A South Asian Vision and Union by South Asian Media Net

Inaugural Session: 6 January 2013, Amritsar SAFMA's efforts to open minds and borders Imtiaz Alam Address by Chief Guest Salman Khurshid Address by Guest of Honor Parkash Singh Badal Session II: The media's role in peace and cooperation 6 January 2013, Amritsar

S Session III: Terrorism, extremism, and inter-/intrastate conflict 6 January 2013, Amritsar The complexity of the Northeast and lessons from the AFSPA Sanjoy Hazarika Addressing the roots of terrorism, extremism and inter-/intra-state conflict Hasan-Askari Rizvi Extremist nationalist politics in postwar Sri Lanka Dr Jehan Perera

Regional security and cooperation through trade Hasan-Askari Rizvi A South Asian vision and union Khaled Ahmed Address by Chief Guest Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif

Session V: Human rights, minorities, and women in South Asia 8 January 2013, Lahore The state of human rights in South Asia Ravi Nair

The media and peace-building Mohammad Waseem

The challenge of terrorism in Pakistan Amir Mir

Impunity, human rights, and good governance in South Asia Asma Jahangir

The media's role in public discourse Vinod Kumar Sharma

Open house

The media and ethics Kumar Ketkar Open house

Trade, connectivity, and an economic union Ijaz Nabi Regional economic integration and the future of SAARC Nephil Matangi Maskay

12 years of SAFMA Imtiaz Alam Conference Declaration

A terrorism-free South Asia: Waiting for Godot? Dr Imtiaz Ahmed

The shifting role of South Asia's media Yubaraj Ghimire

Session VI: SAFMA in critical perspective 8 January 2013, Lahore

Open house

Trends in world media Bertrand Pecquerie

Session IV: A South Asian vision for an economic union 8 January 2013, Lahore

Open house

Reconciling collective â&#x20AC;&#x153;minorityâ&#x20AC;? rights and individual rights Rita Manchanda

Address by Chief Guest Raja Pervez Ashraf Plenary Session 9 January 2013, Lahore Report on SAFMA Imtiaz Alam Address by Chief Guest Qamar Zaman Kaira List of participants FMF Annual Progress Report Media Development, Freedom, Peace and Cooperation

The state of minorities in postwar Sri Lanka Farzana Haniffa Address by Chief Guest Her Excellency Cecilie Landsverk

Inaugural Session 6 January 2013, Amritsar

SAFMA's efforts to open minds and borders Imtiaz Alam Secretary General, SAFMA

s we come together at the Inaugural Session of the South Asian Free Media Conference to address the issue of open minds and open borders, by crossing the still restricted Attari-Wagha border and proceeding to Lahore for our closing sessions across the same border, the question that comes to our minds is, in which century do we live? Once this was an open border and the Grand Trunk Road connected Kabul with Kolkata and onwards to Dhaka. People on both sides of the border have been urging their governments to keep the borders to each other's benefit. Once Amritsar and Lahore were twin cities and Lahore, Delhi, and Dhaka were inseparable. The purpose of holding our inaugural session here and closing in Lahore was to demonstrate our desire to relish the good memories of the past, to bring back the happiness of togetherness of the peoples of South Asia. The 14th SAARC Summit (3-4 April 2007 in New Delhi) agreed to build “intraregional connectivity, particularly physical, economic and people-to-people connectivity” facilitating “smooth flow of goods, services, peoples, technologies, knowledge, capital, culture and ideas in the region”. This “connectivity” can provide the basis for economic and social

change in South Asia stuck in the obsolete paradigms of national security states or nation states and opposite to what Mahnaz Ispahani in her book Roads and rivals described as “anti-routes”. The issue of opening borders means opening routes and allowing access without barriers and restrictions and keeping borders closed means “anti-routes”. Therefore a choice has to be made by opening minds: whether we will continue to be held back behind the barbed wire of anti-route ideologies, approaches and structures, or follow the consensus reached at the 14th SAARC Summit for far greater connectivity and the opening of routes and borders.

states have been created by establishing borders that cut them off from their neighbours. Nations are often created by creating national identities in conflict with the national identities of their neighbouring nations. Borders are barriers to the movement of people and goods and provide “national security” by reason of their being “impervious”. External trade with neighbouring states breaches “national security” because it tends to link national advantage to the “connection” it creates with a threatening neighbour. If trade routes integrate regions, borders are the “anti-routes” that stand in the way. There were states that sought access and there were others that denied access and established anti-routes. Borders were the first natural anti-routes. Anti-routes are obstructions that may be physical or abstract, such as “tariff barriers” and “visa restrictions” between states. Ispahani explains: Opposing the route is what I call the anti-route—any natural or artificial constraint on access. Anti-routes may serve the same human purposes as routes. But antiroutes create pressure against movement—they limit, restrain, or “channel” it—where routes facilitate broader movement (p. 3). By extension, the theory of anti-routes can be applied to the creation of communication barriers in today's increasingly globalised world.

Conflict is still the dominant paradigm between the two major South Asian states, India and Pakistan, but separately both are successfully shifting to the paradigm of connectivity. India and Bangladesh agreed late last year to allow mutual access and routes; Pakistan is determined to create more energy-related routes to China and Tajikistan. Sooner or later the looming ecological threat to agriculture in the region and growing poverty will concentrate the South Asian mind more decisively in favour of “routes” and against the “anti-routes” of the Cold War. Inter-state conflict has marred South Asia's capacity to grow as a region. SAARC has often been called a failed idea. Looking forward, conflict looms larger on the horizon than peace. Having tired of “normalisation” and “avoidance of conflict”, many in South Asia are adopting lateral thinking based on what may be called “thesis reversal”. If the thesis is: peace leads to trade, then let us not try to build peace, which is hampered by nationalism, but start trade to produce the reverse thesis: trade leads to peace. If states find it politically impossible to resolve their bilateral disputes, let them agree to trade without changing their mutually hostile nationalisms.

Ispahani explains: A route is both a geographical and a political idea, both an end and a means. Routes create access, and access, as Jean Gottmann observes, has been a “central problem” in human history. Access in space, as Gottmann says, has been “organised at all times in history to serve political ends, and one of the major aims of politics is to regulate the conditions of access. A route may define a country or an area and make it available to the purposes of man”. According to Mahnaz Ispahani's diagnoses of state behaviour on routes,

States with demarcated boundaries are supposed to obstruct connectivity as a means of asserting their sovereignty. These barriers are not only physical but also invisible like high tariffs against the passage of goods and visa restrictions against the passage of human beings. Assertion of sovereignty is necessitated by the need to defend against perceived aggression or the need to attack. Before the concept of the state gained ground, “connectivity” was in the shape of roads that punctured isolated societies and brought them new ways of thinking and living. South Asia was part of a complex of such “silk roads”. Had there been no connectivity, the South Asian civilisation as we know it would not have come into being. Regional (cross-border) infrastructure has typically been seen as one of the major determinants of the economic integration process (Vickerman 2002). It enhances international and regional connectivity through the free flow of goods and services across borders, allowing countries to benefit from a better reallocation of resources. For example, transportation networks linking neighbouring countries enlarge market size and help national economies grow further through higher trade and production. Availability of cross-border infrastructure thus not only increases intra-regional trade and investment but also plays a pivotal role in integrating economies across the region.

South Asian merchandise trade due to the agreement on South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) is expected to greatly increase in coming years. One study estimated that intra-South-Asia trade has the potential of USD 40 billion, whereas the present volume of trade is about USD 11 billion (RIS 2008). Accompanying this trade growth will be an increase in demand of both national and international infrastructure services, for both production and consumption, and international trade purposes. A failure to respond to this demand will slow down South Asia's trade and hamper the growth process. Development of regional infrastructure, especially transportation linkages and energy pipelines, across the region will contribute to regional integration by reducing transportation costs and facilitating intra-regional trade and services. Therefore, both the hardware and software infrastructure challenges before the South Asian countries, particularly islands and those that are landlocked, require better understanding and adequate support.

Development of regional infrastructure will contribute to regional integration by reducing transportation costs and facilitating intra-regional trade and services.

Recent studies on South Asia show that countries with geographical contiguity could potentially benefit substantially from higher trade, provided infrastructure and trade costs are improved. Another set of studies indicates that, while the globalisation process results in an increase in the number of international exchanges of products and services in both extensive and intensive margins, the identification and establishment of South Asia's transportation networks (cross-border or otherwise) have become increasingly important. Nevertheless, all unequivocally call for efficient and integrated transport and logistics networks to enhance the movement of goods and services, particularly when a region has high potential in fragmented production and economic networks across borders. The need for integrated transport and logistics networks is also pressing at a time when the ongoing global financial turmoil is making it necessary for South Asian countries to strengthen their regional infrastructure networks in order to enhance regional 8

demand.

The development of regional infrastructure in South Asia has so far been limited to road and rail transportation and hydropower. While there has been a relative upsurge in cross-border overland infrastructure services in South Asia in recent years, cross-border infrastructure investment is limited to a few hydropower projects between India and Bhutan. The power trading arrangement between India and Bhutan is one of the oldest cross-border infrastructure investments in South Asia and is an outcome of a successful partnership between the two countries.

The efficiency of border corridors and land customs stations (LCSs) is an important factor for South Asia's competitiveness and its trade prospects. The present trade flow in South Asia is very uneven across border corridors. Full regional connectivity in South Asia would likely redistribute regional trade and traffic among the existing corridors. An efficient corridor is thus very important in order to maximise the benefits of full regional connectivity. Thus, the objectives of the trade facilitation measures would be to (i) constantly improve the performance of border corridors and LCSs, and (ii) eliminate the asymmetry between the LCSs pair.

Procedural complexities very often work as deterrents to trade. Customs offices in South Asia still require excessive documentation, especially for imports, which must be submitted in hard copy form. While most of these documents are standard for international trade, governments tend to add requirements that are purely local in nature. The bureaucratic response to problems and anomalies has been to introduce new procedures and documents to avoid their recurrence. This introduces a significant increase in the cost of doing business, but in many cases has little effect on the cause of the problems. Because of this complex, lethargic and primitive procedure, pilferage continues to rise. This often changes the composition and direction of trade in South Asia. The transport system in South Asian countries has been developed only in a national context, with little consideration given to cross border issues of compatibility, uniformity of standards in infrastructure and equipment design, user friendly customs and e-governance at borders. An improved services quality in customs at borders will strengthen the competitiveness of goods and services being traded across South Asia. Nonetheless, the performance of LCSs and border corridors will be contingent upon full regional transit in South Asia.

Transit is an intrinsic element of any cross-border movement of goods and vehicles, and exercises significant influence on national economies. Among the major causes of high trade transaction costs in South Asia are its cumbersome and complex cross-border trading practices, which also increase the possibility of corruption. Goods carried by road in South Asia are subject to transhipment at the borders, which is a serious impediment to regional and multilateral trade. This position is further compounded by lack of harmonisation of technical standards. The foremost critical factor prohibiting South Asia from achieving full regional connectivity is the absence of regional transit trade. Unlike the European Union, South Asia does not have regional transit arrangements although partial transit exists for landlocked countries like Afghanistan, Bhutan and Nepal. Given the region's emergence as a free trade area in 2006, following the SAFTA agreement, regional transit facilities will help South Asian countries to achieve the potential benefits of moving into an effective free trade regime. Therefore, transit is one of the central challenges facing South Asia. Unlocking South Asia's trade potential is a daunting task. The need for a better enabling environment for trade that offers lower trade costs has gained momentum in all of Asia. However, a favourable regional climate to create a seamless infrastructure to operate in its full potential is missing in South Asia. Because of this, the agenda of South Asian regional cooperation has to go beyond “policy” barriers and include “non-policy” barriers like regional connectivity both in its hardware (transport corridors) and software (facilitation of the movement of goods and vehicles across borders). A scrutiny of sub-regional programmes across the world clearly shows that most of them have now undertaken exclusive projects to improve sub-regional connectivity (ADBI 2009). To realise the potential of these sub-regional networks, we may have to integrate them with panAsian arteries such as the Asian Highway and Trans Asian Highway, or those initiated by the United Nations Economic and Social

Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP) and Asian Development Bank (ADB). Therefore, in order to promote seamless connectivity in South Asia, the primary challenging task is twofold: first, to integrate the different transport corridors and modes (railways, roads, air, and maritime shipping) which will facilitate the movement of goods and services in South Asia and beyond and second, to overcome institutional constraints and bottlenecks that are deteriorating regional competitiveness by making trade expensive.

operational, dual carriageway, and an integral part of the old Sher Shah Suri Road or Grand Trunk Road. The opening of the route would mark a revival of the old linkages existing in South Asia dating back to the British period and before. Therefore, the Afghanistan–Pakistan–India– Bangladesh–Myanmar (APIBM) Economic Corridor, which is meant to make every country in South Asia a transport hub for trade in the broader region, deserves high priority for operationalisation.

South Asia has entered the second era of regional integration. The next stage is to achieve customs and economic union in the coming years. To unleash the trade potential of South Asian countries and realise the benefits of full regional connectivity, the prime objective of the South Asian regional cooperation should be to improve national and international infrastructure. Perhaps we need to focus more on regional infrastructure that enhances regional connectivity. The objective of regional cooperation in the present context would be to achieve an integrated South Asia. There is high potential for cooperation

The importance of the APIBM economic corridor is not only for trade it would facilitate investment in the infrastructure sector in South Asia. It would also bring rich rewards for bordering regions. It could transform Pakistan and Afghanistan into hubs for India's trade with Iran, Middle East and Central Asia although this would need upgrading of infrastructure and LCSs at Afghanistan's border with the Central Asian countries (Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan). Similarly, Bangladesh could become a hub for India's trade with Myanmar and other Southeast Asian countries, besides serving as a transit for India's NER. Myanmar itself could become a transit hub for India's trade with other ASEAN countries. Sri Lanka is already well placed to become a maritime hub in South Asia with a lot of India's trade transhipped through the port of Colombo. Apart from transit revenues, there are huge gains associated with energy conservation due to transit and efficient use of resources.

The APIBM corridor could transform Pakistan and Afghanistan into hubs for India's trade with Iran, Middle East and Central Asia. in the infrastructure sector in South Asia, as highlighted below. The vision of a borderless South Asia can be achieved only by setting in place integrated overland connectivity and associated soft infrastructure at the borders. All the pending proposals for transit across the subcontinent have to be approached with an open and positive mind. Integration of the transport network of South Asia is especially crucial to landlocked countries such as Nepal and Bhutan and regions such as the northeast region (NER) of India as this could serve to end their landlocked or semi-isolated status and provide shorter transport and transit links. A regional overland road link from Kabul to Yangon via Dhaka could be revived for regional trade with some effort. If we reopen the cross-border linkages, a distance of about 5,272 km from Kabul to Yangon via Lahore, Delhi, Kolkata, Dhaka and India's NER could be covered in about 12 days. A major part of the Kabul–Dhaka corridor is a domestically 10

The network of linkages exists in some form or other. New projects are also being planned to fill the missing links and strengthen the network. These include cross-border development projects such as the upgrading of the Tamu (Manipur)–Kalewa–Kalemyo road, and the Rhi–Tiddim and Rhi–Falam roads along the border in Mizoram; the upgrading of the Jiribam (Manipur)–Imphal–Moreh road, and integration with the BIMSTEC Trilateral Highway; the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transport Project, which links Mizoram with the Arakan province in Myanmar and provides, in the form of the historic port of Sittwe (Akyab), among others. This APIBM corridor would be Asia's new silk route, linking Central Asia and East Asia, where South Asia is the land bridge and would be a vital corridor for expanded trade and transportation. An Indian study recommended the building of a network of 6,540-km railroad, 11,844-km road corridors, 10 ports, two inland waterways running into 2,757km, 16 airports, 10 regional roads and five rail corridors, considered crucial for Nepal, Bhutan and north-east India. Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh proposed the “immediate construction of over 2,000 km of highways from

Lahore to Agartala” passing through Delhi, Kolkata and Dhaka. His second corridor was to run from Kathmandu to Kolkata/Haldia (1,323 km), passing through Birgunj. Other corridors included the 1,362-km Kathmandu–Mongla/Chittagong road, the 906-km Samdrup–Jongkhar–Kolkata road and the 227-km Agartala–Akhaura– Chittagong road He wanted better connectivity between Bangladesh and northeast India. Pakistan was advised to agree to connecting Nepal with Pakistan, after enhancement of the 2,643 km Kathmandu–Nepalganj–New Delhi–Lahore–Karachi road, while other networks on offer were the 966-km Thimphu–Chittagong road and the 663 km Kathmandu–Lucknow road. He also wanted India linked to Myanmar with a road through Bangladesh. Connectivity means roads, railways, water courses, gas pipelines, and electricity lines that cross frontiers otherwise lined with armies to prevent their violation at great national cost. The strategist may still think that “blocking” is a source of leverage, as opposed to “letting pass” which the economist insists gives advantage even in an environment of conflict. “Median states” like Afghanistan and Pakistan giving access to Central Asia can enhance their power by allowing access. The strategist backing “anti-routes” against connectivity is being gradually proven wrong because of the failure of the median state to achieve its objectives through “obstruction”.

importing Tajik electricity. In President Zardari's view Pakistan was so strategically located that it could become the hub of trade and commerce in the region. Road links between the two countries through Afghanistan will give Tajikistan access to the sea through the Pakistani sea ports. He added that the opening up of road links was critical to bringing the countries of the region closer and for increasing trade and people-to-people contact for the economic and social benefit of all countries. He got experts to finalise a pre-feasibility study of the 1,300 km-long road and 1,000 km-long power transmission line connecting Pakistan with Tajikistan and Central Asia through the Durrah Pass. Pakistan and Afghanistan signed a memorandum of understanding (MOU) in Washington in May 2009 “to begin talks on a transit trade agreement which will ultimately allow India to use the Wahga-Khyber route for trade with Kabul”. The two countries have now approved the transit agreement. In December 2009, Bangladesh under the Awami League government, a year after coming to power somewhat like the ruling-PPP in Pakistan tried to break out of a similar “security bind” vis-à-vis India resulting in agreements on security co-operation, on Bangladesh's purchase of electricity from India and on the creation of transport links across a common 4,100km (2,500-mile) border. In the past, Bangladesh has been refusing clearly economically

In Central Asia too the opening up of the old “silk roads” is taking time. China has embarked on a new strategy of avoiding “infiltrated conflict”, not by setting up anti-routes or firming up the borders, but by enhancing connectivity through trade, roads and gas pipelines. Pakistan's strategist had given ground to the economist by not attaching conditionalities to the Iran–Pakistan–India (IPI) gas pipeline when it suddenly became feasible in the 1990s. It is another matter that the IPI is still in the doldrums after India got out of it. Yet in the case of the Turkmenistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan–India (TAPI) gas pipeline the strategist should beat a retreat as TAPI becomes feasible according to recent reports. Roads and electricity lines linking Tajikistan to Afghanistan and Pakistan may become a reality, bringing resource-rich Central Asia closer to energy-hungry, fast-growing South Asia. President Asif Ali Zardari, on 23 October 2009, said that Pakistan would like to build trade and energy corridors with Central Asia for the development of the entire region. He planned to build a power line 11

advantageous projects with India on “political bases”. The cooperation between Bangladesh and India following the completion of transport links could transform Bangladesh. Full economic integration with India could raise Bangladesh's average rate of economic growth from 6% to 8%, estimates Farooq Sobhan, the president of the Bangladesh Enterprise Institute, a Dhaka think-tank. Now, says Mr Sobhan, for the first time, there is agreement that unresolved problems should not stand in the way of things that can be done”. In the post-Cold war period, profound changes are taking place in Asia, which will allow it to take centre-stage for the first time in modern history. In the next 25 years, Asia will have the two largest economies of the world, with China in first place, followed by India as the world's third-largest economic power. In the South Asian context, the region as a whole could become the hub of the secondlargest economy, leaving even the US behind. With China bordering four states of the Subcontinent, China and South Asia together could become the largest economic regional grouping with no comparable rival. The centre of economic gravity will, for the first time, tilt in favour of South Asia, should China also join this grouping. Consequently, the dynamic of current globalisation that favours the more developed countries of the West will turn to serve Asia. But are we prepared for the role that this century will assign us? Skeptics who live in the

past may drag their feet, but there is an historic opportunity to be grasped by those who see history moving to their side. As the most contiguous region of the world, and one that shares a common history and similar cultures, South Asia has less baggage to shed than Europe or the Far East. South Asia is now booming with the ideas of regional cooperation, as reflected by a wide range of research work by academics, think tanks, universities and the South Asian Journal and its virtual think-tank, the South Asian Policy Analysis (SAPANA) Network. Significant sections of intelligentsia, economists, experts, journalists and peace activists have begun to take a holistic approach towards the collective good of the region as they increasingly find nation-state-centric and security-centered approaches inconsistent with the interest of over 1.6 billion people. The road to evolving a South Asian fraternity is quite easy, if viewed purely from our people's viewpoint, ecological harmony; it is far more complicated, if taken from the perspective of bureaucratic establishments or merchants of hate. Indeed there are disputes, and there have been wars, that hinder progress towards our real goals of freeing our people from the yoke of poverty and backwardness. But there can be no cause greater than the emancipation and progress of our people. Conflict over disputes must give way to reconciliation and resolution that must at the same time allow, rather than hinder, connectivity, openness and regional cooperation to address the demands of our common destiny. The lines of conflicts must change into the bridges of friendship and iron-barred borders must melt before the desire of South Asians to become a fraternal and indivisible community of people with nation states submitting to the larger regional cause of swimming together. Steps can be simultaneously taken towards a South Asian Free Trade Area, South Asian union (water/energy/communication /information/tourism/economic), South Asian currency, South Asian parliament and South Asian collective security. However, to take a leap forward, there will have to be no hegemon, nor a ganging up by the small against the big. A new paradigm of equitable partnership must evolve to reshape our relations. The landmark agreements reached at the 12th SAARC Summit in Islamabad have spurred efforts to collectively tackle the real issues faced by people while meeting the demands of globalization and the WTO regime at the regional level. The agreement on South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) requires effective implementation, expanding the space

for trade and, more importantly, economic collaboration and development. If South Asia's economies are to be integrated, it presupposes development of transnational infrastructure and monetary cooperation involving greater coordination among the governments and central banks. Despite limited complementarities in trade-able items, due to similar comparative advantages, expansion of trade warrants the vertical and horizontal integration of industries and investment in joint ventures by public and private sectors. However, trade and investment will not move ahead unless tariffs are lowered, the negative list kept to a minimum, para and non-tariff barriers removed and standards harmonized. This will, subsequently, translate into a South Asian customs union which may lead to a common exchange rate policy that will, eventually, result in adopting a South Asian currency underwritten by macro-economic management at the regional level. Nothing will be achieved if we do not open our minds to each other and allow connectivity and routes to flourish unhindered. Cooperation in the information, communication and transport sectors envisages an integrated transport trans-regional infrastructure that allows the uninterrupted flow of information, people, goods, skills, capital and service across and beyond our region. Increasingly, governments and concerned institutions are realizing the necessity of addressing the acute shortage of energy and water, and the incidence of drought and floods that often brings misery to people and states into conflict. The distribution and management of water resources, though a highly divisive issue among the upper and lower riparian regions, needs to be undertaken amicably in the spirit of riparian rights without depriving the lower riparian regions of their due. In this regard, energy cooperation should evolve into a South Asian energy grid with integrated electricity and gas systems. Gas and oil pipelines, electricity transmission lines along with highways and railways could run from Central Asia and Iran, through Pakistan and Afghanistan to all of South Asia and extending to Southeast Asia. Given its low rate of investment to GDP ratio, South Asia must create an attractive environment for investment in high value-added manufacturing lines and trans-regional projects, communication and trans-regional networks. Enhanced investment flows, both from within and outside the region, would culminate in production facilities located across the region through integrated production systems. Shares of both national and regional companies could be quoted on our stock exchanges as capital moves without hindrance across national boundaries to underwrite investment in any part of our region through

a South Asian development bank. However, economic cooperation, investment, development of transnational physical infrastructure, transportation, communication, energy grid, equitable sharing of water and efforts at poverty alleviation will not produce tangible results unless the concerns of least developed countries (LDCs) are genuinely addressed, the negative list is minimized, tariffs are substantially brought down and non-tariff and para-tariff barriers lifted. Moreover, economies must be gradually opened up with recourse to an investment-trade linkage that takes care of trade deficits between partners through investment flows and capital accounts, and the vertical and horizontal integration of industries that benefit from relative advantages and economies of scale. To realize this immense economic transformation, interstate and intrastate conflicts and attendant security threats and perceptions of political hostility will have to be addressed without holding back regional connectivity and cooperation in any way. The main obstacle to regional cooperation and economic integration remains political and strategic. The prevailing barriers to cross-border movements make neither commercial nor logistical sense and originate in the pathologies of interstate, as well as domestic, politics. Therefore, the political leadership in the countries of South Asia, whether in government or opposition, must show courage, flexibility and statesmanship to resolve interstate and intrastate conflicts and dismantle political barriers to regional economic takeoff and elimination of the scourge of poverty. They should escape the straitjacket of enmity and look beyond traditional notions of security and to focus on integrated South Asian cooperative security that recognizes the interdependence that binds South Asia. States ought to act in their enlightened self-interest to resolve their conflicts and differences through peaceful means and to the mutual benefit of our people. The choice is often, erroneously, posed between regional cooperation and conflict resolution. We urge all states to simultaneously move forward to address long-standing political disputes and intensify economic cooperation and people-to-people contact. Beyond cooperative security, South Asian nations must ultimately move towards South Asian human security by placing people – their well being and rights to a peaceful life and development – at the centre of security concerns, rather than continuing with the arms race. To include the excluded, the governments of South Asia take concrete steps to implement the SAARC Social Charter and give priority to poverty eradication. It is imperative that they also agree to a South Asian human rights code, set up

institutions under the Paris Principles and purposefully set about creating the required mechanisms. There is an urgent need to allow greater interaction among policymakers, parliamentarians, the business community, media practitioners, professionals and leaders of civil society. To enable this, it is necessary that India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, who have the most restrictive visa regimes, drastically revise their visa policies and remove impediments to the free movement of people. The recent visa protocol signed between India and Pakistan, though a positive development, reflects how restrained the two establishments are. To overcome the information deficit on the countries, it is essential that all restrictions on access to and free flow of information are removed forthwith and media persons and products are allowed free movement across frontiers. In this regard we refer to SAFMA's protocols on 'Free Movement of Media Persons and Media Products' and 'Freedom of Information' which must be adopted by the national legislatures/governments and at the next SAARC summit. The media, on their part, should give special attention to coverage of the countries of South Asia that remain under-reported. Similarly, scholars and researchers should be freed from visa restrictions and allowed to undertake joint research in every conceivable field. In order to move towards a seamless South Asia, a comprehensive approach is needed to address physical infrastructure issues, including roads, rail, inland waterways, maritime transport, dry ports, airports, seaports, and information and communication technology, as well as non-physical soft infrastructure issues, including cross-border transit facilitation measures, customs clearance and other facilitating polices and regulations. Addressing these issues requires collaborative efforts among Asian countries, multilateral development banks, UN agencies, intergovernmental organisations, bilateral donor agencies, private sectors and professional associations. In particular, high-level policy direction and commitments are important for providing mutually beneficial regional transport infrastructure and services in the region and beyond. In this regard, a commonly agreed strategic regional transport policy and an associated plan are needed to facilitate closer cooperation and achieve an integrated South Asia. The trade and income gains of large economies in South Asia, such as India, by rebuilding South Asia's transportation infrastructure and associated software, will be substantial in absolute value. However, the gain of smaller economies will be proportionally large compared to their economic sizes. Now is the time 14

for South Asia to further enhance its economic integration process, setting in place an improved regional infrastructure and extending support to capacity building in smaller and vulnerable economies in the region. Reducing trade costs and facilitating transit are key approaches to achieving a more inclusive growth through trade, i.e., one that will reduce the gap between the economic core and the outer periphery of each of the South Asian economies. Doing so will encourage economic activity at and across borders, eventually generating employment through industrialisation as well as benefiting the poor of the border areas and landlocked countries. However, governments will also need to provide adequate education and capacitybuilding opportunities for the people living in such areas so that they can effectively engage in trade. The rise of trade as a share of national output is inevitable in the era of globalisation. Attempting to resist this process by keeping cross-border trade costly and congested will merely escalate poverty and strengthen inefficient rent-seeking informal economies to dominate border areas and landlocked countries. The ongoing global economic slowdown and its adverse effect on trade may escalate poverty and lead to the further rise of informal economies in border areas and landlocked countries. Therefore, South Asian countries need to make coordinated efforts to integrate their border areas and landlocked economies with an export-led growth process in order to effectively tackle the risks of globalisation. The scope of collaboration in the sphere of culture, sports, tourism, education, research, human resource development, poverty alleviation and environment is infinite. Let a South Asian fraternity defy all restrictions imposed by the past and usher in a new era in which our people can become the masters of their destiny while contributing tremendously to the progress of all of humanity regardless of geography, ethnicity, nationhood, gender, creed and color. Let us put together our collective wisdom to evolve a South Asian vision and join hands to evolve a South Asian fraternity. (This paper is based on the special issue of South Asian Journal (27), Khaled Ahmed's article on Connectivity: Why the resistance to roads, Prabhir De's article Towards a seamless South Asia, vision and tasks ahead, Mahnaz Ispahani's book Roads and rivals: the politics of access in the borderlands Asia and my own article Evolving a South Asian fraternity.

Address by Chief Guest Salman Khurshid Cabinet Minister for External Affairs, Government of India

he best way to communicate between ordinary people is the voice and expression of ordinary people, and that is through the media. The journalists of our region are indeed the voice of South Asia's people and what you can accomplish, many of us who sit in official positions are probably not going to able to do so. We will but follow in your footsteps. You will break the ice, and we will enjoy the pleasure of drinking water to address the thirst that we have all felt for greater collaboration and closeness in our region. I am coming back to SAFMA after many years but it is good to see two things. One is that its aspirations and demands have not changed considerably. The other is that despite many of your demands not having been fulfilled over the years, the strength of SAFMA remains intact, and that you have not given up hope that change will come. You have spoken of having participation and full benefit of the new visa regime which I think between India and Pakistan is a massive and very important step that we have taken forward in the two countries and I think it is very clear that we all accept that not all problems can be resolved overnight. There are many problems that are so deepseated and are of such a complicated nature that we accept that they will take a long time,

perhaps even generations, to be resolved. But while those issues do not find an easy resolution, there is no reason why things we can do together and the friendships we can build upon, and the steps that we can take towards our ultimate destination should be retarded or prevented in any form. As far as your visas are concerned, I was impressed at the spontaneous applause in the audience, and I felt like saying, mian biwi raazi, to kya kare ga qazi (â&#x20AC;&#x153;if husband and wife are amenable, why should an outsider object?â&#x20AC;?). If journalists on all sides are in agreement that they should be able to travel easily, and that we should expand the visa regime between India and Pakistan, I think the potential for expanding the visa regime and making it more convenient is already writ large in the visa regime that we have inaugurated in the visit of the home minister in recent weeks. The logic of that visa regime can be taken forward. I will take this up as a personal effort and convince my colleagues and such other people that we need to convince and find an answer. It can't be said better than what our prime minister said at Addu City in the Maldives at the last SAARC Leaders Summit, and I would like to repeat his words because I do believe they speak stirringly of our commitment to what you are all gathered here to celebrate, to

fortify, and to advance. I quote the prime minister as having said, I sense today a collective commitment and desire to give greater meaning and content to SAARC. Admittedly, there is a lot to be done, but the political will is there.

one of the most wonderful efforts that could have been made by any segment of society, and certainly by the segment of society that you represent. I also want to emphasize a growing possibility of a dimension of our relationship that is represented by cricket. I know there are controversies; there are people in our country who could not understand why we were playing cricket with Pakistan. We are playing cricket with Pakistan because we believe that cricket is another way of communicating. Cricket is another way of reaching out. Cricket is another way of showing your determination to participate in extreme competition without rancor, bitterness, or hostility.

We have all come to believe in the commitment of the people of our countries. We have been emphasizing people-to-people contact. The cutting edge, the leading process of people-to-people contact is the voice of the people—the journalists of the SAARC region. The more often you meet and the closer your bonds, the friendships you create among yourselves will be a lasting tribute to our generation in our attempt to bring about in the world a very special region that has something it can be proud of, something it can contribute in a major way to the world of the twenty-first century, and something we owe to generations to come. The commonality that we have in the South Asian region needs to be transferred in a fortified manner to succeeding generations. Therefore, media connectivity for us becomes very important.

Similarly, there are other areas of government-to-government cooperation and outreach for the SAARC region. The establishment of the SAARC Development Fund (SDF) is an outstanding step that we have taken, and India is making a voluntary contribution of 100 million dollars to the social window of the SDF for projects outside India to all our neighboring countries and friendly partners and not in India alone.

The attempts that have been made by different segments of society, particularly between Bangladesh and India, India and Pakistan, India and Bhutan, India and Nepal, India and the Maldives, India and Sri Lanka, people-to-people contact is in each case of a specific context, a specific flavor, and a specific nature. But there are many commonalities, and efforts such as Aman ki Asha is

The establishment of the South Asian University is a repository and live laboratory for what we can do on a 24/7 basis, which can only be in a university. Of course, we must share faculties in existing universities in our countries. We must cross-fertilize the intellectual output and content of universities that exist, but a special university where we all gather together periodically or as

permanent faculty is something that the South Asian University holds out as a great promise, and we are happy that we have been able to provide a home for it in New Delhi. There is the creation of the South Asia Forum for the generation of debate, discussion, the exchange of ideas, and the future development of South Asia—something that happens here at SAFMA's forum—but on a broader scale. You are more focused on the manner in which the media sees developments take place and take them forward, but the South Asia Forum provides this extra dimension. Connectivity needs to be promoted. The declaring of 2010-20 as the decade of intraregional connectivity in SAARC cannot overemphasize intra-SAARC connectivity because this connectivity will then provide further connectivity to ASEAN and on the other side to the Central Asian region. Therefore, we in SAARC will become a bridge between Central Asia and Southeast Asia—two extremely important areas, both of manufacture, trade, and energy. Promoting trade linkages will be done with the full implementation of SAFTA. There are difficulties but we are moving forward. As far as what we owe to Amritsar—a city of enormous heritage and great spirituality, and also a city that can be the gateway between two important trading partners and neighbors—India has already provided duty-free access to goods from the least-developed countries (LDCs) of SAARC from January 2008. This was done one year ahead of target and we will continue to take the same position. We hope that the MFN agreed between us and Pakistan will come into operation very soon.

India has contributed over US 550 million dollars to SAARC for the socioeconomic development of the region. This is where our own people have to understand that India has economic strength, India has the size of its market, and India has the size of its population. This is the greatest contribution that we can make to SAARC. It should not be seen as a disadvantage, it should be seen as an advantage. For smaller countries in the SAARC region—and I go to the smallest countries, being Bhutan and the Maldives, which we should not see as being small countries in our region but countries that have special strength, because what they offer India is friendship and camaraderie. Their small populations or small markets must not been seen as a disadvantage, they must be seen as an advantage. It should be a total picture that we see of the region rather than the picture of a large country and small countries. We must learn that it is in our interest and indeed an imperative that all of us together can succeed, and without being together we will not succeed.

In September 2010, we ratified the SAARC Agreement on Trade and Services, which is, for the economies of our region, the most important dimension of contribution to GDP, services which include tourism, outsourcing, and many of the traditional growing and sunrise areas in the services sector. We have had an increasing level of coordination at the ministerial level in the areas of finance, environment, security, agriculture, food security, education, science and technology. There is of course the importance of the grassroots level—people-to-people contact. Since the 14th Summit,

It is important that we look forward to the day when we will truly visit each other in a manner in which you visit a neighbor. I look forward to the day the foreign minister will have breakfast in one country, lunch in the second country, and dinner in the third country. I look forward to the day when all our airlines, even when we are flying domestic, will announce that we have a cabin crew that represents the languages and culture of all the SAARC countries. These are not just symbolic gestures but substantive ways of connecting and bonding together. I have the greatest regard for the journalists of all the countries of the SAARC region because I believe that democracy is incomplete without the voice of the people represented by journalism. There is no commitment to free journalism and free media if you cannot accept that a large part of that is accepting dissent and disagreement with the government of the day. Just as the opposition's job is to oppose, the media's job is to question, and the media must question. But all of us belong to a culture in which we know that questions can be asked in many ways. Questions can be asked in humorous ways, gentle ways, probing ways, in a manner that upsets one, in aggressive ways. The importance is not of the

media's right to question, it is important that you question in the right way. You question in a manner that you take forward a national agenda and aspiration rather than put question marks all around and confuse everybody in a manner that we lose our own way. Politicians will come and go, governments will come and go, but the media will remain. You are permanent features of democracy, and as permanent features of democracy, you have a great responsibility. You may not be elected, but you are endorsed by the people who read and hear what you say, and your endorsement becomes clear in many ways. You do not have to have an official agency to tell you that what you are saying is the voice of the people or that you are applauded or approved of by a large number of people. You know yourself what approbation is and what applause is, and you know what it is to be recognized as media icons in our countries. Therefore, it is very important that, while we as public figures realize our responsibility, you also realize your responsibility. We are not to judge you any more than you judge us. We are not to direct you any more than you direct us. But as two important pillars of democracy and human endeavor, it is important that we speak to each other and not at each other. That is not asking for too much. There are many ways in which you can speak and persuade, and succeed in creating relationships. If we cannot create relationships, and you cannot help us create relationships in our respective countries, you are hardly going to be able to do it internationally on a larger scale for the entire region. The role model for how you become consensus builders and institutional contributors to the good life is one that will have to be assembled domestically and then raised to a higher level so that it can be taken to the level of the region. The very fact that the cream of the journalists of the region have gathered here, that you have a sustained commitment to working together, enhancing cultural bonds, and diluting the differences that exist for one reason or another between our countries make you a very important part of our vision.

Address by Guest of Honor Parkash Singh Badal Chief Minister of Punjab, Government of India

s you all know, Punjab is now a small state. Earlier, when Pakistan and India were one, Punjab was one of the country's largest states, ranging from Peshawar to Delhi, but due to Partition and again due to the reorganization of the state, it is now a very small state. The population of Punjab is 2.5 percent but I am very proud that it fulfils the country's food needs. Fifty percent of the food grains required by the country are produced by Punjab. It is also the sword of the country. I studied in Lahore for four years, and am among the last batch of (prePartition) graduates of the Forman Christian College. I still remember Anarkali

and Mall Road and other places. I cannot forget them, and when I was listening to the other speakers, all those scenes came back to my mind. Those who have not seen Lahore have not lived. As the External Affairs Minister has said, he looks forward to the day when he can have breakfast in one country, lunch in the second country, and dinner in the third. For Punjab, it will be easierâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;we would like to be able to go to Lahore and have a good meal and come back. I request the External Affairs Minister not to delay removing these walls between the two countries and allow people to go from one country to the other country with any difficulty. I am sure that this mission will be resolved because the most powerful peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the journalistsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;are sitting here. Anything that you can do, nobody else can do. SAFMA has been recognized as an associate body by SAARC. It is very significant that this conference is being held in the holy city of Amritsar, which is a symbol of the values of the freedom of the human spirit, peace, and brotherhood. These are also the values that inspire SAFMA. This city is a lighthouse for the whole world. We often talk about secularism and socialism. These are the two main things that every country in the world talks about, and India is also on this path, but the real

secularism starts from Amritsar and Darbar Sahib. The Golden Temple is not only a religious place for Sikhs or Punjabis, it is for all humanity. The foundation stone of Harmandir Sahib was laid by Mian Mir. Darbar Sahib has four gates (symbolizing its openness to all people and religions), and if you eat at the langar (kitchen), the socialism and secularism will inspire you. The name SAFMA is very appropriate because it is not possible to think of a media that is not free. But practically, sometimes, things are different. Now the major expense of an election is media-related, which was not previously part of a candidate's expenditure. I am particularly glad that you have set regional cooperation among member countries as your goal. Punjab is the biggest support of the removal of trade and cultural barriers between different countries, especially between India and Pakistan. In politics, we say that man is selfish by nature, and both sides of Punjab cannot progress unless there is free trade between sides. You have also helped in promoting an environment of peace, understanding,

and international cooperation. You have made a mark in spreading awareness of unity among the SAARC countries through a series of media events and conferences. The Indo-Pakistan, Punjab-Punjab, and Kashmir-Kashmir exchanges organized by SAFMA have led to increased contact and understanding among people divided by Partition. SAFMA has also made a remarkable contribution to developing journalism, highlighting the issues and problems of the people of these nations. You have brought together not just journalists, but leaders, parliamentarians, and experts from these countries. The process of confidence building between India and Pakistan was helped greatly by SAFMA. SAFMA has also advocated setting up a South Asian economic and parliamentary union, which could lead to a union along the lines of the European Union. India and Pakistan could play a leading role in this task. Both countries have made some progress in this direction, such as opening the Attari-Wagha border for trade, although the scale of trade needs to be increased. Efforts need to be made to open a second trade link through the Husaniwala border. I ask SAFMA to impress upon the national governments of India and Pakistan the importance of a direct corridor from Dera Baba Nanak to Shri Kartarpur Sahib.

Session II: The media's role in peace and cooperation 6 January 2013, Amritsar Moderator: Jyoti Malhotra (freelance journalist, India)

You have stuck to your task and followed your goals fearlessly. This is especially true for the India and Pakistan members. For our part, I assure you that, in the future, the state government will take up the matter of unrestricted visas for journalists with the Government of India to allow the free movement of media persons across South Asia. I stand for free exchange at the people-to-people level between India and Pakistan, and I am sure that the deliberations here will be as constructive and fruitful as they have been in the past.

Trends in world media Bertrand Pecquerie CEO, Global Editors Network, France

here have been tectonic shifts in our responsibilities as journalists, comprising five elements: (i) data journalism, (ii) live blogging, (iii) mobile communication, (iv) post-industrial journalism, and (v) robot news.

pressure from citizens. As journalists, you will need data, but you will need to work with different people, e.g., developers and engineers. Data journalism is the outcome of common work and skills, such as ProPublica.

How has technology changed our jobs? Take the example of “drone journalism”. Apart from military purposes, there is a civil use for drones, which can be used by journalists. At the moment, three organizations are experimenting with the use of drones—Fairfax ABC in Australia, BBC in the UK, and CNN in the US—to cover demonstrations, sporting events, etc., in remote areas. Although the use of drones in journalism does give rise to cost issues, ethical issues of privacy, and legal issues of use, the main barrier to their use is not cost or technology but people's mind-set.

Live blogging and mobile communication. This technology allows journalists to cooperate such that you can have several people covering the same event from different points through the day, while people follow them through different social media, and interact with them live from the site of the event being covered, i.e., crowd sourcing. When you cover such an event, you need such discussion. In addition, Smartphones now allow one to develop live timelines of such events, as opposed to articles with a beginning, a middle, and an end. This has led to the development of a new storytelling method.

Data journalism. Public government data and open data from companies and NGOs represent a very large, new stock of information, which, currently, nobody knows how to manage. At the beginning of 2013, there were only 1,000 data journalists worldwide, although by 2020, we expect this number to rise to 50,000. Citizens are asking their governments to open up public data, which has worked well in some countries, e.g., Norway and the US, but not in the rest of the world. It is a question of the openness of governments and

Post-industrial journalism. We are used to working in an industry comprising largely mass media and large media houses. While these will remain, the importance of smaller media outlets and individual online publishers will grow, raising the question, are readers loyal to a brand or they loyal to an individual journalist? For the last two centuries, readers have been loyal to the brand, but this is changing because readers now want opinions, and journalists have begun to take over the brands and content is being unbundled. In

some countries, however, media houses have set up “incubators” to allow their most talented journalists to develop their own ideas rather than lose them. Thus, the aim is to develop not only the brand, but also activities around the brand. Robot news. While today, news is produced by humans, tomorrow it may be produced by robots. At Northwestern University in the US, the company Narrative Science produced a trial news project for the Chicago Tribune two years ago, although the project was later cancelled. The concept works by entering data into an Excel-style sheet, which the Semantic Web converts into news. The individual entering the data may not be a journalist but a student or a layperson. The question is, what value does this add to journalism? One

argument is that it gives journalists more time to spend on analysis rather than news reporting. With time, more people will consume more news from more platforms. The old model of a “one-stop shop”—reading one newspaper or watching one news channel—is dead. With this, the press will also lose its political and social agenda setting function to citizens who are likely to act in their personal interest. This will become one of the main challenges to democracy, and journalists must remain defenders of the public interest. The second challenge is posed by the growth of public relations firms: when firms issue press releases that journalists may not have time to investigate, this compromises the quality of journalism.

The media and peace-building Mohammad Waseem Professor of political science, Lahore University of Management Sciences, Pakistan

regional politics. In Pakistan, much as in India, the official view continues to direct intellectual discourse in this regard even as some critical input is often visible.

There are, however, formidable challenges on the way to peace. First, Indo-Pakistan diplomacy has drawn on the ideological foundations rooted in the agenda and implementation of Partition. Second, while the media in the two countries has developed a critical perspective on social, political and economic issues at home, it has practiced self-censorship on foreign policy. The establishment's perspective provides the master frame for coverage of news and expression of views about international and

Nonetheless, the passing of two generations after Partition has led to a gradual decline in the collective memory of the Hindu and Sikh atrocities perpetrated on Muslims projected as 'sacrifices' on the way to freedom (as a mirror image of the perceived Muslim atrocities in the reverse direction remembered in India). After the creation of Bangladesh in 1971, Pakistan turned its back on India and looked toward the Middle East. It became embroiled in Afghanistan and beyond in Central Asia. Thus, the transition of a generation was accompanied by a transition in the region. After 9/11, the country's latent anti-Indian-ism has been overtaken by a strident anti-Americanism, except for the war hysteria that followed the 2008 Mumbai attacks. The new peace initiative between the two countries in 2012 comes four years after Mumbai and two years after the beginning of dialogues and the recent move toward a liberal visa regime. This is the time for the media in both countries to move away from “war journalism” to “peace journalism”, from a dichotomous perspective rooted in a zerosum game expressed through

he third generation of the political leadership and the media after Partition presents a strong case for tipping the balance in favour of the peaceprone vector as opposed to the war-prone vector. This observation draws on three factors. First, the persistently high point of insecurity in Pakistan engendered by wars and extended periods of non-peace has come down to a latent antipathy towards India. Second, the media in Pakistan has now acquired a substantial influence over the process of agenda setting at home. It can, given the will and courage, churn out the means and goals of peace making across the border. Third, the 2012 Indo-Pakistan agreements on liberalization of trade and the visa regime represent a meaningful start for building peace.

personalization and dramatization of the new to a de-polarization of the regional understanding. For its part, the media in Pakistan needs to commit to news coverage that is framed in a context of engagement, not disengagement, with society across the border in educational, cultural, commercial, diplomatic, scientific, and artistic pursuits. This involves a conscious and conscientious move away from ·

Arena-ization', i.e., considering the Subcontinent an arena for a fight-out.

Other-ization', i.e., making the adversary into a different species through dehumanization. Predestination-ism, i.e., believing that one's nation is on its way to becoming a formidable actor on the international stage in political, economic, or civilizational terms.

Accordingly, the media cannot pursue the agenda of peace in altruistic terms. It cannot keep the momentum if it cherishes peace for the sake of peace. The media must argue for peace for what it is worth, as initiator of development and prosperity, and as an incentive for integrated growth necessary for operating in a world of regional blocs. In practical terms, the journalist community of Pakistan must combat insularity at home and cultivate accommodation and respect abroad. The peace movement must move beyond the deification of one's own state and the anthropomorphisation of the other state as a bully or a thorn in one's side. Both aspects of the peace agenda, i.e., the tendency of the war-prone vector to consume the available human energy by straitjacketing the national vision and its reductionist dichotomization of IndoPakistan relations fall squarely in the domain of political discourse, and therefore in the operational dynamics of the media.

diplomatic discourse by focusing on non-contentious issues, which would contribute enormously to promoting trade and intellectual exchange. The two countries could address issues such as terrorism, smuggling of narcotics and other merchandize and human trafficking far more effectively if the media were to adopt them as important issues. Information and analysis about India must be couched in the new frame of engagement rather than the old frame of disengagement. This requires at least a conscious attempt to grow beyond the cult of predestinationism, i.e. the belief that this nation is strategically, geographically and civilizationally destined to become a formidable actor on the regional scene be it the endgame in Afghanistan in 2014 or a showdown with India on that issue. The media must deal with the peace agenda by transforming the discourse to shape policy more realistically. All this needs journalists on both sides to adopt a strategy that moves from “arming” themselves by the conflict discourse to “disarming” others across the fence through constructive communication. This requires a decisive shift from the gladiator syndrome of the projection of power in the conflict to a quest for the common ground, underscored by “de-demonization”. In other words, the coverage of conflict must not become an abetment of conflict. The sportsoriented coverage of conflict conceived in terms of victory and defeat represents a parceling of the truth by taking out a few selected slices of the visible reality on the ground, leaving a grand, invisible, infrastructural but non-earthshaking reality. The big question is whether journalists in India and Pakistan can take the initiative in establishing dialogue across the border beyond the classical “indexing model” whereby the media merely reflected the elitist discourse rooted in a combative framework of policy and profile.

The media needs to adopt an agenda of transforming the political and 25

The media's role in public discourse Vinod Kumar Sharma Political Editor, Hindustan Times, and President, SAFMA India

n the context of this region, what you see is the power of fear, not hope. Why are there such negative attitudes and alarmist statements in sections of the media, notably in the social media, where there is no restriction on abuse, and where falsehood is the currency we trade in? The growing influence of conventional and social media is largely on account of the diminishing credibility of the political class. Where democracy was nascent or did not deliver, there was military intervention. But now that the era of intervention is over, we find the media intervening, and the arguments it uses to perpetuate fear are the same. Unfortunately, a byproduct of this is the standardization of thoughts on key issues where a variety of thoughts should hold sway, e.g., peace building between India and Pakistan, or India and Bangladesh. We have come to determine that spreading distrust or using belligerent language against another country makes for a good business model, unmindful of the great danger it does to public discourse. What is a journalist's task? To keep public discourse informed and free of external, pejorative influences. Is adequate care being taken to achieve this? If not, are we exercising our freedom with any degree of honesty? When this unbridled discourse reaches living rooms, what does it do if it has not been conducted honestly? It reinforces fear, distrust, and propaganda, and the media, which now plays a very forceful role in public discourse, must take a

large share of the blame. The political leadership is increasingly unheard, because parliamentary debate is not adequately conveyed to the people. Both in the Indian and Pakistani parliaments, we have had some very wise and formidable men who have had a point of view, which may not be fashionable at a given point in time, but they had the strength of courage and conviction to stand up as a minority of one and state it. Are we being fair to them in our coverage or do we dismiss them as romanticists? We do, and on the social media, when being uncharitable, brands them as agents. This conspiracy to demoralize wisdom is the biggest challenge to the South Asian media. There is a flip side to every story, but it is not explored. Do we have the maturity and the gravitas to enquire into the interventionist role that the media has bestowed on us? The chairperson of the Press Council of India, Justice Markandey Katju, often says that Europe, when transitioning from feudalism to an industrial entity, produced some of the best philosophers and thinkers. Are we producing any in South Asia? We had some about ten or fifteen years agoâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the doyennes of journalism, who were learned enough to have the courage to accept their mistakes and publish revised opinions. Today, we do not even publish regrets for inaccurate stories.

of the Indian media treated the visit of the [Pakistani] foreign ministerâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the discourse in the media was more about the person and it was handled very shamefully by some sections. Does the media in different countries have a different view of women's empowerment and gender sensitization? Can South Asia's media not unite on such issues? If it can unite, then it should not play politics just because a person happens to be a politician in public life. There are issues that cut across boundaries, such as the Malala Yousafzai shooting, which caused an outrage across South Asia. There were candlelight marches in memory of the girl who died after being raped in Delhi. Why does the media not build on these issues in order to make people forget, at least for the time being, that there are differences, and force them into some degree of consideration on issues on which they do agree? Insofar as the political class is concerned, the best way to engage in diplomacy in this age of the moving image is to engage in silent diplomacy. Do not claim a mile when you have achieved an inch. Do not raise expectations, keep them low, and come across as a better performer. We need among our politicians men of few words. Talkative people are cannon fodder for the media, especially on issues where there is no agreement between two countries on issues such as terrorism, water, etc. They should speak as they want to behind closed doors. My freedom as a journalist should be used to empower people, and thereby empower all of South Asia. My job is not merely to empower Indians, but also those who read what I write, given that, newspapers, wherever they may be

published, are read across borders. Politicians should be measured by what they say. Finally, is it the media's job to promote peace and cooperation? My counterquestion is, is it the media's job to promote fear and distrust? Not as a political leader but as an honest practitioner who disseminates information. Freedom of the press is derived from freedom of expression, and is given to me on the presumption that information is power. When information is disseminated honestly, it empowers public opinion, which leads to a robust, well-informed democracy. We have democracies in South Asia today, but unfortunately, they are not adequately well-informed at the popular level. Vice-president Hamid Ansari once said that, of the four pillars of Indian democracy, the only pillar that has no qualms about being a profiteer is the media. If this is so, we need to ask ourselves if we are making profits honestly. If our losses are made up by the big media houses and advertisers, and if our economy is mortgaged to the advertiser, what kind of freedom do we have? This is not the freedom of the journalist. Thus, we have to connect across South Asia in business and trade terms in order to bring together those people to exercise the freedom that is named after journalists. Once advertisers have products that they can sell across South Asia, they will become a natural restraining influence on a media that has become wayward in terms of promoting peace and cooperation between countries that have a history of distrust.

We are losing out in the way we practice and the idiom that we deploy. Foreign policy, for example, is trivialized, if we look at the way certain sections

The media and ethics

The shifting role of South Asia's media

Kumar Ketkar Chief Editor, Dainik Divya Marathi, India

Yubaraj Ghimire Editor, The Reporter Weekly, Nepal

epal is currently in a state of chaos. Sweeping political changes have taken place in the country, but six years down the line, these have neither been institutionalized nor made part of the constitution. Leaving aside the issue of legitimacy, does the media have a different role to play in a transition period? Should we be silent on certain issues, and through this silence endorse everything that actors do or do not do, given that this prolonged transition has created many economic and social problems, and in ensuring people's futures? There is one perception of what has been happening in Nepal across the border. The media is one profession that does not recognize such borders and has its own views, which have an impact on society. What do we do when a country's constitution says that the subversion of a democratically elected government is a crime when there may be issues of terrorism involved or when movements seen as rebellion externally and subversion internally are involved? Can we have a common position on this? Poverty alleviation is another major issue. Can we have a common stand on it? Does human misery bring the media together? The issue of climate change is being debated worldwide, and Nepal is seen to be on the brink of disaster, but how closely has our media debated this issue? The same thing happening in one place becomes 28

made public. The debate has thus already transcended certain ethical norms. If the regional media were to cover the story, it would be covered very differently, and any cooperation achieved between the media by such conferences might be ruined by such mindsets. Such mindsets need to be changed.

a virtue and in another place becomes a crime. Can we change this mindset? Different countries do have their own perceptions, for example, of security, national interest. But is the media supposed to be the proxy arm of those perceptions or should it be able to make a distinction between the perception and the reality. This is a major impediment in the media's objectivity as it is practiced in this region.

India has already invented its own “drone journalism”. Many journalists no longer visit the site of a story but still file reports, which are believed to be facts. We have our own nontechnological drone journalists in place, which need to be removed. Fifty years ago or more, when Marshall McLuhan invented the famous phrase, the medium is the message, there was no global television, Internet or mobile communication, and yet he thought the medium was the message. Today, this has again become the case: the medium is important and the message has lost importance. The moment you open a particular newspaper or switch on a particular TV channel, you know what you are going to read or see, because the medium has become the message.

There is also the issue of development and the displacement of people, bringing misery to large numbers, especially among lower economic strata. For example, the construction of a dam in India may have an impact on people in Nepal or vice versa. We can either take the stand of our respective governments or look objectively at the affected people's perspective, no matter which side of the border we are on. The media should only report the truth, but there is also a freedom built around that truth. If we can do so without becoming the arms of our respective governments, the media will remain a respectable profession without becoming associated with the might of the state.

he talk of peace and cooperation must begin somewhere in the mind and in the media, and the example of the recent Delhi gang-rape is useful in this instance. Suppose the rapists were all Muslims and the girl had been Hindu, the entire Indian media would have covered the crime in such a way that it would have ceased to be a crime and become a communal issue, leading to a psychological partition of the country once again. It could have been the third major communal holocaust after Partition. The first was Partition, the 2002 riots in Gujrat were the second, and, had the men been Muslim and the girl Hindu, this could have been the third. When we talk about peace and cooperation, the ethical dimension requires particular mention in the sense of whether the national media—let us put the regional media aside for the time being—has observed ethical norms. For the last ten days, we have debated whether the girl should be named and her details

If the free flow of journalism is not coupled with certain ethical standards, which no one is going to set—we cannot allow the government or media house owners to set them. Without ethical norms, the free flow of information can bring about disorder rather than peace. Globally, the social media is fanatic, fundamentalist, and even fascist, unlike the conventional media, which at least maintains some controls. Why is the social media invariably usurped by authoritarian and chauvinistic tendencies? Perhaps this is because the world has grown with different ethical notions of what is right or wrong. If asked to choose between right and wrong, people will choose to do right. If the option is between two kinds of right, people will opt for what they think is right. But quite often, mediapersons are given the option of two kinds of wrong, and asked to choose between the two. Thus, whichever way we try to handle the ethical question of choice, we end up making the wrong decision, as a result of which the media is missing an ethical dimension and ideology, and is oblivious to the impact of its reportage.

Rapporteur's report

Open house

amran Shafi, a columnist for the Express Tribune in Pakistan, made a fervent plea for the “uncivilized, angry” foot-stomping ceremony at the Attari-Wagha border to be stopped and the changing of the guard to be kept to standard drill level. Vinod Sharma agreed that the action was implicitly combative and symbolized hostility. He suggested that the media on both sides needed to take up the issue since Wagha was a site for peace not war, with annual candlelight vigils held by SAFMA to symbolize this. There were questions on whether the media had a caste system (Nivedita Jha), whether the social media should be cyber-policed, whether a memorial should be raised in memory of the Delhi gang-rape victim (Vijay Naik), whether journalists were capable of changing mindsets given the kind of language they used in reporting Indo-Pakistan tensions (Z. Farooqi), and whether the media's own mind should first be opened (Aarti). There were also concerns raised on reporting on the conditions of minorities, the facilities provided to journalists being used by proprietors, ways to protect ethical standards, and the need to highlight the basic issues and problems of women in newsrooms.

side”. Yubaraj Ghimire called for introspection on the changing nature of reportage and the need to build ethics into it. Kumar Ketkar said that, while one could not create a rule of law for ethics in journalism, there was a need for the media to “look inward”. Vinod Sharma quoted Mahatma Gandhi to say that it was important to be the change one wanted to see and to start by practicing ethics at an individual level. Kumar Ketkar and Vinod Sharma both assured the audience that SAFMA affiliates would take up the problems faced by women reporters.

Session III: Terrorism, extremism, and inter-/intrastate conflict 6 January 2013, Amritsar Moderator: Suhasini Haider (senior editor, CNN-IBN India)

Kumar Ketkar emphasized that the free flow of information must be covered by ethical standards. Vinod Sharma said that rape was used to subjugate the weak and that the dilution of the identity of an aspiration-driven urban India led to a clash of identities. He also said that the kind of language used in reporting could promote peace or hostility. He recalled how, while on a journalist exchange program in 2004, SAFMA chose to use politically neutral terminology when referring to Pakistan-administered Kashmir as “Kashmir on the Pakistani side” and “Kashmir on the Indian 30

The complexity of the Northeast and lessons from the AFSPA Sanjoy Hazarika Director, Centre for Northeast Studies, Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi

he Northeast, a simplistic phrase which is commonly used to describe one of the most complex areas in India—populated by not less than 220 ethnic groups, living in over eight states and with only four percent of its borders with the country—has produced more internal refugees caused by floods and violence than probably any other parts of India. The problems in an area such as the Bodo Territorial Administered Districts (BTAD) become more complex as they also involve issues of competition over scarce resources—land, especially arable land, and forests—and access to government development funds. There is another challenge: that of disarming those with illegal weapons. Not less than 500 illegal automatic weapons are floating about in the BTAD area, largely in the hands of cadres of the former militant groups.

What is often forgotten are the other realities on the ground, where conflicts create worse conditions of ill-health, poor education and where other basic services are fragmented if not denied: connectivity, sanitation and drinking water to name three. In this complex picture, what is often forgotten are the other realities on the ground, where conflicts create worse conditions of ill-health, poor education and where other basic services are fragmented if not denied: connectivity, sanitation and drinking water to name three. The All-India National Family Welfare Survey (NFWS), released in 2011, has placed Assam firmly at the

The second category comprises those who are vulnerable to the Act because they are completely unprotected by it and at the mercy of those who are, i.e., the 'security forces' who are actually forces of insecurity for the vulnerable and weak. Of course, ironically, because of the brutality of the experience of this particular law, ordinary people are lumped with those who are truly anti-State, insurgents, militants and armed groups.

bottom in terms of human development indices, especially in the health sector. In many parts of Northeast India, where agriculture is the overwhelming and often sole occupation, daily incomes have fallen, and the life cycle remains acutely disturbed. It is an unfortunate, inconvenient reality that it is the most vulnerable, the weak and poor who are targeted, displaced, and victimized time and again.

It is the most vulnerable, the weak and poor who are targeted, displaced, and victimized time and again. One area that needs deeper understanding as well as strong concerned action, not just by civil society groups but also by the principal stakeholder, is the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), which was enacted in 1958 to deal with the Naga uprising in the then composite state of Assam. The AFSPA contains six clauses that give vast powers to security forces in 'disturbed areas', where they are beyond the rule of law. The critical clauses permit soldiers to open fire upon suspicion to the extent of causing death and that criminal prosecution will need the Centre's sanction. The Reddy Report remains untabled in Parliament, despite the recent outcry triggered by the Report of the Justice Verma Committee, which has said that the act needs to be reviewed (in the light of sexual offences committed by men in uniform). Three reviews including the Reddy Committee have recommended repeal. This creates four categories of difference, of separation, among all citizens of India and enshrines discrimination into the law and the system. First of all, it creates a category of citizens who are above the law and thus protected by AFSPA, giving them nothing short of absolute immunity—members of the armed forces and security forces covered by the Act.

The third group comprises those who are completely unaffected by the Act, for example, people living in those parts of the country where it is not in use, i.e., outside of Assam, Manipur, Nagaland and Jammu and Kashmir. Border belts of Arunachal Pradesh and Meghalaya as well as Tripura are where it is used although none of these states have a 'live' insurgency. There is a fourth degree of citizenship, which not many may have considered but which is increasingly becoming a reality in the states where AFSPA is in place—anchoring its arbitrariness as well as its anti-democratic core. The police forces, especially those in Manipur (where police commandos strike as much fear if not more than the armed forces), behave as if they are protected by the law and enjoy immunity under it. Indeed, if there is one good reason by AFSPA should be repealed, apart from all the reasons citied by human rights campaigners, it is this: the surging growth of an atmosphere of immeasurable impunity which comes with a sense of immunity that has transcended the law and infected the 'civilian' administration.

become the primary law-breakers. The age of insurgencies of the 1950s–1990s appears to be over in the Northeast. Most armed groups have either surrendered or are in a dialogue and following either a ceasefire or SOO (stoppage of operations). As militancy slows down, public fatigue rises and so does the demand for AFSPA's repeal as people seek normal living conditions. The Government is hard put to defend it any longer when by its own admission, issues related to conditions are far better than they were even a few years ago. The question of a trust deficit also comes up—whether local governments or political groups functioning within a constitutional mandate are trusted by the centre. There is general agreement, though, that the army needs a legal mechanism that will enable it to function in 'disturbed' conditions. Yet, both the Government and the army appear to have been locked in a corner. The question is how long they can remain insensitive to public concerns.

The centrality of the human rights campaign against AFSPA has been built around questioning the right and capacity of soldiers to shoot and kill suspects without being questioned or prosecuted in a civilian court of law. Over 55 years of use and misuse in the Northeast has bred such a climate of impunity that law enforcers have 33

Addressing the roots of terrorism, extremism and inter-/intra-state conflict Hasan-Askari Rizvi Professor Emeritus, University of the Punjab, Lahore

xtremism and terrorism are major threats to internal stability and democracy in a political system and threaten to undermine interstate relations because both trends tend to adopt a transnational character. The root cause of terrorism is extremism, which manifests itself in the form of a deficit of ethnic, political and religio-cultural pluralism and the rise of intolerance based on an extreme worldly or religious ideology. In some states, the dominant elite may pursue political religious or ethnic intolerance to strengthen its rule. This threatens participatory and democratic norms and processes and distorts human relations. Intolerance and extremism can engender terrorism in two principal ways. First, groups subscribing to extremism may resort to violence to impose their worldview or to suppress those questioning its perspective. Second, people oppressed by a government or group may resort to violence to challenge their oppressor. Separatist and dissident movements have a tendency to use violence and terrorism to pursue their political agendas against the established state order.

The root cause of terrorism is

extremism, which manifests itself in

Additionally, neighboring and other states may exploit an internal conflict in a state to pursue their own political agendas. They may raise the conflict situation in a nearby state at the international level or quietly or openly provide financial support, weapons and training to build resistance among the dissident groups in the neighboring state. Sometimes, the oppressed community in one state may receive external support through transnational ethnic, tribal or religious linkages, especially when the territorial boundaries of a state cut across ethnic, linguistic and tribal identities. The members of the same tribe or ethnicity in the neighboring state come to the support of their “own” people, even if they live inside the territorial boundaries of another state.

the form of a deficit of ethnic,

political and religio-cultural pluralism and the rise of intolerance based on an extreme worldly or religious ideology.

In cases of state-sponsored terrorism, states may use violence directly or, in some cases, encourage a group as a state-proxy to use violence against a specific group or identity to control or reduce their clout in a particular area or eliminate them as a politico-social entity. In the short run, such violent strategies may help the group or state to assert their superiority. In the long run, however, violence and terrorism are counter-productive to building a society and statesystem based on mutual trust and the voluntary acceptance of political, social, or religious norms. A social or political order based primarily on violence is bound to collapse over time with a high human cost. 34

The use of violence and terrorism in a patterned manner also produces interstate tension and conflict. The use of unrestrained violence in a state spills over to neighboring states in the form of a refugee influx, which has a negative social and economic fallout on the state receiving refugees. At times, the targeted people in a state tend to move to the neighboring state(s) to organize resistance against their state's oppression or to fight the group engaged in violence against them. In both cases, intrastate conflict has a tendency to become an international issue because the neighboring states become entangled in it as a result of the refugee problem or because the latter has become a safe haven for those resisting violence and coercion in their own state.

Some hard-line ideological and violent groups have transnational agendas and do not attach any importance to the territorial boundaries of states. They establish a transnational ideological outreach and arrange funding to reach

their partners anywhere in the world. It is important to examine how these groups mobilize funds, what their sources of funding are, and how their funds are transferred from one place to another. The movement of money involves mechanisms that are operative within states as well as transnational formal and informal channels for the transfer of funds. In Pakistan and some Muslim countries, Islamic hard-line extremist and terrorist groups have transnational agendas that have negative fallouts beyond their “home” states. Neighboring states are the most adversely affected by the activities of such groups. The violent activities of such groups in Pakistan and India have had damaging impacts on the bilateral relations of the two countries, making it difficult for them to maintain sustained improved relations in cultural and economic domains. All governments should adopt categorical policies to eliminate extremism and terrorism within their territories. They need to make sure that genuinely democratic and participatory systems flourish. The state must respect civil and political rights of the people irrespective of religion, caste, ethnicity, region and gender and it needs to make sure that there is enough guarantee of the rule of law for all and special protection for the disadvantaged sections of the population with equitable socio-economic opportunities.

Poverty, underdevelopment and socioeconomic injustice breed political alienation, which, in turn makes a country's youth population vulnerable to extremist appeals. India and Pakistan must continue to work towards improvement of their bilateral relations with a greater emphasis on trade and economic relations and expanded and easy travel facilities between the two countries. They should not let their bilateral relations become a hostage to the activities of the extremist and terrorist groups.

Each state must also ensure that the extremist and violent groups do not create their domains of authority at the expense of the state system because such groups have a tendency to terrorize people, deprive them of their properties, extort money and kill. They create a reign of terror and fear, which the state must remove altogether. Cooperation between neighboring states is essential for controlling transnational activities of violent groups by greater coordination in their counter-measures and exchange of information. Greater attention must be given to socioeconomic development within a state so that adequate, equitable opportunities for earning livelihoods are available to people. Poverty, underdevelopment and socio-economic injustice breed political alienation, which, in turn makes a country's youth population vulnerable to extremist appeals. Education and other mechanism of socialization should be employed to inculcate cultural, religious and political pluralism and tolerance in the society. Above all, governance must reflect these values and ensure that the state system offers an effective, corruption-free, transparent and welfare-oriented governance and political management.

Extremist nationalist politics in postwar Sri Lanka Jehan Perera Executive director, National Peace Council of Sri Lanka

ntil 2009, Sri Lanka was embroiled in an ethnic war that spanned nearly three decades. During that period, the country suffered horrendous acts of terrorism as well as losses due to conventional military warfare. According to the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed by the Government of Sri Lanka after the end of the war, the root cause for the violence was the failure of the leaders of successive governments to address the ethnic conflict and find a political solution to it. More than three and a half years after the end of the war, a political solution still remains distant. Terrorism in Sri Lanka arose in the late 1970s in a context in which the ethnic minorities, especially the Tamils, felt disempowered and discriminated against by the political representatives of the Sinhalese ethnic majority. Their failure to find redress to their problems through parliamentary and democratic means led them to try violent methods that included terrorism and also guerrilla warfare and eventually conventional warfare. Today, even though the LTTE, which spearheaded the Tamil rebellion and specialized in terrorism, has been militarily destroyed, no political solution has been forthcoming. As a result there is continued ethnic polarization within the country.

nationalism and are also subsumed by it, creating a political objective that subverts their original framework of modern democracy. Sri Lanka's failure to find a solution to its ethnic conflict is born out of two factors. One is ethnic nationalism, which was fanned to excessive levels during the years of war, and which has led to the perception of the other community's position as unreasonable. The second is a political system that has concentrated political power in a single institution that is invariably dominated by the majority Sinhalese, leading to a virtual tyranny of a permanent majority. In an atmosphere where majority-minority relations are so strained, it becomes difficult for the parliamentary system to protect minority interests. Any solution would need to satisfy the aspirations of the Tamil people that they have articulated for over the past sixty years and with it those of the Muslims. This would be on the lines of a federal power sharing solution.

Although such nationalism fuels

division and discord, the political elites of the country have found it profitable

The greater purpose of the all social and political institutions in Sri Lanka must be to ensure that all sections of the population, including the ethnic minorities, feel a sense of economic empowerment and political belonging to a Sri Lanka that is united not only in geographic terms but also united in heart.

The problem with the type of district or sub-provincial level decentralization that the government appears to be contemplating is that this form of devolution does not address the issue of inter-ethnic power sharing. The government of a country needs to reflect the social, economic, ethnic and religious composition of society or it runs the risk of being seen as an alien government by those who

The government of a country needs to

electoral victory and political power.

reflect the social, economic, ethnic and

The present debate in Sri Lanka is whether to abolish the 13th Amendment or not. The devolution of power to the Tamil-majority areas feeds into the

are not represented within the system of government.

There is a strong nationalist sentiment on both sides of the ethnic divide that has grown stronger with the government's military victory over the LTTE. The government's position is that whatever ethnic conflict there may have been has been resolved with the elimination of the LTTE and its associated terrorism, and that rapid economic development of the country will productively engage the energies of people and reduce the impetus towards ethnic-based politics. However, in Sri Lanka, the primary motivation of the devolution of power has been the demand of the ethnic minorities to have some measure of self-rule as a distinct community.

to employ in their competitive quest for

The nationalism of the Sinhalese is juxtaposed against the nationalism of the Tamil minority, which sees the north-eastern parts of Sri Lanka as the traditional Tamil homeland. These two nationalisms have competed with each other consistently through recent political history, and in the process have spread and intensified. Although such nationalism fuels division and discord, the political elites of the country have found it profitable to employ in their competitive quest for electoral victory and political power. They encourage 36

The nearest that Sri Lanka has come towards a federal system is the system of provincial councils in terms of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. The 13th Amendment to the constitution came into effect in 1987 an outcome of the Indo Lanka Peace Accord of 1987, in terms of which India tried to mediate and resolve the country's ethnic war. This was intended to lessen the centralization of power in the central government in Colombo, by establishing provincial councils elected by the people of the provinces and thereby permit the Tamil and Muslim ethnic minorities in the northern and eastern provinces, which constitute a regional majority, to enjoy a measure of self-rule.

insecurities of the Sinhalese majority. This is a fertile political ground for the government to sow the wind, in order to reap the whirlwind of Sinhalese nationalism. The desire of the Sinhalese majority to protect the unity of the country will override all other considerations, even those of economics. The evidence being given by the government that foreign powers and the Tamil diaspora are plotting to revive the LTTE will sustain domestic political support for the government.

religious composition of society or it runs the risk of being seen as an alien government by those who are not represented within the system of government. 37

“little people” working together.

A terrorism-free South Asia: Waiting for Godot? Imtiaz Ahmed Professor of international relations, University of Dhaka

amuel Beckett wrote an intriguing play where two living souls, Estragon and Vladimir, wait in vain endlessly for Godot (or should we presume it to be the divine, the ideal?) to arrive and fulfill their hopes and aspirations. What makes the play memorable, however, is not so much the postponement of Godot's arrival but the capacity of the two humans to have faith in the arrival of Godot despite the regular postponement at the end of the day. And there lies the marvel of the play and the ingenuity of Beckett in capturing the very essence of the human spirit, not to give up on the arrival of Godot and aspire for the ideal!

In order to counter terrorism the state has come to limit its activities mostly to the physical domain of the terror without giving sufficient attention to the intellectual domain of the terror. The implications of the play are far-reaching. Indeed, when it comes to terrorism-free South Asia, are we not also waiting for Godot? Here the 'ism' in terrorism is deliberately marked in italics because ideas and ideologies related to the terror precede the actual terror, and so the challenge is to contain not only the use of guns and the hurling of bombs, the physical domain, but also the ideas and ideologies, the intellectual domain, responsible for nurturing the acts of terror. In fact, violent conflicts that go by the name of terrorism are all ideological by nature, whether secular (national, sub-national, partisan, ethnic, tribal, racial and the like) or religio-centric (communal, fundamentalism, puritan, messianic and the like). But then, as Frederick Engels had once pointed out, ideology is nothing less than 'false consciousness' and we need to

be wary of it. It is this 'false consciousness' that is on the rise and is making minds intolerant and deadly, indeed, to a point that one is ready to kill fellow humans and even violate the divine command that 'thou shall not kill' ironically in the name of religion! Indeed, when it comes to containing terrorism in South Asia or elsewhere waiting for Godot has now become the norm. This is because in order to counter terrorism the state has come to limit its activities mostly to the physical domain of the terror without giving sufficient attention to the intellectual domain of the terror. And therein lies the limitation, if not inherent weakness, in making South Asia terrorism-free. Haruki Murakami's 1Q84 in the 21st century uses Orwell's 1984 to argue for a different dystopia, in which the responsibility lies with the “little people”, not Big Brother, who have now crept in to create the menace. The first example is “terrorism in the name of heaven”. Bengal, which used to be a very tolerant society with Sufi shrines in every village, is a good example. Why has fundamentalism crept into Bengal? To go back to the history of Bengal, it is not that the Sufis were tolerant; more importantly, the people who accepted the Sufis were tolerant. In fact, Bengal allowed all the religious discourses. Two things in recent times have changed the scenario of Islam in Bengal: petrodollars and the new diaspora or migrant workers. These have transformed Bengal in a way that has not happened in over a thousand years. Bengal and South Asia follow primarily the Hanafi discourse. Earlier, there was a democratic relationship between these discourses, but now one discourse is trying to impose itself on the other, and this has affected the mindset of the “little people”. The second example is that of the state getting together with the “little people”, as in the case of the extrajudicial killing of cattle smugglers by the Border Security Forces on the India-Bangladesh border. The third example is that of “mastaan-ocracy”—“mastaans” or thugs who hold power in political parties, academic institutions, and in obtaining licenses, etc. In some localities, they are almost godfathers. This is also a scenario where you can see Big Brother and the

Given these three examples, what can we do about terrorism in South Asia? Years before Beckett, Tagore, in his paper titled “Crisis in civilization”, said, “I shall not commit the grievous sin of losing faith in humans”. Let us now bring back the humans. Humans are multifaceted beings, and Aristotle was the first to recognize this. He focused on one variant of this, arguing that humans are political beings—homo politicus—that is, every human has unique, inherent political rights. We appreciate this in our constitution but the question that has to be asked is, do we have the inherent political rights that we are supposed to have? If we do not, we create intolerance.

reject modernity, but in fact, he said: “A wise man will mean by the spinning wheel not an article made of wood but any type of work which provides employment to all people.” Thus, the issue is whether every person has the inherent right to use technology, and if they do not, this creates intolerance. Finally, according to Freud, humans are homo psychologicus. We have an inherent right to think differently. We are psychological beings and that is where we have lacked the most as South Asians. We have not invested enough as psychological beings. Thus, once we take all five elements into consideration, we will be in a position to create a terror-free South Asia.

Do we have the inherent political rights that we are supposed to have? If we do not, we create intolerance. We also have an inherent right to think differently. We are psychological beings and that is where we have lacked the most as South Asians. John Stuart Mill and Karl Marx argued that humans are also homo economicus, that is, they have inherent economic rights, such as the right to work. They are “community producers and profit seekers”. Do we have that inherent right? If we add geography and environment, humans are in terrible condition as homo economicus. Humans are also homo culturicus. We have an inherent right to express our cultures through food, dress, music, and dance, etc., but this is also an area where other structures, the “little people”, can create objections. Humans are also technological beings—homo technologicus. We use technology all the time. If we go back to Gandhi and the spinning wheel or charkha, there are critics who say that he used the symbol of the charkha to

The challenge of terrorism in Pakistan Amir Mir Deputy editor, The News, Pakistan

espite being a key US ally in the war against terror, Pakistan is imperilled by growing Talibanisation, with al-Qaeda and Talibanlinked militant groups claiming new ground and posing the principal threat to the people and state of Pakistan. Increasing incidents of cross-border terrorism by Pakistan-based non-state actors against the country, but also in India, Afghanistan, China and Iran are bringing Islamabad into conflict with its neighbouring states. The menace of cross-border terrorism threatens Pakistan in more than one way. Thousands of innocent Pakistanis, both civilians and security force personnel, have lost their lives in target attacks and suicide bombings since 9/11 and the subsequent US-led military action against extremists in Afghanistan. The extremist groups that were created and launched by a coalition of US and Arab countries against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, and which were subsequently used against other neighbours, including Afghanistan and India, have now turned their guns on the US and Pakistan.

Increasing incidents of cross-border terrorism by Pakistan-based non-state actors against the country, but also in India, Afghanistan, China and Iran are bringing Islamabad into conflict with its neighbouring states. The major bone of contention between the two nuclear armed South Asian neighbours in normalizing their bilateral ties, which has also affected the tempo

of the composite dialogue between India and Pakistan, remains the slowmoving trial of the seven alleged Mumbai attackers who are being tried in Pakistan. For its part, Afghanistan blames Pakistan for doing little to crack down on the Taliban and al-Qaeda militants who control a considerable part of the Pakistan-Afghan border region, especially North Waziristan. Despite the deployment of 80,000 Pakistani troops along the Pak-Afghan border to counter al-Qaeda and Taliban-linked militancy, the situation is far from stable in the trouble-stricken tribal region, which is crucial not only to Islamabad, but also to Kabul, Washington and New Delhi. Afghanistan thus keeps accusing Pakistan of backing the North Waziristan-based Haqqani militant network to advance its geo-strategic agenda in the region. Now Kabul has conditionally agreed to initiate talks with the Haqqani group, apparently as part of the negotiations that have been initiated between the Taliban and NATO allies.

to the Jundallah and to dismantle its network from Balochistan. The Jundallah are a Sunni sectarian-cum-militant group that claims to be fighting for the rights of Iran's Sunni Muslims, and operates not only in Iran's SistanBalochistan province but also has a presence in Pakistani Balochistan. The Jundallah have carried out a number of lethal suicide bombings in Iran, including the 15 December 2010 bombings in the Iranian city of Chabahar, which killed 15 police officers and 12 members of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards. The Iranian President subsequently lodged a protest with President Zardari while the Iranian ambassador to Pakistan, Mashallah Shakeri, accused Islamabad of allowing its soil to be used against Iran.

The ISAF's withdrawal by 2014 could prove lethal for the Pakistani state and society, which is increasingly becoming hostage to the whims of extremists who

The involvement of Pakistan's non-state actors in terrorist activities across the border in Afghanistan has indirectly affected its relations with the US, which has failed to nip the evil of al-Qaeda and the Afghan Taliban in the bud even a decade after the war against terror was launched. A Pentagon report presented to the US Congress in December 2012 blamed Pakistan as being one of the greatest obstacles to stability in Afghanistan. The report stated that the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Pakistan-based sanctuary for insurgents, such as the Haqqani Network in North Waziristan, as well as the financial and operational support that insurgents receive, keeps the security situation along the border volatile.â&#x20AC;? Pakistan says it is not responsible for the actions of non-state actors who are beyond its control and who are also targeting Pakistani security forces. However, when US Central Intelligence Agency launches drone strikes to target wanted al-Qaeda and Taliban fugitives operating from Pakistani territory, Islamabad complains that its sovereignty is being violated. In recent days, however, the US and Pakistani authorities have agreed to jointly pursue a reconciliation process along with the Afghan government.

Beijing is also disturbed over the Chinese Muslim rebels who want the creation of an independent Islamic state in China, and are allegedly being trained in the Pakistani tribal areas. In July 2012, Beijing asked Islamabad to take measure to control the activities of Chinese militants operating from the Tribal Areas under the banner of the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM), which wants the independence of the Chinese province of Xinjiang. Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi, during his July 2012 visit to Pakistan, said that China believed that militants belonging to the ETIM were influencing Xinjiang, which has a Muslim-majority population. For its part, the Pakistani government was quick to extend all possible cooperation to China against the ETIM.

The other neighbour to complain about terrorists being given sanctuary on Pakistani soil is Iran. President Mahmud Ahmadinejad has already urged President Asif Zardari to take effective measures to arrest militants belonging

Pakistan's Tribal Areas are being blamed for harbouring non-state actors by almost all its neighbours, with Delhi, Kabul, Tehran and Beijing expressing concern about the link between global terrorism and sanctuaries located in the

want to undermine the country's

lawless regions of FATA. Although thousands of security force personnel have lost their lives in the war against terror and militancy, confusion persists on how to tackle the menace of terrorism. Anticipating the ISAF's withdrawal by 2014 and the initiation of a reconciliation process in Afghanistan, strategists expect militancy to ease over time. But this approach could prove lethal for the Pakistani state and society, which is increasingly becoming hostage to the whims of extremists who want to undermine the country's democratic setup and state structures. In a strategic change in the co-relationship of forces, the militant groups, the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, Al Qaeda, and various Afghan Taliban groups have turned their guns against Pakistan and its security institutions, which first used them against the Soviets in Afghanistan. The militants, despite their sectarian and other differences, do agree on an extremist agenda against democracy and modern governance, and are bent on creating anarchy and the breakdown of the state structure in Pakistan to expand their space. They have assumed almost complete autonomy and are desperate to bring Pakistan into conflict with its neighbours. They have the capacity to bring Pakistan into conflict into India, Iran, Central Asia, and Afghanistan. The states of the region must join hands to defeat this scourge, which will invariably expand after the withdrawal of the US-led forces in 2014.

democratic setup and state structures.

Rapporteur's report

Open house

r Lakshman Gunasekera, president of SAFMA-Sri Lanka, referred to the vertical and lateral dimension of conflict in South Asia, pointing out that he preferred not to use the term “terrorism” because it was too “idiomatic” and too simplistic. Ms Frozan Marofi, a member of the Afghan delegation, asked why governments were prepared to engage with parties in the opposition that were identified as terrorists on one hand and invited to hold talks on the other. Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi replied that opposition parties that worked within the framework of a country's constitution could not be described as terrorists, clarifying that terrorism was defined as the use of

violence in a persistent, patterned manner to achieve defined political goals. Dr Sanjoy Hazarika explained that, in Assam, the concept of “manufactured consent” came into play, where two parties that could be persuaded to agree to the other's viewpoint engaged in talks. He pointed out that, in some cases, this had given rise to internal contradictions among the militants, especially in ethnic-driven conflicts. He also explained that growing public fatigue with armed conflict had energized interaction between civil society groups and the government in an attempt to resolve these conflicts.

Session IV: A South Asian vision for an economic union 8 January 2013, Lahore Moderator: Najam Sethi (editor-in-chief, The Friday Times, Pakistan)

Trade, connectivity, and an economic union Ijaz Nabi Country director, International Growth Center, Pakistan

oots are extremely important. Our roots make us the historical connector of markets in the east with markets in the west. A revival of the role we played historically will be critical going forward. Those routes involve recreating the trade centers that existed in the north, the Peshawar valley, which incorporates Pakistan's troubled and marginalized Tribal Areas. There was historically a central route between Lahore and Multan. Recreating that will help not only to give a new growth dynamic to centers such as Lahore and Gujranwala, but also bring into play Punjab's southern regions, Multan. A third historical trade route was in upper Sindh, which connected markets in India with markets in Iran. Reopening these traditional routes will give a new dynamism to the region that is now Pakistan. Historical and cultural antecedents are extremely critical in chalking out our growth path. These three regions were the cultural amalgamation of what are now India and Central Asia and Iran. These three interactions resulted in the Indus Valley civilization and are reflected in our food, speech, and religion. The reason these regions became centers of culture and prosperity is because they were on the

old trade routes. For a variety of reasons, the colonial period, the imperial contest, Britain and Russia created a buffer zone, which resulted in the loss of access to these regions for Central Asia. The British were not interested in maintaining the region's links with Iran, so that link faded away. After 1947, our own internal disputes between India and Pakistan resulted in markets to the east disappearing. Our economic managers invested heavily and created a north-south trade corridor that for the first time in history resulted in an integrated Indus Basin market, which allowed the flow of people and goods between the port of Karachi and ports in the north. Karachi became a commercial and financial center, and the flow of funds was also integrated via this market. This market needs a new fillip, which will come by reintegrating markets to the east and markets to the west. We already have some access to the western markets. The eastern market is where we need to be bold. We need to look at trade and the overall relationship with India in the context of our own need to have high economic growth and high employment, particularly in manufacturing activity rather than low value-added services. What is encouraging is that the democratic process in Pakistan, regardless of which

party is in power, feels very strongly that reintegrating Pakistan in the region is very important. Focus on bilateral trade balances is the wrong focus. By bringing in technical expertise from India, we run up a bilateral trade deficit vis-Ă -vis India but a global trade surplus vis-Ă -vis the rest of the world. We should focus on what opening up with India will do for our global balance of payments. It is extremely important to take a strategic approach to opening up with India, which is where both countries' private sectors have to play an active role. Although it is very attractive to focus on trade in final goods, from a long-term strategic perspective it is much more important to trade in intermediate goods, which is a win-win situation for both sides and will defang the people who focus on bilateral trade deficit to make political capital out of it. With regard to the larger structural issues, trade disputes will arise even among the friendliest countries. We should not have a knee-jerk reaction when a trade dispute arises and take all disputes back to core issues such as territorial disputes. Trade disputes should be handled on the basis of empirical evidence, for which we need to develop strong structures with research and analytical capabilities, which Pakistan currently lacks.

free trade agreements, but I think it is better to have normal trading relations, which now have a whole framework for resolving trade disputes. FTAs are specialized trade agreements, and we do not know how to handle disputes under FTAs. The consequence of India's free trade barriers is that its manufacturing sector is very weak. India will have to strengthen it, and one way of doing so is to expose it to competition by reducing NTBs. SAARC has had a checkered history and has not progressed until very recently. In the mid-1990s, the smaller countries of the region, e.g., Bhutan, all had bilateral trade issues with India and saw SAARC discussions as an opportunity, but which India perceived as their ganging up against it. To some extent India was right. For as long as SAARC was a platform for smaller countries to get together to assert their concerns against India, India had no interest in promoting SAARC. That situation has changed. With India's rapid growth and accumulation of surpluses over the last ten years, it has now begun to see itself as a regional leader. That confidence has resulted in it taking a more strategic, constructive approach to SAARC. SAARC as an entity will grow much better in the coming decade, and the contradictions concerning regional FTAs going against the SAARC charter will be resolved.

Trade disputes should not be handed over to the diplomatic community on both sides, who may be very bright and articulate, but are trained in point scoring, not outcomes. Therefore, we need to build the capacity of the private sectors on both sides to engage with each other. The government should take the lead from the private sector rather than the other way around. There is plenty of evidence that India is the largest user of nontrade barriers. Indian manufacturers are a very strong lobby. As a result of FTAs, for example between India and Sri Lanka, India allows some countries in the region relatively free access to its markets. Pakistan is not one of them, despite SAFTA, which is still evolving. It is a long debate whether we should go the route of specialized

Regional economic integration and the future of SAARC Nephil Matangi Maskay Director, Nepal Rastra Bank

he South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was established on 8 December 1985 with an all-encompassing charter aiming “to accelerate the process of economic and social development”. The seeds of a vision for a South Asian economic union (SAEU) were planted in Article 7 of the seminal charter which points out that regional cooperation can address the regional problems' of “poverty, underdevelopment, low levels of production, unemployment and pressure of population”, and unleash the vast economic potential of the region. In this regard, SAARC's vision of an SAEU is the highest form of regional cooperation. The rationale for an SAEU is predicated on the premise that regional cooperation experiences elsewhere in the globe have mostly been successful and led to accelerated regional economic growth. The countries in the region would, therefore, benefit enormously from such cooperation as it would strengthen their competitive position, both individually and as a group. Higher levels of regional economic integration would also introduce noneconomic benefits—i.e., a regional identity of sorts—whose synergies would strengthen the voice of SAARC and give it a stronger presence at both regional and international forums. In the initial years since establishment, cooperation within SAARC was essentially confined to 'noneconomic' areas such as women's and children's affairs, tourism, health, etc. Structured cooperation began only with the operationalization of the SAARC

Preferential Trading Arrangement (SAPTA) in 1995, whose basic principal was the removal of para-tariff, non-tariff and other trade control barriers; it also recognized the special needs and concerns of the least developed members of the association. However, the idea of regional integration was catalysed by the 10th SAARC Summit held in Colombo, Sri Lanka whose Declaration on 31 July 1998 highlighted the need for greater regional economic cooperation. Despite this emphasis on greater economic integration, the level of regional trade integration remains insignificant despite progressing from SAPTA to SAFTA over eight years ago—the level of regional integration, measured by the level of intraregional merchandise trade, was 3.47% in 1993 which increased marginally to 5.20% in 2004 but declined slightly to 4.96% in 2010. These statistics indicate that SAARC will face significant costs from adjustment to external disequilibria since the countries have minimal levels of integration. While this movement follows the roadmap proposed by the 1997/98 SAARC Group of Eminent Persons, which regarded SAFTA a stepping stone to a SAARC customs union and finally to an SAEU, it should also be accompanied by effective implementation and measures for greater physical connectivity, and agreements on investment inter-linkages, enhancing infrastructure for trade facilitation, and facilitation of regional labour and capital mobility. The present environment in South Asia where countries are not as integrated by trade, suggests that

executing the vision of an economic union in the short term could lead to significant tension. This is because, in the presence of external imbalances (exports exceeding imports or vice versa) where the economic stabilizers of capital and labour mobility are unable to respond since nations are not yet well integrated, the region as it stands will incur costly adjustment (reflected in high unemployment or output lost). However, the past and present situation is only an indicator of the future scenario, and the future scenario is endogenous to current activities i.e. it is conditional on activities in the present. SAARC seems to have taken this to heart, with many mechanisms at present existing to facilitate regional integration, including: · · · · ·

Committee on Economic Cooperation: Overall coordination of cooperation in economic areas SAFTA Committee of Experts and SAFTA Ministerial Council: Administration and implementation of SAFTA Finance Ministers Mechanism: Cooperation in the field of finance and related areas Standing Group on Standards and SAARC Standards Coordination Board: Cooperation in the field of harmonization of standards Group on Customs Cooperation: Issues related to harmonization of customs rules and procedures.

cooperation, which includes developing a framework for cooperation at the level of budget deficits, governance and debt financing. It also entails developing a concept of what type of fiscal cooperation, e.g., a fiscal union, is envisaged: What form will it take, e.g., fiscal federalism, etc.? This exercise also necessitates establishing a mechanism to ensure equitable distribution of benefits among members. Again, this has, to some extent, already been initiated by regular meetings of the South Asian Finance Ministers. If the vision of an SAEU is supplemented by the suggested activities, there is confidence that it could eventually be achieved. However, the political environment in South Asia is an important factor in economic integration. While the present political environment seems to be conducive and suggests that it could spur on regional economic integration, there is a need for greater non-economic interaction. The input of the non-government sector is becoming more and more important in pushing this aspect. The activities of SAARC should continue to foster greater interaction to support the creation of a South Asian identity. Broadening the understanding of an economic union, coupled with ongoing activities for greater people-to-people interaction and tying this to the development of a credible integration roadmap, brings the laudable vision of an SAEU closer to reality.

However, the above-mentioned activities entail measures for greater regional economic integration in the narrow sense only. They focus largely on the stages of trade integration and are silent on stages of cooperation for monetary and exchange rate policy, which would ensure a stable payments mechanism – this has been shown to facilitate trade integration especially in economies at the early stage of financial development. It is important that monetary authority regulators discuss this issue and possibly draft a road map. Such an association already exists – SAARC Finance, which is composed of SAARC's central bank governors and finance secretaries. Initiating the development of a roadmap would be an important contributor to facilitating economic integration in South Asia. Other critical elements necessary for sustainable regional economic integration relate to financial policy cooperation, i.e., developing a framework to harmonize regulation and ensure financial protection—essentially all aspects contributing to financial stability. This aspect is particularly important since the financial system in South Asia is still maturing, with there being accelerated financial sector development. The second area relates to fiscal policy

Regional security and cooperation through trade Hasan-Askari Rizvi Professor Emeritus, University of the Punjab, Lahore

he regional security framework is undergoing a lot of changes. The perceptions of India and of other states toward each other have changed over time, although some suspicion is expressed. The shift that you see in regional politics is that all the South Asian countries that, from time to time, entertained doubts about India's objectives, and some hardline critics would describe India as hegemonic, that perception is changing. The emphasis is now on dialog and greater interaction. Two types of interaction can help to change the security paradigm to a great extent: first, when there is a greater flow of people across international borders; and second, through the economy and trade, because trade provides incentive to move from a conflict and security paradigm to a cooperative paradigm. Thus, for South Asia, apart from regional cooperation, there is no other way of moving forward. First, we must learn from the experiences of other regions, e.g., the European Union and ASEAN. Two lessons are important for us. The first is that regional cooperation is cultivated over a gradual period of time with corrections made mid-course. This, South Asia needs to do. The second is that there is greater potential for cooperation in the trade and economic domain. If this initiative is pursued, then the entire parameters of regional interaction will change over time. 48

In South Asia, we face three kinds of problems in changing the conflict and security paradigm to a cooperative and human welfare-based paradigm. The first is the fear of the unknown—the concern that new methods may not serve one's purpose. The second is that there are economic monopolies and protectionists in each country who want to protect their exclusive industry and economic activities, which they may feel will be under threat if the region is opened up. This requires only a restatement of economic interests and how to cultivate them. The third is that, over the last 65 years, many people have built their careers on promoting negative sentiment between different countries, and since their careers are now being undermined by improving relations, they stand in the way of cooperation. Religious extremism and terrorism are two major threats to stability in every country in South Asia. They also have an adverse impact on their bilateral relations. If regional cooperation is to be promoted, then these two factors become a major obstacle. However, these threats can be addressed in two ways. First, we need to try and understand the problems and dynamics in a country that is seen as a repository of terrorist activities. Why do such things happen in that country and what are its government's limitations in coping with these issues? Second, there has to be a regional approach and cooperative interaction between the security agencies of those countries so that they can exchange information. If each country thinks that the other is consciously, by policy, promoting cross-border terrorism, then relations obviously cannot improve. We have seen that, when a terrorist act occurs, neighboring countries may be affected either because the terrorist group has a transnational agenda, or through a spillover effect that occurs in the form of refugees crossing over from one country to the other because of insurgencies in their home country. In both cases, you need regional cooperation whether it is cross-border or insurgencies. India and Pakistan especially need to learn to work together on this issue because the threat of terrorism threatens to both countries, and there is very little realization of the threat of terrorism to the Pakistani state itself. The ability of the state to assert its supremacy over a large part of its territory has disappeared, and many people outside the country do not recognize this.

A South Asian vision and union Khaled Ahmed Senior political analyst and columnist, Pakistan The objectives of SAARC are to: · Promote the welfare of the peoples of South Asia and to improve their quality of life · Accelerate economic growth, social progress and cultural development in the region and to provide all individuals the opportunity to live in dignity and to realize their full potential · Promote and strengthen collective self-reliance among the countries of South Asia · Contribute to mutual trust, understanding and appreciation of one another's problems · Promote active collaboration and mutual assistance in the economic, social, cultural, technical and scientific fields · Strengthen cooperation with other developing countries · Strengthen cooperation among themselves in international forums on matters of common interests, and · Cooperate with international and regional organisations with similar aims and purposes. To make SAFTA effective and all encompassing, SAARC must follow the model of ASEAN's free trade area. It should include investment, regional development projects, services, and the creation of a trade-investment nexus to balance trade deficits through investment flows; it should jointly undertake trans-regional communication, energy, and water projects; build physical infrastructure and connectivity, develop a more educated and better trained workforce, attract foreign direct investment (FDI) to raise the current low ratio of investment to GDP, and establish South Asian sub-regional investment areas. To emerge as a real free trade area, tariff and non-tariff barriers will have to be removed. It must harmonize standards and simplify customs procedures while moving toward a tariff and customs union, and allow greater coordination among central banks for macroeconomic coordination (SAARC – South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, SAFMA, 2006, p. 191). The idea of a South Asian Parliament may look distant but not unrealistic. This distance between the idea and reality may be bridged if India-Pakistan confidence building gathers

momentum and India takes bold initiatives to push regional integration in a positive direction (S D Muni, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 2006). It has taken 17 SAARC summits to arrive at what looks like a prelude to the fulfilment of aspirations of peace in South Asia, and it has flowed from a positive change in Indo-Pak relations and from a focus on free trade instead of a preoccupation with dispute resolution. In September 2012, India and Pakistan signed three technical agreements on the redressal of trade grievances, mutual recognition, and customs cooperation, climaxing a year's good-optics exercise even as the Afghan war wound down and Pakistan faced serious bouts of terrorism on its soil. Away from the abstract verbalizations of nationalism and surrounded by 'expert' and politically neutral consensus from Pakistan's Chambers of

Commerce and Industry, the two sides agreed to reduce the number of nontradable items to 100 on the sensitive list before the end of 2017 under the South Asia Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) on a reciprocal basis. The reference to gas and electricity to be supplied from India passed the notice of the guardians of the status quo because there was pressure from the energy crisis, specific to Pakistan but looming over all of South Asia.

satisfies both soul and body through entertainment known as a 'soft image', which, in turn, attracts global investment and expands people's indigenous capacity for wealth enhancement. The year 2012 was extraordinary because it reversed the process: instead of waiting for the war to vanish, trade unleashed the instinct for economic activity—and it was triggered by an Indo-Pak refusal to wait for peace. No one could grasp the real import of what the September meeting promised: before the end of 2020, the peak tariff rate for all tariff lines, except for a small number of products on the sensitive lists, will not be more than 5 percent!

What trade does painlessly, politics, bristling with real and imagined grievances, cannot do. Pakistan agreed to lift a restriction on trade through the Wagha-Attari land route for all commodities. It even pledged to discuss the possibility of opening the Munabao-Khokhrapar land route for trade in Sindh. Clearly, the two sides were timing their concessions with great care and diligence: India agreed to bring down the number of items on its sensitive list by 30 percent, while Pakistan committed to completing the transition of mostfavoured nation (nondiscriminatory) status for India by the end of 2012. India will respond by bringing down its SAFTA sensitive list to 100 tariff lines by April 2013.

In 2012, the SAARC Chamber of Commerce, where Indian and Pakistani members have found a united voice more than ever before, spoke of 'joint benefits' for India and Pakistan, clearly accepting that Pakistan's trade to India would increase—because of the devaluation of the Pakistani rupee—if formal trade between India and Pakistan worth $2.7 billion (hiding informal trade through third countries such as the UAE, worth $10 billion) was allowed to flow across official borders.

The antinomy of trade and war When there is no war, two things happen: (i) communities take to economic activity to improve their conditions of life, and (ii) they develop a culture that

The India-Bangladesh lead Front-loaded with trade and development, the Bangladesh-India relationship started transforming in 2011-12, and the Tata investment of about $3 billion –

that looked like a lost cause in 2005 is real now – in four projects, a steel plant, a fertiliser factory, a power generation unit, and a coalmine. In 2012, encouraged by Bangladesh's positive response on 'connectivity', India could break a politically significant logjam to sign an interim Teesta River water-river sharing pact with Bangladesh. Bangladesh nationalism, hostile to India—because of the river-water and border-enclave disputes—could subside and give way to a bipartisan approach in Dhaka to deal with India through trade and development rather than the disputes-first approach. Afghanistan-India pledge for peace In October 2011, SAARC members Afghanistan and India signed a strategic partnership agreement. India will furnish Afghanistan with economic aid and assistance. The agreement provides an additional $500 million on top of the $1 billion India has already spent since 2002. In addition, India and Afghanistan will cooperate in the development of mining and energy production. The agreement left open the possibility of even closer ties in the future. The Indian prime minister said that India will support Afghanistan as it assumes the responsibility of governance and security after the withdrawal of international forces. President Karzai explained: 'Pakistan is our twin brother, India is a great friend. The agreement we signed with our friend will not affect our brother...This strategic partnership... is not directed against any country... this strategic partnership is to support Afghanistan'. Afghan-Pak Transit Trade agreement In July 2012, in a landmark development, Pakistan and Afghanistan agreed to extend the Afghanistan-Pakistan Trade Transit Agreement (APTTA) to Tajikistan in what will be the first step for the establishment of a North-South trade corridor. The countries concerned were involved in hectic efforts for years to set up the corridor. This move would subsequently be extended to other neighbouring Central Asian states including Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan after the initiation of the first link. India-Sri Lanka trade surge The best news of 2012 has been the free trade operationalization between India and Sri Lanka. Bilateral trade surged by more than 70 per cent in 2011 over the previous year, touching an all-time high of $5 billion. Indian companies had invested more than $100 million in Sri Lanka and there was 'vast' growth in India's development assistance and the growing recognition that Indian projects were being completed in a timely and efficient manner. In many ways, the free trade agreement between the two countries has become a path-

breaking example for the rest of the region and is proof of the wisdom of moving away from the national security paradigm to prosperity through trade. Pakistan's bipartisan support of connectivity It is accepted on all fronts that while India and Pakistan stand in the way of the South Asian dream of peace and prosperity, they also have the largest number of factors uniting them behind this dream. Addressing a seminar organised by the South Asian Free Media Association (SAFMA) in Lahore on 13 August 2011, Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) leader Nawaz Sharif said: 'India and Pakistan have the same culture, their peoples worship the same God—meaning they were not animists—and speak the same language. The two states need to compete in the realm of economics rather than in armament'. He spoke about roads. He said he had plans to build his motorway up to Kabul via Peshawar as well as to Gwadar and Tashkent, and in 1999 had counted on India to extend it from Lahore to Kolkata, reproducing the 'connectivity' established long time ago by the Muslim King in Delhi, Sher Shah Suri. He wanted India and Pakistan to trade rather than prepare for war which damaged the quality of life of the common man by downgrading the region's economic infrastructure. The road ahead Today, South Asia seems more ready than ever before to accomplish the tasks set out under the various SAARC commitments. Last year's progress has been impressive and there is no doubt that mechanisms will be set on foot by the member states in general and India and Pakistan in particular to make this progress yield to practical measures on the ground. The least developed countries of South Asia (Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives and Nepal) are to achieve trade liberalisation by 2016, and the non-LDCs (India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka) are to achieve full trade liberalisation by 2013. The progress has been slow but once these goals are finally achieved necessary enforcement mechanism will have to be put in place. The violation of deadlines in the past teaches us that these mechanisms should be constructed and implemented. When the idea of SAARC was not fully grasped by states still living in the Second World War paradigm converted into the Cold War, South Asian diplomacy frontloaded disputes as a precursor of normal trade relations. But SAARC has finally arrived at the proper sequence: when there is trade there is no war. This wisdom has taken so long in dawning because the perception of trouble has taken so long in shifting from the traditional inter-state assessments to intrastate ones.

Address by Chief Guest

developed countries to demonstrate the spirit of accommodation necessary to ensure a fairer deal for the developing countries. In fact, the post-Cold War period has seen frequent great power interventions in sovereign states, resulting in conflicts and wars that have been responsible for the death of thousands and misery for many more.

Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif Former Prime Minister of Pakistan

AFMA's credible efforts to promote goodwill and understanding in our region, and its success has demonstrated the helpful role the media can play in promoting tolerance and accommodation, through the exchange of concepts and ideas. Before I speak on the economic issues and their relationship to politics in the region—for there is an undeniable linkage between the two—it would be fitting to make a brief reference to the many farreaching transformations witnessed in our lifetimes. You will recall the expectations that arose when the Soviet Union's dissolution brought an end to the super-power rivalry, popularly described as the Cold War. This encouraged some to proclaim a New World Order, premised on making the world a more just and equitable place, not only in politics

but in economics as well. The developing countries of Asia and Africa, long mired in poverty, malnutrition and ill health, looked forward to the promise of a fairer global trading regime. Equally important was the excitement over the prospect of differences and disputes being resolved through peaceful negotiations, with the United Nations used as the primary vehicle for strengthening peace and promoting cooperation. Sadly, none of these expectations have materialized. Instead, the past decade has been a period of disappointment for the world, as it is yet to see any of the promised peace dividends coming its way. The United Nations has either been ignored or used to promote narrow, ill-defined agendas that have little to do with the role envisaged for it by its framers. The global trading regime too, remains hindered by the failure of the

Now as regards our own region, we know that countries of South Asia are endowed with impressive human, as well as natural resources that would be the envy of any nation. Our people have long been recognized as among the most imaginative and enterprising; their role and contribution to the development of many foreign countries has been widely recognized. We have a population of over a billion and a half and yet, regrettably, our contribution to the world's economy is not commensurate either with the capabilities of our people, or with the natural resources that the Almighty has bestowed on us. It is not only that we have failed to evolve a satisfactory code of conduct in our bilateral relations, but have not even allowed the only regional organization that brings us together—the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation—to live up to the expectations of its founding fathers. The smaller countries are not too far off in their oft-repeated observation that the continuing inability of India and Pakistan to resolve their differences has been the primary factor preventing the successful implementation of many of SAARC's laudable initiatives. We all know that the SAARC member-states are diverse in terms of size, economic and social development, geography, political systems, languages and cultures. The region constitutes nearly 23% of the world's population, but accounts for only around 2% of the world's goods trade and around 3% of the world's direct investment. Despite important reforms undertaken in South Asian economies in recent years, the region remains one of the poorest in terms of per capita income, as evident from the fact that though SAARC is one of the largest economic blocks in the world, it accounts for almost 67% of the low income population of the world. The region also lags behind in the field of infrastructure, social provisions and institution building. Intra-regional trade is also relatively low, compared with other regions, such as ASEAN. Consequently, in terms of shares in the world trade, South Asia remains insignificant. This is all the more disappointing when it is widely acknowledged by both economists and social scientists that regional cooperation is the most effective instrument for

achieving national growth and development. This has however, not been possible because political differences have come in the way of economic cooperation. Is it any surprise then that the entire region has suffered because of our failure to appreciate the negative fall-out that arises from subordinating economic realities to political considerations? Moreover, to this date, the South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) remains only an ambitious initiative aimed at boosting regional trade flows, but it has fallen far short of its goals. Intraregional trade continues to stay around 5% of total trade of South Asian countries, which means that South Asia as a regional trading block has not made any significant contribution to improving Indo-Pakistan trade. Our first and foremost task should therefore be to identify areas where we can enhance and expand our economic and commercial cooperation. This is particularly applicable to Pakistan which has seen high population growth coupled with low rates of economic growth, pushing larger numbers into the poverty zone. The past decade has also witnessed an alarming decline in national development, particularly as regards allocation for the country's growth and socio-economic development. At the same time, the deteriorating security situation has not only discouraged foreign direct investment from coming to the country. Thus our problems have become so acute that they cannot be overcome simply by economic policies and reasonable conditions of security, unless it is complemented with and reinforced by cooperation with the region, and within the region. This would explain why my major interest has always been in the field of economic growth and development. Even though both our terms in office were unconstitutionally curtailed, the PML(N) government was successful in introducing far-reaching reforms. I was determined to break the shackles of stifling state controls in order to liberalize the economy and to encourage the genius of our people to thrive in an environment of creative freedom. The independence of the State Bank was ensured, privatization of the sick and inefficient industries undertaken and restrictions on movement of foreign currency lifted. These reforms were hailed as revolutionary and many countries, including India expressed not only its admiration, but a desire to study them. In the second term, we were able to focus on projects that came to play an important role in strengthening the country's energy, power and communication sectors.

Our vision was not confined to mere development of our own country, but included expansion and strengthening of economic cooperation with neighboring countries, as I recognized that there was no better instrument for promoting meaningful and sustainable growth than our regional organization, SAARC. The remarkable success of the European Union and ASEAN had proven the advantages of this approach. I am however, cognizant of the fact that economic cooperation cannot take place unless the political environment is supportive of this effort. This would explain the earnestness with which I undertook to reach out to the neighboring countries and I feel a sense of great satisfaction in informing you that I was privileged to enjoy excellent relations with them all, including the honorable Prime Ministers of India. Let me pause and express my deep condolences at the passing away of Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral, a wonderful human being and a genuine believer in peace and friendship with neighboring countries. Some of you may be aware that at the very beginning of our second term in

office, we started off establishing cordial, tension-free relations with India. My vision of a peaceful South Asia was reinforced by my appreciation of the fact that unless the two countries were able to recognize the imperative of resolving their differences by means of peaceful negotiations, neither country, nor the region, would be able to enjoy the fruits of growth and development. You are aware of how Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and I were able to reach an understanding during our cordial and constructive dialogue in Lahore in February 1999. There is no denying that Mr Vajpayee deserves great credit for the successful outcome of the Summit. He demonstrated great resolve and initiative in promptly responding to my invitation and for sharing my vision of a peaceful and cooperative South Asia. In fact, the Lahore Declaration envisaged a promising road map for resolution of our differences, while protecting the interests of all parties and ensuring peace and stability in this region. It is therefore, a matter of deep regret for me, and surely for the international community as well, that the bold and sincere initiative taken by the elected leaderships of the two countries, was sabotaged.

The setback to the Lahore Process has however, only strengthened my resolve to pick up the threads where it was left, if we ever get the opportunity again. It is my earnest desire to make a modest contribution to fostering of cordial and cooperative inter-state relations in South Asia. The people of this region share a common destiny which has to be based on the principle of sovereign equality and mutually beneficial peaceful, cooperative and good-neighborly economic and political ties among all the states. This also explains why I am of the view that the decision to normalize trade relations with India is a step in the right direction. It will bring stability and remove arbitrariness in trade matters. In fact, as signatories to the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT), both countries are obliged not to discriminate against each other in matters of trade. It is however essential for the Government to iron out the related issues with India, including removal of non-tariff barriers and finalizing a road map for freer trade. The Government must also engage in detailed consultations with the stakeholders, especially on related aspects, such as standardization issues.

be able to make steady progress towards resolution of all our differences. It is not only the peoples of this region who yearn for peace; nature itself is pointing to the need for such a course of action. The manner in which climate change has transformed the environment and impacted on glaciers on the Himalayas, the Karakoram and Hindu Kush mountains, which feed the mighty rivers, has highlighted the urgency of cooperation in the region to monitor the glaciers and scientifically study the monsoon patterns. The challenge emanating from this development strengthens the urgency of initiating meaningful cooperation amongst the countries of the region. Let us not forget that we are not only neighboring states, but the fates of a billion and a half people are inter-connected. There can be no peace in one country, without peace in the other. Similarly, you cannot expect to have pockets of prosperity in a vast ocean of poverty. The challenges are enormous, but given a common vision and unflinching resolve, there is no reason why we should not be able to overcome them.

The agreement on a liberal visa regime is to be welcomed as well. Similarly, exchange of media representatives, scholars, sportsmen and women and members of the civic society should be encouraged as it can go a long way in removing many of the myths and misconceptions that have created walls of distrust among us. Visas must also be allowed to these categories. Cooperation in the sectors of energy and power should now occupy the highest priority for the regional countries, both bilaterally and through the mechanism of SAARC. There is an urgent need for this initiative as this energy starved region cannot strengthen its economy, in any significant way, without regional cooperation, that should then be extended to the energy-rich Central Asian states. Meaningful understanding in these sectors would ensure tangible and immediately visible benefits to the people, which would contribute to strengthening peace and stability in the region. I am aware of the many differences and disputes that have continued to haunt Pakistan-India relations. Some of these are the legacy of history, while others have emerged in recent years. I however remain confident and convinced that if the two countries remain engaged in sincere and uninterrupted dialogue process, there is no reason why we should not

Rapporteur's report

Open house said that the normalization of relations was essential to ensuring sources of energy from Iran and Central Asia.

r Shujat Bokhari, editor of the Srinagar-based daily, Rising Kashmir, asked the panel how they saw Kashmir fitting into a South Asian economic union. Mr Khaled Ahmed responded by saying that, after 1999, states had begun to realize that disputes could be resolved more easily in an environment of normalized relations created through open trade and the “disarmament of nationalisms”. He explained that Pakistan's concerns regarding Kashmir related to the Kashmiri people's welfare and the fact that the territory was the source of Pakistan's water; the bilateral waters treaty between India and Pakistan could function best under normalized relations. Mr Ahmed foresaw Kashmir as an area of free trade radiating across the two countries, which was to the benefit of both. Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi said that the Kashmir border had now softened with the recently introduced bus service, and that cross-border trade had also increased, albeit gradually. This was the direction in which India and Pakistan were likely to handle the Kashmir issue. Mr Rahimullah Samandar, editor of the Afghanistan newspaper Azadi, pointed out that Afghanistan, which had not been mentioned in the discussion, could play a major role in regional cooperation, particularly in dialog between India and Pakistan. Dr Rizvi indicated that Afghanistan's geographical location made it a key player in regional energy infrastructures, such as pipelines from western Asia to South Asia. Mr Ahmed agreed, saying that, as South Asia attained higher growth rates, energy was likely to become a problem, particularly for India. He

Mr Reazuddin Ahmed, president of SAFMA-Bangladesh, indicated that he had seen no qualitative change in policies over the course of SAARC summits since 1985, and asked whether India's geopolitical and economic size versus the region's smaller countries was a factor. Dr Nabi responded by saying that India's economic growth was beneficial for the region as a whole because it helped the country develop a strategic vision for South Asia. Consequently, India was now much more supportive of multilateral trade within SAARC and disposed toward integrated energy and water networks, for instance.

Session V: Human rights, minorities, and women in South Asia 8 January 2013, Lahore Moderator: Ghazi Salauddin (senior columnist and anchor, Pakistan)

Mr Vinod Sharma, president of SAFMA-India, pointed out that the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan had stalled SAARC from moving forward. He said that one aspect of Indian policy was that, given the importance of Kashmir to both Indian and Pakistani nationalism, the best course was joint action to give the Kashmiri people a way of life they wanted rather than a formal accord resolving the issue. This was only possible through “no borders” rather than “new borders” in the spheres of trade, water, culture, and environmental protection, etc. Mr Lakshman Gunasekera, president of SAFMA-Sri Lanka, said that the panel's views were pragmatic at the apex level, but that an important consideration was other cross-border currents such as tribal communities and subaltern classes that continuously engaged with each other, legally or illegally. He asked why the region's political systems had not accommodated this dynamism. Dr Rizvi responded by saying that the situation of cross-border ethnic and linguistic communities was not peculiar to South Asia. Despite the fact that the region's states had initially adopted a monolithic notion of nationalism, this had now given way to a more pluralistic notion. States did not have the capacity to insulate themselves from such cross-border engagement.

The state of human rights in South Asia Ravi Nair Executive director, South Asia Human Rights Documentation Center, New Delhi

he genius of the South Asian people has kept dissent alive across South Asia. In spite of the cynicism of the western world and even in parts of our NGO community, it must never be forgotten that our folkloric and cultural tradition always looks up to the other, across the region, and this that has kept the flame of democracy, human rights and dissent alive more than any constitutional norms, etc. However, that alone is not enough and this is where we need institutional mechanisms to give foundations to these deeply held beliefs. In India, the key issues are that of accountability and impunity. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which is used rampantly in Kashmir and the Northeast, was born is sin, and the government is now thinking of enacting it in Central India to deal with the Maoist insurgents. It is important to highlight that impunity will not be resolved unless Section 191 of the Criminal Procedure Code is deleted. The UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders was eager to welcome India's signing of the Convention against Torture (CAT) and the Convention against Enforced Disappearances (CED). Yet ratification and the applicability of all the provisions in the domestic law of India seem to be a

pipe dream. The status of minorities also leaves much to be desired. The affirmative program for low-castes and other castes, Dalit, Muslim, and Christian communities, has yet to be implemented. Strengthening India's domestic legislation as far as the rights of women is still a long hike against entrenched patriarchy. On the positive side, legislation on the right to information has empowered a lot of people across the country. The second important measure that the government has taken is the national rural employment guarantees, which has promised and delivered in most places, 200 person-work days for anybody who claims his/her right to work. The state of women's rights in Pakistan continues to be grim, primarily due to a lack of effective implementation of new laws. The problem of impunity is even more severe when it comes to torture, illegal detention and extrajudicial executions. Minorities in Pakistan continue to face societal discrimination. The issue of bonded labor and the complete deprivation of labor rights and minimum wages is a serious concern, especially in Sindh. Domestic violence is clearly a major problem in spite of the

state's effort to deal with itâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;significant public education is required to help resolve it. The parallel judicial system needs to be addressed and the treatment of minorities, especially the Ahmedi community needs to be revisited. 2012 saw Sri Lanka slide down the slope to authoritarianism. The President is making direct appointments to important offices with little or no parliamentary or judicial scrutiny. CEDAW's provisions are yet to be assimilated into local law. The rights of the Tamil minority exist in fiction. Muslims are poor cousins to the Buddhist majority. Nepal is yet to fashion an instrumentality to deal with the large-scale violations committed both by the Nepalese army and the Maoists. The state is withering away. The international community instead of strengthening state institutions thinks that â&#x20AC;&#x153;civil societyâ&#x20AC;? will transmute fool's gold into governance. There are accountability issues that continue to plague the working of the NHRC, the National Women's Commission and the National Dalit Commission. The religious minorities are acutely aware of their position in the pecking order. Post the country's ratification of the ILO's Indigenous and Tribal People's Convention, not a lot has been done to mainstream its provisions.

implementation of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord has a long road to traverse and tribal communities see their land alienated from them continually. The country is beset by issues of torture and extra-judicial executions. The failure to implement or at least transmute the main principles of the ILO Convention 169 relating to tribal people is very difficult. Religious freedom is a problem not only against major religious minorities but also against the Ahmedi community. Against this bleak backdrop, dissent and popular protest are, fortunately, long entrenched beliefs in the South Asian psyche. Partisan international interventions have done little to improve human rights standards. It is the genius of the local people that will bring change.

Bhutan is an example of how scrutiny can be subtly avoided as far as commitment to human rights issues is concerned. The written constitution was adopted in 2008 but it means little when it comes to the protection of the rights of the Sarchops and ethnic Nepalese. On women's rights, it has brilliantly created a smokescreen befuddling the UN CEDAW committee. Bangladesh is no stranger to the impunity of its law enforcement agencies. While the rights of women and children have improved marginally from what they were, its minorities remain insecure. The

Impunity, human rights, and good governance in South Asia Asma Jahangir Lawyer and human rights activist, Lahore

he question of impunity is a regional question, whether it concerns the violation of human rights, the persecution of religious or ethnic minorities, torture, or extrajudicial killings. The positive point is that, in South Asia, women and religious and ethnic minorities have been the driving force in enhancing human rights norms because it is they who have actually defined human rights. We cannot divorce human rights from democracy and the empowerment of minorities, as well as disempowered people such as women from the democratic process. Religious and ethnic persecution is a threat that runs throughout the region: from personal experience, both India and Pakistan are incorrigible when it comes to religious intolerance, but for either to point fingers at each other is not only counterproductive, it is also laughable. While you look at the different levels of political link up in societies in South Asia, you see that we are all at a different level of reaching a democratic transition or maturity. When you try and link these, you see that when you talk about discrimination against women and religious minorities, where democracy has reached a certain level of maturity,

this discrimination is at least not institutionalized. On the other hand, where we have not reached this level of maturity in democracy, this discrimination is institutionalized. For example, in the case of Ahmedis, there is a law to persecute them here: it is institutionalized. When you begin to look at the different levels of democracy, your human rights standards also improve at the state level in the sense that formalized discrimination is reduced. Under institutionalized discrimination, women's right to self-expression is the first thing to be subjugated. The reasons given by extremists for destroying girls' schools is that they do not want to see women express their abilities. My theory is that they are not just afraid of those girls, they are afraid of every woman in this world. Their first step, therefore, is to destroy women's thinking to humiliate them. Thus, while there is institutional and non-institutional discrimination, non-institutional discrimination occurs when governments do not have skillful or good governance and impunity exists for certain classes of people. This is why I propose that we should have another rightâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the right to good

governance, which is the right of every citizen. Pakistan has passed many pieces of legislation, which are easy to make, but these do not get implemented either because they are flawed or incomplete. Even in the case of sound legislation, it will not be implemented if there is no governance. For example, if you give me the right not to be tortured, then under the right to good governance, I can ask the government what mechanism it has in place to ensure that this right is delivered to me. If you give me the fundamental right to education, which our government has, the right to good governance empowers me to ask where the money in the budget is going, why that right is not given priority in the budget, and why the right to make nuclear weapons is becoming a fundamental right instead. However, before you have the right to governance, you have to ensure that, in those societies and countries where this is actually made a fundamental right, you have a judiciary that is sensitive and skilled. Without this, everything that comes under the right to good governance will lead to the perpetual destabilization of government. For example, preventive detention, which we had in our constitution, was eventually watered down by the politicians because there was public opinion against it, not because it was ruled to be against fundamental rights.

conservative segment of our society. It must be younger, dynamic people who can look at the entire picture of what is happening in the world. When we talk about human rights, we cannot be in self-denial that human rights have to be for allâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;women, religious minorities and people with no beliefs at all. As far we in Pakistan are concerned, we claim that our women and religious minorities have all the rights and respect they deserve, but when they are tortured or killed in broad daylight, no one comes to their rescue. Only if there is pressure from outside the country do people say a few words of sympathy for them. We have to have three main agendas in South Asia. One of them must be to end impunity, the second could be the right to freedom of religion and belief, and third one the right to good governance for deepening democracy. We also need a skillful judiciary that is sensitive, because without that, the backbone of democracy will not be strengthened.

Eventually, we have to talk about solutions, and one solution has been national human rights commissions, but these have become government-driven agendas and pension houses for retired judges. Effective human rights commissions must be more vibrant and more creative. We must also be mindful of the fact that in South Asia, as indeed in the rest of the world, policies are now driven more and more by intelligence agencies and under the paradigm of security. We have to draw ourselves out of this, which is why, if somebody proposes a South Asian Charter of human rights, I would suggest a South Asian Charter of Human Rights driven by the people of South Asia and not by the governments of South Asia. A charter driven by the governments of South Asia will derogate some of the universal rights that we already have. Following such a charter, if we have to have a commission on human rights, let people who are working in the field participate rather than judges alone, who are the most 61

Reconciling collective “minority” rights and individual rights Rita Manchanda Research director, South Asia Forum for Human Rights, Kathmandu

recent intervention in Srinagar by a cluster of Delhi-based women's groups in forging strategic alliances with Kashmiri women on promoting peace and gender rights tweaked the memorable phrase of Gayatri Spivak, the theoretician of postcolonialism, about saving “Hindu women from Hindu men”. As feminists, we bring to the forefront the whole issue of transformative politics for women in struggles for minority rights and ethno-national assertion, and nation building. However, can we expect women to be part of an autonomous process that is separate from the minority struggle within which they are embedded? If you look at a number of peace accords, particularly those involving indigenous peoples, such as the Chittagong Hill Tract peoples in Bangladesh or indigenous tribes in northeastern India, what is valorized are customary laws and traditions. These may be religion-based or tribe-based, but what are particularly emphasized are arbitration procedures, which are mandated by these customary laws and practices, and which have been the source of legal pluralism in South Asia. These are often very regressive systems, and the local patriarchies are often even more repressive than even the

meta-patriarchy of the state. Yet the Kashmiri women we spoke to did not want to engage in any kind of activity that they felt might undermine the overall struggle, and said they had to reconcile within that struggle. If we look at the state's reaction, with reference here to the Indian state, the women's question plays a very important role in the relationship between the state and collectivities. The state is very willing to grant legal pluralism, but far less willing to grant the customary laws prevailing on, say, land rights as opposed to family laws. This is why the Indian women's movement split down the middle in the 1980s when the Shah Bano case became such a divisive issue because the uniform civil code became a euphemism for the Hindu civil code. What we have seen and are still seeing is the capacity of a social majority, i.e., the Hindu majority, to become the political majority and impose its hegemony at the cultural, political, and legal levels. Muslim women separated from the movement on the grounds that, while they supported many aspects of the uniform civil code, they could not do so any longer if it meant that in the identity mobilization that was taking place, they were expected to take a position contrary

to what was happening. What this brought to the forefront was the difficulty of reconciling what are individual human rights, especially the rights of the vulnerable in many of these nondominant minority groupings, because their rights are often sacrificed in the name of collective rights. And yet, without collective rights, minority rights cannot be enjoyed, whether in issues of language or religion, etc. The problem, therefore, is how to reconcile collective rights with individual-based rights. Earlier constitutional debates show that the country's founding fathers were very concerned that if they surrendered to special rights rather than emphasizing equal rights, this would give rise to special, exclusionary, regimes. In the end, the political and economic landscape of South Asia is a very unequal one. To talk about equal rights or the expansion of a democratic agenda enabling a civic citizenship culture that allows everyone to participate does not work when there are such extreme structures of inequality. When you have such extreme structures of inequality, you have to have special rights, but then special rights are seen as appeasement by the majority. Many of our countries have quota systems for women or special minorities, which is a hugely contentious issue because what we are seeing is more and more minoritization. After 50 or 60 years, many of us felt that we would be moving on to taking pride in being equal citizens. Instead, more and more people are claiming rights as minorities or special interest groups, which is fragmenting the citizenry rather than consolidating it. This is the model that is being played out in South Asia.

demands for ethnic homelands and the creation of more and more “outsiders”. As an alternative to “minority commissions”, the idea of an “equality commission” was mooted a couple of years ago, but failed because we are still caught up in the politics of special rights. Finally, what kind of implications do special rights have for the South Asian state system? In a sense, Partition did not close the minority question, which is what it was hoped it would do. A majority in one country is a minority in another. These are ethnic kin states so that the “hostage theory” should apply but it does not because in some of these areas, you have very small minorities so the capacity for leverage is much lower than it was in 1947. In Bangladesh, for example, Hindus are seen as proxy citizens, viewed in terms of when they will return to their “real” homeland, India, which is used to legitimize attacks on their property. Parallels can be drawn in many other South Asian countries as well. What has complicated the minority discourse is the positioning of some minorities as suspects in the terrorism debate. In Sri Lanka, for example, the Tamil minority was positioned as terrorist suspects; in India, it is often the Muslim minority. The terrorism discourse has, therefore, displaced the rights discourse.

There is no country in South Asia that is free from internal strife. There are groups, whether one calls them minority groups or ethno-nationalist groups that are asserting their right to recognition, status, dignity, and control over resources. It is not necessary, however, for a multiethnic/lingual/religious society to be a confrontational one. Why the state comes into conflict with its minorities has much to do with what kind of model is being adopted constitutionally. In the Indian context, there have been attempts to deal with situations of inequality and contentious politics through special rights, affirmative quota politics, and ethnic homelands, but as we have seen in the third case, it has become a recipe for relentless reproduction of

The state of minorities in postwar Sri Lanka

Address by Chief Guest

Farzana Haniffa Senior lecturer, University of Colombo

Her Excellency Cecilie Landsverk Norwegian Ambassador to Pakistan

n May 2009, Mahinda Rajapaksha, president of Sri Lanka, declared in his victory speech that there were no more minorities in Sri Lanka, that there were only patriots. Many activists who were aware of the terrible devastation of the last few months of the conflict viewed the president's statement with some trepidation. While the president may have been invoking a c o mmu ni t y d e vo id o f difference there were questions about what form such a community would take. What place would those, long marked as minorities and therefore having different entitlements from the majority, be treated? While many welcomed the end of the war and the possibility for peace and prosperity the manner in which the war ended cast a cloud over the possible future. Today, post war Sri Lanka is the site for many economic miracles. Infrastructure development is occurring at a surprising pace, massive growth is anticipated in a variety of sectors. There has been an efflorescence in the arts. However, the situation for minorities remains bleak. Despite the many salutary

developments since the end of the war there is very little emphasis on building a collective Sri Lankan consciousness. The resettlement process is in a shambles, with the government depending solely on donor support. There is virtually no progress in taking forward a political settlement to address the grievances of the Tamil population and “reconciliation” is limited to the supposed implementation of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC). There is little or no acknowledgement of the suffering of the people of the north and any mourning and memorializing is limited to the armed forces of the state. In the meantime, anti minority sentiment – now directed against the Muslims, the country's second largest minority – is rife and seems to be growing unchecked in the south. When anticipating solutions for the question of minorities in Sri Lanka, however, the issues of consequence are not merely those of the state or elements of the majority community's treatment towards minorities. There are also issues regarding how the condition of minorities and the conflict itself has been understood that is not reducible to the state alone. The Sri Lankan conflict was long understood as a two-party affair where the parties to the conflict were the mainly Sinhala state and representatives of the Tamil minority. This narrative rarely permitted the inclusion of other groups such as the Muslims and that continues to inform the post war context as well. The international call for accountability for the events of the last few months of the war has somehow reinforced the idea that the people who suffered from the conflict were the Tamils. This makes arguing for assistance for affected Muslims extremely difficult. The consequences are that the Tamil IDPs and Muslim IDPs are seen to be in competition with one another for control over scarce resources. Usually, given both the international pressure and the fact that the Vanni IDPs are seen to be far more vulnerable has the Muslim losing out. These perceptions of discrimination contribute to the exacerbation of tension among the minorities, which does not bode well for the future. The government and international actors engaged with the resettlement process as well as local civil society are all implicated in this unfortunate turn of events.

will look at the issue of human rights from outside and ask the question, why should we as members of the international community “care” about human rights, gender, and minority issues in these countries? Do we have a second agenda for “caring” about these issues? Is it simply because we have strategic or economic interests here that we engage with and support organizations working on human rights and gender, etc.? In some ways, these are our interests, but we simply believe that we have to care about human rights, women's rights, and minorities' rights. The world is getting smaller; there is more mobility, and in that sense, it is in our interest that there should be increased knowledge and acknowledgment of human rights in all parts of the world. Many people from this part of the world are moving to live in Norway. I have a responsibility to teach my children about human rights. So it is in my interest that people coming and going in my part of the world take human rights seriously. In this sense, it is acknowledged that international human rights standards are more important than ever, and that this unites us. However, we also know that human rights is a sensitive and politically difficult issue, and there are cultural and ideological reasons for viewing human rights in different manners. Nonetheless, the majority of countries in the world have signed human rights conventions, including on gender rights and minorities' rights, on the basis of a common understanding that general standards are important and we have to abide by them. Not only have we signed these conventions, we have agreed that the international community should be allowed to scrutinize

our adherence to these principles. The question then is, to what extent can we as outsiders enter a country and criticize them for their nonimplementation of human rights and signed conventions? We cannot do this in any manner we like; we have to show respect for due process, but I do believe in due processes such as the UN's UPR process, which has been institutionalized and allows us to ask our partners how they are implementing the conventions they have signed. One important issue with respect to South Asia is that of minorities' rights. Although you have mentioned ethnic, linguistic, and religious minorities, there is no clear definition. What is becoming a problem in South Asia and other part of the world is hatred against groups because of their religious beliefs, and one issue is protection against defamation of religion. Another issue is the protection of individuals against incitement of religious hatred. When religious is misused for this purpose, we should be bold enough to stand up and protest. We should all remember that international human rights laws protect individuals, and not institutions or belief systems. Another very important issue in this country in the context of human rights, gender, and minorities' rights are the upcoming elections. We all have an important responsibility to support the process. We have a responsibility as part of the international community, and can participate by sending observers and supporting the preparation process. The media from the region also has an important role in following the election. All of us, women, men, children, deserve a democratic future in Pakistan. 65

Rapporteur's report

Open house

r Roshan Wijetunghe pointed out that the Indian government had been heavily involved in the civil war in Sri Lanka, both in an official and unofficial capacity, but that it was now keeping a low profile in a situation where minorities had been marginalized and their human rights compromised. Mr Ravi Nair responded by saying that the Indian government had been complicit in the massacre of Tamils during the conflict, as was most of the international community. He said that the Sri Lankan government had played a sophisticated, subtle role in terms of diplomatic maneuvering in this context, but that people had now begun to see through it. Ms Farida Nekzad, president of SAFMA-Afghanistan, said that the situation of women's rights in Afghanistan needed to be addressed, and asked whether the South Asian countries could take a joint position on such issues. Ms Asma Jahangir responded by saying that the question of Afghanistan needed wider discussion in a regional context, given how critical the year 2014 was likely to be for the entire region in connection with protecting human rights. She said that human rights violations during the transition in Afghanistan had been mapped and submitted to the government,

but the report had never been made public. Participants from Bhutan disagreed with Mr Nair's assessment of the status of Sarchops in the country, to which he responded by citing the case of the Sarchop leader Rong Thong Kinley Dorji, who had died in jail in India while the Bhutanese government had tried to have him extradited without due process. Finally, Mr Gunarak Luital, a Nepali journalist, commented that the same human rights issues that were being debated 15 years ago were still under debate, and asked what the human rights movement had really achieved. Mr Nair replied by saying that introspection was necessary in Nepal's case, where the donor community had supported civil society without realizing the importance of setting up governance institutions to this effect. Dr Rita Manchanda added that most discussions focused on the official track, while it was important to bring in multi-tracks where human rights were concerned.

Session VI: SAFMA in critical perspective 8 January 2013, Lahore

12 years of SAFMA Imtiaz Alam Secretary General, SAFMA

he South Asian Free Media Association (SAFMA) completed 12 years of its existence on 2 July 2012. The delegates attending the First South Asian Free Media Conference (SAFMC) in Islamabad decided to form a mainstream media body for the region. The founding conference evolved a programme, “Media Development, Freedom and Peace in South Asia”, which focused on pursuing two-fold objectives: a) media development, the free flow of and access to information and a free, professionally competent, unbiased and independent media in the region; and (b) promoting a culture of dialogue and an environment for understanding, tolerance, peace, conflict resolution and cross-border cooperation leading towards a South Asian union and help bring an end to the menace of extremism and terrorism. Since then SAFMA has been established in all the eight member countries of SAARC, with elected national chapters and offices in all countries of the region. The South Asia Media Centre was also established in Lahore from where the SAFMA Central Secretariat operates. It is recognised by SAARC as an associated body but is yet to be given the status of an apex body, which it deserves on merit. The Action Plan approved by the Information Ministers of SAARC has been implemented by SAFMA, by establishing a South Asian Media

Centre, South Asian Media Net, the South Asian Journal, South Asia Media School, and various journalists' exchanges and editors' conferences. So far, SAFMA has held eight regional South Asian Free Media Conferences, five SAARC Journalists' Summits, two Indo-Pak conferences, two South Asian conferences, one Pak-Afghan parliamentary conference and various sub-regional exchanges to promote a free media, peace and regional/sub-regional cooperation such as Dhaka-Kolkata, MumbaiKarachi, Punjab-Punjab and Kashmir-Kashmir exchanges. SAMC: SAFMA has helped establish the South Asia Media Commission (SAMC) in all eight countries and at the regional level to monitor attacks on the press and to audit media content. It has held two regional conferences that have elected successive regional executive bodies with representation from major media bodies and the civil society. The South Asia Media Monitor, which covers attacks on journalists and audits media content, has completed seven years of publication. SAWM: SAFMA has also backed leading women journalists by establishing South Asia Women in Media (SAWM) to mainstream gender issues and ensure greater participation of women journalists. SAWM now has a regional executive body with eight national chapters. SAWM members are also members of SAFMA

and it works in close collaboration with SAFMA.

generals are represented on the FMF's Board of Governors.

SAPANA: The South Asian Policy Analysis (SAPANA) network – a virtual think-tank and network of experts, academics and researchers – has produced the high-quality research-based South Asian Media series consisting of 13 books on major policy issues facing South Asia. Another research-based series on seven major subjects is under preparation and is to be published in the South Asian Journal as well as in book form.

South Asian Free Media Endowment (Fund): To become self-sustaining, FMF/SAFMA has proposed the creation of a South Asia Free Media Endowment (Fund) worth US$ 20.34 million with a possible contribution from the SAARC Development Fund and members/observers of SAARC at the SAARC Journalists Summit V in Bhutan in April 2010. SAFMA has also proposed the creation of scholarships worth US$ 336,000 annually from the SAARC countries for young journalists to be trained at SAMS.

South Asian Journal: SAFMA's joint media productions have had a positive impact on South Asia. The South Asian Journal has completed nine and a half years of publication while maintaining its high quality and covering crosscutting themes. Top experts, academicians, researchers and editors contribute to the Journal, which has a vast readership across the region. The Journal has focused on major regional and national policy issues to overcome the information deficit and create broader understanding on inter- and intra-state issues. South Asian Media Net: South Asian Media Net has been online for over 107 years. This news and views website is updated daily to provide one window to all the South Asian countries. It has been renovated with audio-video facilities that will be turned into web-based radio and television (free radio/free TV) at www.southasianmedia.net. Any South Asian can file a story or views on the site and join various discussion forums on it. SAFMA/SAWM/SAMC members can also hold online conferences on this site. South Asian Media School (SAMS): SAMS, which was established to train and educate young journalists across the region, has been successfully undertaking eight-week, five-week and one-week certificate courses under the supervision of a well established faculty and international instructors. SAMS will be expanding its training program to six-month and one-year diploma courses in collaboration with top media organizations in the world. Free Media Foundation (FMF): The FMF, registered under the Societies Act, is the implementing agency for SAFMA, SAWM and SAMC. The FMF has entered into contribution agreements with Norway, UNDP, the Netherlands and Germany and raised more than US$ 8 million to run SAFMA/SAWM/SAMC activities over the past 12 years. The FMF accepts the work-plans and budgets proposed by the regional executive bodies of SAFMA, SAWM and SAMC or by their office-bearers on their behalf, and their secretary

SAFMA's impact SAFMA's most remarkable achievement is that it has made a major contribution in developing, promoting and popularizing the vision and ideas of a South Asian union and South Asian fraternity. In 2000, there were few takers of the idea of South Asian solidarity, given the continuing animosity between India and Pakistan, despite the creation of SAARC in 1985. Peace and economic cooperation were handicapped by the overriding demands of adversarial nationalisms and aggressive security paradigms. Most efforts at promoting peace and cooperation at regional and bilateral levels had been stonewalled by the aggressive nationalist demands of resolving the disputes first. SARRC remained dormant and did not go beyond high-sounding declarations. IndiaPakistan disputes and tensions continued to make all regional agendas for cooperation a hostage to perpetual tensions in the Subcontinent. Now, innumerable groups, varied stakeholders, businesspersons, agriculturalists, professionals, experts, academics, artists, sportspersons, media groups, lawyers and civil society organizations are reaching out to each other across borders. SAFMA has played the role of a catalyst in igniting new ideas of partnership based on commonalities and common interests. Although processes of dialogue and confidence building between India and Pakistan, Pakistan and Afghanistan, Bangladesh and India have been disrupted many times, the forces of history and compulsions of circumstances continue to push these countries towards a mutually dependent destination. SAFMA has been instrumental in promoting a free and responsible media to promote tolerance, peace and cooperation in South Asia. Pursuing a twopronged strategy to achieve its twin objectives of developing a conscientious media community with a South Asian perspective and engaging the media and major stakeholders for conflict resolution, peace, tolerance and regional cooperation, SAFMA has made a remarkable contribution. Although its efforts

have been hamstrung by the extreme provocations of extremists who have succeeded in swaying the media towards war mongering, there are still media persons and saner elements that have stood the tide of outrage â&#x20AC;&#x201C; and SAFMA has been with them. Media-related achievements SAFMA, SAMC and SAWM have achieved the following media objectives: 1. Created an active media network across borders with regularly elected national chapters, media resource centres in eight countries and regional executive bodies elected every two years at the South Asian Free Media Conference and SAWM and SAMC regional conferences, a Central Secretariat in Lahore, Pakistan 2. Strengthened the right to know and freedom of expression by bringing changes into media and other laws of those countries that prohibit freedom of expression and right to know 3. Promoted the free flow of information and movement of mediapersons and media products across borders 4. Raised media professional standards through training and reorientation (SAMS) 5. Helped media-persons rise above their national/ethnic/religious divides in conflict situations 6. Worked toward overcoming the information deficit through joint media productions such as South Asian Media Net and the South Asian Journal 7. Monitored attacks on media-persons and media organisations and audited media content through the publication of annual and periodical reports on the media (South Asia Media Monitor); and promoted solidarity movements for media freedom and peace, such as in Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka 8. Promoted gender sensitization and mainstreaming through workshops and guidelines, now under the auspices of SAWM 9. Created joint media platforms for action and reform at the national and regional levels 10. Redefined the media's role in conflicts, women rights, good governance, peace, fighting terrorism etc. 11. Promoted regional cooperation, conflict resolution and the isolation of religious extremism and the fight against terrorism through media campaigns and sub-regional, bilateral and regional forums, interactions, exchanges and networking (South Asian Parliamentary conferences, Indo-Pak parliamentary conferences, Pak-Afghan

12.

Parliamentary conferences, Kashmir-Kashmir, Punjab-Punjab, Mumbai-Karachi, Dhaka-Kolkata sub-regional exchanges) Helped strengthen democracy and democratic culture by promoting tolerance and curbing terrorism and religious extremism through various activities.

SAFMA's achievements for peace SAFMA has expanded its appeal and influence beyond the media community that has increasingly joined its ranks. SAFMA is playing an active role in conflict resolution, peacemaking, confidence building, and eradication of terrorism and extremism. In its 12-year existence, SAFMA has been at the centre-stage of creating understanding, reconciliation processes and confidence between Pakistan and India and Afghanistan and Pakistan: 1.

It brought together not only journalists from all divides, but also parliamentarians, politicians and experts from these countries, besides building bridges between Bangladesh and India and Nepal and Bhutan. Its initiatives have led to ceasefire between India and Pakistan, after it brought together the members of the two parliaments in Islamabad who called for a ceasefire and initiated confidencebuilding measures between the two countries. Encouraged by SAFMA's initiatives, India and Pakistan initiated a series of confidence-building measures and a composite dialogue process. By exchanging two groups of journalists across the Line of Control (LoC), dividing Kashmir, SAFMA facilitated an understanding on opening the LoC to divided families and a bus service between the two capitals of divided Kashmir. SAFMA organized two South Asian Parliamentary conferences in Pakistan and India that attracted official delegations of all parties from all the legislatures of the region and set the agenda of South Asian Economic and Parliamentary (Deliberative) Union. It achieved yet another landmark by bringing together the parliamentarians from Afghanistan and Pakistan in Islamabad. Quite refreshing and motivating was a visit by the captains of industry, agriculture, culture and media from the Pakistan side of Punjab to the Indian side and between Mumbai and Karachi, Dhaka and Kolkata and journalists' exchange across the divided Kashmir. For the last seven years SAFMA has collaborated with Pak-Hind Dosti Manch and Folklore Academy in organising seminars, cultural programs and candle vigil on bother sides of the Wagha/Atari border.

Thanks to SAFMA's and efforts of many other civil society organizations, IndoPak trade liberalization is taking place and some measures have been taken to ease visa regime between the two neighbours. What is quite astonishing is that media persons have not been included in the list of the privileged who will be receiving multiple entry visa, nor have SAARC stickers been given to journalists from Pakistan and India, despite the decision of the SAARC Council of Ministers. SAFMA has been holding journalists' summits along with the SAARC summits to demand the free flow of information and free movement of journalists across borders. That has not yet happened and calls for increased efforts. Institutional development The FMF, SAFMA, SAWM and SAMC have taken far reaching measures for its institutional development. The Central Secretariat has evolved and implemented a well thought-out institutional development plan. The FMF's Memorandum has been revised on the advice of a leading corporate law firm, to create a strong and clear institutional and structural relationship between the FMF and SAFMA/SAWM/SAMC. Similarly, SAFMA's, SAWM's and SAMC's memorandums have also been amended to strengthen this institutional and structural relationship. The chartered accountant firm Ernst & Young has undertaken a comprehensive gap analysis of FMF's Central Secretariat's financial, managerial and HR procedures. The Report was approved and Ernst & Young was asked to propose Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs). It proposed two manuals on finance and HR as well as a manual for the national chapters, to bring our working and governance in accordance with best practices and international corporate standards to strengthen good governance, accountability, transparency, necessary checks and balances and discipline. The FMF, Central Secretariat and national chapters must ensure that these manuals are fully followed in letter and spirit. A system of results-based monitoring, evaluation and reporting has been established and it must be implemented. Efforts are being made to create a South Asian Free Media Endowment Fund for selfsustainability. The FMF has been certified by the Pakistan Centre for Philanthropy (PCP). Its performance in achieving its aims and objectives over the last three years was evaluated against three broad sets of parameters in internal governance, financial management and programme delivery as contained in the following certification model. Each category contains a certain number of parameters

with each parameter assigned a score against which a CSO is assessed. The table below gives a summary of the overall scoring under the major indicators on the basis of which the FMF was assessed and certified:

Table 1: Donor funding received 2003-12 Donor 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 TOTAL Av. P / Y

UNDP Norway 161,876.36 161,876.36 161,876.36

Netherlands -

807,217.28 683,593.81

624,052.55 749,256.00

2,237,977.46 996,181.30 1,137,803.88 907,853.21 223,960.00 995,124.67 7,989,711.61 998,713.95

664,334.09 1,608,114.00 830,097.00 4,475,853.64 895,170.73

CIDA -

German -

41,167.00 41,167.00 41,167.00

42,853.00 355,230.00 398,083.00 199,041.50

Total 161,876.36 1,431,269.83 1,432,849.81 2,237,977.46 1,660,515.39 2,745,917.88 830,097.00 907,853.21 307,980.00 1,350,354.67 1,306,669.16 13,066,691.61

Table 2: Budget amount consumed by SAFMA chapters (USD) Year

Pakistan

India

Banglades Afghanista Nepal h n

2004 2005

21,495

16,930

2006

41,771

45,881

2007 2008

87,492 88,921

54,232 60,062

9,788 4,365

85,830 75,990

2009

151,418

117,013

7,252

2010 2011

124,160 86,723

27,449 54,776

6,304 5,632

2012 Total Norway funding

48,766 650,746

* 376,344

* 33,341

German funding (2012)

255,038

Sri Lanka

Maldives

Bhutan

13,800 45,867

2,000

57,020

24,700

50,926 92,263

22,106 17,892

20,402 22,673

3,812

86,611

101,514

34,426

26,571

4,426

84,586 34,555

47,032 29,652

9,282

5,685 3,911

* 367,570

* 438,075

78,928

* 17,833

38,620 25,881 * 165,626 -

* Expend iture against budget released for the year 2012 shall be recorded after the receipt of Audited Financial Statements from the chapter.

The FMF's Board of Governors and the leadership of the regional executive bodies of SAFMA/SAWM/SAMC have learnt from funding agencies that the latter's grant policies makes them unable to support partner organizations in becoming self-sustaining through the creation of an endowment fund. With the recession in Europe and the changing priorities of international donors, funds may be drying out. Most donors are interested in backing certain activities/projects that fall under their priority areas, not necessarily coinciding with the agenda of SAFMA, which, unlike typical NGOs, is not interested in doing whatever comes its way, nor is it ready to follow an agenda not set by it according to our conditions and mandate. What will happen if the RNE's support to the FMF comes to an end by 2013, as has been indicated to us? The time has come for us to pay serious attention to the complex question of SAFMA's sustainability. The FMF's and SAFMA's emphasis has been on engaging the media in conflict resolution, peace, freedom and cooperation. This is a highly critical and strategic agenda and involves very powerful and confrontational stakeholders, nation-states at loggerheads, security establishments bent on playing their own game, mass nationalist constituencies playing the enmity card, militant groups threatening peaceniks with dire consequences, and a media predominantly inclined to play on the conflict-based prejudices of its domestic audiences. There is a malicious campaign underway in Pakistan against SAFMA by extremists who have demanded a ban on SAFMA and threatened to kill its 72

leaders. The objectives of a media for peace and cooperation could not be achieved in a decade, and they remain an uphill task. But our labour of love cannot be abandoned half way – donor support or no support. But what do we do? Should we cut costs and reduce our operations? Indeed, this must be done. Should we generate income through our facilities, such as the production house? Yes, this is being done and should be expanded. Can we generate revenues by organizing cultural shows? This could be done once or twice a year but is not sufficient to sustain us. Why not close down some of our projects, such as SAMS or the South Asian Journal? The Journal can be made self-sustaining by attracting advertisements and SAMS can be partially sustained by partly commercialising it. The production house could become self-sustaining and generate some revenues. Should we cut our costs on personnel and other costs? We have already started this process and should be more vigorous but beyond certain limits we may be undermining our institutional capability, which is required by donors and essential for good governance. Should we merge SAWM's and SAMC's activities into SAFMA? The fact of the matter is that there are no additional costs and if SAFMA has to do their work, it amounts to the same cost while compromising the objectives pursued better by SAWM and SAMC. Should we ask our governments in South Asia to support the FMF? We have avoided doing so in the past on the grounds that such support by governments might compromise our independence and neutrality if they asked us to support their official stand, which, as journalists and peace campaigners, may not be possible. Recently we tried to get the support of the government in Pakistan for our media school, but were disappointed. Although SAFMA has encouraged its national chapters to find donors and raise their own funds, they have not done so for various reasons. Except for the Pakistan chapter that has funding for all its activities for 2012, and Bangladesh, which tries to live on its own resources, other chapters have not been able to make any substantial headway. Should we find other donors? Yes, we must. The Pakistan chapter was able to get German support for all its activities in 2012, but such support is limited to certain activities and donors are not inclined to provide institutional support. Other chapters can and must explore funding options in their own countries. Our national chapters in Sri Lanka, Nepal, India, Afghanistan and Bangladesh can find donors and generate their resources, like their counterpart in Pakistan. Dependence on the Central Secretariat will have to be drastically reduced and we have one year to facilitate the national chapters in finding their own sources

and resources. There are three possible scenarios and we must be ready to consider plans A, B, and C if we are to survive: Best-Case Scenario and Plan-A We have a reliable donor, ready to provide institutional support for four years. We find other donors to support various segments of our program while asking the national chapters to raise their own sources in one year and pursue our case for a South Asian Free Media Endowment Fund with the SAARC Development Fund with an amount of USD 20 million that will be sufficient to meet our core activities, besides sustaining our networks of SAFMA, SAWM and SAMC. Middle Scenario and Plan-B If we do not get an endowment fund in the near future, we rely on a major donor to partially sustain the FMF and other initiatives – SAFMA, SAWM, SAMC, the South Asian Journal, South Asian Media Net, SAMS, and the production house. We ask the national chapters to raise their own resources while keeping the nucleus, the Central Secretariat, intact. We bring other donors on board to back various segments of the program, raise further resources through cultural shows, etc. We make the South Asian Journal and SAMS self-sufficient and increase our income from the production house.

· Allocate funds for the creation of a South Asian Media Endowment Fund either out of SAARC Development Fund and/or with the contribution from member countries of SAARC. The Endowment Fund can be created with the amount of USD 20.340 million, which will be maintained by a regional trust dedicated to the objectives and activities of SAFMA/SAWM/SAMC and their implementing agency, the Free Media Foundation. The two options through which SAFMA seeks support are: · Alternative-I: Funds for the South Asian Free Media Endowment Fund provided by the SAARC Development Fund and/or · Alternative-II: Member countries of SAARC share the funds among themselves.

Worst-Case Scenario and Plan-C We do not find a major donor and our funding dries out, leaving us with enough funding only for small projects and not enough to sustain the networks we have built across South Asia and the Central Secretariat. To meet this scenario, we rent out part of the Central Secretariat to finance a small facility, stop supporting the national chapters, close down SAMS, find advertisements for the Journal, and develop our website and new media capacities to run our networks, SAFMA, SAWM and SAMC on the internet instead of holding costly conferences. The national chapters could also function on these lines. Relying entirely on the community of journalists dedicated to the cause of a media for peace, freedom, tolerance and regional cooperation, we entirely turn to new media spaces to continue with our cause with a self-sustaining Central Secretariat equipped with a production facility. We hold online conferences to promote our cause. SAFMA's proposal to SAARC and its member countries for support Appeal to SAARC and its member/observer to help create · South Asian Media Endowment Fund

Anticipated Results

Conference Declaration

Impact: Free and responsible media contributes towards tolerance, peace and cooperation in South Asia Outcome 1: Enhanced capacity of media to promote regional peace and development

Output 1.1 (SAFMA): Expanded and consolidated network of well informed journalists in all eight countries of South Asia with ability to take up selected thematic issues in the region (SAFMA)

Output 1.2 (SAWM): Increased sensitivity of media groups to recognize and address gender issues in all aspects

Output 1.3 South Asian Media Centre (Central Secretariat): Improved programme coordination and management strengthened.

Outcome 2: Greater utilization of shared knowledge base on South Asian policy issues by policymakers and opinion makers

Outcome 3: Enhanced capacity of media to promote and safeguard the rights and responsibilities of journalists through media monitoring and reorientation of young journalists

Outcome 4: Conducive environment for peace, cooperation and tolerance in the region strengthened

Output 2.1: (SAJ/SAPANA): Increased sharing of research-based knowledge contributing to policy formulation, review and feedback (SAPANA) and quarterly South Asian Journal

Output 3.1 (SAMC): Improved mechanisms of monitoring content and attacks on media (South Asia Media Monitor and South Asian Media Commission)

Output 4.1 (Peace initiatives): Increased level of understanding among major stakeholders, diverse sections and media groups through regional (South Asian media, experts and parliamentary moots) bilateral (Pak-Afghan, IndoPak, Bangladesh-India) and sub-regional forums (Punjab-Punjab, MumbaiKarachi, Kashmir-Kashmir, Peshawar-Kabul, DhakaKolkata, etc.) exchange visits

Output 2.2 (SAMN): Improved and greater access to unbiased and contextualized South Asian news and views through a well maintained web portal

Output 3.2 (SAMS): Increased capacities and reorientation of media personnel (esp. youth) on regional issues with a South Asian perspective and high ethical standards

Output 4.2 (Curb terrorism): Increased awareness of stakeholders, experts, journalists and parliamentarians of member countries of SAARC to curb terrorism/extremism for regional peace and sustainable cooperation

Output 3.3: (South Asian Media Centre) Increased mobilisation of video documentary filmmakers to undertake the issues of peace, violence, gender, poverty and culture to be promoted and disseminated among the masses

Output 4.3: (Production house) Effective and low-cost soft and hard media products for mass awareness and public service developed and widely disseminated through free TV and free radio on internet and other media outlets and also for sustainability purposes

SAFMA Amritsar-Lahore

e, the journalists from eight member countries of SAARC, having met at SAFMA's 8th South Asian Free Media Conference on “A vision for South Asia and union: Opening minds, opening borders” in Amritsar on 6 January and Lahore on 8-9 January 2013, underlining the historical, cultural, social and economic ties across South Asian borders, and after having carried out exhaustive deliberations on various issues of great significance to our people, put forward the following views. We: 1.

Express our dismay over the bottlenecks in the way of implementation of the 14 SAARC declarations on connectivity, 17 SAARC declarations on South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA), Thimpu Declaration on Environment and the agenda set by the SAARC Information Ministers Conference; Are dismayed at the continued failure of the region's states to address violations of basic rights and to further strengthen democratic institutions and processes; Are deeply concerned at the rising wave of terrorism and religious extremism in various parts of South Asia – Afghanistan and Pakistan in particular – which spills over boundaries and is aimed at bringing neighboring states into conflict with one another; Are concerned about the variety of extreme religious, ethnic and communal/sectarian narratives that are dividing societies, peoples and the states; Are deeply concerned that poverty and underdevelopment continue to plague the vast majority of citizens in South Asia to the extent that the region has some of the lowest human development indices in the world; Appreciate the increasing interest in the idea of a vibrant South Asian community, South Asian union, and mutually beneficial cooperation as opposed to nationalistic and security-centric

7. 8.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14. 15.

approaches that have kept the countries of South Asia from pursuing their common destiny; Welcome trade liberalization between Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Afghanistan; Condemn atrocities against women, minorities and children as represented by the attack on an icon of hope, Malala Yousafzai, the vicious rape and murder of a brave-heart in Delhi, and all such other instances across the region; Take serious exception to attacks on the freedom of expression in various countries; attacks on and killing of journalists, social activists, and NGO workers engaged in the uplift of our people (such as vaccine campaign workers and teachers imparting education to girls and boys); and the ethnic/sectarian cleansing of minorities being witnessed across South Asia; Condemn the killing of 23 journalists in South Asia – including 13 killings in Pakistan – and the culture of impunity that appears to have become a hallmark of the character of various actors in the countries of the region; Welcome visa liberalization between India and Pakistan, although it is still prohibitive and does not match the good examples of open borders practiced by Nepal, Bhutan, Maldives and Sri Lanka; Are critical of the excessive commercialization and sensationalism being exhibited by sections of the media, regardless of objectivity, neutrality, professionalism, and ethics; Abhor hate speech in all its forms while rejecting restrictions on the freedom of expression and sources of information, such as the continuing ban on YouTube in Pakistan; Appreciate the steps that some governments have taken to implement mechanisms to enable citizens' right to information; Are apprehensive about the possibilities of greater anarchy, sectarianism and internecine conflict spreading through the

conflict-ridden regions of Afghanistan and Pakistan after the exit of ISAF from the former in the absence of a regional consensus. We pledge to: 1. To promote and work for a dynamic, sustainable, peaceful, equitable people and environment-friendly South Asia with seamless borders and transnational connectivity through various means and at all levels; 2. Reject violence and extremism (religious, ethnic, and genderbased) in any form and adhere instead to a humane, tolerant, pluralist, democratic and progressive worldview as opposed to extremist and violent narratives; 3. Emphasize interfaith, interstate and inter-ethnic harmony while focusing on the emancipation and wellbeing of our people regardless of cast, creed and gender; 4. Adhere to freedom of expression, the right to know, and fundamental human and civil rights regardless of caste, religion, ethnicity and gender; 5. Uphold professional standards and media ethics while promoting the public interest and a journalism of peace. We demand that: 1. All impediments in the way of the implementation of the recommendations of the 14th SAARC Summit on connectivity, 17th SAARC Summit on SAFTA and Thimpu SAARC declaration on Environment be removed; 2. All political, social, religious forces and institutions of the states take all possible measures at all levels to eradicate the scourge of terrorism/extremism without being selective and indulging in blame games in any form; 3. Political parties, civil society activists and religious entities thwart all attempts at spreading hatred on the basis of ideology, religion and ethnicity; 4. Member countries of SAARC develop a holistic, long-term vision for regional progress that also incorporates measures to

6. 7.

8. 9.

10.

11. 12. 13.

mitigate the impact of climate change on South Asia; Member countries of SAARC follow the timeframe set for the implementation of SAFTA and extending it to services, harmonization of macro-fiscal policies, setting of standards, harmonization of custom rules, building both physical hardware, such as ports, highways, communication lines and software, such as simple immigration procedures and harmonious customs regulations; There be an end to all forms of discrimination and violence against women The governments, media and civil societies protect the rights of children and minorities, especially girls' right to education, and the rehabilitation of displaced communities with full rights to their ancestral places; All the citizens of South Asia raise their voice in unison against killings of journalists, social activists, and rights' campaigners; The killers of journalists be brought to book, their families duly compensated and those performing their duties in difficult environments be provided security and insurance coverage; The governments of all SAARC countries grant journalists, writers, artists and academics two-year multiple-entry visa while extending the scope of SAARC visa sticker; Promoting tolerance, democratic values, social, human and political rights; All South Asian governments act without delay to grant citizens the right to information; All neighboring states of Afghanistan, including Pakistan, Iran, China, Central Asia and India reach a regional consensus in promoting peace and harmony in Afghanistan in a process that is led and owned by all Afghans and evolve a joint security mechanism to collectively fight the scourge of terrorism and extremism.

We, the delegates to the 8th SAFMA Conference, resolve to meet at our next meeting, to be decided by the regional executive body of SAFMA.

Address by Chief Guest Raja Pervez Ashraf Prime Minister of Pakistan context for the welfare of its people.

rime Minister Raja Pervaiz Ashraf urged the political leadership of South Asia to show courage, flexibility, and statesmanship in dismantling political barriers and resolving interstate conflicts to lay the foundations for regional economic take-off. He said there was immense scope for collaboration in the spheres of culture, sports, tourism, education, research, human resource development, poverty alleviation, and environment among the SAARC member countries. The Prime Minister stressed the need for collective wisdom to evolve a South Asian vision and fraternity, adding that SAARC members must develop homegrown solutions to overcome poverty, unemployment, and economic disparity. Underlining the need for close bilateral ties, he said that SAARC members must allow greater interaction among policymakers, parliamentarians, businesspersons, media practitioners, professionals, and leaders of civil society. Stressing the need to overcome the information deficit among member countries, he said that all restrictions on the free flow of information should be removed and mediapersons and products should be allowed to move freely across borders. He said that diversity among member countries was necessary to accelerate the process of development through greater bilateral connectivity The Prime Minister pointed out that the region still lagged behind the rest of the world despite its immense natural and human resources, adding that South Asia was still deprived of basic health and educational facilities. He said that the region could do well by learning from global best practices and apply them in a regional

Stressing the need for collective effort for the betterment of the region, he said that history would not forgive us if member countries remained mired in narrow considerations, adding that 1.2 billion people across South Asia expected their leaders to exercise vision and statesmanship to put SAARC in the league of other groupings. Nothing can be achieved if we do not open our minds to each other and allow connectivity to flourish, he added. He said Pakistan attached great importance to SAARC and was committed to the principles and objectives of the SAARC Charter. He stressed that Pakistan had played a proactive role in making SAARC a model of regional cooperation, based on the principles of sovereign equality. The Prime Minister said that Pakistan supported the liberalization of intra-SAARC trade and looked forward to increasing bilateral and multilateral trade with member countries, given that cross-border trade could help overcome poverty and strengthen economies. He said that the SAARC Visa Exemption Scheme had been instrumental in promoting people-to-people contact, including businesspersons and mediapersons. Urging the need for reconciliation, the Prime Minister said that the Pakistan People's Party-led coalition government had practiced a policy of reconciliation from its inception, adding that this had been Benazir Bhutto's vision. He said that conflict over disputes must give way to reconciliation, connectivity, openness, and regional cooperation, adding that the collective wellbeing of South Asia's people could not be left to the mercy of any one country. He urged SAARC to step up efforts toward regional energy security through the sharing of indigenous sources and technology. The Prime Minister stressed the need to evolve sustainable mechanisms to translate the objectives of SAARC into reality and turn it into a formidable regional body. He asked that the media play its role in educating people on the socioeconomic advantages of cooperation among member states and guide the government toward creating an environment conducive to development. Finally, he acknowledged the role SAFMA had played in promoting peace and regional cooperation in South Asia.

Report on SAFMA

Plenary Session 9 January 2013, Lahore

Imtiaz Alam

e have proposed important changes in our strategy, standard operating procedures (SOPs), memorandum of association (MoA), and organizational structure. There will be one executive secretary general from Pakistan, but there will be a president, three vice presidents, three joint secretaries, and one information secretary. The burden of the executive secretary general will be shared by the eight other office bearers, and it will become a cabinet within and above the regional executive body (REB). In the REB, there will be as usual in the past four members, one compulsorily a woman. The national chapter office bearers who become regional office bearers will not have a local office. The central secretariat will operate in chapters through the regional office bearer in each chapter. For example, if there is an office bearer in India, the central secretariat will issue directions to or coordinate with the person there and s/he will ask the local chapter to comply with those instructions. They can consult with each other if there is a problem. The central secretariat will therefore be decentralized and authority shared between ten office bearers instead of one. The secretary general, an executive officer of the Free Media Foundation (FMF) and the central secretariat, shall have the executive authority to instruct, coordinate, and communicate with the office bearers and employees of the national chapters. The employees in the national chapters' offices shall be dealt with in accordance with the SOPs and be responsible for following the instructions of the secretary general/executive director of the FMF, central secretariat, and FMF.

they make us worthy recipients of taxpayers' money, and this should be a hallmark of our organization and its reputation. The donors and auditors are very tough on compliance with SOPs and rightly so, and we must respect that. I will give you an example. If there are 200 delegates at this conference and we have fixed a fee, the auditors will ask us where the fee is; I know that some of you have not paid the fee although most of you have, so I will either have to pay that fee out of my own pocket, or you will ask me to remit that you are very poor or have lost your wallet and cannot pay the fee, and if I sanction that, I can save my skin. We publish 2,000 South Asian Journals. We have to say how many we have sold and how many unsold copies there are. We have to give an account for this. In one instance, where we did not pay enough attention to these small things—the number of journals sold or returned to our office—we had a very big problem. There was no corruption involved but the auditors take account of everything. So we have made these annexes part of our MoA. Third, we have the FMF. In Lahore we registered the FMF, which is the implementing agency for SAFMA, SAWM, SAMC, SAJ, etc. We have amended the FMF's MOA as well so that the secretary general or his representative of SAFMA, the SAWM secretary general or her nominee, the SAMC secretary

Second, we have successfully passed through a prolonged process of audit and review of our organizational structures and operations. You will find many pages in this document on SOPs for the national chapters, all of which have been published so that you are aware of them, and have been made part of SAFMA's MoA with the approval of the South Asian Free Media Conference—the highest decision-making body of SAFMA. These SOPs are to regulate and govern the business of the national chapters. We cannot afford or allow even a minor deviation from the rules. We must comply with them in letter and spirit because

general or his or her nominee, will be on the board of governors so that they can represent SAWM, SAFMA, SAMC on the FMF board. The FMF's executive director or his/her nominee, regardless of whether he is a member of SAFMA, SAWM, SAMC, will be an ex officio member of SAFMA's executive body, SAWM's executive body, and SAMC's executive body. We have integrated it structurally so that the Foundation and all our initiatives, like SAFMA, SAWM, and SAMC, are now constitutionally linked, and it becomes binding on the FMF to take decisions with the guidance of SAWM, SAFMA, and SAMC and vice versa. It is a bit complicated, but we will finalize the budgets on the recommendations of the executive bodies of SAFMA or other bodies, and they will be reconciled by a committee based at the central secretariat. If, say, we have a budget of Rs 100, and we get Rs 80, we make adjustments. For that, we have a budget reconciliation committee in which we have representation from SAFMA, SAWM, and SAMC, so that it is done with the consultation of these respective bodies. So amendments have been incorporated on the advice of a leading lawyers' company in Pakistan and senior auditors from Ernst & Young. We have 400 pages of SOPs. No NGO in South Asia has such elaborate manuals for HR and finance. We have also brought in the role of chapters' joint HR and finance committees, which have representation from SAFMA, SAWM, and SAMC. They can decide to have a president or a secretary, and when it is formed, all business of finance all business of hiring and firing, all administrative approvals will be given by this committee. We have in the FMF many committees who supervise and have the authority to give various kinds of approvals, so we have extended this to the chapters. I will come later to its significance.

We have done this on the advice of Ernst & Young and our lawyers, so now it has become totally structurally integrated. The MoA you have approved today at the conference with consensus is mostly that approved by the REB in Thimpu. I put forward the resolution that all the amendments proposed by the secretary general, as approved at the REB meeting in Thimpu, with some minor additions and changes proposed by delegates, are before the house for its approval. [Resolution approved] Election of regional cabinet or office-bearers From India, there is going to be a president. Am I allowed to propose a name? Or the Indian chapter can propose the name of the president. [Vinod Sharma proposed and approved as regional president] There will be four vice presidents: one from Afghanistan, one from Bangladesh, one from Sri Lanka, and one vice president representing SAWM. May I ask the Bangladesh chapter to propose the name of a vice president? [Abdul Qayeum Karim from Afghanistan, Reazuddin Ahmed from Bangladesh, and Lakshman Gunasekera from Sri Lanka proposed and approved as vice presidents] There will be a deputy general secretary who should be from Pakistan to assist the work of the secretary general. There will be a woman vice president. Should we say that the SAWM president will be a vice president? [Shamini Boyle approved as SAWM vice president] There will be two posts for joint secretaries, which will go to Bhutan and the Maldives. [Kezang Dema proposed and approved from Bhutan, Soffa Husain proposed and approved from the Maldives] The information secretary will be from Nepal. [Yubaraj Ghimire proposed and approved] I propose the name of Dr Jabbar Khattak for secretary general… or we can have a woman secretary general.

[The proposal was rejected and the full house demanded that Imtiaz Alam remain secretary general till the next SAFMC. The post of a deputy general secretary was proposed and Mehmal Sarfraz was elected deputy general secretary] On the issue of our reforms: we received a 95% rating in governance, 84% in financial management, and 72% on the program delivery side. SAFMA has received total funding of USD 13 million from UNDP, Norway, the Netherlands, CIDA, Germany, and nobody else. It should be clear what our sources of funding are. We do not hide our sources of funding, we publish our audit reports, we have an internal auditor (Ernst & Young), and we would like to have them in our other chapters as well so that our accounts remain up-to-date and perfect. The central secretariat allocated the Pakistan chapter USD 255,000, the Indian chapter got USD 376,000, Bangladesh got USD 33,000, Afghanistan USD 367,000, Nepal USD 438,000, Sri Lanka 165,000, the Maldives, USD 79,000, Bhutan, USD 17,000. What is not mentioned here, which we have sent to the chapters, is that, except for Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and Nepal, the level of consumption of the budget is less than 50%. This is a sad reflection on the chapters. Afghanistan's funding remains suspended except for their administrative costs, which will be revived after certain conditions are met by the chapter. This year, the chapters were sent money in May – the Indian chapter did not consume the money because the NGO they had signed the contract met with some problems due to foreign exchange controls in India. Similarly, there are other chapters where there were few activities. So chapters should implement their programs and must raise their own resources in order to become self-sustaining by next year.

All these instructions are written down. We are under great scrutiny, which we have voluntarily opted for as required by the SOPs. However, we are absolutely free to decide our programs, but of course while strictly adhering to due approvals of work-plans and budgets. You will forgive me for being harsh on the issue of SOPs, but they have to be followed. Even if the president or whole executive body decides to issue cash, that is not acceptable, and the contract will be suspended, and we may lodge a case against you in court as will the donor if we at SAFMA deviate from any provision in the contract. Our next review is due in May. If any irregularities are found regarding the SOPs, our support will be gone forever. You should be equally responsible as should the central secretariat. One chapter's folly could bring all of SAFMA down. That is not your loss but the loss of 12 years' hard work. We must have professional accountants and they must coordinate directly with the Director Finance at the central secretariat and follow his instructions in the strict observance of SOPS. We will keep a record of your daily cash withdrawal through the Internet and you should ask your banks to grant permission to the central secretariat to do so. We should know where the money is going. Then there are organizational issues. There has been conflict between the central secretariat and the national chapters on the issue that the national chapters are sovereign and the central secretariat is intrusive. It will remain so because we will try to enforce the criteria and the chapters will try to go by their local priorities. There will always be conflict, but it should be resolved. This new cabinet will be better placed to implement the central secretariat's instructions through the office bearers in each country. We will communicate with the vice

Our Director Programs coordinates with you, but we have problems getting the right response at the right time. Our communication and reporting systems should be better, and we must receive your activity reports and financial and audit reports on time – and if they are bad, then your chapter is gone. We cannot afford any kind of deviation from the SOPs while using money in the chapters. You cannot withdraw cash beyond the limit given in the SOPs, you cannot withdraw money without the joint signatures of the HR and finance committee, you cannot transfer money to a personal account, you cannot make purchases without competitive bidding, and if you have to make a payment of more than Rs 10,000 (USD 100), you cannot make it through an open or cash cheque (you have to make it through a cross-cheque).

president or joint secretary or office bearer to have our instructions or obligations on budgets or programs implemented. However, the central secretariat, secretary general, executive director of the FMF, and his officials have the authority to send directions to the office bearers of the national chapters to comply with the SOPs, work-plans, budgets, and reporting responsibilities. All staff at the national chapters will be subject to final approval by the central secretariat and comply with its instructions. In case of non-compliance, deviant staff members may be removed by the central secretariat in accordance with the procedures laid down in our HR manual. Funding may come to an end. I cannot assure the chapters funding beyond 2013. You have to raise your funds. We will provide you some funding for 2013. We have given you the proposals to apply to donors for funding. Even the Norwegian Embassy can finance you in all the countries. Even those chapters that are capable of raising funds do not raise funds because they think they will come from the central secretariat. For example, Nepal can raise funds – I have talked to the ambassador, who is willing. Sri Lanka can raise funds from various sources. If Afghanistan had a good system of governance, I could have raised the whole endowment fund had we started three years ago. So I ask the chapters to raise their funds. We must try and do our last bit – now that we have a cabinet – to pursue SAARC for an endowment fund. The chapters must become the real owners and the central secretariat should, in the process, become just a coordinator and take a regional position on regional issues, and let the chapters work according to the SOPs. They have to be responsible for this. If, say, the Nepal chapter gets money, it has to report the contract and money and give us an audit so that we

know how the money is being spent and whether it is being spent accordingly or not. You cannot say that the central secretariat has not sent us money and someone else has and so it cannot ask us. You will have to send the central secretariat an audit and submit your contract for approval. I don't see membership in some chapters expanding beyond a few people. The Bangladesh chapter, for example, should go beyond two groups of journalists. SAFMA should open membership to new members. We should take people on board and not become a clique. We cannot and should not have a huge membership, but all those who are committed to our cause should be brought on board. There should be no conflict between the organs of SAFMA. SAWM should promote the gender agenda, but not in conflict with SAFMA. There are reports that SAWM says it has nothing to do with SAFMA. This is not the right approach. SAWM should work autonomously but at the same time, SAWM and SAFMA should collaborate in pursuing SAFMA's agenda. That is why, in Pakistan, the national chapter had all SAWM members become members of SAFMA as well. All SAWM conference delegates also became delegates to the SAFMA conference. This is how we have integrated them.

Address by Chief Guest Qamar Zaman Kaira Federal Minister for Information and Broadcasting, Government of Pakistan

AFMA is playing a very important role in defining a South Asian vision and strategies to develop a regional economic grouping. The Pakistan People's Party has always envisioned closer ties between the South Asian nations. Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, my party's founding chairman, conducted dialog with the late Indira Gandhi and aimed to develop friendship between the South Asian neighbors. Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto urged cooperation between the South Asian nations to fight against extremism and extremist ideologies, for which she was declared a security risk. In 2006, she signed the Charter of Democracy with Mian Nawaz Sharif and developed a consensus on greater friendship with India. This was an important decision, because advancing in this direction brings us closer to South Asia.

Minister talked about easing visa restrictions for media persons. South Asia is now booming with such ideas of regional and economic cooperation. Significant sections of the intelligentsia, economists, experts, journalists, and peace activists have begun to take a holistic approach toward the collective good of the region. Soon after his election, President Asif Zardari put across his vision of finding substitutes for passports—whether permits or parchis—saying that we have to allow our population to move across the border without visas. This is our vision, but there are steps before the final step, and if we do not move step by step, there are hurdles we will not be able to overcome.

The present government stands for greater interaction and the free movement of human beings and merchandise across South Asia. Yesterday, the Prime

We need to comprehensively document our populations, establish greater integration of our databases and trust technology as a substitute for

We have serious problems with the Journal's distribution. Some chapters do not take an interest in how it is being distributed. Recently, some chapters have shown an interest and in India, we have contracted out the distribution to an agency which is doing not very well, but fine. We have a contract in Nepal, but not in Sri Lanka or Bangladesh. The literature should be distributed and there should be clear lists for that. Kindly take an interest in the Journal and send us your recommendations. In the future, we will connect New Delhi and Lahore, and Islamabad and Kabul through our small production facilities, and move toward Internet-based radio and television production, integrating three chapters through this – Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India. We will extend it to the other countries in the next few years. If you can do it locally, that would be a great contribution. Please do not think that donor money will always be available. I have proposed a sustainability strategy. Let us join hands to make SAFMA self-sustaining and adopt new media to keep our network going and pursue our agenda, regardless of donors' money. We may face serious issues of resources, and the national chapters must redouble their efforts to become self-sustaining.

cumbersome procedures. There is a history of hatred between India and Pakistan and mistrust on both sides. There are many players who have tried to sabotage our activities, and so we have to move with care, inch by inch, so that they cannot be reversed. The conflict over disputes must give way to reconciliation and resolution, which must at the same time allow rather than hinder connectivity, openness, and regional cooperation to address the demands of our common destiny. Steps can simultaneously be taken toward a South Asian free trade area, a South Asian union in water, energy, communication, information, economics, currency, parliament, and collective security. If the South Asian economies are to be integrated, it presupposes the development of a transnational infrastructure and monetary cooperation among the governments and central banks. There are frontiers on the ground and there are frontiers in space as well. Pakistan's space is open to the world and especially to the region. Our television, news, and cable networks are open to Indian, Afghani, and Iranian channels, for every channel, but unfortunately this has not been reciprocated despite our requests. We hope that this forum will put their voice forward with more vigor once again so that the space we have allowed the regional partners is allowed to Pakistani news and media channels in their countries. We have not done this conditionally, we have done it unilaterally, and so we hope for the same response from the Indian side. Opening borders means opening routes, and allowing access without barriers and restrictions. Keeping borders closed means being anti-routes. The choice is made by opening mindsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;whether we will continue to be held back behind the barrier of barbed wire of anti-routes, ideologies, approaches, and structures, or follow the consensus reached at the 14th SAARC Summit in favor of greater connectivity and opening routes and borders. Nothing will be achieved if we do not open our minds to each other and allow connectivity and routes to flourish unhindered. Cooperation in the information, communication, and transport sectors should serve to create an integrated transregional structure that allows the uninterrupted flow of information, people, goods, skills, services, above and beyond the region. We always say that we are the victims of terrorism. As a frontline state, we are the biggest victims of terrorism and we are also blamed for being the cause of terrorism. All the organs of the Pakistani state and every segment of society have been attacked by terrorism, but my question is, is it an indigenous

product? It is not; Pakistan is a secular and very tolerant society. It is not our product, but a product of the international powers and their conflicts in this region. There was a war in Afghanistan, which was not Pakistan's war or initiative. Because of that war, the world's powers came to Pakistan and made it a base and used our state apparatus. Yes, we were part of it, but Pakistani society was converted from a secular society in the 1970s, its political and democratic governments were overthrown and dictators supported, its population was used as material, and the extremist mindset was promoted with large amounts of money and the world's intellectual input. Every segment of tolerant society was attacked, including our film, media, drama, and poetry. Now we are being blamed by those who created it. The world created this monster. When they won the war in Afghanistan, they went awayâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;this modern, sophisticated, and tolerant worldâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;and the Pakistani state was too small to fight this monster. Even now, the world is only willing to come to our aid to say that we should fight it together when the monster strikes them on their territory. But the monster is still breeding and Pakistan is still bleeding and has been for the last few decades. Even then, we are blamed for promoting terrorism when we are the biggest victims of terrorism, and although we are fighting it for the Pakistani nation, for the region, and the world. We know we have no option in losing this war. We have to win, because if we lose, it will not only be Pakistan that loses, but the region and the world that will lose. But this war cannot be won with guns and bullets and jets alone, and I am grateful to SAFMA for supporting us in changing the [extremist] mindset, which, I admit, has spread across Pakistan.

gas facilities to India. Under the TAPI, the Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline that was originally designed to include India, we are still ready to offer it to India even after it quit. We believe that these grids and connectivity are essential for regional cooperation. Given its low GDP-to-investment ratio, South Asia must create an attractive environment for investment in high value-added manufacturing and transregional projects in communication networks. Enhanced investment flows from within and outside the region will culminate in production facilities located across the region through integrated production systems. The shares of regional companies could be quoted on national stock exchanges if capital was allowed to move unhindered across national boundaries to underwrite investment in any part of the region through a South Asian development bank. It is heartening to note that the South Asian region is now embracing democracy as a system of representation and governance. As we celebrate diversity within the region, we also recognize local diversity within countries. South Asia has come to the conclusion that governance of the people, by the people, and for the people is the most legitimate form of governance. The region has the largest democracy and one of the smallest democracies; it has transitional democracies

and emerging democracies. Pakistan presents a case of perpetual struggle for democracy in the region. We have proven time and again that Pakistan is the most resilient nation in the world. Sacrifices by leaders, workers, intellectuals, journalists, and statesmen have written the history of democracy in Pakistan in blood. The era of democracy brings freedom: freedom of expression, freedom of association, and freedom to criticize the government. We welcome criticism and no channel or newspaper has been banned under our government. We may have many problems with the media, when unethical programs are broadcast as infotainment, but even then we have tolerated it. We are very happy that SAFMA has started a debate within the media to evolve a self-monitoring mechanism. No journalist has been blacklisted or arrested by the government. There are no political prisoners. This is what the Pakistani model of democracy has delivered. We all need to learn from each other. Like individuals, each nation has something to learn and something to teach. I hope South Asia will continue with the spirit of learning from each other.

We need the support of the media and civil society and political parties, and I appreciate SAFMA's efforts to help as an institution and in members' personal capacities. You have supported the democratic setup in Pakistan and a modern, tolerant mindset to help us fight terrorism. The distribution and management of water resources between upper and lower riparian regions needs to be resolved amicably in the spirit of riparian rights, without depriving the lower riparian regions of their due. Energy cooperation should evolve into a South Asian energy grid with integrated electricity and gas systems. Gas and oil pipelines, electricity transmission lines, and railways could run from Central Asia and Iran through Afghanistan and Pakistan through all of South Asia, ending in Southeast Asia. Pakistan has offered electricity grid and

List of participants Afghanistan 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

Muhammad Zia Abdul Qayeum Karim Friba Zaher Anarkali Honariar Suhila Wida Khamosh Abdul Hai Warshan Fazel Elahi Shafiqi Ghulam Ali Saram Frozan Marofi Abdul Hamid Mubariz Farida Nekzad Muska Samandar Makia Moneer G. Jailani Zwak Ehsanullah Arianzai Mohamed Usman Sangin Rahimullah Samandar

Bangladesh 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Zahiduzzaman Faruque Iqbal Sobhan Chowdhury Kamaluddin Sabuj Shaukat Mahmood Ruhul Amin Gazi Amanullah Kabir Monjurul Ahsan Bulbul Nurul Huda, Rasheda Amin, Parveen Sultana Nasimun Ara Huq

12. 13. 14. 15.

Mahmuda Chowdhury Sultana Rahman Imtiaz Ahmed Kashem-Humayun

Bhutan 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Kesang Dema Geley Gyamtsho Chencho Dema Needrup Zangpo Rinzin Wangchuk Kinchho Tshering Saraswati

France Bertrand Marie Nรถel Pecquerie

India 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

Vinod Kumar Sharma Vijay Purushottam Naik Gautam Lahiri Satish Kumar Jacob Renu Mittal Kalyan Barooah Sajjad Javed Mirza Satnam Singh Manak Javed M. Ansari Saroj Nagi Bhupendra Kumar Chaubey Umashankar Singh George Abraham Kallivayalil Bashir Manzar Shiekh Manzoor Ahmed

16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54.

Shrivatsa Manu Ashwani Kumar Sudipta Sengupta Snehasis Sur Akhileshwari Ramagoud Rajeswari Kalyanam Samar Mohammed Khadas Dipti Kamalakar Raut, Yogita Limaye Shashikant, BBC K. Gopalakrishnan, Rakesh Kumar Gupta Geeta Gupta Rajinder Singh Harpreet Singh Gill Ramesh Kumar Yadev Raminder Pal Singh Rajiv Kumar Parveen Puri Deepak Sharma Gurinder Singh Paul Jagtar Singh Lamba Kumar Ketkar Krishan Kumar Katyal Bhaskara Rao Harihar Swarup Om Prakash Thanvi Seema Mustafa K. S. Sachidananda Murthy Suresh Bafna Syed Iftikhar Gilani Shujaat Bukhari Irengbam Arunkumar Singh Swati Bhattacharjee Suhashini Sherene Haidar Mannika Chopra Teresa Rehman Syed Afshana Bhatt Jyoti Malhotra Anita Katyal

55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80.

Sunanda Dikshit Uma Sudhir Muslim Jan Shruti Sharad Ganapatye Bachi Jehangir Karkaria Nivedita Jha Sarada Lahangir Amrit Dhillon Ravi Nair Rita Manchanda Sushant Sareen Zaheeruddin Ali Khan Chanchal Manohar Singh Bedi Sukhdeep Kaur Prabjit Singh Sharda Rana Deepak Bali. Hamir Singh Ravinder Singh Maninder Pal Singh Jaswant Singh Rashmi Talwar Sharada Keshav Kumar Sevanti Ninan Abhigyan Prakash Rajiv Kumar

Nepal 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

Shiva Raj Koirala Nirmala Sharma Chandra Kishore Yubaraj Ghimire Aarti Chataut Kosmos Bishwokarma Gopal Khanal Ganesh Basnet Rohit Dahal Arjun Bahadur Khadka Kalpana Ghimire

12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

Tika Bista Sita Sharma Kokila Khadka Shobha Shrestha Guna Raj Luitel Kishore Uphel

The Maldives 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Ahmed Zahir Mohamed Midhath Adam Ismail Naseer Fathmath Ali Solih Shaufa Hussain

Pakistan 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.

Agha Nasir Muhammad Ziauddin Nusrat Javeed Tariq Mehmood Chaudary Qaisar Ahmad Rana Farooq Faisal Khan Muhammad Aslam Khan Sirmed Manzoor Rana Jawad Naeem Mariana Baabar Fereeha Masood Shaukat Mahmood Piracha Waqar Maqsood Satti Raza Ahmed Haroon Rasheed Quatrina Hosain Shumaisa Rehman Fauzia Shahid Rabia Pir Zahid Hussain Shakila Ibrar Tanzeela Mazhar Mian Bilal Naqeeb

24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62.

Faridullah Shahab-Ud-Din Ziaul Haq Malik Safdar Hayat Khan Dawar Farzana Ali Muhammad Shamim Suheil Sarwar Sultan Farooqi Muhammad Khalid Shahapara Salim Waqar Mustafa Tayyeba Bukhari Iftikhar Ahmad Mujeeb-Ur-Rahman Shami Saba Eitizaz Zoia Tariq Khaled Ahmed Farah Naveed Warriach Farah Zia Qasar Shakeb Adnan Khalid Qayyum Kamran Shafi Pervaiz Bashir Tariq Fareed Muhammad Ayyaz Khan Zulfikar Metho Atta-ul-Haq Qasmi Khalid Butt Saeeda Yousaf Syed Moayyed Ali Khushnood Ali Khan Syeda Khurshid Hyder Babar Ayaz Ghulam Muhammad Jamali Gharidah Farooqi Owais Tohid Faisal Abdul Aziz Shakil Haider Jafri Mazhar Abbas Tahir Hasan Khan

63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94.

Aamer Mahmood Jabbar Khattak Leghari Nazir Ahmed Rafat Saeed Asmat Zubair Shamim Bano Shaikh Najia Ashar Qaisar Mahmood Saleem Ahmed Shahid Shahzada Zulfiqar Ahmadzee Sadia Jahangir Shahid Rind Hameed Khalid Essa Khokhar Abdul Rehman Salma Soomro Jawed Ali Memon Saeed Jahan (Lala Asad Pathan) Humaira Rafiq Mohammad Ahmed Iqbal Mohammad Waseem Hasan Askari Rizvi Munir Ahmed Qureshi Amar Alam Mehmal Sarfraz Samiullah Abraham Amir Mir Ahmer Shaheen Maheen Pracha Aaliya Jalil Sadaf Cheema Najam Aziz Sethi Afzal Khan

6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Kotawila Withanage Janaranjana Don Leonard Shehan Baranage Jayamanna Mudalige Prasad Purnamal Dushiyanthini Kanagasabapathipillai Dinali Shakuntala Anuraj Sivarajah Jehan Gregory Ignatius Perera Farzana Haniffa

Sri Lanka 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Lakshman Gunasekara Anoma Rajakaruna Roshan Wijethunge Mohamed Thaha Mohamed Muzammil Bishrul Hana Ibrahim

FMF Annual Progress Report Media Development, Freedom, Peace and Cooperation

Actual Outputs

Remarks

1.1 -01. Elected by SAFMA 8th Regional conference, SAFMA Regional Executive Body met and amended MOA, approved SOPS and set the direction for regional media network, besides approving work-plan and the budget.

As planned, but dates had to re-adjusted to coincide with the 8th SAFMA Conference without addition costs

1.1-02. SAARC Journalist Summit were not to be held in 2012 as it is held along with the SAARC Summit that was postponed to 2013

1.1-02. Budget adjustment was done with the approval of RNE and allocation was diverted to Activity: 4.1-01 (8th SAFMA Regional Conference)

1.1.03. SAFMA Newsletter was deleted for budget adjustment.

1.1-03. SAFMA newsletter could only be published at the end of activities in 2012 and is being published now.

1.1.04. Endowment Fund Registration was deferred to 2013.

1.1.04. It required elected office-bearers to become trustees of the Endowment Fund and that could be done after the election of office bearers in the 8th SAFMA regional conference held on 6-9 Jan. 2013. It is to be done this year.

Policy Advocacy Output 4.1 (Peace initiatives): Increased level of understanding among major stakeholders, diverse sections and media groups through regional (South Asian Media, experts and Parliamentary moots) bilateral (Pak-Afghan, Indo-Pak, Bangladesh-India) and sub-regional floras (PunjabPunjab, Mumbai-Karachi, Kashmir-Kashmir, Peshawar-Kabul, Dhaka-Kolkota, etc.) exchange visits

1.1-05.0. SAFMA Pakistan undertook 128 activities (91%), out of planned 140 activities, including 10 policy dialogues, 11 one-week media training courses, 66 interactions on current issues, capacity building of 20 press clubs. SAFMA National Conference with 209 delegates focused on Malala’s mission, terrorism, fair elections and accountability of media. It issued a declaration and was addressed by the President of Pakistan besides other leading politicians and ambassadors.

1.1-05.0. Supported by Germany

1.1-05.1. SAFMA Afghanistan undertook 12 activities by mobilising local resources and a small funding by FMF.

1.1-05.1. Bulk of the funding for Afghan chapter was withheld due to some local organisational problems that have now been solved.

Output 4.2 (Democracy and Good Governance): Increased awareness of stakeholders, experts, journalists and parliamentarians in member countries of SAARC to strengthen democracy and good governance, sustainable development, curb terrorism/ extremism for regional peace and sustainable cooperation

1.1-05.2. SAFMA Bangladesh organised one dialogue, one seminar and various interactions with their own resources.

1.1-05.2. SAFMA Bangladesh raised their own resources to undertake their planned activities. It raised USD 8000 this year.

1.1-05.3. SAFMA Bhutan National Conference was held on November 24 and elected its office bearers. It made recommendations for press freedom and on issues of official ads. It also undertook other activities as planned

1.1-05.3. The chapter was reorganised and is quite active now.

1.1-05.4. SAFMA India conducted two policy dialogues and various interactions on Indo-Pak peace and the role of media. It also organised reception for Pakistani Lawyers led by Asma Jehangir.

1.1-05.4. The implementing agency for India chapter faced problems due to strict foreign exchange rules, for the NGOs in particular. The implementing agency is being changed if it does not get the clearance to receive foreign funds. It adversely affected SAFMA India activities.

1.1-05.5. SAFMA Maldives had to be re-organised by the end of the year.

1.1-05.5. SAFMA Maldives President became the minister and chapter became inactive. It was reorganised late in the year.

Submitted to the Royal Norwegian Embassy, Islamabad 1 May to 31 December 2012

Output 1.2 (SAWM): Increased sensitivity of media groups to recognize and address gender issues in all aspects

Output 2.2 (SAJ/SAPANA): Increased sharing of research-based knowledge contributing to policy formulation, review and feedback (SAPANA) and quarterly South Asian Journal for media, academia and research institutions

Output 1.3 (SAMC): Improved mechanisms of monitoring content and attacks on media (South Asia Media Monitor and South Asian Media Commission)

Output 2.3 (CS): Enhanced capacities of Central Secretariat to carry out effective programme coordination and management with transparent and accountable mechanisms in place

Output 3.2: (Radio/TV Production) Alternative enlightened and democratic narrative through Radio/TV software production and mass dissemination through internal and other mass media

Planned Outputs Networks’ Strengthening

INTRODUCTION The Annual Report of FMF covers the period from 1 May 2012 to 31 December 2012. Following are the results and program components in LFM on which the report has been compiled:

Impact: Free and responsible media contributes towards tolerance, peace and cooperation in the region of South Asia Outcome 1: Outcome 2: Outcome 3: Strengthened media platforms to promote, Enhanced capacity and knowledge-base of Increased mass awareness and sensitization protect and safeguard media freedom, journalists, media, academia and policy makers on on peace, tolerance, enlightenment, and peace, democracy, regional cooperation South Asian policy issues i.e. inter/intrastate regional cooperation through production and and gender-equality. conflicts, peace, economic cooperation, human information dissemination. rights, security and environment and intra regional development. Networks’ Strengthening Capacity Building Mass Awareness Output 1.1 (SAFMA): Output 2.1(SAMS): Output 3.1 (SAMN): Expanded and consolidated network of well Increased capacities and reorientation of media Improved and greater access to unbiased and informed journalists in all eight countries of personnel (esp. youngsters) on regional issues with contextualized South Asian news and views South Asia with ability to take up selected a South Asian perspective and high ethical through a well maintained web portal thematic issues in the region (SAFMA) standards

2. PROGRESS (May – December 2012)

Outcome 4: Conducive environment for peace, cooperation and tolerance in the region strengthened.

Output 1.1 (SAFMA): Expanded and consolidated network of well informed journalists in all eight countries of South Asia with ability to take up selected thematic issues in the region (SAFMA)

Output 1.2 (SAWM): Increased sensitivity of media groups to recognize and address gender issues in all aspects

Output 1.3 (SAMC): Improved mechanisms of monitoring content and attacks on media (South Asia Media Monitor and South Asian Media Commission)

1.3.1 Regional SAMC meeting to monitor media rights violations and media content

Regional SAMC meeting, attended by representatives of country chapters, was held at Lahore on 7 Jan. SAMC endorsed the nomination of Mr M Ziauddin as the new Secretary General of the SAMC. The meeting took stock of the media rights situation in South Asia and resolved to jointly fight out the pressures on the media in the region. It resolved to make the body more assertive on the issues of media freedom and the right to information

Covered under 8th SAFMA Regional Conference without additional funding

1.3.2 Annual Media Monitor report

1.3.2The report for the year 2012 was compiled, published and disseminated in all the countries of South Asia. The report chronicled media rights violations and audited media content during the year. On major media rights violations and developments, the SAMC and its country chapters issued their reactions. The SAMC and its country chapters also joined other media rights watchdogs in campaigns for media freedom. The report’s launch and the SAMC statements were prominently carried by the media

1.3.2 The report was approved by the national chapters and launched in seven countries, not in the Maldives

1.3.3.0The Media Commission-Pakistan national meeting. The meeting attended by 200 journalists and civil society representatives reviewed the media freedom situation in the country and the dangers faced by journalists across the country and especially in the conflict areas like Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Karachi.

Funded by Germany

1.3.3.1 The Media Commission-Afghanistan national meeting held. The meeting, widely attended by journalists, discussed the issues for the media arising out of the drying up of funds following the 2014 drawdown of foreign countries’ presence in Afghanistan.

1.3.3.1. As planned

1.3.3.2. As planned

1.2-03. With local resources.

1.3.3.2 The Media Commission-Bangladesh national meeting held. The participants from the media and the civil society discussed the attacks on journalists and media freedom because of political polarisation.

1.2-04. Chapter was re-organised.

1.3.3.3 The Media Commission-Bhutan national meeting held to discuss the issues of revenue facing the independent media.

1.3.3.3 As planned

1.2-04. SAWM Bhutan elected its office bearers and strengthened the networking among women journalists and other women activists.

1.2-05. SAWM India’s local chapters generated their own resources and with FMF funding undertook various activities.

1.2-06. SAWM Maldives had no funds and no activities.

1.2-06 The chapter is being reorganised.

1.3.3.4 The Media Commission-India national meeting held. Senior editors and reporters discussed the media freedom situation in the conflict areas including Kashmir and north-eastern states. It came up with a set of guidelines for journalists covering conflicts.

1.3.3.4. Editors from all over India attended the meeting

1.2-05 SAWM India organised five events and interactions in various parts of India. 1.2-07 SAWM Nepal organised two programmes in collaboration with other women organisations.

1.2-07 Delay in funds affected its performance.

1.3.3.5 The Media Commission-Maldives national meeting not held

1.3.3.5 Chapter in the Maldives is being reorganised.

1.2-08. Could have done more.

1.3.3.6 The Media Commission-Nepal national meeting held. The meeting attended by journalists and civil society representatives from various areas of Nepal showed concern at the increasing violence against journalists in the volatile situation of Nepal.

1.3.3.6 As planned

1.2-08. SAWM Sri Lanka joined SAFMA interaction and participated in a protest rally for rights. 1.3 South Asia Media Monitor Report 2012 covering attacks on journalists and state of media content in all 8 countries was approved by SAMC National Chapters, published and released from seven capitals of South Asia on December 30. SAMC branches in 7 countries organised meetings of leading editors and civil society activists and approved reports in their respective National Media Commission’s meeting and set the agenda for protection of journalists and media ethics.

1.3 Editors network established in seven countries, except Maldives

1.3.3.7 The Media Commission-Sri Lanka national meeting arranged. The meeting showed concern at the increasing threats and violence against journalists even though Sri Lanka is no more grappled with a conflict situation.

1.3.3.7 As planned

The media research was published in South Asia Journal issue 38 [nine research articles], the South Asia Media Monitor report 2012 [six articles] and South Asian Journal issue 39 [three research articles]

1.3.4 The component was deleted from the programme but 18 research papers were written and published.

1.1-05.6. SAFMA Nepal held two seminars and other interactions

1.1-05.6. It undertook the activities with a very small budget.

1.1-05.7. SAFMA Sri Lanka organised a seminar on 23rd September on harassment of journalists and ethnic discrimination and violation of human rights. It organised a protest on “Black January” day against censorship. It also held its annual conference.

1.1-05.7. The chapter is in the vanguard of struggle for press freedom and faces threats.

1.2 Increased sensitivity of media groups to recognize and address gender issues in all aspects through Gender sensitization workshops and strengthening women media network (SAWM)

1.2 All activities were undertaken as planned

1.2.01. SAWM regional executive body meeting was held to review the work plan for 2013 and discuss issues pertaining to rights of women, and those of woman journalists in South Asia in particular.

1.2.01. Meeting was delayed and pegged with 8th SAFMA regional conference without any additional funding.

1.2.01. A SAWM National Conference was organised on October 19, 2012 on Gender and Role of Media. 103 leading women journalists, besides 106 male journalists, from print and electronic media participated in the conference. Although conference was titled as: “Media, Gender, Obscenity and Terro rism”. Its focus was on Malala’s mission to resist terrorism and work for women’s rights and girls’ education. The ambassador of Norway, Cecilie Landsverk was the chief guest in the third session.

Funded by Germany

1.2-02. SAWM office bearers in Afghanistan coordinated their activities with other civil society organisations.

1.2-02. Funds were not released to Afghanistan chapter.

1.2-03. SAWM Bangladesh organised a meeting to highlight SAWM programme and strengthen its network.

1.3.3.1 SAMC national meetings to monitor media situation and the media content

1.3.4 Research Media Cell reports on media content

Capacity Building Output 2.1(SAMS): Increased capacities and reorientation of media personnel (esp. youngsters) on regional issues with a South Asian perspective and high ethical standards

Increased capacities and reorientation of media personnel on regional issues with a South Asian perspective and high professional standards through 11 Media workshop for young and local journalists organised by SAMS. 11 Reorientation training courses on conflict reporting were organized. 275 young Journalists, from conflict regions, and selected districts have enhanced skills, capacities and understanding. Pak Afghan regional training course was also done and a course was done with the Support of Deutche Welle

Funded by Germany

Increased sharing of research-based knowledge contributing through (SAPANA) and 4 quarterly South Asian Journal, 2000 copies each, were widely disseminated to media, academia and research institutions for policy review, research and reorientation

Funded by Germany

Output 2.3 (CS): Enhanced capacities of Central Secretariat to carry out effective programme coordination and management with transparent and accountable mechanisms in place

2.3 Central Secretariat’s professional capacities, efficiency, good governance, better management of financial and human resources strengthened. Central Secretariat planned, coordinated and implemented the program at regional level while strictly observing SOPs as reflected by Internal auditor’s six-monthly reports. It expanded its networking with political leadership, major stakeholders, other media bodies and civil society activists

Central Secretariat raised Rs 31,970,780 from German partner to support Pakistan Chapter and some regional activities, such as South Asian Journal, South Asia Media Monitor

Output 3.1 (SAMN): Improved and greater access to unbiased and contextualized South Asian news and views through a well maintained web portal

3.1 South Asian Media Net was fully renovated and redesigned with automated instant coverage of news and views from all 8 countries of South Asia while having a South Asian page, and other value additions, both print and video. Daily editorials and opinions were also added, besides valuable materials from South Asian Journal, Media Monitor, SAFMA, SAWM, South Asian Media School and Production House. Another new feature is the coverage of unbiased vernacular media. A newsletter is also daily issued. Leading editors, think tanks, embassies and researchers are some of its valued beneficiaries.

3.1. Audio, video features are being added and will become fully operative for web-based radio-TV. Access to S ocial media, such as blogs, twitter, Face book and YouTube, etc., needs to be enhanced

Output 3.2: (Radio/TV Production) Alternative enlightened and democratic narrative through Radio/TV software production and mass dissemination through internal and other mass media

3.2 Production House has been renovated and Programs are digitally produced and uploaded to the YouTube channel with over 50000 hits, beside same programs are available through SAMN website

Due to a ban on YouTube, programs are being hindere d. Webbased TV/Radio is being launched with regular productions

4.1-01. Eighth SAFMA Regional Conference on “A South A sian Vision and Unionopening minds, opening borders”, opened in India (Amritsar) and concluded in Pakistan (Lahore) with 238 delegates and over 200 observers from eight countries helped set a new agenda for peace and cooperation while rejuvenating SAFMA National Chapters, brought changes in MOA, approval of SOPs, passage of Declaration for follow-up action and 8 sessions focusing on crucial issues of peace and cooperation, 1000 pre and 2000 post conference booklets published, re-election of regional office-bearers and massive coverage of its ideas by the media SAFMA regional conference on “South Asian Vision and Union”, effectively contributed in opening minds, peace-building, regional cooperation, pluralism, and possibilities of a South Asian fraternity—a bloc of independent nation-states

4.1-01. The budget had to be readjusted with the approval of RNE. Dates had to be postponed due to clash of itineraries of chief guests.

with open borders, bound together by mutually beneficial trade and the common aims of human development. Conference was addressed by Chief Minister of Indian Punjab, External Affairs Minister of India, and former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, Chief Minister of Pakistani Punjab Shahbaz Sharif and Prime Minister and Information Minister of Pakistan. The conference also facilitated the meetings of the regional executive bodies of SAFMA, SAWM and SAMC

Mass Awareness

Policy Advocacy Output 4.1 (Peace initiatives): Increased level of understanding among major stakeholders, diverse sections and media groups through regional (South Asian Media, experts and Parliamentary moots) bilateral (Pak-Afghan, IndoPak, Bangladesh-India) and sub-regional forums (Punjab-Punjab, Mumbai-Karachi, Kashmir-Kashmir, Peshawar-Kabul, Dhaka-Kolkata, etc.) exchange visits

4.1.11. Punjab-Punjab Exchange, Lahore: 35 leading journalists, businesspersons, political leaders, writers, singers and civil society activists from Pakistani Punjab were sent to Amritsar to celebrate the Independence Day and attend a seminar and candle vigil in Amritsar. 23 journalists, businesspersons, political leaders, writers, singers and civil society activists from India were invited to Lahore to celebrate the Independence Day and attend a seminar, Indo-Pakistan poetry recital and candle vigil in Lahore on the night of 14-15 August. More than 500 SAFMA and peace activists joined their counterparts for a candle vigil for peace and open borders at Wahgah.

As planned, Punjab-Punjab Exchange (Amritsar) and PunjabPunjab Exchange (Lahore), organised on 13-15 August 2012 with a candle vigil on both sides of the border post Wahgah/Atari

4.1.12 Punjab-Punjab Exchange Amritsar: 35 leading journalists, businesspersons, political leaders, writers, singers and civil society activists from Pakistani Punjab joined their counterparts in Amritsar in celebrating the Independence Day and attend a seminar and candle vigil there. 23 journalists, businesspersons, political leaders, writers, singers and civil society activists from India went to Lahore to celebrate the Independence Day and attend a seminar, Indo-Pakistan poetry recital and candle vigil in Lahore on the night of 14-15 August. SAFMA and peace activists from India in a large number joined their counterparts in Pakistan for a candle vigil for peace and open borders at the Atari check post. A seminar was held in Amritsar attended by over 500 persons. A cultural programme featuring artistes from India and Pakistan organised near Indo-Pak border in Amritsar was attended by 40.000 people.

As planned

4.2. 66 interactions, 10 seminars were held in Pakistan to strengthen democracy and improve governance. Similar activities were undertaken in other countries

As planned by various chapters on issues of democracy, human rights, governance, peace and tolerance

Impact The programmes raised public awareness on issues related to terrorism, extremism, inter and intrastate conflicts and drew the attention of opinion and policymakers to the challenges of normalisation of relations, interstate cooperation and resolution of differences/conflicts, between Pakistan, India and Afghanistan in particular. Formulating and popularising a vision of South Asian Union, it strengthened a community of South Asian journalists and scholars dedicated to a South Asian idea above all national/religious/ethnic /geographical divides. By raising the media's intellectual and professional capacities and strengthening their cross-border solidarity, it facilitated consensus building on crucial issues of peace and cooperation and resisting hate/war mongers and national jingoists, besides strengthening civil society's resolve to promote tolerance, peace and fundamental rights, freedom of expression, right to know and women's rights in particular. The programmes effectively enhanced media capacity to foster culture of awareness, tolerance, peace and cooperation in South Asia. Outcomes 1. Media platforms (SAFMA, SAWM and SAMC) strengthened to promote, protect and safeguard media freedom, peace, and democracy, help promote conflict resolution, regional cooperation and gender-equality and interactions. 2. Enhanced capacity and knowledge-base of journalists, media, academia and policy makers on South Asian policy issues i.e. inter/intrastate conflicts, peace, economic cooperation, human rights, security and environment and intra regional development. 3. Increased mass awareness and sensitization on peace, tolerance, enlightenment, and regional cooperation through information dissemination. 4. Conducive environment for peace, cooperation and tolerance in the region strengthened. Actual outputs compared with planned outputs The Agreement was signed on 4 July, 2012 for a period of eight months (1 May31 December 2012) and money was received by FMF on 12 July 2012. It created a huge gap between the targets and outputs set in a short time and availability of resources as opposed to the outputs. Whereas the proposed budget was USD 876,018.42, the actual amount received by the FMF was USD 790,761.69—leaving a gap of USD 85,256.73. The RNE, however, allowed the

FMF to readjust the budget and work-plan accordingly. While following its SOPs, FMF Central Secretariat could release the money by the end of August 2012 and the chapters received the budget in September, leaving little time for the chapters to fully implement the program. Yet, on most counts, FMF has been able to implement almost all parts of its program in such a short time. The RNE also allowed replacing the SAARC Journalists Summit (Activity 1.1-02) and making some budgetary adjustments to facilitate 8th SAFMA Regional Conference (Activity: 4.1.01). In order to achieve outcomes and deliver on outputs, FMF entered into partnership with the Foreign Ministry of Federal Republic of Germany amounting to PKR 31,970,780 that covered all activities in Pakistan and also contributed in some regional outputs. However, the gap between the resources (inputs) and projected outputs remained. Nonetheless, FMF and its initiatives were fully pursued and program implemented. Following are the details of actual outputs and remarks regarding shortcomings. Activities and Effectiveness The following activities were carried out under corresponding outcomes and outputs:

Outcome 1: Strengthened media platforms to promote, protect and safeguard media freedom, peace, democracy, regional cooperation and gender equality.

Output 1.1: Expanded and consolidated network of well informed journalists in all eight countries of South Asia with ability to take up selected thematic issues in the region. South Asian Free Media Association Activity 1.1-01: SAFMA Regional Executive Body meeting 8th South Asian Free Media Conference of SAFMA held on 6-9 January 2013 elected Regional Executive Body and a Cabinet consisting of office-bearers on 9 January 2013. As approved by the 8th SAFMA Conference Regional Executive Body meeting held on 9 January 2013 reflected back on the progress, reviewed challenges, discussed strategies and approved work-plan and budget. The chapters were asked to raise their resources and comply with the SOPs. Activity 1.1-02: SAARC Journalists Summit The SAARC Journalist Summit is always held along with the SAARC Summit, which was postponed to 2013. Hence it could not be held and was postponed to

2013. Budget adjustment was done with the approval of RNE and allocation was diverted to Activity: 4.1-01 (8th SAFMA Regional Conference). The SAARC Journalists Summit will take place in 2013. Activity 1.1-03: SAFMA Newsletter SAFMA Newsletter was deleted for budget adjustment since it could only be published at the end of activities in 2012. It is now being published as planned in the budget. Activity 1.1-04: Registration of Endowment fund for Sustainability of SAFMA As mentioned before, the registration of the Endowment Fund was deferred to 2013. It required elected office-bearers to become trustees of the Endowment Fund and that could be done after the election of office bearers in the 8th SAFMA regional conference held on 6-9 January 2013. It is to be done during 2013. Activity 1.1-05: SAFMA National Chapters' Programmes Pakistan Chapter Activity 1.1-05-A: National Media Conference National media conference (SAFMA-V) on “Media, Militancy and Fair Elections” while engaging journalists from the mainstream and regional media (20-21 October 2012) · 209 leading journalists, including 103 women journalists, representing all regions, mainstream media and 60 press clubs, participated in the two-day conference that focused on extremism/terrorism with a focus on attack on Malala Yousufzai and her mission, fighting extremism and terrorism, media's role in fair elections, accountability of media while promoting professional standards and observing ethics. Deputy Chief Mission of German Embassy Mr Stephan Roken was the Chief Guest. It helped build a wider consensus against extremism, intolerance, terrorism and helped promote democratic and liberal values, tolerance and strengthened democratic processes and evolved a platform for follow up action. Pre and post conference booklets were widely disseminated · Strengthened a broad-based network of leading journalists through SAFMA Pakistan to defend press freedom, ensure security of media persons, freedom of expression and right to

know, besides promoting professional ethics · It promoted healthy, informative, educative, objective and constructive media and issued a joint declaration as a platform for joint action by the media across the country. · Conference's message and proceedings were widely covered by print and electronic media benefiting millions of people · The delegates engaged leading party/parliamentary leaders, information minister and President of Pakistan to ensure right to know, freedom of expression, and safety of journalists and persuaded them to fight terrorism and uphold the cause of Malala · 1000 of each Pre and post conference booklets were produced · The delegates elected the following office-bearers: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

Nusrat Javeed Sirmed Manzoor Agha Nasir Arfana Malah Asma Shirazi Arshad Aziz Malik Iftikhar Ahmed Sidra Iqbal Lala Asad Pathan Saba Aitzaz Faisal Aziz Khan Afzal Bajwa, S. Namood Muslim Tariq Chaudhry Khalid Khokhar Saleem Shahid Shahzada Zulfiqar Raza Ur Rahman Abdul Khaliq Aslam Jahangir Shamim Shahid Farzana Ali

President, SAFMA-Pakistan General Secretary, SAFMA Vice-President SAFMA-Pakistan Vice-President SAFMA-Pakistan Vice-President SAFMA-Pakistan Vice-President SAFMA-Pakistan Vice-President SAFMA-Pakistan Joint Secretary SAFMA-Pakistan Joint Secretary SAFMA-Pakistan Joint Secretary SAFMA-Pakistan Information Secretary SAFMA-Pakistan Member NEB Member NEB Member NEB Member NEB Member NEB Member NEB Member NEB Member NEB Member NEB Member NEB Member NEB

The conference passed a resolution that was adopted by 60 press clubs for follow up and it was widely disseminated through media: Declaration: South Asian Free Media Association (SAFMA) Fifth National Conference held on 20th October 2012 in Murree We, the media persons from all over Pakistan, having met at our South Asian Free Media Association's (SAFMA) Fifth National Conference on 20th October

2012 at Muree are of the view and demand:

platforms since prohibitions are more damaging; 5.

The government, parliament, state authorities, armed forces, parliamentary parties, courts, media, academia and civil society and people of Pakistan must resolutely, consistently and at all levels through appropriate calibrations and combinations of political, ideological, diplomatic, academic, legislative and military means eradicate religious/sectarian extremism and terrorism and all sanctuaries of terrorists; Malala Yousfazai is the beacon of hope for us and our future generations for peaceful life, equal rights for women/girls to education and equal opportunities; those who have attacked Malala—the Taliban—must be brought to book by all possible means and those who are in any way or on any pretext whatsoever try to cover up or justify the accused Taliban/terrorists are no less worse and should be censured through public opinion; In the name of “obscenity”, new curbs and discrimination, reflecting entrenched prejudices against women and progressive values, are being contemplated through the Supreme Court of Pakistan, PEMRA and state authorities on the initiation of sick and sexist minds who want to impose their anti-women code and restrictive and obscurantist values on society. While upholding freedom of expression and choice, men and women's rights on their bodies, we call upon all institutions, including courts, PEMRA, parliament, police, media, Council of Islamic Ideology and education institutions to refrain from defining any code as it is variable, against diversity and individual freedoms. Such efforts would only result in a fascist code, moral vigilantism and brutalization of society. Our society is a dynamic enough to hold its sense of decency and relative balance and doesn't need intervention from self-appointed crusaders of virtues, judiciary or other institutions, including media; Reject all curbs on right to know and freedom of expression by various institution of state, including bureaucracy, armed forces and judiciary, and religious edicts (fatwas) issued by Taliban and other terrorists against media and freedom of expression; Condemn all expression of hate by anyone against anyone on the basis of religion, ideology, culture, ethnicity, race and gender—hate, as exhibited by the “Innocence of Muslims” and cyclical volatile reaction in which we killed our own people and destroyed our own property; demand opening of information highways and internet

Demand from all public and private sector organizations, media bodies in particular, the adoption a principled media policy that discourage extremism, sectarianism, terrorism and intolerance and equal participation of women;

Demand from all state institutions to stop interference in the media freedom and media business; undertake reforms in PEMRA, Press Council of Pakistan, Pakistan Broadcasting Corporations, Pakistan Television and APP;

Demand from media owners to observe media ethics, professional standards, timely payment of wages to working journalists, insurance coverage to media-persons covering conflicts and agitation;

Call upon the governments, state institutions and Chief Election Commissioner to prepare a code of ethics for fair media coverage and holding of fair elections, in consultation with media bodies and civil society organizations. Demand to implementation of the recommendations of Salim Shehzad Judicial Commission to regulate the role of all intelligence agencies;

10. Resolve to become a party to the petition regarding obscenity to express our reservations. 11. Endorse SAWM's Second National Conference's Declaration. Activity 1.1-05-B: Conduct policy consultative dialogues, interactions focusing on media, media freedom and ethics, democracy, good governance, tolerance and women media rights, etc. SAFMA engaged mainstream/local media, state functionaries, civil society groups, political parties and other stakeholders through consultative dialogues/seminars which promoted democratization, strengthened fundamental rights, and freedom of expression, good governance, tolerance and democratic values. 10 such dialogues were held in Lahore, Islamabad, Peshawar, Karachi and Quetta engaging over 3,000 leading journalists, intellectuals, civil society and political activists and leaders on various policy issues, including clash of institutions and sustainability of democracy, Malala's mission, flood disaster, civil-military relations and countering terrorism, etc. Five conferences were held on Malala issue to mobilize public opinion against terrorism, freedom of expression, right to education and women rights. Posters,

leaflets and booklets were also published for wider dissemination. The seminars were widely covered by media taking the message to millions of people. Activity 1.1-05-C: Strengthen local media through press clubs for accountability and transparency at the local level and to ensure the security of journalists, media educations and improve professional standards and strengthen media bodies at the grassroots level Representatives of 60 press clubs were engaged through SAFMA national conference and the capacity of 20 press clubs was enhanced to strengthen media at the local level, protect journalists, and ensures accountability and transparency at the district level. It was envisaged that press clubs with their enhanced capacity will be able to cover elections fairly, objectively and sensitizing local journalists to make the elections a source of stabilizing democracy and empowering people of Pakistan. Activity 1.1-05.1: SAFMA Afghanistan Chapters' Programmes SAFMA Afghanistan undertook 12 activities by mobilising local resources and a small funding by FMF. The bulk of the funding for Afghan chapter was withheld due to some local organisational problems that have now been solved. Following activities were carried out by SAFMA Afghanistan: · Professional profile was developed by SAFMA-AFG · SAFMA-AFG developed a Civil Society Coordination Center consisting of 430 entities and extending support to civil society, media bodies and human rights activities. This center is the biggest entity in Afghanistan which works in partnership with SAFMA-AFG and initiated several activities in reforming press and electoral laws of Afghanistan. · Afghan Journalists Federation was established. SAFMA Afghanistan will extend technical support in addition to small proportion of fund of $500 for holding meetings and bear others expenses. · South Asian Journals were widely disseminated to diplomats, civil and academic entities. · The Annual report of freedom of expression was developed and disseminated. · Draft of Afghanistan election commission's responsibilities were developed with collaboration of civil society coordination center and Afghan lawyer's network. · Ethics and norms for Afghan journalists were drafted with all other press

entities. · Annual report of Afghanistan's media was developed and disseminated · SAFMA-AFG celebrated World Press Freedom Day with collaboration of Embassy of Canada. · Meetings were held with Embassies of Canada, USA, England and Norway to Kabul, SAFMA Programmes were shared in meetings. · 8 press conferences were held regarding Afghanistan's media · SAFMA members developed the country media database. Activity 1.1-05.2: SAFMA Bangladesh Programmes Activity 11-05.2-a: Conduct policy consultative dialogues, interactions/exchanges focusing on media, peace fundamental rights, democracy, good governance, tolerance and women media rights, etc. · SAFMA Bangladesh in cooperation with SWAM and Media Commission organized a round table dialogue on the 'Role of Media Strengthening Free and Responsible Press for Strong Democratic Tradition in the Country on May 21, 2012'. Participants from different News papers and TV channels effectively participated in the dialogue. · SAFMA Bangladesh organized a Seminar on 'State of Bangladesh Economy' at the National Press Club auditorium Dhaka on June 24, 2012. More than 150 participants including Media persons, analysts, economists and stakeholders attended the seminar. The seminar helped SAFMA Bangladesh strengthened connections with variety of stakeholders. Activity 11-05.2-b: Media interactions and campaigns for media freedom in the region · In Sylhet and Patuakhali Districts SAFMA Bangladesh in cooperation with local Press Clubs observed the 'National Press Freedom Day'. SAFMA actively took part in demonstration against the harassing killing of journalist in South Asian Countries including Bangladesh. · On September 15, 2012, SAFMA and Free Media Commission organized a round table conference on 'Media in Bangladesh' after democratic and elected government took over. The journalists and members of the media commission congratulated the new government for its move towards implementation of right to information act and lifting restrictions on press freedom and establishing media rights in the country.

Activity 1.1-05.3: SAFMA Bhutan Programmes Activity 1.1-05.3-A: National Media Conference SAFMA Bhutan Chapter's national conference was organized on November 24 at Jambayang Resort in Thimphu. Conference was attended by 50 working journalists of Bhutan. Conference effectively contributed to find solutions and challenges the Bhutanese media face today. In line with objectives, conference decided to submit a recommendation to the Ministry of Information and Communication that journalists Communication that journalists should be given authority to review code of journalists rather by media authorities. Founding president of SAFMA Bhutan chapter and the country's first trained journalist, Mr K B Lama, discussed about the changing media landscape from the early 80s, when there was only one news bulletin to some 12 newspapers in the country today. He spoke about the issue of dzongkha newspapers and how it's a “financial burden” to private media houses to publish their editions in the national language. It was emphasized that it should not be mandatory for private papers to publish in Dzongkha and that the issue needs to be taken up with concerned agencies. Conference speakers highlighted the need to review the “Code of journalists” by journalists themselves and not by the media authorities. Speakers raised the concern that press freedom guaranteed by the Constitution could be abused by the journalists as most of them lacked proper training and exposure of international journalism. It was suggested that SAFMA-Bhutan Chapter to consider training young Bhutanese journalists and also support to establish Bhutan Press Club. The post conference meeting elected new office bearers for SAFMA, SAWM and SAMC Bhutan chapter, details are: List of office bearers · Mr. Needrup Zangpo was elected as President · Mr. Kinchho Tshering from Kuzoo was elected vice president · Mr. Rinzin Wangchuk - General Secretary · Ms. Upasana Dahal - Joint Secretary · SAWM office bearers · Ms. Namgay Zam - Coordinator · Ms. Sonam Choden - Joint Coordinator for SAWM. SAMC office bearers · Mr. Rabi C Dahal - Coordinator, · Mr. Goembo Dorji - Joint Coordinator.

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Activity 1.1-05.4: SAFMA India Programmes SAFMA India conducted two policy dialogues and various interactions on IndoPak peace and the role of media that were attended by parliamentarians, journalists and civil society activists and were widely covered on electronic media. It also organised a reception for Pakistani lawyers led by Asma Jehangir who had come to New Delhi on a peace mission. SAFMA India participated over a dozen activities in partnership with various organizations to high light the issues of peace, regional cooperation, secularism and professional ethics. The implementing agency for India chapter faced problems due to strict foreign exchange rules, for the NGOs in particular. The implementing agency is being changed if it does not get the clearance to receive foreign funds. It adversely affected SAFMA India activities. Activity 1.1-05.5: SAFMA Maldives Programmes SAFMA Maldives President became the minister and chapter became inactive. It was reorganised late in the year. SAFMA Maldives Chapter is fully functional now and gearing up to achieve targets for 2013. Activity 1.1-05.6: SAFMA Nepal Programmes SAFMA Nepal in close coordination with Watch Nepal conducted Media monitoring project and completed fifth round of media monitoring during 2012. Monitoring was held from June 24-30, 2012 and content and heading of the news were analyzed. The monitoring activity clarified the importance of soft and social welfare based news, emphasised for non partisan reporting. Joint activity created a platform for discussion by reflecting the need to enhance quality of Nepali media and capacity building in professional journalism. The activity contributed in enhancing the trends of producing news on issue of good governance. Moreover, SAFMA Nepal involved media and stakeholder through conducting two seminars and other interactions. Activity 1.1-05.8: SAFMA Sri Lanka Programmes

importance of support for provincial level journalism in the context of national development in post war Sri Lanka. It was emphasized that in the context of post-war recovery, media professionals and institutions in the formerly waraffected Northern and Eastern provinces should be given special support. In line with the objectives, conference delineated provincial journalists' contribution to national media and emphasized that media depends on the range of information at local level that is obtained and communicated via the provincial journalist cadre. However, in the competition for credit for news, the national-level journalists tend to be rewarded with their by-lines far more than the provincial journalists which needs serious consideration. This was announced by Mr. Anoma Rajakarunaa that his Ministry was giving a special place for provincial journalists in its programmes. He further announced that programmes for media development, including skills upgrades and allocation of professional resources, 25 per cent of places would be allocated for provincial journalists. 'Black January' marked amidst rival protests SAFMA Sri Lanka Chapter joined with other national media organizations (Alliance of Media Organizations) and launched a protest campaign 'Black January' at Lipton Circus on Jan 25, 2012. In spite of the conclusion of the war in May 2009, the government was continuing its despicable practice of media suppression, regardless of condemnation by the international community and media organizations. Due to threats posed by the government, the Sri Lankan media had been forced to impose self censorship at the expense of the truth and freedom. The demonstrators demanded for action against all those responsible for attacks on the media. They also listed a series of incidents which took place in the month of January, beginning with 2006 up to January 2012.

with 8th SAFMA regional conference without any additional funding. The SAWM Regional Executive Body meeting reviewed the situation of various chapters and resolved to activate chapters in 2013 and better coordination. It approved the work-plan and the budget for 2013. Activity 1.2-0: SAWM Pakistan Activity 1.2- 0A Conduct National Conference of SAWM SAWM works to promote the rights of women in media and prepares gender guidelines for dissemination, and also works for human portrayal of women in media, besides participating in overall women's rights movements. SAWM National Conference was organised on October 19, 2012 on Gender and Role of Media. 103 leading women journalists, besides 106 male journalists, from print and electronic media participated in the conference. Although conference was titled “Media, Gender, Obscenity and Terrorism “, its focus was on Malala's mission to resist terrorism and work for women's rights and girls' education. Leading women parliamentarians, poets, scholars, writers and artists addressed various session of the conference. Sessions on “Media and Gender Policy” and “Gender and Obscenity” were addressed by leading women activists and journalists. The conference had the largest ever representation of women journalists in Pakistan who shared their experiences and strengthened their networking. The ambassador of Norway, Cecilie Landsverk was the chief guest in the third session. Comments by Her Excellency Cecilie Landsverk, Ambassador of Norway The globalization and information technology era has meant new opportunities and venues for women to express themselves. Yet the media is full of stereotypical representations of women, and women do not set the agenda when the media policy is formulated.

Activity 11-05.8-A: Conduct policy consultative dialogues, interactions/exchanges focusing on media, media, peace fundamental rights, democracy, good governance, tolerance and women media rights, etc.

Output 1.2: Increased sensitivity of media groups to recognise and address gender issues in all aspects South Asian Women in Media

It is important that women become actors and not assets of the media industry, - meaning that women should set the agenda, and not just perform as physical stereotypes to satisfy the ever increasing greed for glamour, celebrities and physical perfection.

Seminar on Empowerment of Provincial Journalists SAFMA Sri Lanka organized a seminar on September 23, 2012 at SEDEC Auditorium, Colombo. 37 journalists participated in the seminar. The seminar effectively highlighted national development and provincial media and

Activity 1.2-01: SAWM Regional Executive Body Meeting SAWM's regional executive body meeting was held to review the work plan for 2013 and discuss issues pertaining to rights of women, and those of women journalists in South Asia in particular. The meeting was delayed and pegged

How often do the media present women and girls as thinking and acting individuals who contribute to the development of democracy and peace? When did you last see a report about disadvantaged women analyzing and defining their problems, where their own solutions were illuminated? Well, there has

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been a very brave young girl here in Pakistan recently, Malala Yousufzai, who did just that. She was brutally punished. Across the world women are portrayed as objects – either for male heterosexual desire or as passive and needy victims. Often, these media depictions reduce women to primarily sex objects, consumers, or biological beings without a rich intellectual life and political visions. The media rarely contributes to give a balanced picture of women's diverse lives and contributions to society in a changing world. Violent, degrading or pornographic media products can influence women's and girls' self-perception negatively. Such depictions one-sidedly emphasize women's traditional roles or association to "soft values” can be equally limiting. There are differences between countries of course, regarding how women are presented in the media and not least, how women themselves are setting the agenda for what is to be presented. However, you may find that the differences are not as big as you may think. Even in countries with a high representation of women in politics, higher education, business leadership ext., they still suffer from the stereotyped pictures of young pretty smiling women posing in front of the camera. Well, women like to watch these pictures too, as long as they are focusing on fashion and make up, that we have to admit. However, once the focus is more on the female bodies in an erotic or even sexual context, - the majority of us feel more uncomfortable and abused. But what is obscene? And where goes the limit between indecency and obscenity? Should there be a legal limitation to it for the media? Here we will see that there are enormous differences between countries and cultures. International conventions and declarations focus first of all on “freedom of expression”, and not on limitations, because this is still a problem in big parts of the world. It is very hard to find common ground on the need for limitations, particularly when it relates to moral issues. In some parts of the world women take a huge risk in expressing themselves to the media about political issues. Female writers and artists who challenge the status quo have often been subjected to oppression and persecution by their governments. Although all women who have challenged the public morals and public policy are exposed to persecution by their own communities and families, often women who express themselves publicly experience stronger and more brutal sanctions. Murder, imprisonment and persecution are an 102

expensive price to pay for practicing their freedom of speech. So, discussing the possible need for limitation of freedom of expression, we also have to remember how women benefit from promoting freedom of expression. For the media to take women seriously and present them on an equal footing with men in debates, as experts, commentators and interview-subjects, we need more female journalist, desk-officers, and leaders in the media-industry. This may be the most effective way to counter the trend that exposes women as objects. The delegates elected office-bearers of SAWM Pakistan to strengthen women journalists' network. The conference issued a declaration that covered wider issue of women's rights that provides the basis for follow up activities. The conference was widely covered by the media. Pre and post conference booklets were also published reaching a wider readership. The following office-bearers were elected by the SAWM National Conference-II. President General Secretary Vice president (Sindh) Vice President(Punjab) Vice President (Federal) Vice President (KPK) Vice President (Balochistan) Joint Secretary Joint Secretary Information Secretary

Fozia Shahid Tanzeela Mazhar Ghaidah Farooqi Teyyeba Bukhari Hayam Quyum Madiha Sunbal Sadia Jahangir Najia Ashar (Sindh) Madiha Sunbal (KPK) Nadia Bukhari (Punjab)

Balochistan President

Declaration South Asian Women in Media (SAWM) Second National Conference held on 19th October 2012 at Bhurban We, the woman media persons from all over Pakistan, having met at our Second South Asian Women in Media Second National Conference on 19th October 2012 at Murree, are of the view and demand: 1.

CHAPTERS Federal President General Secretary

Rabia Pir Shakila Jalil

KPK President General Secretary

Madiha Sunbal Aysha

Sindh President General Secretary

Khursheed Hyder Gharidah Farooqi

Punjab President General Secretary

Shahpara Salim Gonila Gill

and brutalization of society. Our society is a dynamic enough to hold its sense of decency and relative balance and doesn't need intervention from self-appointed crusaders of virtues, judiciary or other institutions, including media;

Sadia Jhangir

All discriminatory laws, customs, edicts, stereotyping of women, unequal wages, marginalization and sexist views and approaches must be changed, curbed and replaced with pro-woman laws, human values and greater participation of women in all spheres of life;

In the name of “obscenity”, new curbs and discrimination, reflecting entrenched prejudices against women, are being contemplated through the Supreme Court of Pakistan, PEMRA and state authorities on the initiation of sick and sexist minds who want to impose their anti-women code and restrictive and obscurantist values on society. While upholding freedom of expression and choice, men and women's rights on their bodies, we call upon all institutions, including courts, PEMRA, parliament, police, media, Council of Islamic Ideology and education institutions to refrain from defining any code as it is variable, against diversity and individual freedoms. Such efforts would only result in a fascist code, moral vigilantism

Reject all curbs on right to know and freedom of expression, including performing arts. Condemn all expression of hate by anyone against anyone on the basis of religion, ideology, culture, ethnicity, race and gender;

Demand from all public and private sector organizations, media bodies in particular, the adoption and implementation of a principled gender policy at every level, both policy/editorial levels, HR policy and women rights, including, working times, during pregnancy and childcare.

Call on government and non-government institutions to observe and implement all women rights as enshrined in UN declarations and conventions, CEDAW, Beijing platform for action and Millennium Development Goals, and the Pakistan laws against harassment, child marriages, karo kari, forcible conversion of women, such as in Sindh and elsewhere.

Resolve to meet at Third SAWM National Conference next year.

Activity 1.2- 0B: Conduct workshop for sensitization on “Gender and role of media” for women journalists (SAWM) · Three training workshops were conducted by SAWM at Islamabad (2) and Lahore (1) to educate journalists on patriarchy, women's rights, stereotyping of gender and sexist portrayal of women and mainstreaming of gender issues through media. · A 3-day gender workshop for SAWM at Islamabad Hotel, Islamabad was held from 9th July to 11th July 2012. The goal was to sensitize media professionals on gender reporting, portrayal of women and other vulnerable groups on media. Rozan, a nongovernmental organization, working on gender trainings conducted the training. Training modules were also provided by Rozan. Participants were from all fields of media such e.g. reporting, production, anchoring and desk editors from electronic media, print, news agencies and radio. · A 3-day gender workshop for SAWM at SAMS Campus, Lahore was held from 17th to 19th December 2012. The goal was to sensitize media professionals on gender reporting, portrayal of women and other vulnerable groups on media. Dr Nighat Saeed Khan and Dr Rubina Saigol conducted the workshop. Participants were media women from TV, radio 103

and newspapers in Lahore. · A 3-day gender workshop for SAWM at SAFMA Media Centre was held in Islamabad from 19th to 21st December 2012. The goal was to sensitize media professionals on gender reporting, portrayal of women and other vulnerable groups on media. Ms. Humera Masihuddin, Mr. Agha Nasir and Ms. Sofia Noreen conducted the sessions. Participants were electronic and print media journalists from Islamabad. · 70 participants were trained and sensitized.

Activity 1.2-03.1: SAWM Afghanistan SAWM office bearers in Afghanistan coordinated their activities with other civil society organizations to promote women rights and highlight gender issues. Activity 1.2-03.2: SAWM Bangladesh SAWM Bangladesh organized a Women Journalist Group meeting at the National Press Club Dhaka on 7 July 2012. Around 60 working women journalists attended the conference as a preparatory group with a view to forming a SAFMA National Women Journalists Forum for South Asia. Activity 1.2-03.3: SAWM Bhutan SAWM Bhutan elected its office bearers and strengthened the networking among women journalists and other women activists. Activity 1.2-03.4: SAWM India SAWM India organised five events and interactions in various parts of India. The West Bengal chapter of SAWM hold a panel discussion on April 30, 2012 on, "Free and Fair – Women's Voices and their Representation in Media" to mark World Press Freedom Day. The programme was held in association with the American Centre, Kolkata, at the Lincoln Room of American Centre. The US Ambassador to India, Nancy J. Powell, addressed the meeting. Activity 1.2-03. 4-B: Conduct workshop for sensitization on “Gender and role of media” for women journalists (SAWM) · SAWM India held a workshop on, 'Ending Violence against Women: Role of Media and Civil Society' at Basirhat, North 24 Paraganas, about 66 km from Kolkata. 14 SAWM members from Kolkata, and other districts participated in the workshop. The workshop was organized on December 15, 2012. The workshop was organized in association with Human Rights Law Network, Basirhat, which is working with trafficked girls and their families from several years.

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· The workshop was moderated by the local MLA, a judge from subdivisional court, an eminent human rights activist, and representative of Human Rights Law Network. The audience comprised of local NGOs working with trafficking victims, family members and survivors of violence, local journalists, HRLN members and SAWM members. The event was widely captured by local newspapers. Activity 1.2-03.5: SAWM Maldives SAWM Maldives had no funds and therefore no activities were being held during reporting period due to the breakdown of local chapter which is being organized now. Activity 1.2-03.6: SAWM Nepal SAWM Nepal organised two programmes in collaboration with other women organisations to increase sensitivity of media groups to recognise gender issues. Activity 1.2-03.7: SAWM Sri Lanka SAWM Sri Lanka joined SAFMA and participated in a protest rally for rights. Regular collaboration was done with other media organizations on issues relating to freedom of expression, women rights, rights of media personnel and peoples' right to information.

Output 1.3: Improved mechanism of monitoring content and attacks on media (South Asian Media Monitor and South Asian Media Commission) South Asian Media Commission

Dema, MC-P Bhutan; Harihar Swarup, General Secretary, SAMC India Chapter; Ismail Naseer, MC-Maldives; Tika Bista, MC-Nepal; Babar Ayaz, General Secretary, MC-Pakistan; Hana Ibrahim, MC-Sri Lanka. · The SAMC REB endorsed the nomination of Mr M Ziauddin, the President of Media Commission-Pakistan as the new Secretary General. · The REB showed its pleasure at the successful launch, coverage and dissemination of South Asia Media Monitor Report 2012. · The REB noted with concern the murder of 25 media persons, with Pakistan again remaining in the lead. Thirteen journalists lost their lives in Pakistan, followed by five in India, three in Bangladesh and two each in Nepal and Afghanistan. No journalist was killed in Sri Lanka, Bhutan and the Maldives, media persons there continued to face professional challenges and hazards. · The REB discussed measures the SAMC chapters in different countries would take to make the Commission more representative and efficient. · The REB approved the work plan and budget for the year 2013. Under the plan, SAMC will hold one regional meeting and one national meeting in each South Asian country. The programme also featured preparation of South Asia Media Monitor report and two research reports on media content, and award or compensation for journalists killed or injured in conflict areas in the line of duty.

Activity 1.3: South Asian Media Monitor Report South Asian Media Monitor Report 2012 covering attacks on journalists and state of media content in all 8 countries was approved by SAMC national chapters, published and released from seven capitals of South Asia on December 30. SAMC branches in 7 countries organised meetings of leading editors and civil society activists and approved reports in their respective National Media Commission meeting and set the agenda for protection of journalists and media ethics.

Activity 1.3-02: Annual Media Monitor Report Annual Report was compiled, published and issued on December 30 and was released to the media from all capitals of seven countries of South Asia covering attacks of media persons, organizations and media freedom. It proved to be a strong instrument in the hands of media bodies and human rights organizations to build pressure on authorities and the powers that be to give way to access to information and freedom of expression. In 2012, South Asia mourned the murder of 25 media persons, with Pakistan again remaining in the lead. Thirteen journalists lost their lives in Pakistan, followed by five in India, three in Bangladesh and two each in Nepal and Afghanistan.

Activity 1.3-01: Regional SAMC meetings to monitor media rights violations and media content · The regional SAMC meeting was held on January 07, 2013. The meeting was chaired by Kumar Ketkar, President, SAMC. Participants included, Najam Sethi, outgoing secretary general; Fazel Elahi Shafiqi, MCAfghanistan President, Monjurul Ahsan Bulbul, MC-Bangladesh; Kesang

Though luckily no journalist was killed in Sri Lanka, Bhutan and the Maldives, media persons there continued to face professional challenges and hazards. The media also came under scrutiny for laxity in professionalism and keeping accuracy and an unbiased approach. Despite the UN Security Council's adoption of Resolution 1738 in 2006, which stressed the need to protect journalists in dangerous areas, violence against journalists, physical security of

journalists remained a major issue and one of the biggest threats to freedom of expression in most of South Asia. The SAMC and its country chapters also joined other media rights watchdogs in campaigns for media freedom. The report's launch and the SAMC statements were prominently carried by the media. The report was approved by the national; chapters and launched in seven countries, except Maldives. 2000 copies were published and distributed across the region for wider dissemination. Media widely covered the report and editorials/comments were published in various newspapers in the region. Activity 1.3-03: Media Commission Pakistan – National meetings to monitor media situation and media content Media Commission Pakistan meeting was held on 30th December in Lahore and was attended by 200 leading editors and senior journalists. It took serious note of the killing of 13 journalists in 2012 in Pakistan: Saqib Khan, Ummat, in Karachi, Rehmatullah Abid, Dunya News, in Pujngor, Mushtaq Khand, Dharti Television Network, Mehran, in Khairpur, Sindh, Abdul Haq Baloch, ARY Television, in Khuzdar, Abdul Qadir Hajizai, Wash TV, in Quetta, Razzaq Gul, Express News TV, in Turbat, Mukarram Khan Aatif, Freelance, in Shabqadar, Mohammad Amir, ARY News, in Peshawar, Aurangzeb Tunio, Kawaish Television Network, in Lalu Ranwak, Tariq Kamal, reporter for a local Sindhi newspaper, Karachi, Syed Tariq Hussain, Karachi, Aslam Raja, Karachi and Jamshed Kharal, Quetta. It also expressed concern over pressures on media by extremists, terrorist, intelligence agencies and various mafias. It condemned the restrictions on media imposed by some court judgments, efforts to curb freedom of expression in the name of obscenity, ban on YouTube, hesitation in brining draft freedom of expression act presented by SAFMA for legislation. Activity 1.3-03-1: Media Commission-Afghanistan national meeting The Media Commission-Afghanistan national meeting was held and widely attended by journalists, who discussed the issues for the media arising out of the drying up of funds following the 2014 drawdown of foreign countries' presence in Afghanistan. As journalism remains a hazardous pursuit in Afghanistan with one journalist found decapitated and another killed in a roadside bomb blast, it faced pressures of impending laws and donor funding being dried up. The media has grown rapidly during the last decade, courtesy mostly foreign funding. With the endgame near, several outlets have closed. Uncertainty allows little in the way of public-spirited journalism to take root or grow.

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Activity 1.3-03-2: Media Commission-Bangladesh national meeting · In collaboration with SAFMA Bangladesh, Media CommissionBangladesh organised a national meeting at Dhaka club auditorium. The meeting was organised under the leadership of Media CommissionBangladesh President and former information minister Dr. Mizanur Rahman Shelly. SAFMA President Reazuddin Ahmed chaired the meeting. SAFMA General Secretary Zahiduzzaman Faruque and EC Member Monjurul Ahsan Bulbul discussed the issues pertaining to media security, and safety. · In Bangladesh, political polarization refused to die down showing up in a snappish tone in media reporting and harsh reprisal by political authorities. This customary acrimony between the country's main political parties, which is likely to build up as the country approaches elections in 2013, has had a severe impact on journalism, fuelling bitter partisanship within the media and putting journalists in danger. Three journalists – including a couple -- were killed here. · The participants from the media and the civil society discussed the attacks on journalists and media freedom because of political polarisation. Journalists and civil society members pledged their commitment to uphold the cause and image of journalism as a profession and fight out authoritarianism together. Activity 1.3-03-3: Media Commission-Bhutan national meeting · The Media Commission-Bhutan national meeting was held to discuss the issues of revenue facing the independent media. Bhutan faced the difficulties of sustaining plural media in a context of modestly developed business infrastructures and low levels of advertising spending in the economy. · On December 30, 2012, SAMC and SAFMA Bhutan Chapter launched South Asia Media Monitor 2012 reports in Thimphu. The report was launched simultaneously in 7 SAARC member countries. Members from various media organizations observed a minute of silence as a mark of respect to the 25 fellow journalists who were killed while performing their duties. Activity 1.3-03-4: Media Commission-India national meeting The Media Commission-India national meeting was held. Senior editors and reporters discussed the media freedom situation in the conflict areas including Kashmir and north-eastern states. It came up with a set of guidelines for

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journalists covering conflicts.

become fearless in terms of securing their rights.

SAMC India organized a seminar on December 08, 2012. The seminar highlighted basic issues and problems faced by the reporters reporting from conflicting zones. Justice Markandey Katju, Chairman Press Council of India, expressed that this issue has been carrying on since the time of First World War; the British had propagated strategies according to which “Truth always becomes a casualty in war”. Unless the reason for the rise of this issue is solved, these issues cannot be solved. One and only solution is reunification of Pakistan and India under strong secular democratic country. Until this happens this problem is not going to be solved.

South Asia Media Monitor report 2012 was disseminated to the media persons, analysts and other stakeholders. Journalists and civil society representatives from various areas of Nepal showed concern at the increasing violence against journalists in the volatile situation of Nepal. Nepal's politics has remained unsettled and so has its media. Two journalists were killed here during 2012. A gradual decline in journalists' rights, freedom of expression and the right to information was seen with the increase in political intervention in the media.

Other speakers including Mr. Kuldip Nayar, Mr. Vinod Sharma suggested that there are many changes required in the press council, punitive powers to be bestowed on them, in accordance with our ethos which is democratic and secular. Role of press, press council is very important, persuasion not a substitute in democracy. It was suggested by Mr. Suhas Borker that the political economy of India due to corporatization and commercialization, cannot reach out due to power of media. Other speakers expressed that conflict creates its own distortions. Conflict has its own impact on the society, lack of sensitivity in conflict reporting has to be highlighted upon – biasness comes in the way, therefore government dilutes the news. Several actions were suggested such as changes required in the press council. Second session of the seminar covered speeches on issues, pertaining to Kashmir, security, threats, militancy and other critical areas of concern were highlighted. Activity 1.3-03-5: Media Commission-Maldives national meeting SAMC Maldives had no funds and therefore no activities were being held during reporting period. Activity 1.3-03-6: Media Commission-Nepal national meeting Editors' national meeting and press briefing was organised by MC-Nepal on December, 31, 2012 at Kathmandu, Nepal. Speakers highlighted issues related to safety, democracy and its security. Shiva Gaule, President of SAFMA Nepal reflected the importance of program to the journalists; Guna Raj Luitel, a senior journalist, talked about insecurity and threats to media. The establishment of so-called Loktantra has not made any impacts on the freedom of press, he stated. Yubaraj Ghimire, a senior journalist, articulated his views on democracy and security. Kishore Nepal, chief editor of Nagarik Daily asked journalists to

Activity 1.3-03-7: Media Commission-Sri Lanka meeting The Media Commission-Sri Lanka national meeting showed concern at the increasing threats and violence against journalists even though Sri Lanka is no more grappled with a conflict situation. Post-war Sri Lankan media has seen no major improvement in the situation of freedom to know and express. Security personnel still hinder media reporting on the process of resettlement and rehabilitation in the country's Northern Province. Violence and intolerance and arbitrary rules of registration against media still persist there. Verbal aggression against journalists who dare to report all sides of a story and stand up for basic norms of fair treatment continues to be a threat. The Press Council of Sri Lanka's revival is seen to represent the government's coercive intent. Activity 1.3-04: Research Media Cell Reports on Media Content The media research was published in South Asia Journal issue 38 [nine research articles], the South Asia Media Monitor report 2012 [six articles] and South Asian Journal issue 39 [three research articles]. Outcome 2: Enhanced capacities and knowledge base of journalists, media, academia, and policy makers on South Asian Policy Issues, peace, cooperation and human rights.

Output 2.1: Incre ased capacities and reorientation of media personnel on regional issues with a South Asian Perspective and high ethical standards South Asian Media School Activity 2.1: Training workshops in South Asian Media School for Young Journalists South Asian Media School conducted 11 training workshops for various tiers of journalists and students of mass communication to promote professional standards, media ethics, awareness of various national issues, democratic perspective, conflict/gender/rights/development/environmental reporting

and ensure security of journalists at following locations: KPK (2) : Peshawar (1) + Abbotabad (1); Punjab: Lahore (5) + Multan (1); Sindh (2): Hyderabad (1), Shikarpur (1); Balochistan: Quetta (1). 275 journalists were trained and reoriented to pursue their profession in a responsible and objective manner. Following subjects were covered: extremism/terrorism, politics, economy, conflict, civil-military relations and peace and cooperation in the region. (The activity was supported by Embassy of Germany) The following workshops were successfully held in the year 2012:· SAMS in collaboration with DW-Akademie Germany conducted a 10 day workshop on “Reporting in the crisis areas”. The participants were from Waziristan, Swat and Quetta. The training focused upon improving their journalistic skills in order to stay safe while reporting in extreme conditions. The workshop was entirely designed by DW trainers. SAMS was in charge of management of the course and recruitment of students as well as logistics and coordination. · SAMS media training was held at SAMS Campus Lahore, from 4 to 9 June, 2012. Mr. Khaled Ahmed, Dr. Osama Siddique, Dr. Rubina Saigol, Asim Mehmood and Dr. Akmal Hussain were the trainers for this course. Human rights in Pakistan and minorities' rights, ecology, economy and society in the information age, and foreign policy and idea of sovereignty were among the topics discussed. Daily technical training sessions were a part of the course too. The participants were the final year students of mass communication departments of University of Gujrat and University of South Asia. · SAMS media training was conducted at SAMS Campus Lahore, from 25 June to 1 July, 2012. Mr. Khaled Ahmed, Dr. Osama Siddique, Dr. Rubina Saigol and Mr. I. A. Rehman were the trainers. National elections and role of political parties, gender awareness in the media and media laws and ethics are some of the topics discussed in this workshop. Daily technical training sessions were a part of the course too. The participants were final year students of mass communication from Kinnaird College and Government College Faisalabad. The students were also invited for a SAFMA event at Avari Hotel, Lahore where they were given the opportunity to interact with the top leaders of the mainstream political parties. · SAMS media training was held at SHELTON HOUSE, Peshawar, from 3 to 7 July 2012. Prof. Hassan Askari Rizvi, Shaukat Khattak, Mr. Khadim

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Hussain, Mr. Shabbir Hussain Imam and Mr. Waqar Mustafa were the trainers. Reporting social contagion of militancy, military dominance and democracy, non-state actors as policy instruments and nature of Taliban militancy were some of the topics of this workshop. Daily technical training sessions were a part of the course too. The participants were senior journalists from the Malakand Division and Peshawar. · SAMS media training was held at SAMS Campus Lahore, from 14 to 19 July 2012. Mr. Khaled Ahmed, Dr. Osama Siddique, Ms. Rubina Saigol, Dr. Ahsan Akhtar Naz and Mr. I. A. Rehman were the trainers. Daily technical training sessions were a part of the course too. Journalism and free market economy, journalists' safety, dynamics and impact of gender roles on society and state of Pakistan and nationalism were few of the topics of this workshop. Participants were senior journalists from Multan and Bahawalpur and students from Punjab University and Bahauddin Zakaria University. · SAMS Media training was conducted held at SAMS Campus Lahore, from 3 to 8 September 2012. Mr. Khaled Ahmed, Dr. Osama Siddique, Ms. Rubina Saigol, Imtiaz Ahmed and Mr. I. A. Rehman were the trainers. Federation and problems of decentralization in Pakistan compared to other states, trade in the SAARC region and Pakistan and popular focus on foreign policy were some of the topics of this workshop. Daily technical training sessions were a part of the course too. Participants were senior journalists from Peshawar, Multan, Bahawalpur & Quetta. · SAMS media training was conducted at Quetta Press Club, Quetta, from 17 to 21 September 2012. Dr. Jabbar Khattak, Prof. Suleman Raja, Mr. Murtaza Baig, Mr. Abdulkhaliq Rind and Mr. Anwar Sajidi were the lecturers. Journalism in conflict zones, elections and role of political parties, and Balochistan provincial governance after the 18th Amendment and Baloch nationalism were some of the topics discussed. Daily technical training sessions were a part of the course too. Participants were senior journalists from Khazdar, Naushki, Bolan, Qilla Abdullah and Quetta. · SAMS media training workshop was held at Horizon Guest house, Jinnahabad, Abbotabad from 25 to 30 September 2012. Dr. Khadim Hussain, Shabbir Imam, Ms. Farzana Ali, Shamim Shahid and Mr. Ziauddin were the lecturers. Writ of the government and journalism, media and accountability, broadcast journalism (in conflict areas) and class and marginalization in conflict zones were somr of the topics discussed. Daily technical training sessions were a part of the course too. Participants were

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media persons from five districts of Hazara-Haripur, Mansheram, Abbotabad, Battgram and Kaladhaka. · SAMS media training workshop was held at SAMS Campus, Lahore from 1 to 5 October 2012. Mr. Khaled Ahmed, Kamal Siddiqui, Ms.Neelum Hussain, Imtiaz Ahmed, Pervaiz Hoodbhoy and Mr. I. A. Rehman were the trainers. Nationalism and nuclear weapons, nuclearisation and internal security, portrayal of women in media, alternative models and federation, and problems of decentralization in Pakistan compared to other states were some of the topics of this workshop. Daily technical training sessions were part of the course too. Participants were senior journalists from Gujranwala, Sialkot, Okara, Islamabad and Faisalabad. · SAMS Media Workshop was held at Sukkur Press Club, Club Road, Sukkur, from 8th October to 13th October, 2012. Prof. Hasan Askari, Dr. Jabbar Khatak, Jawed Memon and Shabbir Bhutto were the resource persons for this course. Politics of autonomy and federalism, environment and water management and journalism under development and governance were among the topics discussed. Daily technical training sessions were a part of the course too. Participants were journalists from Sukkur, Pano Aqil, Ghotki, Shikarpur, Kashmore. Naushero Feroze and Khairpur. · SAMS organized a media training workshop at Hyderabad Press Club Auditorium, Hyderabad, from 5 to 10 November 2012. Mr. Jai Prakash, Dr. Jabbar Khattak, Mohammad Ali Shah, Shabbir Nizamani and Fida Hussain Bhagat were the resource persons for this training. Responsible media and ethnicity and the constitution, minority rights and discrimination, and environment and water management were some of the topics discussed. Participants were media journalists from Hyderabad, Tando Mohammed Khan& other districts. · SAMS conducted media training for working journalists in Multan from 12 to 17 November 2012. Mr. Khaled Ahmed, Wajahat Masood, Waqar Saeed Khan and Afzal Khan were the trainers for this workshop. New provinces for south Punjab, extremism and Pakistan, clash of the state institutions and the politics of national elections were discussed. Daily technical training sessions were a part of the course too. Trainees were journalists from Southern Punjab.

Output 2.2: Increased sharing of research base knowledge contributing to policy formulation, review and feedback (SAPNA) and quarterly South Asian Journal for media, academia, and research institutions. SAPNA & South Asian Journal

Activity 2.2-01-02: Produce, publish and distribute South Asian Journal and conduct SAPANA Research · Four issues of the South Asian Journal, 2000 copies each, were published for wider dissemination across South Asia to a targeted quality readership, including leading journalists, academicians, experts, policy makers, bureaucrats, entrepreneurs, universities and libraries in the region. · Journal 35 provided a broad overview of South Asia in 2011, analyzing the prospects for reconciliation in Afghanistan, extremist narratives in India and Pakistan, trade liberalization policy in Nepal, and communal conflict in eastern India. The issue also published four full-length research papers on democracy and nation building in India, environmental insecurity in Pakistan, women's economic space in South Asia, and the women's peasant movement in Punjab. · Journal 36 produced full-length research papers on religious and ethnic minorities in the region—including the Christian community in India and Pakistan, the Madhesi people in Nepal, and Assam's ethnic tribes—and assessed the state of women marginalized by conflict in Sri Lanka and in the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh. · Journal 37 focused on two themes: (i) democracy, ethnicity, and nation building, and (ii) human security; the issue of democracy in South Asia, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Nepal; and on regional human, food, and water security. · Journal 38 published full-length research papers on the broadcast and print media in South Asia. It focused on themes such as the commercialization of journalism in a South Asian context, the role of the media in situations of conflict, specifically in post-war Sri Lanka, the future of Afghanistan's nascent media, and the challenges of ethical reporting with regard to violence against women and neutral reportage on interstate relations. The South Asian Journal is disseminated across all eight SAARC countries, with approximately 270 subscribers divided between India (150), Pakistan (110), and Sri Lanka (10), and 370 copies distributed for sale at bookshops in India (100), Nepal (70), and Pakistan (200). Another approximately 700 copies are regularly distributed as complimentary copies to foreign embassies and selected public libraries in India (170), Pakistan (300), Nepal (20), Bangladesh (20), Afghanistan (25), Bhutan (50), the Maldives (20), and Sri Lanka (95). Output 2.3: Enhance capacities of Central Secretariat to carry out effective programmes coordination and management with transparent and accountable mechanism in place Central Secretariat

FMF planned, coordinated and implemented the program at regional level while strictly observing SOPs. Due to shortfall of USD 85,256.73, FMF made readjustments in the work plan while economically utilising its resources without compromising on any part of programme. The FMF Board of Governors (BOG) held eight meetings during the year to supervise and direct the work of the organization. Foundation gets Internal Audit on bi-annual basis by Ernst and Young Chartered Accountant that helps management to overcome its shortcomings and timely correction of any fault that might have occurred. The FMF has professional staff and management system that is well in place to support and carry out programmes in a professional manner. The transparency, accountability, checks and balances and observance of SOPs are ensured through several mechanisms in place, such as, 4 tiers of procurements and two Procurement committees. · Procurement up Rs. 50,000 is approved by Deputy Executive Director (DED) and Director Finance (DF) · ocurements between (50,000 to 300,000) is approved by Executive Director, Deputy Executive Director (DED) and Director Finance (DF) · Procurement between (300,000 to 1,000,000) is approved by Special Procurement Committee, headed by BOG member, ED, DED, and DF · Procurement up to Rs. 1 million is approved by Audit and Finance Committee comprising 2 BOG members and ED. Budget Consolidation Committee comprised 5 members (4 BOG members and ED)--3 BOG members represent SAFMA, SAWM, SAMC-- and committee is headed by ED; the Audit and Finance Committee approves the work plans, Budgets, budget revision/adjustments whilst making sure FMF strictly adheres to SOPs. HR committee of BOG approves hiring and management of HRD in compliance with SOPs. Similarly, 3 tiers of Disposal committees represent BOG members, who make the decisions related to disposal and ensure transparency in the process. During 2012 some minor changes in SOPs regarding Accounting and Finance related operations were proposed by Management Committee in BOG meeting on 10th March, 2012. Moreover, Central Secretariat's professional capacities, efficiency, good governance, better management of financial and human resources are strengthened. It expanded its networking with political leadership, major stakeholders, other media bodies and civil society activists. Central Secretariat also undertook various interactions, networking and lobbying. Planning, program designing, sustainability, monitoring, coordination, communication and fund raising are also the job of 109

the Secretariat. Activity 2.3-01: Networking and linkages with key stakeholders to plan and implement joint initiatives Enormous efforts were made to build linkages with key stakeholders to ensure their support and readiness for joint initiatives. It is worthwhile to note that Central Secretariat raised Rs 31,970,780 from German partner to support Pakistan Chapter and some regional activities, such as South Asian Journal, South Asia Media Monitor. Similarly, a media workshop was arranged in collaboration with Deutsche Welle. There are activities in collaboration with various partners that take place in the central secretariat. Outcome 3: Increased mass awareness, and sensitization on peace, tolerance, enlightenment, and regional cooperation through production and information dissemination

Output 3.1: Improved and greater access to unbiased and contextualized South Asian news and views through a well maintained web portal South Asian Media Network Activity 3.1-01: Track and update news and views on a web portal for free flow of information across borders throughout the year South Asian Media Net was fully renovated and redesigned with automated instant coverage of news and views from all 8 countries of South Asia while having a South Asian page, and other value additions, both print and video. Daily editorials and opinions were also added, besides valuable materials from South Asian Journal, Media Monitor, SAFMA, SAWM, South Asian Media School and the production house. Another new feature is the coverage of unbiased vernacular media. A newsletter is also issued daily. Leading editors, think tanks, embassies and researchers are some of its valued beneficiaries. Audio, video features are being added and will become fully operative for webbased radio-TV.

Output 3.2: Alternative enlightened and democratic narrative through Radio/TV software production and mass dissemination and thro ugh internal and other mass media Production House (Radio/TV Production) Activity 3.2 The production house has been renovated and programs are digitally produced and uploaded to the YouTube channel with over 50,000 hits, beside same programs are available through SAMN website. Due to a ban on YouTube,

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programs are being hindered. Web-based TV/radio is being launched with regular productions. Web TV and radio programs have been planned for this year and for greater dissemination through private media to promote an alternative paradigm of tolerance, enlightenment and democratic values. Outcome 4: Conducive environment for peace, cooperation and tolerance in the region strengthened

Output 4.1: Increased level of understanding among major stakeholders, diverse sections and media groups through regional (South Asian Media, experts and Parliamentary moots) bilateral (Pak -Afghan, Indo-Pak, Bangladesh-India) and sub regional foras (Punjab -Punjab, Mumbai -Karachi, Kashmir -Kashmir, Peshawar Kabul, Dhaka-Kolkota, etc.) exchange visits Peace Initiatives Activity 4.1-01: SAFMA Regional Conference The South Asian Free Media Association (SAFMA) held its eighth regional conference in Amritsar (India) and Lahore (Pakistan) from 5 to 9 January 2013. The conference's theme was “A South Asian Vision and Union”, and reflected many of the goals that SAFMA has worked towards over the last 12 years since it was formed, including peace-building, regional cooperation, pluralism, and respect for human rights. In particular, the conference aimed to underscore the importance of opening up people's minds to the possibilities of a South Asian fraternity—a bloc of independent nation-states with open borders, bound together by mutually beneficial trade and the common aims of human development. The conference was inaugurated in Amritsar on 6 January at the Radisson Blu Hotel with Mr Parkash Singh Badal, the Chief Minister of Punjab (India) as the guest of honor, and Mr Salman Khurshid, the Indian Minister for External Affairs, as the chief guest. Mr Vinod Kumar Sharma, political editor of the Hindustan Times and president of SAFMA's India chapter, and Mr Imtiaz Alam, secretary general of SAFMA, addressed the session on themes relating to the South Asian vision of peace and the concept of open borders and open minds. Session II focused on the media's role in peace and cooperation, bringing together a panel of leading journalists and media theorists. The panel was moderated by the Indian freelance journalist, Ms Jyoti Malhotra, and included Dr Mohammad Waseem, professor of political science at the Lahore University of Management Sciences; Mr Vinod Kumar Sharma; Mr Yubaraj Ghimire, editor of the Kathmandu-based Reporter Weekly; and Mr Kumar Ketkar, editor

of the Maharashtra-based Dainik Divya Marathi. Mr Bertrand Pecquerie, chief executive officer of the Global Editors Network, gave the session's keynote address on trends in world media. The conference's third session brought together a panel of noted analysts on terrorism and conflict. Moderated by Ms Suhasini Haider, senior editor at CNN-IBN in India, the panel's theme was “terrorism, extremism, and inter/intrastate conflict”. The panel comprised Dr Sanjoy Hazarika, director of the Centre for Northeast Studies at Jamia Milia Islamia in New Delhi; Dr HasanAskari Rizvi, Professor Emeritus at the University of the Punjab in Lahore; Dr Jehan Perera, executive director of the National Peace Council of Sri Lanka; Dr Imtiaz Ahmed, professor of international relations at the University of Dhaka; and Mr Amir Mir, deputy editor of The News, Pakistan. In the spirit of one of the conference's main themes—open borders—its second segment took place in Lahore, Pakistan, with participants crossing the AttariWagha border on 7 January 2013 to attend the remaining sessions on 8 and 9 January at the Pearl Continental Hotel. Session IV examined the idea of a South Asian vision for an economic union. The panel, moderated by Mr Najam Sethi, editor-in-chief of The Friday Times in Pakistan, comprised Dr Ijaz Nabi, country director of the International Growth Center, Pakistan; Dr Nephil Matangi Maskay, director at the Nepal Rastra Bank; Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi; and Mr Khaled Ahmed, a senior Pakistani journalist. Mian Nawaz Sharif, former Prime Minister of Pakistan, addressed the session as chief guest. Session V, the theme of which was “human rights, minorities, and women in South Asia”, was moderated by Mr Ghazi Salahuddin, a senior Pakistani journalist with The News and Geo TV. The session's panel consisted of Mr Ravi Nair, executive director of the South Asia Human Rights Documentation Center in New Delhi; the noted Lahore-based lawyer and human rights activist, Ms Asma Jehangir; Dr Rita Manchanda, research director of the South Asia Forum for Human Rights; and Dr Farzana Haniffa, senior lecturer at the University of Colombo. Her Excellency Cecilie Landsverk, the Norwegian ambassador to Pakistan, was the session's chief guest. The conference's sixth session critically assessed SAFMA's achievements over the last 12 years, including its objectives, the projects and entities it has evolved, and the areas in which it needs to builds further capacity. Mr Imtiaz Alam presented a report on behalf of the organization, following which a draft of the conference declaration was disseminated among all delegates for review and all proposed changes incorporated. The session's panel of honorable guests

comprised the Norwegian ambassador to Afghanistan, His Excellency Nils Haugstveit; the ambassador to Nepal, His Excellency Alf Arne Ramslien; and Mr Leif Holger Larsen, Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan from the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Session VII focused on the media, peace, and cooperation in South Asia. The Prime Minister of Pakistan, Raja Pervez Ashraf, addressed the session as chief guest. The conference ended on 9 January 2013 in Lahore with a plenary session at which SAFMA's outgoing secretary general, Mr Imtiaz Alam, presented a report on the organization and proposed amendments to the organization's Memorandum of Association. This was followed by the election of SAFMA's new office bearers. Mr Imtiaz Alam was re-elected secretary general, and Ms Mehmal Sarfraz was elected deputy secretary general. Mr Vinod Sharma was elected president of SAFMA. The newly elected vice presidents included Mr Reazuddin Ahmed, editor of The News Today and former president of SAFMA's Bangladesh chapter, Mr Lakshman Gunasekera, a senior Sri Lankan journalist and former president of SAFMA's Sri Lanka chapter; Mr Abdul Qayeum Karim, deputy director of Media Support Partnership Afghanistan; and Ms Sharmini Boyle, president of South Asian Women in Media (SAWM). The new joint secretaries elected included Mr Kesang Dema, subeditor at Kuensel from Bhutan and Ms Soffa Husain from the Maldives. Mr Yubaraj Ghimire was elected information secretary. The Federal Minister for Information and Broadcasting, Mr Qamar Zaman Kaira, delivered the session's keynote address, after which the conference was declared formally closed. Activity 4.1.11: Punjab-Punjab Exchange (Lahore) 35 leading journalists, businesspersons, political leaders, writers, singers and civil society activists from Pakistani Punjab were sent to Amritsar to celebrate the Independence Day and attend a seminar and candle vigil in Amritsar. 23 journalists, businesspersons, political leaders, writers, singers and civil society activists from India were invited to Lahore to celebrate the Independence Day and attend a seminar, Indo-Pakistan poetry recital and candle vigil in Lahore on the night of 14-15 August. More than 500 SAFMA and peace activists joined their counterparts for a candle vigil for peace and open borders at Wahgah Activity 4.1.12: Punjab-Punjab Exchange (Amritsar) 35 leading journalists, businesspersons, political leaders, writers, singers and civil society activists from Pakistani Punjab joined their counterparts in

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Amritsar in celebrating the Independence Day and attend a seminar and candle vigil there. 23 journalists, businesspersons, political leaders, writers, singers and civil society activists from India went to Lahore to celebrate the Independence Day and attend a seminar, Indo-Pakistan poetry recital and candle vigil in Lahore on the night of 14-15 August. SAFMA and peace activists from India in a large number joined their counterparts in Pakistan for a candle vigil for peace and open borders at the Atari check post. A seminar was held in Amritsar attended by over 500 persons. A cultural programme featuring artistes from India and Pakistan organised near Indo-Pak border in Amritsar was attended by 40,000 people Activity 4.2: Democracy and Good Governance Media interactions and campaigns for media freedom in the region 66 interactions were held in Lahore and Islamabad engaging over 4000 leading participants from media, civil society, elected representatives, officials and experts. The subject covered by experts and opinion leaders were: media freedom, fundamental rights, culture, peace, Indo-Pak relations, extremism/terrorism, Peace in Afghanistan, freedom of expression, blasphemy laws, democratic transition, free and fair elections, culture and performing arts, documentaries, women rights, minorities, civil-military relations, etc. Interactions and views expressed were covered by print and electronic media—some programs were covered live viewed by millions of viewers. Challenges and Shortcomings · Work-plan and the budgets were relatively ambitious as compared to the time available (almost four months for National Chapters that were immobilized due to a lack of funding for the program for the last three years). · Funds were expected from other donors that could not be materialized except from Germany. · Strict applications of SOPS also delayed the implementation of the program, especially in Afghanistan and Maldives. · Some parts of the program remained unimplemented due to lack of funds and have now been planned for 2013. · Uncertainty still prevailing about the future funding from Norway that led to holding back of spending Future remedial steps to cope challenges and sustainability: · FMF and SAFMA have planned some innovative measures and have adopted strategies to achieve self-sustainability in the immediate and midterm;

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· South Asian Media School is now registered and will run courses to make it self-sustaining during this year; · Production house has also been renovated to make it self-sustaining; · South Asian Journal with the help of some advertisements will also be made partially self-sustaining; · South Asian Media Net has been made automated to bring down personnel cost; · National Chapters have been asked to become self-sustaining and their budgets are being slashed with the hope that they will find funding partners; · With the adoption of e-networking and internet-based dialogue, costs will be reduced in promoting dialogue for peace and cooperation across borders; · Some programs are being planned to generate funds; · New funding partners are being sought; it is expected that Germany will fund some components of regional peace program and also support some elements of the program regarding democratic transition in Pakistan; · SAARC is being approached to contribute to Endowment Fund, but it will take at least three years; · FMF/SAFMA shall still need continuation of its program in cooperation with MFA Norway in the next three years, besides bringing other funding partners on board. · The revised program for 2013 and the budget readjustment should help greater successful implementation of the program during the year 2013.

nation-states at loggerheads, security establishments bent on playing their own game, mass nationalist constituencies playing the enmity card, militant groups threatening peaceniks with dire consequences, and a media predominantly inclined to play on the conflict-based prejudices of its domestic audiences. There is a malicious campaign underway in Pakistan against SAFMA by extremists who have demanded a ban on SAFMA and threatened to kill its leaders. The objectives of a media for peace and cooperation could not be achieved in a decade, and they remain an uphill task. But our labour of love cannot be abandoned half way – donor support or no support. But what do we do? Should we cut costs and reduce our operations? Indeed, this must be done. Should we generate income through our facilities, such as the production house? Yes, this is being done and should be expanded. Can we generate revenues by organizing cultural shows? This could be done once or twice a year but is not sufficient to sustain us. Why not close down some of our projects, such as SAMS or the South Asian Journal? The Journal can be made self-sustaining by attracting advertisements and SAMS can be partially sustained by partly commercialising it. The production house could become self-sustaining and generate some revenues. Should we cut our costs on personnel and other costs? We have already started this process and should be more vigorous but beyond certain limits we may be undermining our institutional capability, which is required by donors and essential for good governance. Should we merge SAWM's and SAMC's activities into SAFMA? The fact of the matter is that there are no additional costs and if SAFMA has to do their work, it amounts to the same cost while compromising the objectives pursued better by SAWM and SAMC.

Sustainability SAFMA's financial sources The programme was supported initially by UNDP when the founding conference was held on 1-2 July 2000. Other donors, such as Royal Netherlands Embassy, German Embassy and CIDA have supported certain SAFMA initiatives. The Royal Norwegian Embassy (RNE) became our strategic supporter in 2003 and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway has signed a two-year concluding agreement that will come to an end in December 2013. The time has come for us to pay serious attention to the complex question of SAFMA's sustainability. The FMF's and SAFMA's emphasis has been on engaging the media in conflict resolution, peace, freedom and cooperation. This is a highly critical and strategic agenda and involves very powerful and confrontational stakeholders,

Should we ask our governments in South Asia to support the FMF? We have avoided doing so in the past on the grounds that such support by governments might compromise our independence and neutrality if they asked us to support their official stand, which, as journalists and peace campaigners, may not be possible. Recently we tried to get the support of the government in Pakistan for our media school, which has yet to materialize. Although SAFMA has encouraged its national chapters to find donors and raise their own funds, they have not done so for various reasons. Except for the Pakistan chapter that has funding for all its activities for 2012, and Bangladesh, which tries to live on its own resources, other chapters have not been able to make any substantial headway. Should we find other donors? Yes, we must. The Pakistan chapter was able to get German support for all its activities in 2012, but such support is limited to certain activities and donors are not inclined to provide institutional support.

Other chapters can and must explore funding options in their own countries. Our national chapters in Sri Lanka, Nepal, India, Afghanistan and Bangladesh can find donors and generate their resources, like their counterpart in Pakistan. Dependence on the Central Secretariat will have to be gradually reduced and we have one year to facilitate the national chapters in finding their own sources and resources. There are three possible scenarios and we must be ready to consider plans A, B, and C if we are to survive: Best-Case Scenario and Plan-A We have a reliable donor, ready to provide institutional support for next four years. We find other donors to support various segments of our program while asking the national chapters to raise their own sources in one year and pursue our case for a South Asian Free Media Endowment Fund with the SAARC Development Fund with an amount of USD 20 million that will be sufficient to meet our core activities, besides sustaining our networks of SAFMA, SAWM and SAMC. Middle Scenario and Plan-B If we do not get an endowment fund in the near future, we will have no option but to rely on a major donor to sustain the FMF and other initiatives – SAFMA, SAWM, SAMC, the South Asian Journal, South Asian Media Net, SAMS, and the production house. We ask the national chapters to raise their own resources while keeping the nucleus, the Central Secretariat, intact. We bring other donors on board to back various segments of the program, raise further resources through cultural shows, etc. We make the South Asian Journal and SAMS self-sufficient and increase our income from the production house. Worst-Case Scenario and Plan-C We do not find a major donor and our funding dries out, leaving us with enough funding only for small projects and not enough to sustain the networks we have built across South Asia and the Central Secretariat. To meet this scenario, we rent out part of the Central Secretariat to finance a small facility, stop supporting the national chapters, close down SAMS or make it incomegenerating, find advertisements for the Journal, and develop our website and new media capacities to run our networks, SAFMA, SAWM and SAMC on the internet instead of holding conferences. The national chapters could also function on these lines. Relying entirely on the community of journalists dedicated to the cause of a media for peace, freedom, tolerance and regional cooperation, we entirely turn to new media space to continue with our cause with a self-sustaining Central Secretariat equipped with a production facility. We hold online conferences to promote our cause. 113