HIS TOIRE, MÉDECINE ET SANTÉ n° 8 , p. 89-113 .
Despina IGNATIADOU*
The warrior priest in Derveni grave B was a healer too**
To my father, the physician Nikitas Ignatiadis, for his 85th birthday
T
he Derveni tombs were accidentally revealed in 1962, 10 km NW of Thessaloniki. The six cist graves and one Macedonian tomb that were excavated then had not been looted and contained rich offerings. The deceased were members of a rich and important family, which probably lived in the nearby ancient city of Lete. The burials have been dated to the last quarter of the 4th century BC but the costly grave goods in them are dated to the late 5th-late 4th century BC. In grave A was found the so-called Derveni papyrus; fragments of a papyrus roll with a most important Orphic religious text of the 4th century BC, preserving also excerpts of an earlier poem. The biggest and richest grave was grave B (Fig. 1). It contained the cremains of a man and his female consort, which had been placed in an elaborate bronze vessel, today known as The Derveni Krater (Fig. 2). That male individual was an important member of the élite, probably a royal companion and high priest who died when he was approximately 35-50 years old. In addition to the bronze krater, the burial contained a gold wreath and other gold jewelry, twenty silver vessels, many bronze vessels, stone alabastra, glass vessels and pottery vases, the iron weapons of the dead, a folding board gaming set with glass gaming counters, pieces of a leather cuirass, bronze greaves and a gold coin of ling Philip II (Figs 3.12)1.
* Despina Ignatiadou is an archaeologist previously with the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki / Head, Department of Metalwork, and currently with the National Archaeological Museum / Head, Department of Sculpture. Her research is focused on the study of glass, metalwork, precious materials, Macedonia, iconography, burial customs, and ancient Greek religion. Contact : dignatiadou@culture.gr ** I am indebted to Prof. Veronique Dasen and to Dr Ralph Jackson for their encouragement and their immense help with bibliography. 1 On the excavation see THEMELIS Petros G., TOURATSOGLOU Yiannis P., The Derveni Tombs, TAP, Athens 1997 (in Greek, English summary), esp. 60-92 for grave B.
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Fig. 1 : Plan of the excavated Derveni, grave B (after THEMELIS and TOURATSOGLOU, 61, fig.11)
Fig. 2 : The Derveni krater (©Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki)
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Fig 3. 1-2. The grave goods from Derveni, grave B (©Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki) Among the numerous grave goods was a bronze lidded case (B 35) (Figs 4.18), preserving its content which was at the time of the excavation identified (macroscopically) to be of cosmetic nature. The case is semi-cylindrical and is divided in three compartments, each containing a mass of clay, and featuring a hinged lid that protects the contents. Ongoing research on the history of ancient medicine in Macedonia2, as well as the identification of doctors’ burials3, has led to suspicions that the Derveni case was a medical case, comparable to other bronze medical cases, which have been CHRYSOSTOMOU Pavlos, “Contributions to the history of medicine in ancient Macedonia”, Eulimene 3, 2002, 99-116 (in Greek). 3 One has been depicted in the previously cited paper, and also in BESSIOS Matthaios, Pieridon Stefanos. Pydna, Methone, and the Antiquities in North Pieria, Katerini 2010, 244-245. Its full publication, along with one more from the same region, is under preparation by V. Dasen and the present author. 2
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unearthed in Macedonian burials since the Derveni case came to light. It became therefore important that the Derveni case and its contents were scientifically examined. Besides the examination of the case proper, the technical details pertaining to its manufacture, and the identification of its bronze alloy, the main question was to investigate the nature of its contents. Additionally, it had also recently become evident that a few other finds from the grave were more or less associated with the case. Those finds are of two kinds: A - parts possibly belonging to the same case (three bronze lids (B 90 a,b,c) and a bronze cylinder fitting underneath one lid (B 90 d)), and B - other finds that had been possibly interred as a set with the case (a miniature bronze pyxis (B 37) (Figs 5.1-2) and two miniature copper bowls (B 43a, B 43b) (Figs 6.1-2), all preserving their original content, two bronze spatulas (B 115a) (Figs 7.1-2), and a bronze tube (B 115b) (Figs 8.1-3)). Furthermore, some of the non-metal vessels in the grave, such as the stone alabastra (Figs 9.1-2), could have also been associated with the intended use of this set. The finds Bronze case with hinged lid, B 354 (Figs 4.1-8)
Fig. 4.1
4
THEMELIS Petros G., TOURATSOGLOU Yiannis P., The Derveni tombs, TAP, Athens 1997 (in Greek, English summary), 91, pl. 103.
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Fig. 4.2
Fig. 4.3
Fig. 4.4
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Fig. 4.5
Fig. 4.6
Fig. 4.7
Fig. 4.8 Fig 4. 1-8. Bronze medicaments case B 35, additional parts, and its contents (© D. Ignatiadou) 94
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The lower part of the case is semi-cylindrical and is constructed of a curved sheet, forming the long sides, and two semi-circular sheets forming the short sides (Figs 4.1-2). Inside it is divided lengthwise in three compartments, separated by two semi-circular transverse sheets. The outer and inner sheets are topped by an added flat ledge, 5 mm wide and 1 mm thick. A flat rod (2.5 x 2 mm) is added on the front outer outline of the ledge, thus outlining an area inside which is resting on the lid when closed. The rod terminates in a curved end, 9 mm before the back end of the sides. It is fastened on the ledge with flat-headed nails: one at each end and corner, and two at the front (Figs 4.2, 4.4). The lid is made of a single flat sheet forming an inherent channel along its back side; the sheet curves down and then rolled up and towards the front. Inside the channel is preserved a wire-rod which fastened the lid at its extremities. It is decorated with shallow irregular incised lines along its edges: a pair of lines along all four edges and a third line along the front edge and the side ones. On the front middle of the lid is a curved handle terminating in elongated buds curving upward, and with an upper round tip (Fig. 4.3). The handle has a gabled surface. It is attached to the sheet by means of two strips penetrating the sheet; the endings of each one are bent underneath in opposite directions. Flanking the handle are two elongated latch holes; they correspond to the side compartments but are offcenter. One hole and two dents along the right edge of the lid have been patched from behind, with a bronze strip reinforcing the area from the back. Inside each compartment is a mass of clay. The left (B 35-I) (Figs 4.5-6) and the middle one (B 35-II) (Figs 4.5, 4.7) are unshapely and pressed/pinched with bare fingers. On the middle one (B 35-II) (Figs 4.5, 4.7) are remnants of a mass of cellulose fibers. The right one (B 35-III) (Fig 4.5, 4.8) is in two large and two smaller pieces and has acquired the cylindrical shape of the vessel it was pressed in, most probably a miniature pyxis, that was approximately 4 cm in diameter and had a flat bottom. The case has been chemically cleaned to reveal the yellowish surface of the high-tin alloy. The lower part is mended and the missing parts are restored. Missing is the right part of the wire-rod on the ledge, before its end, and also large parts of the back channel of the lid. There is a small hole on the lid and a crack starting from the left latch hole. For exhibition purposes the lid was permanently positioned halfopen by means of two plexiglass wedges, still attached on the lower part of the case. Length 13 cm. Width 4.9 cm. Height when closed 2.1 cm. Lid 12.5 x 4.7 x 1 cm. Handle 1.7 x 2.5 cm.
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Additional parts (Fig. 4.9)5
Fig. 4.9 Bronze medicaments case B 35, additional parts, and its contents (Š D. Ignatiadou) Bronze oblong lid with arched handle, B 90 a Bronze lid made of a single flat sheet, with an inherent channel formed along its back side; the sheet curves up and then rolls down and towards the back. Inside the channel a wire rod, which fastened the lid at its extremities, is mostly preserved. The lid is decorated with shallow irregular incised lines along its edges: a pair of lines along all four edges and a third line along the front edge and the side ones. On the front middle of the lid is an arched handle terminating in elongated buds curving upward; they have a flat polygonal surface, an upper round tip, and a base ring. The handle is attached on the sheet by two curved wire-rods that penetrate the sheet; the endings of each one are bent below in opposite directions. The handle has a flat surface. Flanking the handle are two oblong latch holes, at equal distance from the side ends. Inside the holes there are quadrangular rods still fastened on the flat striplatches that exist on the underside; the rods were connected to a round element, the mark of which remains on the front side of the lid. On the back, the latches were each covered by a quadrangular element, one of which survives. It is a domed sheet (20- x 12 x 2 mm) with a 1-2 mm ledge around the three sides, thus permitting the back and forth movement of the latch underneath it and through its fourth “open� short side. A large hole near the upper right corner is patched from the back with an irregularly triangular patch. Length 25.2 cm. Width 4.5 cm. Thickness of sheet x 1 mm. Handle 2.5 x 3.2 cm. Latch holes 4.5 cm from the corresponding short side. Bronze square lid with ring handle, B 90 b Bronze lid made of a single flat sheet, preserving the beginning of an inherent channel along its back side; the sheet curves up and would then be rolled down and towards the back. The channel would be intended for a wire-rod which would fasten the lid at its extremities. The lid is decorated with shallow irregular incised lines along THEMELIS Petros G., TOURATSOGLOU Yiannis P., The Derveni tombs, TAP, Athens 1997 (in Greek, English summary), 90-91, pl. 103.
5
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its edges: a pair of lines along all four edges and a third line along the front edge and the side ones. On the front middle of the lid is a ring handle attached on the sheet by means of a strip penetrating the sheet; the endings of the strip are bent underneath in opposite directions. Length 5.3 cm. Width 4.5 cm. Thickness of sheet 1 mm. Diameter of ring (handle) 1 cm. Latch holes 2.5 cm from the left side and 2.3 cm from the right side. Bronze perforated lid, B 90 c Bronze lid made of a single flat sheet perforated in the center. It is decorated with three shallow irregular incised lines running along its four edges. Underneath a circular mark surrounds a darker surface around the perforation. Length 5.1 cm. Width 4.9 cm. Thickness of sheet 1 mm. Diameter of perforation 1.4 cm. Bronze cylinder, B 90 d Bronze cylinder with inherent narrow horizontal “rim�. The cylinder is made of a single flat sheet rolled and fastened with a bronze nail. It fits underneath the perforation of B 90 c. Height 1.4 cm. Diameter 1.3 cm (1.9 cm with rim). These additional parts had been disassociated after the excavation and were treated at different periods and by different methods, thus resulting in their dissimilar appearance. They probably belonged originally with the restored case, but had been detached in antiquity to be used independently. If we consider the length of the large lid to indicate the full length of a larger case, then the remaining space can accommodate the existing case. The wear, the patches and the replacement part indicate an intensive and prolonged use which rendered the case beyond repair. This item had obviously been used for decades before the interment, around 320 BC, and can therefore be dated to the first half of the 4th century BC.
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Small bronze pyxis B 376 (Figs 5.1-2)
Fig. 5.1
Fig 5.2 Bronze pyxis B 37 and its content (Š D. Ignatiadou) Small pyxis with cylindrical body and slightly domed lid. Undecorated. Edges of the bronze sheet (1 mm) are plain cut (Fig. 5.1). The pyxis contains bright red powder, forming also some small lumps (Fig. 5.2). Green corroded surface. The lower body is restored. One hole on the body, three holes and one crack on the lid. Height 34 mm. Height body 33 mm, lid 10 mm. Diameter body 29 mm, lid 30!mm.
THEMELIS Petros G., TOURATSOGLOU Yiannis P., The Derveni Tombs, TAP, Athens 1997 (in Greek, English summary), 77, pl. 89. 6
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Two copper bowls B 43a, B 43b7 (Figs 6.1-2 left and right)
Fig 6.1
Fig 6.2 Copper bowls B 43a, B 43b and their contents (Š D. Ignatiadou) Two bronze semi-spherical bowls with plain rim. Undecorated. Reddish surface inside and out. Hammering marks visible on the outside. They contain remains of a dark substance which was left to consolidate in a thin cake. B 43a contains three fragments of the substance (B 43 a-I). B 43 b contains a large part of the substance (B 43b-I, 29 x 18). B 43 a has one crack on the rim and two holes below that. B 43 b is intact. Chemically cleaned to reveal the reddish surface. Diameter 44 mm. Height 21 mm. The two copper bowls are unique. The medicaments surviving on their floor leave no doubt that the bowls were associated with the use of the case, but there might be a further connection with that. Measurements show that they exactly fit inside the compartments. The case was restored at the time following the excavation in the early 1960s, and relevant photographs of the condition prior to restoration do not exist, but it is certain that if they had been found inside they would not have been separated during restoration. It is therefore most probable that the bowls had been detached before the burial and were used independently.
THEMELIS Petros G., TOURATSOGLOU Yiannis P., The Derveni Tombs, TAP, Athens 1997 (in Greek, English summary), 74, pl. 83. 7
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Two bronze spatulas8 (Figs 7.1-2)
Fig 7.1
Fig 7.2 Bronze spatula-probe B 115aa and spatula-scoop B 115ab (Š D. Ignatiadou) Bronze spatula-probe B 115aa. Middle shaft with square but rounded section on the spatula side and round on the probe side. On one end it becomes abruptly rectangular in section and then widened to form the beginning of a flat spatula with concave and then tapering sides. On the other end it forms a long ovoid probe. Mended from two pieces; the spatula is partially preserved. Excellent patina along half the length, on the spatula side, but the broken end is corroded. The probe is corroded and has three longitudinal cracks. Length: Total preserved 141 mm, middle shaft ~90 mm, spatula preserved only for 30 mm, probe ~20 mm long. Width: spatula 18 mm. Diameter: shaft 3-2.5 mm, probe 5 mm. Bronze spatula-scoop B 115ab. Middle shaft with round section, tapering near the scoop side. On one end it is flattened and widened to form the beginning of THEMELIS Petros G., TOURATSOGLOU Yiannis P., The Derveni Tombs, TAP, Athens 1997 (in Greek, English summary), 91.
8
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a flat spatula with concave and then tapering sides. On the other end it forms a narrow deep scoop. Mended from two pieces; the spatula is partially preserved. Good patina along half the length, on the scoop side, but the rest is corroded. Length: Total preserved 123 mm, middle shaft ~90 mm, spatula preserved only for ~20 mm, scoop ~10 mm long. Width: spatula preserved 13 mm. Diameter: shaft 3-2 mm, scoop 3.5 mm. The spatula probe B 115aa and the spatula scoop B 115ab are quite common medical tools encountered in medical sets9. Bronze tube – catheter or clyster tip B 115b10 (Figs 8.1-3)
Fig 8.1
Fig 8.2
9
For similar spatula probes see Hygeia. Health, Illness, Treatment from Homer to Galen (N. Chr. Stampolidis, Y. Tassoulas, eds), Athens 2014, cat. no 189, 21 (N. Palaiokrassa). 10 THEMELIS Petros G., TOURATSOGLOU Yiannis P., The Derveni Tombs, TAP, Athens 1997 (in Greek, English summary), 91.
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Fig 8.3 Bronze tube B 115b, front and back tip (© D. Ignatiadou) Bronze tapered tube. The cylindrical shape is formed from a sheet of bronze curved lengthwise and preserving a tight seam. The narrow end has a plain but rounded mouth. The wide upper end has two ring collars: one at the end, creating a flat mouth, and one 6 mm below the first. Both rings are either broken or intentionally open (the lower one in two places). Length 91 mm. Diameter 8 mm (end ring), 9 mm (second ring), body starts 4 mm narrow end. The bronze tube B 115b is a rather rare find of a medical tool that was probably very common, but is today usually difficult to identify because of its simple shape. Tapered tubes were used for the drainage of body fluids and for the introduction to the body of medicinal fluids. Such occasions, described in the literary sources, are the drainage of water from patients with dropsy, the treatment of occluded vagina, the release of urine in blocked or inflamed urethra conditions, etc. The latter was in the Roman times done with catheters, i.e. curving tubes with a side “eye” near the tip. Catheters of small size were designed for use on women; to manually draw urine when the bladder passage had been blocked by a bladder stone or a blood clot11. Additionally, simple tapered tubes with an attached pouch were used as clysters for vaginal/uterine and rectal injections; the two collar rings at the upper end were perhaps intended for fastening the pouch12. A similar, slightly smaller, tube has been found in the contemporary burial of a doctor in Makrygialos,
JACKSON Ralph, “Cutting for stone: Roman lithotomy instruments in the Museo Nazionale Romano”, Medicina nei Secoli. Arte e Scienza (V. Gazzaniga, ed.), 22, 1-3, 2010, 393-418, figs 1-6. 12 JACKSON Ralph, “The surgical instruments, appliances and equipment in Celsus’ De medicina”, La médecine de Celse. Aspects historiques, scientifiques et littéraires, Centre Jean-Palerne, Saint-Étienne 1994, 167210, esp. 184-187, fig. 4.3. 11
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Macedonia13 and a gilded one was retrieved from the “doctor’s grave” in Paphos, Cyprus (late 2nd-early 3rd century AD)14. The aforementioned elements was probably not restricted to the finds discussed above. In the new light shed by the interpretation of those we can now reconsider several other finds in the same burial: The stone alabastra B 58 – B 78, B 12515 (Figs 9.1-2)
Fig 9.1
Fig 9.2 Stone alabastra of both types from Derveni, grave B. 2 (©Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki). Types of stone alabastra in Derveni, grave B (after THEMELIS and TOURATSOGLOU, 82) Unpublished. See above, Bronze pyxis. Hygeia. Health, Illness, Treatment from Homer to Galen (N. Chr. Stampolidis, Y. Tassoulas, eds), Athens 2014, cat. no 188, inv. no 2548/53 (E. Zachariou-Kaila). 15 THEMELIS Petros G., TOURATSOGLOU Yiannis P., The Derveni Tombs, TAP, Athens 1997 (in Greek, English summary), 80-83. 13 14
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A large number of stone alabastra were found along the west side of the grave and its southwest corner: 21 complete or nearly complete vessels as well as ten more fragments. The alabastra have been manufactured from gypsum, not the veined Egyptian alabaster. They are of two types and can thus be attributed to two groups: A. Ten medium sized vessels. Wide convex disk-mouth, short cylindrical neck, convex shoulder, ovoid body, and curved bottom. Two opposite very small horizontal lugs on the upper body. Interior carved horizontally (Fig. 9.2 left). B 59, B 60, B 61, B 71, B 73, B 74, B 75, B 76, B 77, B 78. Height 115-200 mm, rim diameter 35-72 mm. B. Eleven large vessels. Wide flat disk-mouth, short and narrow cylindrical neck decorated with horizontal ridges, convex shoulder, cylindrical tapered body, slightly curved bottom. Two opposite vertical rectangular lugs on the upper body. Interior carved vertically (Fig. 9.2 right). B 58, B 62, B 63, B 64, B 65, B 66, B 67, B 68, B 69, B 70, B 72. Height 209-248 mm, rim diameter 61-70 mm. These alabastra were until now interpreted as unguentaria filled with aromatic oils offered to the deceased, or used during the funeral rites. It is a pity that they have been thoroughly washed when they were found and that they do not preserve their content. It is possible that they constituted a professional set of containers for the medical substances used by the healer. Each group comprises 10-11 vessels which differ from those in the other group in shape, size, and manufacture method; the purpose of this distinction is unclear. Furthermore, a bronze funnel-sieve (B 27 + B 82) could have been used for pouring preparations in containers16, a bronze lidded amphora (B 22) could contain a special wine, or a wine-preparation, an iron tripod (B 107) could have supported a bronze vessel over fire, etc. Similarly, some of the non-tableware bronze vessels in the burial, e.g. aryter jugs or a lecane, could be associated with medical practise17. Scientific investigation In an effort to determine the nature of the contents and, consequently, the use and ownership of the tripartite case and of the other metal containers, the analytical laboratory of the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki conducted physicochemical analysis on both. The investigation was carried out by the museum chemist Christos Katsifas in collaboration with two departments of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (the Department of Mineralogy, Petrology and Economic Geology,
16
Its perforated inner disk is erroneously attached here; it originates from a circular inkwell. THEMELIS Petros G., TOURATSOGLOU Yiannis P., The Derveni Tombs, TAP, Athens 1997 (in Greek, English summary),76-77, 74-75, and 77 respectively. 17
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School of Geology / prof. Nikolaos Kantiranis, and the Laboratory of Analytical Chemistry, Department of Chemistry / prof. George A. Zachariadis18. The containers were investigated by means of !-XRF spectroscopy. Measurements were taken from different parts of each artifact in order to determine the chemical composition and to study the manufacturing technology. The results showed that case B35 (Figs 4.1-4) is made of high-tin bronze (11.6-15.8% Sn). This type of alloy was widely employed in Macedonia in the Classical period, for the manufacture of precious vessels and utensils. Some of the case’s features, however, were not made from the same alloy. The arched handle (Fig. 4.3) is an ordinary bronze (6.6% Sn) and the fastening nails (Fig. 4.4) are of almost pure copper (0.06% Sn). Pyxis B 37 (Fig. 5.1) is also of a high-tin bronze (12.16% Sn). On the contrary, the two bowls B 43a, B 43b (Figs 6.1-2) are of almost pure copper (0.06% Sn). The methods applied for the investigation of the contents were stereomicroscopy, !-XRF spectroscopy for the inorganic components, XRD spectrometry for the mineralogical composition, and HS-SPME / GC-MS for the organic constituents. The examined remains are: • B 35-I. The cake in the left compartment of the case B 35. Pinched with three naked fingers (Figs 4.5-6). • B 35-II. The cake in the middle compartment of the case B35. Kneaded with naked fingers and preserving a mass of cellulose fibers on a part of the surface, and a small reddish lump (Figs 4.5, 4.7). • B 35-III. The cake in the right compartment of the case B35. The cake’s shape shows it was transferred to the case from a small cylindrical pyxis with flat bottom (Figs 4.5, 4.8). • B 37-I. The red powder (Fig. 5.2) contained in pyxis B 37. • B 43a-I. Thin cake (Fig. 6.2 left) in bowl B 43a. • B 43b-I. Thin cake (Fig. 6.2 right) in bowl B 43b. The inorganic and mineral identity of the remains is varied. The three cakes that are preserved in the lidded case B 35, are of similar composition but not identical. Their main component is quartz (41-44%), mica and chlorite, plus 16-31% of amorphous materials. An extra sample was taken from the reddish lump on cake B"35-II (Figs 4.5, 4.7). The color of the sample and the Br that was detected could possibly indicate the existence of purple. The red powder (Fig. 5.2) in pyxis B 37 is the red inorganic pigment hematite.
KATSIFAS Christos, IGNATIADOU Despina, KANTIRANIS Nikolaos, ZACHARIADIS George A., “Metal containers of the 4th century BC. Analysis of their composition and contents”, Proceedings, 9th Aegean Analytical Chemistry Days, 29 Sept - 3 Oct 2014, Chios, Greece (forthcoming). 18
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The cakes in the two copper bowls (B 43 a-I, B43 b-I) (Fig. 6.2) are very similar in composition and those could in fact be fragments of the same cake. They consist of mostly amorphous (65-78%) materials, plus quartz/cristobalite and gypsum. A total of 53 organic fatty acids were determined in traces, in all the contents. However, each cake contained a different group of the organic substances: ten in B!35-I, 25 in B 35-II, eight in B 35-III, three in B43 a-I, seven in B 37-I. Only three of the 53 substances are encountered in two cakes/contents. The substances have been determined chemically and more effort will be made to determine their origin in particular herbs, oils/fats, or condiments. It is however already evident that each cake was intentionally prepared with a particular unique composition. The intended use of the cakes is obviously pharmaceutical. Their full identification however is pending until the final interpretation of the ingredients and their compositions; at present only questions can be posed. The finger impressions on cakes B 37-I and B 37-II (Figs 4.6-7) could perhaps supply more than the fingerprints of the healer. Did he press with naked fingers before pinching an amount to use as anti-haemorrhage on a wound or on a tooth or to make pills to be administered to his patients? Does the surviving cellulose on cake B 37-II (Fig. 5.2) show that he was using a cotton(?) swab to take the amount needed for an ophthalmic epithema? What kind of preparation was necessary for cake B37-III (Figs. 4.5, 4.8), that was obviously transferred to the case after it had been left to settle in a small pyxis? The hematite (in pyxis B 37) (Fig. 5.2) was used for medical purposes in antiquity, mainly for ophthalmic and bladder conditions19 The survival of medicaments of the pre-Roman period is extremely rare. A later Italian find has also been scientifically investigated: the content of a small tin pyxis retrieved from the 2nd century BC Pozzino shipwreck in Tuscany, near the Etruscan city of Populonia20. The ship sunk probably in 140-130 BC, while carrying merchandise from the Greek East (bronze vessels, pottery from Rhodes, Ephesos and Pergamon) and Syro-Palestinian glass vessels. Aboard was probably also a physician, travelling with his/her professional equipment in a wooden chest (tin Ongoing research on inorganic substances or clay minerals focuses on their medicinal properties as antibacterial or antifungal agents. On the Lemnian earth, DASEN Véronique, “Magic and Medicine: the Power of Seals”, ‘Gems of Heaven’. Recent Research on Engraved Gemstones in Late Antiquity c. AD 200-600 (Chr. Entwistle, N. Adams, eds), London, 2011, 69-74. On the Samian earth, from the Aegean island of Samos, as a most effective salve against eye infections, see PHOTOS-JONES Effie, KEANE Chloe, STAMATAKIS Michael, HALL Alan J., LEANORD Alistair, “Medicinal clays and ‘earths’: from geoarchaeological research to microbiological testing”, 40th International Symposium on Archaeometry ISA 2014, May 19-23, 2014, Los Angeles, California, Program and Abstract Book, abstract no 58, 67-68. 20 GIACHI G., PALLECHI P., ROMUALDI A., RIBECHINI E., LUCEIKO J. J., COLOMBINI M. P., MARIOTTI LIPPI M., “Ingredients of a 2,000-y-old medicine revealed by chemical, mineralogical, and botanical investigation”, PNAS, January 22, 2013, 110.4, 1193–1196. 19
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pyxides, 136 wooden vials, a small stone mortarium, a bronze cupping vessel and an iron probe). Inside one tin pyxis were found five gray discoid tablets, ~4 cm across and 1 cm thick. Analysis of one of those showed that it consists of more than 80% organic components. Those include starch (obtained from boiled and dried wheat flour), a mixture of vegetal and animal acyl lipids, beeswax, pine resin, and vegetal charcoal. Palynological analysis showed the existence of mainly olive pollen but also pollen of medicinal plants. The remaining inorganic part is 75% zinc plus silicon and iron. The scientific team that conducted the analysis concluded the preparation was for ophthalmic use, based on two facts: because zinc is reported by Pliny the Elder and Dioscorides to have been used in eye and skin medicaments, and also because the Latin term collyrium derives from the Greek kollyra, a small round loaf21. However, it is more probable that the rich content in nutritional elements and the form of the tablets resembling modern day pills, indicate that those were meant to be swallowed22. Other compartment cases and medical sets from Northern Greece The cylindrical folding or semi-cylindrical bronze case is an uncommon but not unique find in Northern Greece. A sophisticated folding case has been found in another contemporary élite burial, at Oreokastrou street in Stavroupolis, Thessaloniki23; not very far away from the Derveni B burial. In the Stavroupolis grave had been lavishly buried, in the second half of the 4th century BC, the cremated remains of a male individual, identified by the present author as a warrior, priest and perhaps healer. The Stavroupolis case is a full cylinder consisting of two hinged semi-cylinders (Fig. 10). It is also longer than the Derveni one and divided into more and more diverse compartments24. The Stavroupolis excavation was unfortunately not a fully controlled one, as the grave was discovered and hit by machinery during construction work. It is therefore explainable that the case is now empty but it is rather possible that that one was also a medical/writing case that had been interred with its contents. In recent years, several compartment cases, and a few inkwells with associated features, have been revealed among other grave-goods in Macedonian
On eye medicine, see JACKSON Ralph J., “Eye medicine in the Roman Empire”, Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt (ANRW) / Rise and Decline of the Roman World (W. Haase, H. Temporini, eds), II: Principate, 37.3, 2228-2251. 22 My sincere thanks to Alain Touwaide who shared with me his thoughts on this issue. 23 ROMIOPOULOU Katerina, “Closed burial contexts of the late Classical period from Thessaloniki”, Festschrift to George Mylonas, III. Athens 1989, 194-218, pls 45-58 (in Greek). 24 Id., 215-216, no 23, pl. 57. Au royaume d’Alexandre le Grand. La Macédoine antique (S. DescampsLequime, ed.), Paris 2011, cat. no 228 (D. Ignatiadou). IGNATIADOU Despina, “The Stavroupolis priest-warrior”, The Greeks. Agamemnon to Alexander the Great (M. Andreadaki-Vlazaki, A. Balaska, eds.), Athens 2014, 388-401, esp. cat. no 384 (D. Ignatiadou). 21
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burials25. Those bronze finds are not close parallels of the Derveni case, as they are of different types, yet they are proof of the established presence of professional doctors in the region. The Derveni case, in its original full version would have been comparable only to the Stavroupolis case.
Fig. 10 : Writing case from Oreokastrou street, Stavroupolis, Thessaloniki (©Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki) The shape of the discussed medical and/or writing cases, which could originate in one or more local workshops, differs from that of the Roman times which is usually a rectangular compartment case26. However, a Roman find (early 2nd century AD) from Northern Greece seems to combine the two traditions. It is a composite medical case unearthed in a burial in Traianoupolis, Thrace (Fig. 11)27. The bronze medical case is tripartite and consists of a rectangular compartment box flanked on one long side by a narrow cylindrical tools’ case, and on the other by a wider cylindrical medicaments case. The rectangular main part is equipped with a slate slab and remains unopened. The tools’ case was emptied before interment so that the tools could be placed in the cremation pit. The medicaments case is damaged and open; its tripartite interior is still filled with “solidified masses of pharmaceutical substances”. IGNATIADOU Despina, Bronze medical and/or writing cases in pre-Roman Macedonia, XIXth International Congress on Ancient Bronzes, J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles, CA, USA, 13-17 October 2015 (in press). 26 Iconic finds of that type have been published in an exemplary way: BOYER Raymond, BEL Valérie, TRANOY Laurence et al., “Découverte de la tombe d’un oculiste à Lyon (fin du IIe s. après J.-C.). Instruments et coffrets avec collyres”, Gallia 47, 1990, 215-249. 27 It was a grave good in the Cremation B, in the Traianoupolis tumulus at Loutro, Alexandroupoli; see Hygeia. Health, illness, treatment from Homer to Galen (N. Chr. Stampolidis, Y. Tassoulas, eds.), Athens 2014, cat. no 194 (D. Triantafyllos). 25
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Fig. 11 : Medical case from Traianoupolis, Thrace (after Hygeia, cat. no 194) Bronze pyxides of the type found in Derveni, grave B are not rare, although they rarely preserve their content. Three examples were found in the contemporary so called “doctor’s grave” in ancient Pydna, Macedonia, unfortunately empty. The grave, no 66, was unearthed in Alykes Kitrous and contained also a bronze cupping cup, two bronze tools, a pair of iron tongs, five iron “scalpels”, an iron strigil, and a bone cylindrical case (Fig. 12). Four more small pyxides were found in another contemporary grave in nearby Makrygialos, fortunately preserving some kind of content. That grave contained also a pair of iron tongs, a bronze and an iron spatula, a bronze tube, an iron strigil, and the lid of a bone cylindrical case28.
Fig. 12 : Bronze pyxides, cupping cup, tool, and bone case from the “doctor’s grave” in ancient Pydna (©Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki) 28
Unpublished. 109
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The identity of the healer The individual who was found cremated in Derveni grave B was evidently a very important person. His name does not survive although the name “(belonging to) Astion, son of Anaxagoras from Larissa” appears on the iconic bronze krater that contained the cremation remains (Fig. 2)29. The vessel is five decades earlier than the burial and it is unlikely that the first owner Astion is the deceased himself, although it is rather certain that the latter was a member of Astion’s family. However, the mere use of this elaborate vessel, known as the Derveni Krater, betrays the social status of the deceased. The krater is a highly symbolic vessel, a centrepiece during banquet wine-drinking, and was associated with Dionysos-Bacchus, the main deity in the Orphic-Bacchic cult that was widespread in Macedonia. As such, the krater was employed for rites venerating Dionysos all over Greece, and sometimes stood on a pedestal in the sanctuaries of the god, substituting his presence. The followers of the Bacchic-Orphic religion were initiated to the cult and were buried following the norms dictated by their belief. The image created by the burial customs and the grave-goods in this particular burial shows clearly that the deceased was an initiate, but also probably more than that. The elaborate decoration and the rarity of the vessel point to an elevated status. This is the only completely surviving relief bronze volute krater, one of the very rare bronze volute kraters, and is manufactured from a tin-rich bronze alloy imparting a golden color. It is decorated with the sacred wedding of Dionysos to Ariadne, who are surrounded by the protagonists in the god’s mythology, and by animals and plants. Moreover, the krater is a symbol of seminal importance in Orphic-Pythagorean literature, originating in a notion first put forward by Plato, who describes how the human souls were ladled by the Creator from inside a krater. The Derveni B individual, who was cremated according to the custom preferred for noblemen initiates, was most probably a priest who was allowed the privilege to be buried inside a vessel associated with his cultic duties and symbolizing also the original cosmic vessel30. He was, probably, a member of the distinguished Aleuadai family, the members of which moved to Macedonia when their territory was annexed to Macedon by king Philip II. Other members of the same family were also buried in the small family cemetery in Derveni. The healer’s identity of the deceased is obviously connected to the Hippocratic tradition of Larissa, the family’s homeland. Hippocrates settled in Larissa and worked there, together with his son Thessalos, in a continuous professional relationship with the Macedonian royal court; from there 29
On the Derveni krater see BARR-SHARRAR Beryl, The Derveni Krater, Masterpiece of Classical Greek metalwork, Princeton 2008, with earlier bibliography. 30 IGNATIADOU Despina, “The symbolic krater”, Le cratère à volutes, Destinations d’un vase de prestige entre Grecs et non Grecs, Colloque International, Paris 2012, Cahiers du Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum, France, 2, Paris 2014, 43-59. 110
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the great doctor was called to Macedonia to treat king Perdikas II. Hippocrates died in Larissa and was buried there31. Ancient sources attest to the origins of the cult of Asclepius in Trikka, Thessaly32, while it has been suggested that the inspiration for the god’s figure was perhaps originally a local healer who reached the status of a hero in the Iliad33. A claim to descent from the regional hero by the most influential local family is a usual pattern in early societies; thus it is most probable that the Aleuadai family members righteously claimed not only political and military offices, but also sacerdotal duties, which was an aspect of the élite healer. The numerous weapons and the armour deposited in the grave indicate that the man was a warrior, a horseman of the élite class of the hetairoi, the royal companions. This military aspect of his elevated social status did not at all contradict his identity of a healer; on the contrary it was regarded a continuation of the heroic tradition of warrior healers, like the original Asclepiadae Podaleirios and Machaon34. Additionally, one of the Derveni grave goods, a precious belonging of the deceased was a board game with glass counters that were played on a folding wooden board with iron corner reinforcements (Fig. 13)35. This board is an early forerunner of the thoroughly studied Stanway board36, which was revealed in an élite burial in Roman England. The 1st century AD board was employed for a similar, if not the same, kind of game. Although the chronological, geographical and cultural distance does not permit any direct association, the similarities between the two burials bring out the similar profile of the two deceased individuals. The Stanway deceased was a druid and surgeon; the Derveni deceased was a warrior, priest, and healer. They both owned a board game; not merely a prized possession ultimately interred in their graves but probably an attribute of their status37. A re-appraisal of the use of a board game by healers, throughout antiquity, is now necessary. The 31
On Hippocrates see RE VIII, 2 (1913), 1801-1852 (Leonard). WICKKISER Bronwen L., Asklepios, Medicine, and the Politics of Healing in Fifth-century Greece: Between Craft and Cult, The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore 2008, 35. 33 EDELSTEIN Emma J., EDELSTEIN, Ludwig, Asclepius: A Collection and Interpretation of the Testimonies, Arno Press, New York 1998, v. II, 1–53. 34 I thank prof. Angelos Chaniotis for attracting my attention to this issue; see Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2004, no. 26. 35 On classical boardgames see IGNATIADOU Despina, Colourless Glass for the Élite in Ancient Macedonia, Thessaloniki 2013 (in Greek, English summary), 211-231, 330, 397-398. IGNATIADOU Despina, “Macedonian board games with glass gaming pieces”, Veni, vidi, ludique!: Jeux et multiculturalité dans l’Antiquité gréco-romaine, Fribourg, 20-22 October 2014 (forthcoming). 36 CRUMMY Philip, BENFIELD Stephen, CRUMMY Nina, RIGBY Valery, SHIMMIN Donald, et al., Stanway: An Élite Burial Site at Camulodunum, Britannia Monograph Series No. 24, London 2007, esp 352375 37 SCHÄDLER Ulrich, “The doctor’s game – New light on the history of ancient board games”, in CRUMMY et al., Stanway: An Élite Burial Site at Camulodunum, Britannia Monograph Series No. 24, London 2007, 359-375, tables 55-56. 32
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priestly duties of the deceased men probably included also acts of divination, a notion inherent in the playing of board games, the outcome of which is influenced by luck, i.e. divine favour. It is therefore possible that the game was not merely used as a pastime but played a role in the cultic and perhaps also the healing duties of the men. Was the game a means to achieve relaxed contacts of the healer and the patient, thus creating optimum conditions of diagnosis and cure? Or was it even a means of divination aiming to answer questions – posed by the pious and the ailing – on the future, the inevitable death, the prognosis of a disease, the aspiration to a successful treatment?
Fig. 13 : Board game with glass counters, Derveni, grave B (©Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki) The richness of the grave-goods indicates the deceased’s descent from a wealthy family, in accordance to the evidence showing that medicine and the doctors (male and female) were held in esteem in Macedonia; besides not everyone could own such an expensive medical set38. This esteem is reflected throughout antiquity in the iconography of doctors who are frequently represented accordingly: from the early representation of the doctor seated on a folding stool and leaning on the stick usually indicating the free citizen, to the doctor seated in front of an altar and offered a scroll, to the studious doctor reading from a scroll and represented in the style of a
On medicine and doctors in Macedonia see: CHRYSOSTOMOU Pavlos, “Contributions to the history of medicine in ancient Macedonia”, Eulimene 3, 2002, 99-116 (in Greek). On the identity of the healer / doctor in the Graeco-Roman antiquity see: KING Helen, DASEN Véronique, La médecine dans l’Antiquité grecque et romaine, Lausanne, 2008; HILLERT Andreas, Antike Ärztedarstellungen, Marburger Schriften zur Medizingeschichte 25 (A. Geus, I. Müller, eds), Frankfurt am Main / Bern / New York / Paris 1990. 38
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philosopher or poet39. Galen himself had already attracted attention to the dual identity of the physician by writing a homonymous treatise (That the best physician is also a philosopher) and thus illustrating the status of the literate professional who cannot merely read but is also himself the author of the administered prescriptions and of medical treatises40. It is very tempting to consider the family buried in Derveni an Asclepiadae family, in the wider sense of a lineage of high rank healers, who consider themselves descendants of a local healing hero or even Asclepios himself. The deposition of the Orphic papyrus41 in the neighbouring male burial A of a literate man who was related to the deceased in burial B42 and the Orphic-Pythagorean aspects of both burials may also open a window for an association of that family with the authoring of the Hippocratic oath in the early 4th century BC.
HILLERT Andreas, Antike Ärztedarstellungen, Marburger Schriften zur Medizingeschichte 25 (A.!Geus, I. Müller, eds), Frankfurt am Main / Bern / New York / Paris 1990, figs 9, 14, 32. DASEN Véronique, “La médecine greque”, La médecine à l’époque romaine. Quoi de neuf, docteur!?, Lyon, 2010, 8-9. 40 ASPER Markus (ed.), Writing science. Medical and Mathematical Authorship in Ancient Greece, Science, Technology, and Medicine in Ancient Cultures, 1, Berlin/Boston 2013 (non vidi). 41 KOUREMENOS Theokritos, PARASSOGLOU George M., TSANTSANOGLOU Kyriakos, The Derveni Papyrus, Leo S. Olschki, Florence, 2006. BETEGH Gábor, The Derveni Papyrus: Cosmology, Theology and Interpretation, Cambridge University Press, 2004. 42 Both men were buried in the last quarter of the 4th century BC but the man’s cremains in grave A were placed in a late 5th century volute krater. It is quite probable that the man in grave A was the father or an elder brother of the man in grave B. Unfortunately the skeleton remains from grave A do not survive, but the scientific examination of a recently located tooth may establish the relation between the two men. 39
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