
was
at
loggerheads
with
the
Athenians.11
Amyntas I was on good terms with Peisistratos, whom he helped to found the colony of Raikelos on the east coast of the Thermaic Gulf, as well as with his son Hippias, to whom he offered the area of Anthemous in 510 BC.
Alexander I
was honoured by the Athenians as proxenos and euergetes, and was declared a Greek and a descendant of Herakles by all the Greeks, at Olympia; he later received the honorary title of Philhellene.12 He increased the territory of his kingdom four-fold and was the first Argead monarch to mint coins bearing his name, indeed using both the “Macedonian” and the “Attic” weight standard of the colonies in an attempt to bridge the differences.13 After the end of the Persian Wars new prospects opened for Macedonia, with Athens playing a leading political and cultural role. Alexander I conquered Bisaltia
on
the
west
bank
of
the
River
Strymon
and
so
acquired the silver mines at Dysoros.14 Archelaos (414-399 11
R.J. Hoffman, Perdikkas and the Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War, GRBS 16 (1975), 346-365; Borza 1990, op. cit., 139-141. 12 Aristotle, Athenian Constitution 15. 2; Herodotus, 5. 94; Scholia on Thucydides I, 57,2; Dio Chrysostom 25; Harpokration, s.v. Alexandros. See also J.W. Cole, Alexander Philhellene and Themistocles, L'Antiquite Classique 47 (1978), 45-47; Hammond, Griffith, op. cit., 68; Borza 1990, op. cit., 108-109 and 113-118. 13 C.F. Edson, H Mακεδονία πριν από τον Φίλιππο, in Λ.Δ. Λουκοπούλου, M. B. Xατζόπουλος (eds), Φίλιππος βασιλεύς Mακεδόνων, Athens 1980, 15; D. Raymond, Macedonian Royal Coinage to 413 BC, Numismatic Notes Monographs 126, New York 1953; Poulios, op. cit., 109; Π. Aδάμ- Bελένη, Tα νομίσματα της Mακεδονίας από τον 6ο έως και τον 4ο αι.π.X., in H Mακεδονία από τα μυκηναϊκα χρόνια ως τον Mέγα Aλέξανδρο, Catalogue of Exhibition, Bologna 1989, 163-164. 14 E.N. Borza, The Natural Resources of Early Macedonia, in W.L. Adams, E.N. Borza (eds), Philip II, Alexander the Great and Macedonian Heritage, Washington D.C. 1982, 18-19;
7 BC) transferred the new capital to Pella15 and, according to Thucydides (II.100.1-2), also improved the equipment of his army. To
meet the
demand for weapons, which were mass-
produced, as well as of metal parts for warships, large local workshops were established under state control, in Macedonia's case under the control of the royal court.16 The excavations at Olynthos, which was conquered by Philip II in 348 BC, have shown the sophistication of the siege machines. The iron and bronze parts for these must have been made in workshops of the Macedonian court, which also had
all
disposal, kingdom's
the
necessary
including expansion
sources
of
raw
copper and iron under Philip II,
materials
at
its
mines. With the control
the and
exploitation of the rich deposits of gold and silver in Mount Pangaion and the Orvylos range, and subsequently in Dardania and Kratovo, was secured.17 The recruiting of an I. Vokotopoulou, Ch. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, Archaic and Classical times, in Ancient Macedonia op. cit., 30. 15 Δ. Kανατσούλης, O Aρχέλαος και οι μεταρυθμίσεις του εν Mακεδονία, Thessaloniki 1948, 77ff; Borza 1990, op. cit., 168-171; F. Papazoglou, Les villés de Macédoine a l'époque romaine, Paris 1988, 135-139; M.B. Hatzopoulos, Strepsa: A Reconsideration, or New Evidence on the Road System of Lower Macedonia, in Two Studies in Ancient Macedonian Topography, Meletemata 3, Athens 1987, 41-44, argues that the capital of Macedonia was not transferred to Pella by Archaelaos but by Amyntas III (393-370/69 BC). 16 L. Neesen, Demiurgoi und Artifices: Studien zur Stellung freier Handwerker in antiken Städten, Frankfurt am Main 1989, 82-83; Treister, op. cit., 218-229. 17 Diodorus, XVI, 8.6; B. S. Straus, Philipp II Of Macedon, Athens and Silver Mines, Hermes 112, 416-427; E. Photos, C. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, R.F. Tylecote, G. Gialoglou, Precious Metals Extraction in Palaia Kavala, NE Greece. An Archaeometallurgical Attempt to Locate Skapte Hyle, in Archäometallurgie der alten Welt, 1989, 179-190; D. Tzavellas, Mount Pangaeus: Struggles around Gold Mines in Antiquity, in Gold Jewelry: craft, Style and Meaning, from Mycenae to Constantinopolis, Louvain-la-Neuve 1983, 163169; N.G.L. Hammond, The Macedonian State. Origins,
8 army largely of mercenaries led to the mass production of weapons by the Macedonian court workshops.18 The output of bronze arrow heads and lead missiles inscribed with the name Philip,19 of sarissa points and other standardized offensive and defensive weapons of bronze and iron, which were then distributed to the troops, was prolific.20 The practice of state distribution of weapons was a predecessor Institutions and History, Oxford 1989, 180-182; Treister, op. cit., 285-286. 18 Alongside the workshops involved with the mass production of weapons, royal mints were developing in order to pay the mercenaries: Treister, op. cit., 397-398. 19 Robinson, Excavations at Olynthus, 10, 382-383, nos 1907-1911, and 418-443, nos 2176-2380. H Mακεδονία από τα μυκηναϊκά χρόνια ως τον Aλέξανδρο, op. cit., no. 151. Cf. B. Caven, Dionysius I War-Lord of Sicily, New Haven London 1990, 250; Borza 1990, op. cit., 299. Alessandro Magno storia e mito, Catalogue of Exhibition in the Palazzo Ruspoli, Rome 21 December 1995 - 21 May 1996, Rome 1997, 232-234. 20 Diod. Sic. 15.3.1. N.G.L. Hammond 1989, op. cit., 104, n. 14. On Macedonian weapons see M.M. Markle III, Macedonian Arms and Tactics under Alexander the Great, Studies in the History of Art 10 (1971/72), 87-92; idem, The Macedonian Sarissa, Spear and Related Armour, AJA 81 (1977), 323-328; idem, Use of the Sarissa by Philip and Alexander of Macedon, AJA 82 (1978_, 483ff.; idem, Weapons from the Cemetery of Vergina and Alexander's Army, in Mέγας Aλέξανδρος 2300 χρόνια από το θάνατό του, Thessaloniki 1980, 243ff.; P. Foster, Greek Arms and Armour. The Greek Museum, The University of Newcastle upon Tyne 1978, 13 (=sauroter with inscription MAK); M. Lumpkin, The Weapons and Armour of the Macedonian Phalanx, The Journal of the Arms and Armour Society VIII, 3 (1975), 196-201; I. Tουράτσογλου, Tο ξίφος της Bέροιας. Συμβολή στη μακεδονική οπλοποιία των ύστερων κλασικών χρόνων, Aρχαία Mακεδονία Δ (1986), 611-628; K. Liampi, Der makedonische Schild, Bonn 1978, 9-11, 45; Π. Φάκλαρης, Tα όπλα των Mακεδονικών τάφων της Mεγάλης Tούμπας, (unpublished monograph, Thessaloniki 1994); cf. also A.H. Jackson, Hoplites and the Gods: The Dedication of Captured Arms and Armour, in V.D. Hanson (ed.), Hoplites: The Classical Greek Battle Experience, London - New York 1991, 228-252.
9 of that type of redistribution of metal objects found in the Hellenistic monarchies.21 Included in the category of defensive weapons is the peritrachelion, a rare accessory rather like a gorget, which was evidently distributed in northeast Thrace (Jankovo, Varbica, Mal Tepe-Mezek) and Macedonia (Katerini, Pydna,Vergina,
Derveni),
in
the
late
fourth
century
BC,
while some centre in the wider Macedonian realm is proposed as its place of production.22 It is known from an inscription
that
between
320
and
317
BC
Alexander
the
Great's wife, Roxane, dedicated in the sanctuary of Athena Polias on the Acropolis at Athens: “a gold rhyton, gold peritrachelidia” and other objects.23 This is doubly interesting, firstly because no rhyta of precious metals have been found in Macedonia, although they are known from Scythia, and secondly because Roxane's gold peritrachelidia were not the Macedonian- Thracian defensive weapons but the chest ornaments known from Scythia, only two examples of which 21 22
have
been
found
so
far.24
A
further
piece
of
Treister, op.cit., 397. Z.H. Archibald, The Gold Pectoral from Vergina and its Connections, OxJA 4(2) (1985), 165-168; Π. Φάκλαρης, Περιτραχήλιον, AΔ 40 (1985) (1991), Mελέται 1-16, pls 1-12; idem 1994, op. cit., 66. 23 See IG II, 2, 1477, in which are recorded (in 304/3 BC) precious ex-votos of gold and silver of the period 320-307 BC, which were stored in the Parthenon; cf. St.N. Koumanoudes, S.G. Miller, Hesperia 40 (1971), 448-457; D.M. Lewis, The last Inventories of Athena, in Comptes et inventaires dans la cité greque, Actes du colloque de Neuchâtel en l'honneur de J. Treheux, Geneva 1988, 305-306; I. Blanck, Studien zum griechischen Halsschmuck der archaischen und klassischen Zeit (Dissertation), Cologne 1974, 16, 29-30 and 33. For the first appearance of the word peritrachelidion in the inscription IG II, 2 , 1407.9 of 385 BC, in relation to one of the gold statues of Nike that were kept in the Parthenon: Hesperia 1940, 311, no. 282. See also Blanck, op. cit. 24 R. Rolle, M. Muller-Wille, K. Schietzel, Gold der Steppe. Archäologie der Ukraine, Catalogue of Exhibition in
10 information that emerges from the epigraphic testimony of the Athenian Acropolis is that rhyta and other rare vessels and jewellery of gold, none of which has come to light as yet, must have existed in the Macedonian royal court during the period that followed Alexander’s the Great campaign to Asia.25 The possession of gold and silver vases, and to a lesser extent of bronze ones, was always a characteristic of the ruling class, an expression of social status and a symbol of power and authority.26 Precious metal tableware and vessels of all kinds were an essential part of the Macedonian elite's cultural identity and played an important role in the functioning of the regime, as a link between the monarch and the aristocracy of the hetairoi. The
special
significance
of
gold
and
silver
vases
also
emerges from their use as ritual vessels, as prizes in contests and as gifts par excellence, mainly during court the Landesmuseum Schleswig 1991, no. 104, pls 387-393 (by Tolstaya Mogila); Greek and Roman Antiquities in the Ermitage, Leningrad 1975, pl. 65 (Bolshaya Bliznitsa); Π. Φάκλαρης 1994, op. cit., 91, points out the similarity in morphology between the piece of jewellery and the weapon of the same name. 25 Only the lucky find of an unplundered royal tomb in Macedonia can provide archaeological confirmation of this epigraphic testimony. Athenian rhyta are mentioned by Athenaeus XI 461b and 467a-c, who states tat the “so-called rhyton is attributed only to heros”; this statement is probably related to the presence of rhyta in the hands of reclining heros in banket reliefs. 26 D.E. Strong, Greek and Roman Gold and Silver Plate, London 1966, XXV-XXVII; G. Clark, Symbols of Excellence: Precious Materials as Expression of Status, Cambridge 1986; D. Gill, Expressions of Wealth: Greek Art and Society, Antiquity 62 (1988), 735-743; M. Vickers, D. Gill, Artful Crafts. Ancient Greek Silverware and Pottery, Oxford 1994, 35-54, 98-101. A similar funktion is attributed to the precious metal vases of the Mycenaean period: R. Laffineur, Les vases en métal précieux ‘a l’ époque mycénienne, Götteborg 1977, 86-87.
11 symposia Plutarch
(banquets/drinking (Moralia
177,
1.
parties).27 531d-e),
the
According tragic
to poet
Euripides received a gold cup as a gift during a symposium at the court of King Archelaos, while Philip II tried to offer slaves and 'drinking cups of gold and silver' to the emissaries of Thebes whom he had invited to a symposium (Demosthenes 19.139).
At Pella and Amphipolis not only
were the coins of the monarch minted but also, among other things, gold, silver and bronze vessels fashioned.28 Gold and silver vases were, however, rare in the time before Alexander the Great, even in the reign of the reformer of the Macedonian kingdom, Philip II, who controlled and exploited all the mines in the land. This is concluded not only from the literary testimonies but also from the
archaeological evidence. According
to Herodotus
(VII, 119), the Acanthians “made gold and silver cups and bowls and all manner of service for the table”, but these were used by the Great King and those who ate with him, and only for as long as they stayed in the land.29
Alexander,
in his address to the troops at Opis, speaks of the inheritance he had found in his father's treasuries at Pella: 60 talents and a few gold and silver vases, as well as
27
debts
amounting
to
500
talents
(Arrian,
Anabasis
A. E. Riz, Bronzegefässe in der romisch-pompejanischen Wandmalerei, Mainz/Rhein 1990, 23026 (=ritual use); B. Schröder, Der Sport im Altertum, Berlin 1927, 45ff.; P. Amandry, BCH 95 (1971), 608ff.; M. Tιβέριος, Περίκλεια Παναθήναια, Athens 1989, 30-32 (=prizes); Völcker-Janssen, op. cit., 185-186 (=symposia, gifts). 28 Livy, XLV.33. 5-8; Δ. Παπακωνσταντίνου-Διαμαντούρου, Mετάλλινα αντικείμενα από την Πέλλα, Aρχαία Mακεδονία V (1993), 1191; M. Λιλιμπάκη-Aκαμάτη, Για τη μεταλλοτεχνία της Πέλλας, in Mνείας Xάριν, volume in the memory of Mary Siganidou, Thessaloniki 1996, 128, n. 7 and 8. 29 The Akanthians used the silver loads in the Stageira area: Treister, op. cit., 180; cf. Π. Φάκλαρης 1986, op. cit., 180, n. 7.
12 7.9.6).30
Philip
himself
had
inherited
just
as
little
(Plutarch, Moralia 327d). The Sindos cemetery, of the period 560-450 BC, although rich in gold and silver jewellery,31 iron minor objects and weapons, as well as bronze vases, yielded relatively contemporary
few
silver finds
vases from
and
none
Vergina,
of Aghia
gold.
The
Paraskevi
Thessaloniki, Pydna, the Kozani area and other sites with finds sometimes dating down to the first half of the fourth century BC, present a similar picture.32 On the contrary, 30
J. Touratsoglou, Die Baupolitik Kassanders, in Basileia: Die Paläste der hellenistischen Könige, Mainz 1996, 176181; I. Tουράτσογλου, Oι τάφοι και η εποχή τους, in Π. Θέμελης, I. Tουράτσογλου (eds), Oι τάφοι του Δερβενίου, Athens 1997, 186-191. 31 Chemical analysis of the gold from some of the jewellery from Sindos is similar in composition to the alluvial gold still collected today in areas near the banks of the River Gallikos (anc. Echedoros), which further corroborates the view that the jewellery is 'local: Aik. Despini, Ancient Gold Jewellery, Athens 1997, 17; Σίνδος, Kατάλογος Έκθεσης, Athens 1985, passim. See also Aικ. Δεσπίνη, Xρυσά σκουλαρίκια Σίνδου, Aρχαία Mακεδονία IV (1986). 159-169; cf. S. Miller, New Development in Northern Greek Jewelry: Sindos, Vergina and Other Sites from Archaic to Hellenistic, in Ancient Jewelry and Archaeology, 1991; Treister, op. cit., 184; M. Bαβελίδης, M. Kεσίσογλου, E. Mήρτσου, Έρευνα χρυσών κτερισμάτων από ανασκαφές στην Kεντρική Mακεδονία, in Archaeometrical and archaeological research in Macedonia and Thrace, Proceedings of te 2nd Symposium, Thessaloniki 1996, 37-46; Tιβέριος 1993, op. cit. 555 and idem 1991/92, op. cit., 216, suggests that the gold found at Geometric Eretria and Protogeometric Lefkandi comes from the River Echedoros. 32 Aνδρόνικος, Kοτταρίδου, op. cit., 100-107, pls 71-77; Σισμανίδης , op. cit., 789-791; Mπέσιος , op. cit., 156157; Mπέσιος, Παππά, op. cit.; see also Mοσχονησιώτου, op. cit., 283-289; cf. the important finds from the area of Kozani-Aiani: Kαραμήτρου-Mεντεσίδη, op. cit., 46-49, figs 19-39. See the silver phiale from Kozani, which is similar to that from Sindos: B, Kαλλιπολίτης, D. Feytmans, AE 1948/49, 92-96, figs 8-9 and Θ. Pιζάκης - I. Tουράτσογλου, Eπιγραφαί Άνω Mακεδονίας, Athens 1985, 20 no. 2; M.
13 corresponding
finds
of
the
sixth-fifth
century
BC
from
Trebenishte, Duvanjli and Asia Minor - to remain with these regions - include a relatively large number of gold, gilded and silver vases.33 The exceptions are the small silver kantharos no. 8568, the silver bossed bowls (omphalos phiale) nos 8574 and 8575, and the silver ladle no. 8532 from Sindos, the inscribed silver phiale from Vergina, the similar silver phiale from Kozani, the silver phiale from the Chalcidice and the silver hydria from Gefyra.34 The campaign,
in
the
turning course
point of
was
which
Alexander's
mythical
riches
Asian were
amassed, part of which was brought back to Macedonia as Kαραμανώλη-Σιγανίδου, AΔ 21 (1966) Xρονικά 341, pl. 361ù (=silver hydria from Gefyra). Even the bronze vases from 6th-, 5th- and 4th-century BC tombs in Macedonia are few: Φ. Πέτσας, Xρονικά Aρχαιολογικά, Mακεδονικά 9 (1969), 135 (= hydria from Karabournaki). See also I. Bοκοτοπούλου, Aργυρά και χάλκινα έργα τέχνης στην αρχαιότητα, Athens 1997, 105-108 (=hydria from Makrygialos Pieria), 109 (=hydria from Trikala, NAM X 18232), 116-117 (=cauldron from Louloudia Kitrous Pydna), 149-150 (=hyudria from Torone). Cf. K. Pωμιοπούλου, Yστεροκλασσικά ταφικά σύνολα από τη Θεσσαλονίκη, in ΦIΛIA EΠH εις Γ. Mυλωνάν, vol. III, Athens 1989, 202-203 (=situla from the tomb in Dangli St.). 33 B.D. Filow, Die archaische Nekropole von Trebenischte am Ochridasee, Berlin-Leipzig 1927; idem, Die Grabhügelnekropole bei Duvanlij in Südbulgarien, Sofia 1934; L. Popovic, Catalogue des objets decouverts près de Trebeniste, Belgrade 1956; D. Mano-Sixi, L. Popovic, Novi Pazar, Belgrade 1969; I. Ozgen, J. Ozturk, Heritage Recovered. Lydian Treasure, Istanbul 1996, passim; cf. also B. Svoboda, D. Concev, Neue Denkmäler antiker Toreutik, II: Der Goldschatz von Panagjuriste, Prague 1956, 125-165; B.F. Cook (ed.) The Rogozem Treasure. Papers of the Anglo- Bulgarian Conference, 12 March 1987, London 1989. 34 Σίνδος op. cit., 188, no. 309, 233, no. 374 and 147, no. 237; Prakt 1988, 104, pl. 77 (= from Vergina); Kαλλιπολίτης- Feytmans, op. cit., 92-96, figs 8-9 (=from Kozani); F.J. Hassel, IbZMusMainz, 14 (1967), 201, fig. 1, pl. 49 (=from the Chalcidice); Kαραμανώλη-Σιγανίδου, op. cit., 341, pl. 361ù (=from Gefyra).
14 booty, salaries and gifts by the surviving hetairoi and veterans.35 Among the first gifts that Alexander dispatched to his mother Olympias, after the battle of Granikos, were drinking cups (Plutarch, Alexander 16.8).36 In the view of the author and I. Touratsoglou, the burials at Derveni, with their highly ornate, opulent grave goods and vases of gold and silver, date to the closing decades of the fourth century BC and the opening ones of the third.37 The tombs with analogous finds - cist-graves or of Macedonian type at
Nikisiani
and
Vergina,
Sedes,
Stavroupolis,
Tsagezi,
Potidaia, Sevasti in Pieria, Aineia, as well as elsewhere in Macedonia and in other regions- Scythia, Thrace, Illyria, Epirus, Thessaly, Aetolia, Southern Italy and Sicily (Magna Graecia), and Asia Minor -, date from the same
period,
around
320-280
BC.38
This
new
plethora
of
precious metal vases and vessels, and their wide distribution, helped bring about a change in attitude, even towards precious ancestral heirlooms, which were no longer bequeathed to the descendants but used to furnish tombs of the next generations. Characteristic examples are the fifth-century BC silver bowl from the sanctuary of Athena at Megara, found in grave II at Kozani; the fifth-century BC bronze tripod from the sanctuary of Hera at Argos, which was used as a grave good in the late fourth-century BC 35
Völcker-Janssen, op. cit., 188-189, with earlier bibliography and sources. 36 See also B.R. Brown, Alexander the Great as Patron of the Arts, in C.C. Mattusch (ed.), The Fire of Hephaistos. Large Classical Bronzes from North American Collections, Cambridge Massachussets 1996, 86-103. 37 Θέμελης, Tουράτσογλου, op. cit. 170-191. 38 Θέμελης, Tουράτσογλου, op. cit., 183-185. For comparable finds from Aetolia see Γ. Σωτηριάδης, Eκ τάφων της Aιτωλίας, Ephem1906, lines 67-88, pl. 1; see also True, Hamma (eds), op. cit., 78; I. Π. Tουράτσογλου, Στην αναζήτηση του ελληνιστικού χρυσού, in Mνείας Xάριν, volume in the memory of Mary Siganidou, Thessaloniki 1998, 236266, esp. 241.
15 Macedonian tomb II at Vergina; the fifth-century BC bronze hydria from the late fourth-century BC grave 109 at Pydna; the bronze hydria no. 7552, of 430 BC, from Aineia, which was deposited in grave III of the second half of the fourth century BC.39 There metalwork
products
was in
indeed the
a
late
spectacular
increase
fourth
early
and
in
third
centuries BC. Nevertheless, the existence of metalworking workshops in Macedonia from about the mid-sixth century BC, producing vases and utensils mainly of bronze and iron, and less of silver, for the needs of the local aristocracy, is indisputable. These workshops were not necessarily located near or inside the royal palaces; they were dispersed in various urban centres in the realm40 and operated under the control of the central authority.41 Naturally, metal vases imported from the major workshop centres of the South, East and West (or made in Macedonia by itinerant craftsmen from these centres) prevailed initially,42 but even so imitations
39
M. Andronicos, Vergina. The Royal Tombs and the Ancient City, Athens 1984, 165, fgis 133-134. There is an identical inscription that that on the Vergina tripod on a cauldron and three bronze hydries. A.H. Smith, The Tomb of Aspasia, JHS 1926, 256; G.M. Richter, Bronze and Silver Work Pamphlets. A Bronze Prize Hydria, AJA 50 (1946), 365ff.; Mπέσιος, op. cit., 157-158; Bοκοτοπούλου1997, op. cit., 246, nos 105-108; I. Bοκοτοπούλου, H υδρία της Aίνειας, in Aμητός A, op. cit., 157-169; ibidem 1990, op. cit., 53-55. Cf. Völcker-Janssen, op. cit., 199-200. 40 On the creation and form of the urban centres of Macedonia see recently M.B. Hatzopoulos, Macedonian Institutions under the Kings I. A Historical and Epigraphic Study, Athens 1996, 105-123 and 404-471. 41 As happened in Ptolemaic Egypt, according to the surviving testimonia of the 3rd c. BC; Treister, op. cit., 371. 42 Athenian craftsmen must have moved to the provinces, Macedonia included, particularly during the decade 330-320 BC when, in one view, drought in Attica affected the Laurion mines and caused a rise in the price of grain,
16 appeared almost concurrently and products with a pronounced local character were wrought soon after. The issue is not whether or not metalworking and toreutic workshops existed in Macedonia, but what are the special features of Macedonian metalworking and toreutics, or on the basis of what criteria can a toreutic work or a metal vase be identified as 'Macedonian'.
Its
issue is thus one of methodology and in no way differs from the familiar problem of attributing works of art in general to
workshops
specific
in
hands,
different
parts
primarily
on
of
the
Greece basis
or of
even
to
stylistic
analysis, in conjunction with the technological and morphological features and consideration of excavation data where these exist.43 As
Julia
Vocotopoulou
rightly
observed
“it
would be difficult to believe that only bronze pendants, and indeed in a limited number of types, were produced in the
whole
of
Macedonia
during
the
Archaic
period,
particularly since these demanded great skill in casting, and that there was not the possibility of making hammered bronze vases with cast handles”.44 In her opinion, the cast billy goats adorning the so-called 'Argolic' kraters from Trebenishte, the krater from a tomb at Aiane Kozani and the krater from Western Macedonia in the Ortiz Collection,45 display stylistic affinities with the bust of a billy goat on the so-called coin of Aegae and advocate the kraters'
while the conquest of Thebes by the Macedonians had already made Athens “one-eyed”. 43 The excavation data, thanks to some categories of finds, such as coins and stamped amphora handles, often offer the possibility of more precise dating. 44 Bοκοτοπούλου1997, op. cit., 29. 45 Filow, op. cit., 53, no. 69, figs 52-54. Cf. True, Hamma (eds), op. cit., 65, no. 21; The George Ortiz Collection. In Pursuit of the Absolute Art of the Ancient World. Catalogue of the Exhibition, London 1994, no. 111.
17 attribution to a Western Macedonian workshop.46 According to Vocotopoulou, works such as the squatting male figure no. 01.7477 from Edessa, of 500-470 BC, now in Boston (fig. 1);47 the head of a youth no. 29.48 from Macedonia, now in the Metropolitan Museum New York; the Herakles with bow no. 98.657 from the Amphipolis area, now in Boston (fig. 2)48 the cast and cut-out relief heraldic lions in New York;49 as well as bronze vases from Thessaloniki and Pieria,50 could all be attributed to local toreutic workshops open to influences from imported Corinthian and Ionian works. We suggest that the following pieces should be added to the list: the bronze fifth-century BC trefoil-mouth hydria from Drosia Edessa, with a repoussé head of a papposilenus at the bottom of the vertical handle and a head of a daemonic figure, sculpted in the round and turned towards the inside of the vase, as its finial (fig. 3),51 and three bronze statuettes of symposiasts, attachments of a large bronze vase or tripod from Northern Greece, of 550-525 BC, in the Barbara and Lawrence Fleischman Collection.52 The stylistic 46 47
Bοκοτοπούλου 1997, op. cit., 29. M. Comstock, C. Vermeule, Greek, Etruscan and Roman Bronzes in the Museum of Fine Arts Boston, Boston 1971, 33, no. 31. 48 Comstock, Vermeule, op. cit., 23, no. 21. 49 Comstock, Vermeule, op. cit., 300, no. 426. 50 Bοκοτοπούλου1997, op. cit., 29-30, figs 76, 87, 105-108, 114-117. There is a parallel for the squatting satyr upholding, Atlas-like, the rings of the handles on the Pieria dinos, from the Athenian Acropolis: see Π. Kαλλιγάς, Aπό την Aθηναϊκή Aκρόπολη. Tο Aθηναϊκό εργαστήριο μεταλλοτεχνίας, Πρακτικά XII διεθνούς συνεδρίου κλασικής αρχαιολογίας, Aθήνα 4-10 Σεπτεμβρίου 1983, col. OOO, Athens 1988, 94, pl. 18,1. Cf. also True, Hamma (eds), op. cit., 59-60, no. 19. 51 Πέτσας 1969, op. cit., 176, no. 69, pl. 83β-γ. For handles of the same type see Θέμελης, Tουράτσογλου, op. cit., A7, pl. 41. 52 Tru, Hamma (eds), 56-58, no. 17, with bibliography on similar symposiasts from Dodoni, now in Berlin.
18 traits which, in addition to the common provenance, closely link the above works with each other (except for the head of the youth 29.48 in New York) and characterize them as 'Macedonian' can be summarized as follows: a) swollen cheek bones, b)
exaggerated
eyelids,
with
no
particular
differentiation of the upper from the lower, c) nose with wide nostrils, modelled with little plasticity, d) a tendency towards schematization, standardized repetition and a linear rendering of details (as on the curls of the coiffure, the moustache and the beard or the ears, as well as on the folds of the garments), e) ptonounced deep engraving, f) lack of proportion between body, head and limbs (regardless of the fact that the squatting male from Edessa represents a dwarf figure), g)
indifferent
expression
('bored'
according
to
Vocotopoulou). These same characteristics are encountered on the male figures on the silver octadrachms of the Edonians and Bisaltians (fig. 4a-b), as well as on the maenad-satyr group on the silver staters of Lete (fig. 5).53
The gold
necklace bead Z4, in the form of a Herakles head, from tomb Z at Derveni,54 and possibly the bronze Poseidon from Pella55 bear witness, in my opinion, to a continuity of this particular
artistic
tradition
into
Late
Classical
and
Hellenistic times. Noteworthy as far as continuity is concerned is an assemblage of 11 bronze works from Ritini 53
Λουκοπούλου, Xατζόπουλος, op. cit., 41, figs 22-23 and 44, figs 25-26. 54 Θέμελης, Tουράτσογλου, op. cit., pls 23 and 42. 55 Θησαυροί της Aρχαίας Mακεδονίας, Athens 1979, 69 no. 255; C. Rolley, Greek Bronzes, Fribourg 1986, 198-199, fig. 172; R. Thomas, Griechische Bronzestatuetten, Darmstadt 1992, 126-127, fig. 124.
19 near Serres, the heterogenity of which in terms of date (6th-2nd century BC) and kind probably points to hoarding.56 Apart perhaps from the Eros statuette (h. 0.124 m),57 the rest of the pieces seem to be products of local workshops. The schematic, elongated, horned animal58 from Ritini is most probably the handle of a bronze vase, comparable to the cauldron handles from Perivoli Grevena.59 The latter seems to be a local imitation of analogous Oriental-Cypriot examples. The amphora from the area of Kastoria, with the peculiar repousse figural representations on the backs of its handles, is alien to the Macedonian artistic tradition and probably of later times.60 Barr-Sharrar recognizes
stylistic similarities
with special features between the heads of the figures on krater B1 from tomb B at Derveni and the heads of Apollo on the silver coins of the Koinon of Chalcideans and of King Archelaos of Macedonia. In her view it is thus quite possible 'that figural tradition in low relief metalware existed in the North as early as the last quarter of the fifth century B.C.'61 The specific stylistic traits of the Macedonian figural tradition can be identified from at least
the
mid-sixth
century
BC,
as
demonstrated
by
the
works discussed above. They occur in toreutic works and in the minor arts, as well as in bronze statuary and funerary sculpture, as indicated for example by the Aiane stele in 56
Πέτσας1969, op. cit., 190, no. 141, pls 94-100 (Thessaloniki Museum inv. nos 10.196-10.207, 10.257). 57 Πέτσας1969, op. cit., pl. 95. 58 Πέτσας 1969, op. cit. pl. 99β. 59 Φ. Πέτσας, Xρονικά Aρχαιολογικά, Mακεδονικά 7 (1967), no. 246, pl. 59γ-δ. Ibidem, Xρονικά Aρχαιολογικά 1968-1970, Mακεδονικά15 (1975), 301-302, no. 186, pl. 216. See also Stephi Korti-Konti, The Orientalising Period in Macedonia, in O. Plagia (ed.), Greek Offerings. Essays on Greek Art in honour of John Boardman, Oxford 1997, 60, fig. 6. 60 Πέτσας 1967, op. cit., 351, no. 246, pl. 59α. 61 B. Barr-Sharrar, Dionysos and the Derveni Krater, Archaeology 35, 6 (1982), 15.
20 the
Louvre,
Thessaloniki
no.
Ma804,
Museum,
the
with
a
marble
cippus
11265
in
the
relief
kore
figure,
or
the
stele from Pydna in the Dion Museum, and other pieces.62 also
The Thessaloniki cippus and the Pydna stele reveal the close stylistic and iconographic
relationship art.
between
Macedonian
and
Thessalian
works
of
Bosnakis, examining the total of Thessalian funerary
reliefs of the fifth and fourth centuries BC, stresses the following distinctive characteristics of them: a) the low relief due to the use of 'painterly' rather than sculptural means,
b)
the
conscious
choice
of
archaizing
elements,
commitments from both Archaic art and the Severe Style which live on well into the fourth century BC, c) an eclectic synthesis of formal elements expressed in a flatsculpted, linear-sculpted and linear-decorative manner, d) a “local Ionianizing” iconographic conception alongside the “Attic Koine” tendency of automatically copying models of foreign origin.63 The
discussion
prompted
by
Vocotopoulou's
concise yet perceptive remarks on the Macedonian metalware 62 M. Jamiaux, Les sculptures grecques, I. Des origines a fin du IVe siecle avant J.-C., Paris 1992, 247 no. 263. Θεσσαλονίκη από τα προϊστορικά μέχρι τα χριστιανικά χρόνια. Oδηγός της Έκθεσης, Athens 1986, 20-21, fig. 6; F. Felten, Themen makedonischer Grabdenkmäler klassischer Zeit, Aρχαία Mακεδονία, E διεθνές συμπόσιο, Thessaloniki 1993, 412, figs 1 and 418, fig. 14; Aικ. Δεσποίνη, Πεσσός με ανάγλυφη παράσταση στο Mουσείο Θεσσαλονίκης, in Άμητος A, Thessaloniki 1987, 293-300; E. Kostoglou-Despinis, in Kanon, Festschrift E. Berger, Basel 1988, 180ff. Cf. also Θ. ΣτεφανίδουTιβερίου, Στήλη λυρωδού από την Ποτίδαια, Ephem1980, 47-50. Also I. Bοκοτοπούλου, Oδηγός Aρχαιολογικού Mουσείου Θεσσαλονίκης, Athens 1997, 24-25 (= grave stele from Ierissos); True, Hamma (eds), op. cit., 109-111, no. 48. 63 D.N. Mποσνάκης, Συμβολή στη μελέτη των Θεσσαλικών επιταφίων αναγλύφων του 5ου και 4ου αι. π.X., (PhD thesis), Ioannina 1990, 87-147; cf. H. Biezantz, Die thessalischen Grabreliefs, Mainz 1965, 146, 163-167.
21 workshops,
can
be
extended
to
various
metal
artefacts
(vessels, vases, weapons etc.) that do not bear figural or vegetal decoration. The iron weapons, models of furniture, chariots and carriages, and iron spits from cemetery, which are undoubtedly products
the of
workshops, belong in this class (category).
It is also
possible
that
a
variation
of
the
Late
Archaic
Sindos local
Illyrian
helmet (550-540 BC), Plug's type IIIA, many examples of which have been found in Macedonia, including Sindos, was made in Macedonian workshops.64 The making of the so-called Chalcidian helmet type 2, examples of which again come from Macedonia, is likewise attributed to a workshop in Northern Greece.65 The small silver kantharos no. 8568 (h. 0.43 m) from
the
female
particularly
grave
interesting
10
at
Sindos,
because
its
510-500 shape
BC,66
is
refers
to
traditional Macedonian models and it seems to be a local product.67 The bronze jugs from Sindos, particularly those with cut-away spout and beak spout, appear to be local imitations of Corinthian ones.68 I think too that a local 64
H. Pflug, Antike Helme, ch. Illyrische Helme, 1988, 6163, fig. 19. 65 Pflug, op. cit., ch. Chalkidische Helme, 140-141; Treister, op. cit., 205. 66 Σίνδος, op. cit., 90, no. 135. 67 This is shown, in my opinion, by the numerous clay kantharoi of similar shape of Iron Age date. See M. Aνδρόνικος, Bεργίνα I, το νεκροταφείο των τύμβων, Athens 1969, 185, fig. 34; Φ. Πέτσας, Aνασκαφή αρχαίου νεκροταφείου Bεργίνας, Deltion 17 (1961/2), Part I, 216288, pls 149α, 151ζ; H Mακεδονία από τα μυκηναϊκά χρόνια ως τον Mέγα Aλέξανδρο, op. cit., 67 no. 16 and 83 no. 55; see also J. Carington-Smith, Tρεις κάνθαροι και ένας κρατήρας από τη θέση Kούκοι Συκιάς, AEMΘ 5 (1991), 336-339, fig. 2. 68 Σίνδος, op. cit., 94 no. 140, 282 no. 467, 109 no. 161, 187 no. 305, 235 no. 376. I. Bοκοτοπούλου, Xαλκαί κορινθιουργείς πρόχοι. Συμβολή εις την μελέτην της αρχαίας ελληνικής χαλκουργίας, Athens 1975, 44-47, pl. 28o; cf. also M. Tιβέριος, Eγχώρια κεραμική Σίνδου, AEMΘ 2 (1988), 299.
22 workshop
should
be
accepted
as
the
provenance
of
the
shallow bronze cauldrons with straight wall,69 as well as of other
classes
or
types
of
bronze
vases
prevalent
in
Macedonia and Northern Greece in general, such as the oinochoai-dippers,70 or of the rare shapes of bronze vases and vessels that are mainly encountered in Northern Greece. In the last class belong the lampstands from Vergina and Derveni or the amphorae of Derveni B22 type with a lid and a third arched, movable handle.71 Of interest are the contents of the wrecked merchant ship, of around 400 BC (the reign of King Archelaos in Macedonia), located off the coast of Alonnisos in 1985 and explored in 1991-93. This included, in addition to a host of wine amphorae from Mende and Peparethos, vases from Attica and possibly from Magna Graecia, and fragments of a bronze basket-shaped situla and a kyathos (ladle), which most probably came from Mende.72 To return, however, to the figural subjects that accompany some classes of metal vases and facilitate their attribution to workshops: the prevailing view is that the stamnoid situlae with cast lion-head spouts and applique masks, usually of Silens, at the base of their twin handles (opposite the spout), were made from the late fourth to the 69
Σίνδος, op. cit., 47 no. 65, 93 no. 138, 147 nos 233, 234 and 236, 186 no. 304, 282 no. 466. Cf. J. Vocotopoulou, Le tresor de vases de bronze de Votonosi, BCH 99 (1975), 781-784. 70 The shape occurs in Macedonia from the Early Iron Age until at least the Middle Hellenistic period, with minimal morphological differentiation. Cf. Vocotopoulou, op. cit., 754-756, figs 16-17. 71 Mακαρόνας, AΔ 1963, Xρονικά, pl. 225β; Θησαυροί της Aρχαίας Mακεδονίας, Exhibition Catalogue, Thessaloniki 1979, 57 no. 160, pl. 33. Andronicos, op. cit., 162, figs 130-131. Θέμελης, Tουράτσογλου, op. cit., 74, no. B22, pl. 82; cf. also Comstock, Vermeule, op. cit., 300, no. 426. 72 E. Hadjidaki, Underwater Excavation of a Late Fifth Century Merchant Ship at Alonnesos, Greece, BCH 120/ii (1996), 585-587, figs 31-32.
23 early third centry BC in Macedonian workshops; their models should be sought in Italy, while imitations of them are found in the Bosporos area and Chersonessos.73 The criteria on which scholars base this conclusion are mainly morphological and, convincing as they may seem, they are not
sufficient
contribution
of
to
support stylistic
by
themselves,
analysis,
the
without
the
Macedonian
provenance of the stamnoid situlae of Zahlhaas's type C74 from tombs A (A2), B (B29) and É (É5) at Derveni, Macedonian tomb II at Vergina, Pieria, Nikisiani and other parts of Macedonia, Thrace, Thessaly and Scythia.75 73
B. Barr-Sharrar, Macedonian Metal Vases in Perspective: some Observations on Context and Tradition, in B. BarrSharrar, E.N. Borza (eds), Studies in the History of Art 10, Symposium Series I, Macedonia and Greece in Late Classical Times, National Gallery of Art, Washington 1982, 129-130; M. Pfrommer, Italien-Makedonien-Kleinasien. Interdependenzen spätklassischer und frühellenistischer Toreutik, JdI 98 (1983), 239-263. Cf. K. Schauenburg, Zu unteritalischen Situlen, AA1981, 469ff.; I. Venedikov, Les situles de bronze en Thrace, Thracia IV (1977), 59-103; J. Boucher, Trajets terrestres du commerce étrusque aux V et IV s. av. J.-C., RA 1973, 91-96; Tουράτσογλου1986, op.cit., 613ff; cf. Δ. Λαζαρίδης, K. Pωμιοπούλου, I. Tουράτσογλου, O τύμβος της Nικήσιανης, Athens 1992, 63, with a concise discussion of the problem of Macedonian metal-working and toreutic art, and relevant bibliography. On situlae in particular see P. Προσκυνητοπούλου, Δυο χάλκινοι κάδοι από τη Σκυλλουντία της Hλείας, Deltion 34 (1979) Mελέται, 114125, with catalogue and bibliography, see also Pωμιοπούλου, op. cit., 195-197, with study of the type A bell-shaped situla and discussion on the various workshops, including the '“Macedonian”. 74 . G. Zahlhaas, Grosgriechische und römische Metalleimer, München 1971. 75 Mακαρόνας, op. cit., 194, pl. 227γ (erroneously as grave B); ΘAM 1979, 57 no. 158; Mακεδονία, 1982, 102, fig. 65; Ancient Macedonia, op. cit., 283 no. 232; Bologna 1988, 146 no. 174. Montreal 1993, 225 no. 262. Situlae of the same type: Vergina 1984, 146, figs 104-106 (Macedonian tomb III), Pieria 3 (1990), 76 (tomb 3 at Methoni), Nikisiani 1992, 27-28, pl. A bottom, no. A1403 with earlier
24 The stamnoid situlae and other types of metal vases bearing
embossed,
cast
or
even
engraved
decoration
(vegetal, zoomorphic or anthropomorphic) are particularly useful for morphological
stylistic features.
analysis that bolsters the This category of metal vases
includes the silver calyces which scholars consider to be products also of Macedonian workshops following Achaemenid models.76 The fact that only two silver calyces with head on the boss come from regions outside Macedonia-Thrace, one from
southern
Asia
Minor
and
another
from
Kurgan
bibliography (tomb 3 at Nikisiani). Other examples from Macedonia, Thrace, Thessaly and Scythia see I. Tουράτσογλου, Aρχαία Mακεδονία IV (1986), 633-635, with discussion on the imitations in clay. Cf. also D. v. Bothmer, MMA (Summer 1984), 47 no. 74 (Prousias); L. Marangou, Ancient Greek Art, The N.P. Goulandris Collection, Athens 1985, 166 no. 264 (Pelagia, Thessaly). Gold der Steppe. Archäologie der Ukraine, op. cit. 312 no. 103f (from the Pescanoe Hoard, Southern Russia); W. Gauer, Die Bronzegafässe von Olympia, Teil I, Berlin - New York 1991, 267-268, nos E7-E8 (Olympia). On the type see M. Candela, Situle metaliche e ceramiche a beccucio nel IV secolo a.C. e diffusione, BABesch 60 (1985), 24-61; cf. also B.B. Shefton, Magna Grecia, Macedonia or neither? Some Problems in 4th c. BC Metalwork, in Magna Grecia, Epiro e Macedonia, Atti del 24. Congresso di studi sulla Magna Grecia Taranto 1984, Taranto 1985, 399-410. On clay situlae of type C in Southern Italy see A. KossatzDeissmann, Eine neue Phrygerkopf-situla des Toledo-Malers, AA 1990, 505ff. On etruscan sitilae see O.-H. Frey, Beziehung der Situlankunst zum Kunstschaffen Etruriens, in: L. Aigner-Foresti (ed.), Etrusker nördlich von Etrurien, Proccedings of the Symposium Wien Schloss Neuwaldegg 2-5 Okt. 1989 (Wien 1992) 93-101. 76 M. Pfrommer, Studien zur alexandrinischen Toreutik frühellenistischer Zeit, Berlin 1987, 56-61 and 236-238; B. Barr-Sharrar, The Hellenistic and Early Imperial Decorative Bust, Mainz/Rhein 1987, 11 n. 40; Pωμιοπούλου, op. cit., 211-212, where the type is discussed with reference to known examples from Northern Greece and Bulgaria, and with bibliography. See also v. Bothmer, op. cit., 48 for kalykes from Acarnania and Thessaly.
25 Karagodeuasch on the Bosporos,77 their
purported
provenance
reinforces
from
substantially
Macedonian
workshops.
However, no stylistic and comparative analysis has yet been attempted of the repoussé heads decorating the bottom of many calyces as bosses - representing mainly members of the Dionysiac
thiasos,
sometimes
Herakles,
Aphrodite
or
a
gorgoneion -, in order to identify their common traits and ultimately workshops.
to I
attribute shall
them
necessarily
to
one
or
repeat
more
some
Macedonian
observations
that have already been published.78 The heads of the calyces from the cist grave in Oraiokastrou Street at Stavroupolis Thessaloniki,79 Macedonian tomb II at Vergina,80 tomb 2 in the Pappas tumulus at Sevasti of Pieria81 and tomb É in the Nikisiani tumulus82 present common stylistic and technical characteristics, sufficient to ascribe them to the same workshop (“workshop A”), if not to the same craftsman. These characteristics may be described as follows: a)
full
modelling,
verging
on
sculpting
in
the
round. b) rather dumpy proportions of the head, c) emphasized cheek bones and hollows around the eyes and the mouth, d) lower and upper eyelids of equal thickness. e) intense targeted gaze, 77
B. Segall, AA 1965, lines 567-568, fig. 11. The gold gorytos identical to the one in Macedonian tomb II at Vergina is from the same kurgan: V. Schiltz, Deux gorytes identiques en Macedoine et dans le Kouban, RA 2 (1979), 305-310; Φάκλαρης 1994, op. cit., 214, with bibliography. 78 Π. Θέμελης, Eργαστήρια τορευτικής, in Θέμελης, Tουράτσογλου, op. cit., 170-182. 79 Pωμιουπούλου, op. cit., 211 no. 7427, pl. 54. 80 Andronicos, op. cit. 212, figs 179-180. 81 Ancient Macedonia, op. cit., nos 2546 and 2548, pls 204205. 82 Λαζαρίδης, Pωμιοπούλου, Tουράτσογλου, op. cit., 31 no. A870, pl. 16.
26 f) indicated
generally
by
the
pleasing
slight
sentimental
curling
of
the
expression
lips
and
the
intensity of the gaze, as well and the inclination and turn of the head, g) obvious use of a drill (on the nostrils, the ends of the mouth and between the nose and the upper lip). All
the
aforementioned
works
are
excellent
creations of minor art, infused with the renovating current of Early Hellenistic art of the late fourth and the early third century BC, with overt tendencies towards realism.83 The provenance of two calyces of exceptional quality from the area of Pydna permits us to name workshop A, albeit conventionally, the “Pydna workshop”,84 Comparable
characteristics
and
tendencies
can
be seen in the Silenus head decorating the bottom of silver calyx Z12 from tomb Z at Derveni, in the corresponding head on the silver calyx from the Macedonian tomb II at Vergina85 and in the daemonic head of Pan or Silenus on the bronze lampstand
from
the
same
tomb
at
Vergina.86
In
all
probability these are products of the same workshop A but from the hand of a second crafstman.87
83
These same tendencies are particularly pronounced in the portrait features of the small ivory heads that ornamented the bier in Macedonian tomb II at Vergina: Andronicos, op. cit., 126-130, figs 81-86. 84 The city is first mentioned by Thucydides, I,137,1. A coastal city of Macedonia, already prosperous in the reign of Alexander I and for all the duration of the Peloponnesian War, it issued its own coinage in the reign of Amyntas III: Papazoglou, op. cit., 38, no. 3 and 106108. 85 Andronicos, op. cit., 150-151, figs 113-114. 86 Andronicos, op. cit., 162-163, figs 130-131. 87 Cf. the comparisons made by Pωμιοπούλου, op. cit., 212. See also C. Reinsberg, Studien zur hellenistischen Toreutik, Hildesjeimer Ägyptologische Beiträge 9 (1980), no. 75 (Derveni kalyx Z12) and nos 26, 33, 45, 52.1.
27 Silver calyx B11 from tomb B at Derveni, with the daemonic mask on the boss, displays different stylistic traits from the above kalykes.
These can be summarized as
follows: a) frontality, b) flatness, c) archaistic standardization and repetition, d) symmetry, e) calligraphic-decorative disposition, f)
linear
spiralling
rendering
hairlocks
in
of
radiate
the
coiffure
arrangement
with
around
the
flattened face with absolute symmetry between the left and right sides of the head, g) highly elliptical eyes with the line of the upper lid continuing beyond the outer corner. Exactly the same features are recognized in the relief decoration of a fair number of vases from Derveni: the
'rilievo
phiale
B36;
stiacciato' the
gorgon
personified,
mask
'cold'
of
the
gorgon
frying-pan masks
fully
incorporated in the vegetal motif of the handles of amphora B22; the broad Dionysiac masks of frying-pan phiale A8; the Pan mask on the finial and the full-bodied Pan playing the syrinx
at
the
base
of
the
handle
of
oinochoe
A5;
the
addorsed billy-goat heads incorporated in the vegetal motif at the end of the twin handles of lagenos B34; the Silenus mask on situla A2.
The badly eroded and incomplete lead
mask B69 from situla B29 (?), which has become detached from the hammered bronze sheet, seems to belong to the same ensemble. The limited thematic repertoire of this toreutic artist of 'workshop B' is evident in the inanimate daemonic masks
of
Medusa,
Pan,
billy
goats,
chthonic
Dionysos,
Silenus and the penchant for symmetry and the “archaistic� standardized repetition. The fact that the above metal
28 vases
come
exclusively
from
Derveni
enables
us
to
name
workshop B the “Lete workshop”.88 Different tendencies and stylistic features are observed in the female protome on stamnoid situla É5 from tomb É at Derveni. Envelopped in her himation, which she holds tightly round her neck with the right hand, she is characterized by: a) severe, heavy and deeply mournful expression. b) oval face, c)
cheek
bones,
cheeks
and
chin
in
a
single
rounded mass, d) thick nose, e) half-closed eyes, wandering gaze, f) pursed lips with characteristic S-shaped groove between them, g) hair arranged in two groups of luxuriant wavy locks crowning the furrowed forehead. Almost
all
these
features
(strongly
mournful
expression, facial structure, shape of nose, lips, eyes), with differentiations only in the coiffure, can be seen on four female heads, attached to an equal number of handle finials
on
thebronze
volute
krater
from
tomb
2
in
the
Pappas tumulus at Sevasti in Pieria,89 as well as on the appliqué female head below the handle of the bronze oinochoe from the Macedonian tomb II at Vergina.90 BarrSharrar finds resemblances between the female protome É5
88
Papazoglou, op. cit., 213-215. On the most recent research at Lete K. Tσάκαλου-Tζαναβάρη, Aνασκαφικές έρυνες στο νεκροταφείο της αρχαίας Λητής, AEMΘ 3 (1989), 307-312; idem, Xρυσό διάδημα από τη Λητή, in Mνήμη M. Aνδρόνικου, Thessaloniki 1997, 349-361. 89 J. Vokotopoulou, The kalyk Krater of Sevaste in Pieria, in I. Worthington (ed.), Ventures into Greek History, Oxford 1994, pl. 10.5. 90 Andronicos, op. cit., 158-159, fig. 124.
29 and the emblem on a Calenean skyphos of 300-275 BC, now in Heidelberg.91 The
similarities
between
the
Sevasti
and
Vergina heads was pointed out by J. Vocotopoulou, who indeed came to the conclusion that “both vases must have been made in the same workshop”.92 The similarities are so close that it is possible to attribute the two works not merely to the same workshop (“workshop C”) but to the same craftsman. Stamnoid situla É5 and the corroded fragmentary female head from oinochoe Ö14 from Derveni, of which only the handle Z13 has survived, should be ascribed to him too. The thematic and close stylistic affinity of the two works from Derveni to the above heads from Sevasti and Vergina, even to the type of coiffure, is remarkable. The figure's identity
is
difficult
to
determine,
on
account
of
the
iconographic singularities of the type. Vocotopoulou (op. cit.) suggests a Maenad, Andronicos (op. cit.) Medusa. The detail of the swathing in the himation, on the figure from situla É5, the intensely sorrowful expression on all the heads and the iconographic parallels in general advocate its identification as a chthonic deity, or even a Moira or, more
likely,
Herakles
a
heads
Nymph-Nereid.93 with
the
I
propose
exaggerated
that
lionskins,
the
two
from
the
small silver alabastroid amphora in Macedonian tomb II at Vergina, can be attributed to the same workshop C.94 Although
the
subject
is
different,
the
close
stylistic
affinity with the above female heads is overt in the facial structure, the uniform rounded volumes, the shape of the 91 92 93
Barr-Sharrar 1987, op. cit., 11-12, n. 40, no. TC27. Vokotopoulou 1994, op. cit., 129. On Nereids with emblem on the head see Ch. Delvoye, Eléments classiques dans l'illustration de la légende d'Achille, Πρακτικά XII διεθνούς συνεδρίου κλασικής αρχαιολογίας, Aθήνα 4-10 Σεπτεμβρίου 1983, vol. II, Athens 1988, 68. Lamenting Nereids were presumably included in Aeschylus's lost tragedy Nereids. 94 Andronicos, op. cit., 154-155, figs 118-120.
30 broad coarse nose, and even in the shape of the lips with the slightly undulating groove of the mouth, as well as the severity of the expression. Andronicos, in his overall assessment of the stylistic tendency represented by the female head on the bronze
oinochoe
from
Vergina,
notes
that
“the
head
Medusa ... still retains the chunky solid shape of
of the
classical tradition not yet overturned by the exuberance of the new age”.95 The toreutic artist of “workshop C” does indeed
seem
to
represent
the
classical
tendency
of
the
transitional period of the late fourth-early third century BC, a tendency nevertheless contemporary and parallel to the “modernizing” one followed by the toreutic artists of “workshop A at Pydna”, as well as to the “conservativearchaistic” one represented by the artist of “workshop B at Lete”.96 The
artist
of
krater
B1
appears
as
representative par excellence of the classical tendency.97 The
stylistic
relationship
between
this
krater
and
the
earlier bronze krater in Berlin,98 which is ascribed to a 95 96
Andronicos, op. cit., 159. These three 'tendencies' or 'currents' in the 4th c. BC proceed in parallel in both monumental sculpture and vasepainting: Cf. Π. Θέμελης, Eρέτρια-Παναθηναϊκοί αμφορείς, σχέσεις με πλαστική, in ΣTHΛH τόμος εις μνήμην N. Kοντολέοντος, Athens 1978, 265-271; idem, Σκύλλα ερετρική, AE1979, 121-128. 97 Γ. Mπακαλάκης, Aνασκαφή Στρύμης, Thessaloniki 1967, considered the work to be Tarantine, while K. Schefold, Die Griechen und ihre Nachbarn, 1967, 207 identified it rather as Alexandrine; E. Γιούρη, O κρατήρας του Δερβενίου, Athens 1978, 71-72 suggests that the toreutic artist of krater B1 had learnt his craft in Athens but probably worked in an Ionian city in the Chalcidice; cf. R.W. Hartle, An Interpretation of the Derveni Krater: Symmetry and Meaning, AM 4 (1986), 257-278. 98 W. Zuchner, Der Berliner manadenkrater, BWPr 98 (1938), 3-27; Lori-Ann Touchette, The Dancing Maenad Reliefs, London 1995, 7, fig. 51.
31 Kyzikos workshop or to some other “northern” workshop, “may in some measure be taken as confirmation of a stylistic history
leading
up
to
a
Macedonian
court
art”,
in
the
opinion of B. Barr-Sharrar.99 In my view the fleshy and effeminate head of Pan, a masterpiece, on oinochoe B33, as well as the Silenus heads from the two silver oinochoai found
in
Macedonian
tomb
II
at
Vergina,100
should
be
assigned to the highly accomplished artist of krater B1 (“workshop D”). This emerges from comparison of their overall
and
individual
characteristics
with
the
heads
(repoussé or cast) of the Dionysiac thiasos on krater B1. Identical in these toreutic works are: a) the treatment of the hairstyle,
arranged
in
'calligraphic' groups of wavy locks, b) the rendering of the eyes, c) the structure cheeks and lower jaw,
of
the
face
with
voluminous
d) the mouth with prominent lower lip, e) the vague, idealistic, passive expression, even on the frenzy.
Maenads
replete
with
“enthusiasm”
The toreutic artist highly
accomplished,
adhered
and
Dionysiac
of “workshop D”, clearly to
classical
models
that
continued to exist in the innovative current of the period
99
B. Barr-Sharrar, Towards an Interpretation of the Derveni Crater, in Bronzes hellénistiques et romains, tradition et renouveau, Actes du Ve colloque international sur les bronzes antiques, Lausanne 1978, Cahiers d'Archeologie Romaine 17 (Lausanne 1979), 58. Cf. ibidem 1982, op. cit., 15 and 17, where a stronger case is made for krater B1's provenance from a Macedonian workshop. 100 Andronicos, 152-153, figs 115-116. The similarities between the satyr on krater B1 and the Silen on the silver oinoche from Vergina have been pointed out already by B.S. Ridgeway, Court Art and Hellenistic Art: The Role of Alexander the Great, ArchNews XI 3/4 (1982), 56.
32 even in Attica.101 Works in the same spirit and style, but not from the same workshop or artist, are the two hammered silver heads B79 (female) and B80 (male), accoutrements of horse trappings from tomb B at Derveni. The “classical” Atticizing artistic current is shown to be the prevailing one in the art of the period from the late fourth to the early
third
century
BC
and
popular
in
regions
such
as
Macedonia, with many exponents and workshops, according to the extant works not only in toreutics (metal vases, box mirrors,
harness
fittings
and
breastplates,
cheekpieces
etc.) but also sculpture.102 B. Ridgeway considers krater B1 from Derveni as representative par excellence of “Macedonian court art”. From her iconographic and stylistic analysis of the work she concludes that it combines characteristics of the rich style of the fifth century BC with precursors of those that were typical in the Hellenistic period. Indeed, in her opinon
the
fifth-century
characteristics
appear
“exaggerated, amplified, made dramatic and baroque by the fact that they are no longer functional as part of a living style”.103 However the mixing of old and new elements [in this case Classical of the rich style in mannerist excess and Hellenistic] is not exclusive to Macedonian art, but commonplace in the art of the time of Alexander the Great, or in other words of the early Hellenistic phase. This was pointed out by the late G. Bakalakis, back in 1956, in his unpublished university lecture notes, and the author has reached the same conclusion after analysing works from the period 320-300 BC, mainly from Macedonia and including the 101
A. Stewart, Attika. Studies in Athenian Sculpture of the Hellenistic Age, Plymouth 1979, 4. 102 Cf. Γ. Aκαμάτης, Ξάνθος Δημητρίου και Aμαδίκης υιός, in Άμητος, τιμητικός τόμος για τον M. Aνδρόνικο, Thessaloniki 1987, 15-28; E. Bουτηράς, Hφαιστίων Ήρως, Eγνατία 2 (1990). 130, n. 25, with bibliography. See also n. .... below. 103 Ridgeway, op. cit., 55.
33 Derveni
krater.104
Regrettably
we
ascertain
that
some
colleagues are either unaware of the Greek publications or misunderstand them.105 The toreutic artist of “workshop D”, that is of krater B1 and oinochoe B33 with the Attic influences, was contemporary with the Athenian toreutic artist Nikokrates106 and almost certainly based in a workshop of an Athenian colony in Macedonia. The existing evidence on the “modernist'“ artists in “workshop A at Pydna”, who were particularly
skilled
in
making
silver
kalykes
of
“Achaemenid type”, advocates their origin from Asia Minor or their relationship with workshops in ities of Asia Minor. The toreutic artist of “workshop B, with the archaistic tendencies and the decorative disposition, some ten works of whom are known at present -- all from Derveni --, could be considered indigenous, based in a workshop in the city of Lete. He is the most Macedonian of all, in the sense that he presents more intensely than the others the characteristics of the local artistic tradition, which is expressed from as early as the sixth century BC, in works such as the Silenus on the handles of the dinos from Louloudia Kitrous or the squatting male from Edessa, in Boston, and continued into Hellenistic times. 104
The toreutic
Γ. Mπακαλάκης, Iστορία της τέχνης των ελληνιστικών χρόνων. Πανεπιστημιακές παραδόσεις, Thessaloniki 1956, 3, 9 and 21; Θέμελης 1979, op. cit., 120-128. 105 See B.S. Ridgeway, Hellenistic Sculpture I. The style of ca. 331-200 B.C., Bristol 1990, 354, who notes concerning the statuette of Aphrodite from Eretria -- which I happened to have found in a deposit of the 3rd-4th c. AD --, that it is dated to the 4th c. BC (by whom?), whereas it is Hellenistic (whoever said otherwise?). Furthermore, she rather oddly cites LIMC and not the original publication Prakt 1978, 26 and Prakt 1982, 179, in which the work is dated to the 2nd c. BC and not to the 4th. 106 Whose period of artistic activity is dated between 320 and 370 BC: see D. Harris, Nikokrates of Kolonos, Metalworker, Hesperia 57 (1988), 329-337.
34 artist of “workshop C” can
also be considered a
native
Macedonian. The
overall
picture
of
the
above
toreutic
works, in which at least three contemporary and concurrent stylistic-artistic tendencies are discerned, also reveals the eclecticism that characterizes Macedonian art and its recipients
in
general,
an
eclecticism
visible
in
architecture,107 and in funerary sculpture,108 as well as in painting.109
107
S. Grobel-Miller, Hellenistic Maceonian Architecture, Ann Arbor Michigan 1972, 228; idem, The Philippeion and Macedonian Hellenistic Architecture, IstMitt 88 (1973), 189-218; cf. also N. Kαλτσας, Πήλινες διακοσμημένες κεραμώσεις από τη Mακεδονία, Athens 1988, 69-90; X. Mακαρόνας, E. Γιούρη, Oι οικίες αρπαγής της Eλένης ανδ Διονύσου της Πέλλας, Athens 1989, 157-173. 108 M. Andronicos, Steles funerarires de Vergina, BCH 79 (1955), 97-100; X. Σατσόγλου-Παλιαδέλη, Tα επιτάφια μνημεία από τη μεγάλη τούμπα της Bεργίνας (unpublished PhD thesis), Thessaloniki 1984, 81, 183; cf. Aκαμάτης, op. cit., 15-28. Aικ. Δεσποίνη, Πεσσός με ανάγλυφη παράσταση στο Mουσείο Θεσσαλονίκης, in Άμητος τιμητικός τόμος για τον M. Aνδρόνικο, Thessaloniki 1987, 299; cf. Bουτηράς, op. cit., 130, n. 25 with bibliography; Felten, op. cit., 406 and 417 nn. 3 and 5; Θ. Pιζάκης, I. Tουράτσογλου, Aρχαία Mακεδονία, E΄ διεθνές Συμπόσιο, Thessaloniki 1993. 109 Bοκοτοπούλου 1990, op. cit., 27-28, where eclecticism is called “creative”. Cf. M. Aνδρόνικος, H ζωγραφική στην αρχαία Mακεδονία, Ephem, 1987, 363-382. Interesting observations on Macedonian toreutic art: Barr-Sharrar 1982, op. cit.,122-139; idem, Eastern Influence on the Toreutic Art of Macedonia before the Conquest of Alexander the Great, ArchNews 13 (1984), 1-12 and AM 4 (1986), 71-82. The style of the vases in the “Pyrgadikia” group, which come mainly from the Chalcidice, may also be considered eclectic in the sense that it borrows decorative subjects from Rhodes, Euboea, Boeotia and Italy, which it synthsizes into an original and singular local product: Γιούρη 1972, op. cit., 6-9, figs 3-6, with earlier bibliography. The peculiar decorative style of the Sub-geometric krater from Karambournaki can also be considered local: Πέτσας 1967, op. cit., 303 no. 84, pl. 15γ.
35
FIGURES Fig. 1a-b. 0.17477). Fig.
2a-b.
Squatting Herakles
male
with
figure,
bow,
from
from the
Edessa
(Boston
Amphipolis
(Boston 98.657). Fig. 3. Trefoil-mouth oinochoe, from Drosia Edessa. Fig. 4a-b. Octadrachms of the Edonians and Bisaltians. Fig. 5. Silver stater of Lete.
area