February 23, 2023

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SOUTH SIDE WEEKLY IN

The South Side Weekly is an independent non-profit newspaper by and for the South Side of Chicago. We provide high-quality, critical arts and public interest coverage, and equip and develop journalists, artists, photographers, and mediamakers of all backgrounds.

Volume 10, Issue 11

Editor-in-Chief Jacqueline Serrato

Managing Editor Adam Przybyl

Senior Editors Martha Bayne

Christopher Good

Olivia Stovicek

Sam Stecklow

Alma Campos

Community Builder Chima Ikoro

Contributing Editors Jocelyn Vega

Francisco Ramírez Pinedo

Scott Pemberton

Visuals Editor Bridget Killian

Deputy Visuals Editor Shane Tolentino

Staff Illustrators Mell Montezuma

Shane Tolentino

CHICAGO

Election Day approaches

The election for mayor, alderpersons, and police district councils will take place on Tuesday, February 28. Early voting can be done up until Monday the 27th. The supersite at 191 N. Clark St., the office of the Board of Election Commissioners at 69 W. Washington St., 6th Floor, and and all fifty polling places, one in each ward, will be open from 6am–7pm on election day. A government-issued ID is not required to vote, but may be helpful if you are updating your address or if there are questions about your registration. You can vote in the polling place in your ward, or at any other site—the choice is yours. Check out chicagoelections.gov/en/earlyvoting.html for the full list of voting locations. For races in which no candidate receives more than fifty percent of the vote, a runoff will take place on April 4.

Environmental “enforcement theater”

Director of

Fact Checking: Sky Patterson

Fact Checkers: Savannah Hugueley

Christopher Good

Layout Editor Tony Zralka

Special Projects Coordinator Malik Jackson

Managing Director Jason Schumer

Office Manager Mary Leonard

Advertising Manager Susan Malone

Webmaster Pat Sier

The Weekly is produced by a mostly all-volunteer editorial staff and seeks contributions from across the city. We publish online weekly and in print every other Thursday.

Send submissions, story ideas, comments, or questions to editor@southsideweekly.com or mail to:

South Side Weekly 6100 S. Blackstone Ave. Chicago, IL 60637

For advertising inquiries, please contact: Susan Malone (773) 358-3129 or email: malone@southsideweekly.com

For general inquiries, please call: (773) 643-8533

Earlier this month, Neighbors for Environmental Justice (NEJ) published a report titled “Ineffective by Choice: A Review of Environmental Enforcement Data in Chicago.” The report analyzes environmental enforcement data from 2002 to 2022 and concludes that the city rarely penalizes polluters for breaking the law. The Department of Environment (DOE), created in 1992 under Mayor Richard M. Daley, was shuttered in 2012 by Mayor Rahm Emanuel. When the Chicago Department of Public Health adopted responsibility for environmental enforcement in 2012, “the number of environmental violations prosecuted by the city declined substantially and enforcement priorities shifted,” according to the report. CDPH issued half as many citations from 2012 to 2022 than the DOE issued from 2002 through 2011, leading NEJ to conclude that today, CDPH rarely enforces environmental laws, allowing companies to pollute without consequences. NEJ added that instead of meaningfully enforcing the law, the city “performs a kind of enforcement theater.” During her 2019 election campaign, Mayor Lori Lightfoot promised to reinstate the DOE but has, so far, failed to do so. Instead, her administration appointed a chief sustainability officer and created a ten-person Office of Climate and Environment. But critics say these actions are not enough to address the climate crisis, due to the limited power and size of the office.

Chicago journalists harassed for their reporting

Over the past few weeks, journalists affiliated with the Chicago Reader and The TRiiBE have been the targets of harassment campaigns on social media for their coverage of a Police District Council candidate and the shooting of a Black man by Paul Vallas’s son. In January, Jim Daley, a former Weekly editor and then-news editor at the Chicago Reader, published a story detailing racist, sexist, and homophobic comments made online and in group chats by Pericles “Perry” Abbasi, an election attorney for the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) and FOP-endorsed candidate for the 25th Police District Council. After the article’s publication, dozens of Abbasi’s supporters began harassing Daley on Twitter, with Abbasi retweeting the harassment.

Daley was hired by The TRiiBE in early February and reported a story on mayoral candidate Paul Vallas’s son being one of three cops who shot and killed a fleeing Black man in Texas last year. When the story was published, The TRiiBE was targeted for racist harassment on social media.

These harassment campaigns, which include threats of violence, make clear the importance of the work these journalists are doing as well as the imperative for fellow journalists to show support and solidarity. Reporting on the powerful always comes with risks, but that doesn’t mean we should accept them as inevitable or do nothing. To show your support, head over to The TRiiBE’s website, subscribe and donate.

dos candidatas se enfrentan a concejal en distrito electoralmente manipulado

Dos aspirantes hacen campaña basándose en sus valores y trabajando para ganarse la confianza de los residentes.

por annabelle dowd, traducido por alma campos

public meetings report

A recap of select open meetings at the local, county, and state level.

scott pemberton and documenters ....

op-ed: mayoral debate was a poor night for chicago

4

8

Hope must be a part of everyone’s plan. anthony ehlers.........................................9

changing of the guard Will more than a dozen alderperson retirements and resignations make City Council more independent? reema

8matiklogan gives himself a second chance The South Side rapper gets candid about drug addiction, finding time for himself, and more.

The Weekly’s poetry corner offers our thoughts in exchange for yours.

Illustrations by Ariandy Luna, Sydni Baluch, Dionne Victoria, and Bridget Killian

Dos candidatas se enfrentan a concejal en distrito electoralmente manipulado

Las aspirantes progresistas están haciendo campaña en el distrito 15. ¿Cómo van a ganarse la confianza de los votantes diversos?

Un sábado frío bajo un cielo cenizo, Victoria Álvarez, mejor conocida como Vicko, tocó puertas desde el mediodía hasta las seis de la tarde. Empezó en la calle 60 y la avenida Hermitage, para arriba y para abajo en cada lado de la 60 entre la avenida Wolcott y la avenida Ashland, luego en sentido norte a la 59, y de regreso por cada cuadra hasta que llegó a la calle 66, el límite del vecindario de West Englewood. Álvarez, una izquierdista mexicoamericana nacida en Texas, y Gloria Ann Williams, una progresista afroamericana de Englewood, están ambas haciendo campaña para ser la próxima concejala del distrito 15.

Álvarez lleva puestos un pantalón de mezclilla, un abrigo rojo y una bolsa con su material de campaña, que dice “Make Mama Proud” (Haz orgullosa a mamá) en manuscrita. Su melena negra está oculta bajo un gorro, pero sus arracadas de oro reflejan el poco sol que hay ese día. No le importa esperar pacientemente mientras los vecinos la observan por la ventana antes de abrir la puerta. Veo que casi todas las casas de la cuadra tienen instaladas cámaras de seguridad, y Álvarez me explica que el Ayuntamiento de Chicago ofreció un reembolso a los residentes que las compraran.

Cuando Bishop T. Gray abre la puerta, interrumpe a Álvarez. “Siempre que hay elecciones, todos ustedes vienen, nos piden el voto, nos dicen por qué los necesitamos y luego no los volvemos a ver”, dijo Gray. “Entonces, ¿qué nos ofreces? ¿Qué tienes?”

Gray hace una pregunta válida. Greater Englewood, un área comunitaria que abarca los barrios de Englewood y West Englewood, está dividida en seis

distritos políticos diferentes, lo que la convierte en la zona más políticamente fragmentada de Chicago. Un candidato o candidata que atraiga el voto en esta parte de Englewood tiene que encontrar la manera de asegurarse de que los residentes sepan que sus necesidades son igual de importantes que las de los residentes de los otros cinco barrios que forman el distrito 15.

Álvarez y Williams comprenden esta desconfianza hacia los políticos

Álvarez ha sido activista en diversas formas —instructora de arte y organizadora sindical— desde que era una estudiante de dieciocho años en la Universidad de

WARD 15

de West Englewood en la edición anual de Lo Mejor del Sur de Chicago.

Hacer campaña en el distrito 15 plantea muchos obstáculos para un candidato que quiera conocer a sus votantes. Incluye seis barrios que se dibujan como un cromosoma X desde Chicago Lawn, hacia el norte a Gage Park y Brighton Park, a Back of the Yards y Canaryville, y luego hacia el sur hasta West Englewood. El distrito resulta ser un puño de migajas políticas que ha generado críticas y acusaciones de manipulación (conocida en inglés como “gerrymandering”).

Chicago, donde elaboraba estrategias con los empleados del comedor para obtener sueldos justos. Williams se crió en Englewood, se graduó en la Secundaria Gage Park, crió a sus hijos en las Escuelas Públicas de Chicago (CPS, por sus siglas en inglés) y es fundadora y directora ejecutiva de la organización Voices of West Englewood.

Williams fundó la organización sin fines de lucro para facilitar la comunicación de las preocupaciones de los residentes y resolverlas rápidamente. El pasado mes de septiembre, el Weekly nombró a Voices of West Englewood, y a la propia Williams, la mejor organización de alcance comunitario

En mayo de 2022, el distrito tuvo la oportunidad de adoptar una figura más cohesiva. La primavera pasada se dibujó el mapa de los distritos de Chicago, un proceso que tiene lugar cada diez años. El Concejo Municipal supervisa el proceso, pero estas reuniones se realizan de forma clandestina, a puerta cerrada, con cartógrafos, abogados, concejales y otros asesores. En el "salón de mapas", los participantes estudian los cambios demográficos, los límites comunitarios y estructurales, las áreas comerciales y, por supuesto, a los votantes.

En el mejor de los casos, el mapa se elabora con una perspectiva no partidista. Pero si hay un voto en la cuerda floja, su postura política puede beneficiar a un concejal. Mientras que el proceso estatal de reestructuración de distritos se basa en el partido al que se pertenece, el gobierno municipal es demócrata. Sin diferencias partidistas, la reestructuración de distritos se basa en diferencias raciales.

El Censo de 2020 encontró que las personas Latinx eran el grupo racial o

POR ANNABELLE DOWD TRADUCIDO POR ALMA CAMPOS

étnico de más rápido crecimiento en la ciudad, de una población de alrededor de 779,000 en 2010 a cerca de 820,000 en 2020. El número de habitantes afroamericanos de Chicago es actualmente el más bajo desde 1960. Estos datos invitan a especular sobre los motivos por los que los residentes afroamericanos están decidiendo abandonar Chicago: el aumento de la renta, la violencia y acoso policial, y el cierre de sus escuelas.

Estos resultados del censo, que son el recurso fundamental para la reestructuración de distritos a nivel estatal y municipal, crean las bases para la elaboración del nuevo mapa de distritos del 2022.

Según el Comité de Abogados de Chicago por los Derechos Civiles (CLC, por sus siglas en inglés), un colectivo de abogados que trabajan con organizaciones comunitarias y abogan por objetivos de justicia racial y equidad, la solución a este problema es un concejo independiente de reestructuración de distritos dirigido por ciudadanos en lugar de funcionarios electos. A nivel municipal, el CLC asesoró a grupos que representaban a comunidades marginadas que buscaban una mayor representación en un espacio que suele excluirlas.

"Si no se tiene en cuenta a estas comunidades en la fase inicial [de la reestructuración de distritos], esas demarcaciones no tomarán en cuenta algunas de las aportaciones más importantes que son necesarias para dibujar los límites en torno a las comunidades de color y otras comunidades de interés", afirmó Cliff Helm, asesor principal del Derecho al Voto y Empoderamiento Cívico del CLC.

La organización Coalition for Better Chinese American Community, que empezó a organizarse en 1998 para reforzar la comunicación entre los residentes de la zona y sus representantes no asiáticos, negoció con éxito la creación de un distrito de mayoría asiática, el 11, que ahora incluye al área de Chinatown y partes de Bridgeport, Brighton Park y McKinley Park.

El proceso de reestructuración distrital del 2022 se desarrolló a lo largo de varios meses, y se informó ampliamente de los preparativos, ya que los habitantes de Chicago expresaron su deseo de tener un papel más significativo en el proceso. Surgieron coaliciones en todo Chicago

con objetivos similares de representación equitativa, trabajando con ciudadanos de todo Chicago o “diversos comisionados y suplentes [que] fueron elegidos por un comité independiente”, según el sitio web de la Comisión Asesora de Reestructuración de Distritos de Chicago.

El CLC evalúa si un proceso de reestructuración distrital respeta la Ley del Derecho al Voto y otros marcos jurídicos que protegen a los votantes, y da consejería legal a las comunidades afectadas sobre cómo utilizar estas protecciones en las cortes.

Internamente, los concejales afroamericanos y latinos de Chicago estaban polarizados, ya que ambos buscaban una representación concentrada. El Caucus Negro propuso lo que llamaron el Mapa Unido, que incluía dieciséis distritos de mayoría afroamericana, catorce de mayoría latina y uno de mayoría asiática. El Caucus Latino, formado por concejales latinos en Chicago, presentó el Mapa de Coalición, que, en comparación, creaba quince distritos de mayoría latina, dieciséis de mayoría afroamericana y uno de mayoría asiática. Aunque las diferencias entre los dos distritos parecen menores, el enfrentamiento dio la impresión de que en el Concejo era una lucha de afroamericanos contra latinos.

Esto es algo que Álvarez planea abordar si quiere ganar el puesto, y es parte de su estrategia al apoyar la candidatura a la alcaldía de Brandon Johnson, un progresista afroamericano.

“Hay mucha gente que siente como que están peleándose por las sobras, y Brandon está haciendo lo que puede para crear puentes, ocurre mucho, ya sabes, la división latino-afroamericana. Y esa es una gran razón por la que estamos tratando de trabajar juntos porque no queremos jugar ese juego”, le dijo Álvarez a un residente del distrito 15 mientras hacía campaña.

“Tenemos familias afroamericanas que quieren que suba el valor de sus casas. Ayudémoslos. Tenemos familias latinas que quieren ver bibliotecas más grandes en Back of the Yards, ayudémoslos. Asegurémonos de que podemos entendernos con la comunidad”, añadió Álvarez.

Grupos de defensa como CHANGE Illinois y la Comisión Asesora de Reestructuración de Distritos de Chicago se esforzaron para que la votación final incluyera al público mediante sesiones

en las que la gente pudiera expresar sus opiniones, pero la mayoría de los concejales decidieron repentinamente las líneas de demarcación una tarde de mayo, sorprendiendo al público.

Ganó el Mapa Unido; el acuerdo se atribuyó a una ruptura en el Latino Caucus. Si bien esto puede haber sido un triunfo para otros barrios de mayoría afroamericana, esta versión del distrito 15 incluye un setenta y cuatro por ciento de residentes latinos y un dieciséis por ciento de afroamericanos, lo que disminuye aún más el poder de voto de los residentes afroamericanos de Englewood. Siete concejales votaron en contra, entre ellos el actual concejal del distrito 15, Raymond López.

Xena Bowers dijo que ha vivido en la misma casa de Back of the Yards desde 1989. Durante ese tiempo, ella ha visto un montón de cambios, muchos de ellos que ella califica como negativos. El otoño pasado, el yerno de Bowers fue baleado en la esquina de su cuadra, algo que dijo atestiguar a menudo en su vecindario. Dice que los niños no tienen nada en qué ocuparse después de la escuela.

Bowers dijo que no busca a su concejal, Raymond López, para hablar de estos asuntos, porque los concejales con los que se ha cruzado no cumplen sus promesas de disminuir la violencia o recurren a espectáculos tontos a cambio de votos.

“La única vez que los veo es cuando hacen campaña, le dicen a alguien que vote por ellos, fuera de eso, no hacen nada”, dijo Bowers. “Se acercaban las elecciones y les daban a todos un pavo. Tenías que ir hasta su oficina en la Ashland o algún sitio por ellos”. El regalo del pavo formaba parte de un sorteo que el concejal George Cárdenas realizó en el distrito 12, en el que Bowers técnicamente no vivía.

Restablecer la confianza entre los votantes y el gobierno local es un objetivo central de las campañas de Álvarez y Williams. Las conversaciones que esto exige requieren tiempo, trabajo emocional y la delicadeza de hablar con personas de orígenes muy diversos que, aunque viven a menos de una milla de distancia, tienen prioridades distintas.

“Hay que hablar con todos los barrios, ir cuadra por cuadra para intentar averiguar qué es lo que nos une, pero también cuáles

son las necesidades específicas de esos barrios”, dijo Álvarez.

La mayoría de los residentes de Back of the Yards, Brighton Park y Gage Park son latinos de ascendencia mexicana. Los residentes de West Englewood son mayoritariamente afroamericanos, los de Canaryville mayoritariamente anglosajones y los de Chicago Lawn una mezcla de afroamericanos y latinos. El ingreso promedio de estas áreas varía, $26,439 en West Englewood entre 2016 y 2020, y $45,782 en Brighton Park.

Mientras que la mayoría de los residentes que Álvarez conoció en Englewood dijeron que su mayor prioridad para un concejal entrante es la falta de inversión —los lotes vacíos y la falta de negocios pequeños— los residentes de Back of the Yards dijeron que sus vecindarios necesitan más programación en los parques y mantenimiento de las calles. Los residentes de todos los barrios expresaron su temor a la violencia armada. Los distritos se desplazan por razones inevitables, como el crecimiento de la población de Chicago y la expansión de los límites de la ciudad. Utilizando una combinación de ArcGIS, mapas urbanos de los últimos cien años y datos cualitativos y cuantitativos, el Dr. Robert Vargas y su equipo crearon una herramienta de visualización de datos que muestra estos cambios, o “ cambios de distrito”, en Chicago, St Louis y Milwaukee.

“Los concejales que se han opuesto radicalmente a su alcalde o coalición de gobierno fueron castigados por ello con el traslado de su distrito muy lejos [del centro]. Esto obligó a los concejales a entablar nuevas relaciones con sus votantes”, explica el Dr. Vargas por correo electrónico. “Los concejales con un historial de defensa de la justicia racial y económica eran los más castigados”.

Escribió el Dr. Vargas en el documento que resume esta investigación. “La presencia o visibilidad del poder de la comunidad afroamericana puede ser percibida como una amenaza por el estado racializado local y suprimida de forma preventiva a través de la reestructuración de distritos”.

En el caso del Distrito 15, las preocupaciones de residentes como Bishop T. Gray y Xena Bowers no se centran sólo en la dedicación y persistencia de un único candidato, sino en los poderes que dictan

sus opciones de representación política y su capacidad para participar en el panorama político.

Cuando Bowers fue a votar en las elecciones de noviembre, encontró que su lugar de votación se había movido, sin previo aviso, de la Iglesia del Inmaculado Corazón, en la calle Wood, a otro lugar en la avenida Damen. Álvarez dijo que también se encontró con votantes dando vueltas en busca de su lugar de votación el pasado día de las elecciones, un problema que atribuye a la mala actuación del concejal López.

“Es un asunto de confianza”, dijo Gloria Ann Williams sobre animar a la gente a votar, no sólo en su campaña sino en cualquier oportunidad para votar.

“Dicen que les encanta que salgamos a tocar puertas y a hablar con ellos de frente. Pero que no vale la pena votar. Porque todos los que llegan al cargo no cumplen su promesa. Hacen esto, hacen lo otro, pero no se ocupan de ellos para darles trabajo, no intentan hacer nada para que la comunidad sea segura. Lo único que les importa son ellos mismos”, agregó.

Álvarez dijo que su principal objetivo es educar a los posibles votantes. Cuando alguien responde a la puerta, ella les proporciona una lista de puntos sobre quién es ella, antes de entrar en una discusión personal sobre lo que el público necesita y quiere. De vez en cuando, esta convicción sorprende a la gente.

Varios residentes invitan a Álvarez a sus casas para hablar de sus preocupaciones y del papel que Álvarez puede desempeñar para ayudar a los demás.

Rubi Rodríguez y su hermana Yesenia hablaron con Álvarez sobre temas relacionados con Back of the Yards. Invitaron a Álvarez a su casa para que conociera a sus padres. Hablaron por casi dos horas e hicieron planes para volver a reunirse en una fiesta del vecindario.

Cuando otra residente dijo que su familia es de Pilsen y se mudó a Back of the Yards hace cinco años, Álvarez respondió explicando que las empresas privadas están comprando propiedades en el barrio, no para ocuparlas inmediatamente, sino para mantenerlas hasta que aumenten de valor.

“Creo que algunos esperaban que Back of the Yards se iba a gentrificar como Pilsen. Eso también es algo que está dentro del poder del concejal. Así que si no hace

algo para impedirlo, es posible que suban los impuestos sobre la propiedad y que desplacen a las familias”, dijo.

La vecina le cuenta a Vicko que la mayor parte de su familia se mudó a Back of the Yards cuando ya no podían pagar más en Pilsen, y cree que es importante tener un representante electo con quien discutir estos temas.

“Creo que este tipo de historias son muy importantes para que el resto de nuestros vecinos las conozcan, especialmente los que llevan aquí mucho tiempo", afirma Álvarez. "Todo el mundo ve lo que ocurre en Pilsen desde fuera. Pero cuando lo oyes de alguien que ha tenido que mudarse, simplemente... lo hace real”.

Álvarez trabajó para varios sindicatos en el Medio Oeste y la Costa Este. La mayoría eran de trabajadores de fábricas, como la United Steelworkers Organization, dónde Álvarez trabajó para que los miembros, en su mayoría inmigrantes que hablaban español, conocieran sus derechos en el trabajo.

Después de esto, regresó a Chicago para enseñar arte en Hernandez Middle School en Gage Park. Durante este tiempo, Álvarez creó ScholaR Comics y produjo su segundo cómic, <i>Rosita Se Asusta</i>, sobre una niña indocumentada que teme ser deportada en medio de la creciente política y retórica antiinmigrante. La intención de Álvarez era que <i>Rosita</

Restablecer la confianza entre los votantes y el gobierno local es un objetivo central de las campañas de Vicko Álvarez y Gloria Williams. Las conversaciones que esto exige requieren tiempo, trabajo emocional y la delicadeza de hablar con personas de orígenes muy diversos que, aunque viven a menos de una milla de distancia, tienen prioridades distintas.

Vicko ofrece su número de teléfono personal y la dirección de su oficina de campaña, así como direcciones para llegar si la familia tiene alguna otra pregunta. Se dirige a la siguiente casa y utiliza la aplicación MiniVAN para saber con quién habla, si están inscritos para votar y si piensan apoyarla en las próximas elecciones. La aplicación es una gran ayuda para Álvarez, acostumbrada al desorden de hacer campaña usando papel.

Nacida en Texas de una familia de inmigrantes guanajuatenses de clase trabajadora, Álvarez se mudó al Medio Oeste para estudiar en la Universidad de Chicago en 2006. Tras un año viviendo en los dormitorios, decidió trabajar en vecindarios como Brighton Park y Back of the Yards con amigos que eran del barrio. Álvarez dijo que le gustaba el vecindario por el sentido de comunidad y la cercanía a otras familias latinas de clase trabajadora como la suya. Se ha mudado con frecuencia a diferentes apartamentos pero ha permanecido en la zona los pasados dieciséis años.

i> les sirviera de apoyo emocional a los niños indocumentados que enfrentan adversidades similares.

Esta unión de arte, activismo y trabajo comunitario llevó a Álvarez a participar en la elección de la concejala Rossana Rodríguez-Sánchez para el distrito 33. Álvarez fue nombrada jefa de personal de su oficina de distrito en 2020 y dejó el cargo el verano pasado para iniciar su propia campaña. Si bien considera que su experiencia ahí fue esencial, a la misma vez Álvarez está consciente de que se pueden preguntar por qué alguien que trabajó en el lado norte piensa que podría abordar adecuadamente las condiciones del lado sur de la ciudad.

“No haría esto si alguien realmente bueno, con principios y comprometido, se postula”, le dijo Álvarez a las hermanas Rodríguez. “Pero si eso no ocurre, Raymond puede conseguir otros cuatro años. No podemos garantizarle a este hombre otros cuatro años simplemente porque nadie se lanzó”.

La concejala Rodríguez-Sánchez,

una inesperada ganadora en un distrito mayoritariamente anglosajón y de clase media del norte de Chicago, es conocida por haber redactado la ordenanza Treatment not Trauma (Tratamiento No Trauma), que enviaría a profesionales de salud mental, en lugar de policías armados, a atender las llamadas al 911 cuando la situación no sea explícitamente violenta. El pasado noviembre se aprobó como una pregunta electoral en los distritos 6, 20 y 33, pero se sigue promoviendo como medida para toda la ciudad.

Cuando Álvarez menciona las cuestiones de seguridad en el distrito, se muestra firme en su postura de asignar fondos a casi todos los departamentos menos a la policía. Álvarez considera que el comportamiento instigador, incoherente y agresivo de la policía hacia las comunidades vulnerables es una amenaza que domina su potencial. Lo explica con ejemplos de las áreas que sí necesitan dinero —parques, clínicas de salud mental, programas después de la escuela— en lugar de hacer énfasis en la reducción de fondos para el Departamento de Policía de Chicago.

“Así que todavía falta hablar del departamento de agua, todavía estamos hablando del departamento de transporte, todavía estamos hablando del departamento de servicios familiares, el departamento de salud”, continúa Álvarez. “El departamento peor financiado es la oficina de discapacidades”.

Álvarez cree que un público informado debe tener derecho a soñar más allá de simplemente sobrevivir. Esta es en parte la razón por la que Brandon Johnson decidió apoyarla para ser concejala del distrito 15 a principios de enero.

“Vicko es una líder progresista cuya experiencia la ha guiado a defender constantemente los derechos y la dignidad de los trabajadores”, dijo Johnson por correo electrónico. “Confío en que no sólo se asegurará de que todos los residentes del distrito 15 puedan acceder a los servicios de su vecindario, sino que será una líder en la lucha más amplia por la equidad y la justicia en nuestra ciudad”.

Los barrios de Chicago más afectados por la violencia armada, varios de los cuales se encuentran en el distrito 15, no tienen una visión monolítica de la policía. Muchos residentes con los que habló el

<i>Weekly</i> dijeron que la seguridad era su principal preocupación y un problema que ha empeorado en los últimos años. Y muchos de estos residentes reconocen que la policía es la única solución, por no decir inevitable.

“Jamás se podrá desfinanciar a la policía. Los que protestan 'desfinanciar a la policía' son los que llaman a la policía por los que no. Así que es necesario que los agentes de policía estén ahí. Es la forma en que se comunican”, afirma Williams. Confía en la reforma, inculcada después de asistir a la Academia Ciudadana del Departamento de Policía de Chicago, en la que se asignan a los participantes tareas del trabajo diario de un agente para que conozcan su punto de vista.

“Sí, los policías tienen que salir y recorrer su zona. Yo conocía a mis policías de mi área. Conocía al comandante. Sabía que podía llamarlos y decirles: ‘Oye, esto es lo que está pasando en el barrio. ¿Pueden venir? Estos muchachos se están adueñando del barrio’, y así lo hicieron y yo me encargué de arreglarlo”, explica Williams.

“Algunos de estos agentes ni siquiera se bajan del coche. Y son maleducados. Incluso si te hacen una pregunta. Pero tienes que aprender a relacionarte con la gente, a interactuar, a mantener una conversación, no siempre puedes acudir a la comunidad cuando hay un delito”, dijo de la policía.

Otros residentes ven a la policía como una sombra imponente que hace más para intimidar que para entablar relaciones productivas. Cherli Montgomery, candidata a un puesto del Concejo de Policía del Distrito 7, dijo que desconfía de los agentes novatos que acosan a residentes jóvenes para imponer su dominio.

“Sí, esto no debería ser un campo de entrenamiento para los oficiales recién contratados. Pero lo es”, dijo Montgomery. “Están practicando contigo. No me gusta ver eso en mi barrio. No me gusta. No”.

Quincy Johnson vive en el distrito 15 desde 1987. Recuerda que en esa época, el distrito 16 estaba justo al cruzar la calle, y que el límite era la mitad de la cuadra. Johnson cuenta que, tras el cierre de una fábrica de mármol, los mapaches y otras plagas empezaron a aumentar en el barrio, algunas de las cuales llegaron por las vías

del tren. La hierba sin cortar contribuyó al deterioro de la cuadra. Johnson y sus vecinos se quejaron con el concejal durante años.

“Pero sólo nos daban rodeos sobre lo que iban a hacer con este edificio. No podían averiguar quién era el dueño o si estaba en un fondo fiduciario... no podían averiguarlo. Así que se quedó como estaba. Era un estorbo”.

Este es un ejemplo de las tareas de los concejales: informarse sobre sus electores y llamar a los distintos departamentos municipales para que atiendan las necesidades de sus residentes. La financiación pública de todo, desde centros comunitarios y bibliotecas hasta la reparación de baches, es responsabilidad de los concejales.

La organización Residents of Greater Englewood (R.A.G.E.) se fundó en 2010 para reparar la brecha entre las necesidades de Englewood y su poder político. La organización es de base y no obtuvo el estatus de organización sin fines de lucro hasta el 2019. Toda su financiación procede de donantes privados y fundaciones, ninguno de ellos de entidades gubernamentales.

“Sentí que era una necesidad para nosotros como comunidad tener una sola voz, independientemente de las fronteras imaginarias de nuestros funcionarios políticos”, dijo Aisha Butler, directora ejecutiva de R.A.G.E. “Éramos un vecindario, que era Greater Englewood, que abarca los mismos problemas independientemente del distrito en el que estés”.

Sus objetivos cambian en función de las perspectivas de los miembros, y R.A.G.E. se esfuerza por incorporar las aportaciones de todos los residentes de Englewood, incluidos los que no son miembros. Hay temas recurrentes, como abordar las consecuencias del racismo institucionalizado y la vivienda discriminatoria en el lado sur con políticas públicas restaurativas.

Butler dijo que muchas preocupaciones son por cuestiones básicas sobre la calidad de vida como la de Quincy Johnson: asegurarse de que los árboles estén recortados y que no se caigan sobre los techos, que las calles estén bien pavimentadas y se erradiquen las ratas. Según ella, un concejal comunicativo es

esencial para llevar a cabo estas tareas.

“Creo que en general nuestros miembros son muy intuitivos, muy curiosos. Quieren saber lo que está pasando”, dijo Butler. “A los residentes les encanta estar comprometidos y les encanta ser capaces de saber que sus voces importan en cuanto a los fondos del ‘menú’ del distrito u otros proyectos potenciales.”

Williams le dijo al <i>Weekly</i> que ella es una candidata atractiva debido a sus fuertes relaciones con sus vecinos, además de los representantes a nivel local y estatal. Williams incluye al congresista Danny Davis y a la representante estatal de Illinois Sonia Harper en la lista de políticos con los que ha trabajado anteriormente en proyectos que benefician a West Englewood y a otros barrios del sur de Chicago, como la producción de un comercial que anima a las personas mayores a vacunarse contra el COVID-19, y la organización de eventos de regreso a la escuela y ferias de trabajo.

“Entiendo a la comunidad, sin lugar a dudas, ahora estaré del otro lado y tengo que aprender las normas y reglamentos y la política de cómo funciona el Concejo Municipal”, dijo Williams.

Cree que sus experiencias le dan una habilidad incalculable en el trabajo comunitario. “Soy muy, muy apasionada. Y a veces la gente ve mi pasión como algo negativo porque tengo sentimientos muy fuertes. Y no van a hacerme cambiar de opinión, pase lo que pase. Porque sé la razón por la que esto debe ser así. Estoy en las trincheras. Estoy viendo cosas que nadie ha visto nunca”.

En diciembre, la oficina de campaña de Álvarez abrió en la calle 46 y la avenida Ashland. Justo a la derecha de la entrada se encontraba una ofrenda para los seres queridos fallecidos de los voluntarios de la campaña, amigos de Álvarez y gente del barrio. Los suelos de mármol blanco y la estación de radio 93.5 FM sonando a un nivel adecuado para un día de verano creaban un ambiente cálido como si no estuviera a diez grados afuera. A la izquierda había un rincón de juguetes y lectura para niños.

La mayor parte de la oficina está dedicada a almacenar alimentos, productos de higiene, artículos para bebés, Narcan, montones de copias con recursos locales y, dada la temporada, guantes y calcetines.

Todos estos artículos se guardan en las oficinas de campaña para que sean fácilmente accesibles a los vecinos. Esto es un hábito de Álvarez, quien ayudó anteriormente a empezar un proyecto de ayuda mutual, el South Side Mutual Aid Solidarity.

Dice que algunas personas sí pasan, y una mujer paró a Álvarez en camino a la oficina para preguntarle del cierre del supermercado Food-4-Less en la avenida Damen. Álvarez sigue investigando el cierre, ya que las razones dadas por la oficina de López no son actualmente públicas.

En la pared de la oficina, Humberto Saldana estaba pintando un mural de un coyote con una melena que fluye en el viento entre las estrellas de Chicago. Álvarez explica que los coyotes son endémicos de Chicago, ya que llegan a la ciudad desde las reservas forestales a través de las vías del tren. Sobre el mural, Álvarez dijo: “Es un animal que lleva miles de años en su hogar, pero es visto como una amenaza”.

Álvarez espera que su oficina sirva de ejemplo y les muestre a los vecinos cómo sería su mandato como concejala. Un mes después de terminar este mural, recibió el apoyo del Sindicato de Maestros de Chicago (CTU, por sus siglas en inglés), la organización United Working Families y Johnson.

Cuando el <i>Weekly</i> le preguntó a Quincy Johnson, residente en West Englewood, qué opinaba del mapa del distrito 15, bromeó, “Mira, échale un vistazo y dime si me equivoco. ¿No parece un tipo con una pistola?”.

Cree que el mayor problema del distrito es que la mayoría de los residentes no saben quién es su concejal.

Aunque duda de la habilidad de cualquier concejal de conocer las diversas necesidades de su distrito, eso no le impide a Johnson a tener fe en que las cosas mejorarán.

“Llevo aquí mucho tiempo”, dice. “Y creo que volveremos a donde estábamos cuando llegué, si no es que mejor”. ¬

Esta nota fue publicada originalmente en inglés en la edición del 9 de febrero.

Annabelle Dowd contribuye all Weekly Esta es su primera nota.

Public Meetings Report

ILLUSTRATION BY HOLLEY APPOLD/SOUTH SIDE WEEKLY

A recap of select open meetings at the local, county, and state level.

BY SCOTT PEMBERTON AND DOCUMENTERS

January 30

Alderperson Matthew O’Shea (19th Ward) proposed an ordinance to protect firefighters and emergency medical personnel from violence during emergency calls, citing, in part, a “paramedic” who told him there has been “a significant increase in attacks.” The measure received unanimous support from members of the City Council Committee on Public Safety at its meeting and will be sent to the City Council for consideration. “We’ve had ambulances shot at,” Joe Senorski, political action director for Chicago Fire Fighters Union Local 2, told the committee. Several members spoke in favor and reported conversations they’ve had with EMTs and others. “Conditions have become quite difficult,” said Alderperson Samantha Nugent (39th). “Respect for our first responders has gone out the window,” said Alderperson Felix Cardona, Jr., (31st). Penalties under the proposal would include fines.

January 31

A proposed ordinance to provide $2.5 million in TIF construction financing for a new theater on North Lincoln Avenue eventually passed with one dissenting vote during a meeting of the City Council Committee on Finance. Delaying the vote was a contentious back-and-forth about the speed with which North Side projects moved forward versus those on the South Side. The debate began when Alderperson Susan Sadowski Garza (10th Ward) commented that she has waited six years for new sidewalks in her ward. The proposed American Blues Theater building at 5627 N. Lincoln Ave is part of an improvement plan led by Alderperson Andre Vasquez (40th) that began with the Ainslie Arts Plaza in May 2021. Several committee members complained about the timelines for projects on the South and West Sides developed by the Chicago Department of Planning and Development.

Multiple speakers and arguments supporting both sides of the proposed Establishment of Human Service Workforce Advancement Ordinance were heard at a joint meeting of the City Council Health and Human Relations and Workforce Development committees. Also characterized as a labor peace agreement, the proposed ordinance, in essence, would require nonprofits with city contracts of a million dollars or more not to engage in anti-union actions, intimidation, or harassment of staff seeking to unionize. Alderperson Roderick T. Sawyer (6th Ward) suggested framing the question this way (paraphrased): What are the differences between nonprofits in human services and forprofit businesses that include collective bargaining units? A key issue is that proponents want the measure passed in a short time period while opponents say a more considered review and discussion are necessary. Proposed in 2019, the ordinance was delayed by the pandemic. No action was taken.

February 1

The City Council considered two major pieces of legislation at its meeting that could affect Chicagoans for decades. The expansion of the Norfolk Southern railway yard in

Englewood was approved, even though some uncertainty remains over environmental impacts and effects on nearby communities. The $150 million planned expansion would double the size of the yard. (The derailment of a Norfolk Southern train carrying toxic materials in Ohio occurred on February 3, two days after the Council vote.) Discussion of Mayor Lightfoot’s proposal to extend ComEd’s franchise contract as the city’s energy supplier by fifteen years was in effect tabled until after the municipal elections on February 28, which will change the composition of the Council and perhaps result in a new mayor. Council members also said they needed more time to consider the measure. The next Council meeting is scheduled for March 15.

February 2

Several financial items including purchase orders and the awarding of contracts were approved at a meeting of the Metropolitan Water Reclamation District (MWRD) Board of Commissioners. For example, commissioners authorized an allowance for change orders of no more than approximately $1.4 million (five percent) to an approximately $28.9 million contract for “service tunnel rehabilitation”; a purchase order not to exceed $1.632 million to AT&T for “telemetry services”; and a contract not to exceed $2.25 million for “underground infrastructure cleaning at various locations” to the National Power Rodding Corporation. A $245,000 contract to keep “various locations” supplied for one year with “paper filters, crucibles, and petri dishes” was also approved. A more than fifty-year-old Shakman consent decree against biased hiring at the Metropolitan Water Reclamation District (MWRD) has been lifted.

February 8

Two modes of locomotion–one powered by muscle, the other by electricity–may well find themselves operating side-by-side thanks to a sale approved at a meeting of the Cook County Land Bank Authority (CCLBA) Land Transactions Committee. Committee members approved the only item on the agenda: the sale of land at 1030 W. 111th Street to Carshena Ross, owner of Transportation for All, Inc. Before the pandemic, the company used the property in connection with its bus services. Now, Ross explained in a presentation, plans call for an investment of between $200,000 and $300,000 to establish an open-air museum dedicated to a once world-record-holding Black cyclist, Marshall “Major” Taylor, for whom the adjacent Taylor Trail is named. The museum will offer a juice bar and a greenway with seating. Ross intends the area to be a place where cyclists can rest and enjoy a mural tribute to Taylor. In two to three years electric vehicle charging services–inspired by her frustrations as an EV owner–are planned. From 1898 to 1904 Taylor was known on three continents as the fastest bicycle rider in the world and the holder of seven world records.

The Cook County Board of Commissioners Committee heard reports from the Board’s finance committee and the Cook County Board of Ethics during its committee meetings. County Comptroller Lawrence Wilson reviewed his use of data analytics to manage the Board’s revenue and expenses for 2022. The committee received an update on the Cook County Promise Guaranteed Income Pilot and related initiatives to help households with incomes below the poverty level. The program, which began issuing payments on December 15 of last year, provides 3,250 qualified households chosen by lottery for $500 a month for two years. This money, according to the Illinois Department of Human Services, is “exempt unearned income for all cash, SNAP, and medical programs. The ethics board presented its annual report and reviewed some key goals for 2023: instituting more campaigns, providing data for the public, and implementing a comprehensive data management system. One commissioner noted a sixty-four percent increase in ethical training for supervisors as well as an increase in training and fines for managers.

February 9

At its meeting the Cook County Board of Commissioners approved the use of funding from the U.S. Department of Transportation to support development of the Metra station on 95th Street station near Chicago State University. The proposed project is slated to cost $40 million and to be funded using state, federal, and other sources. The Board passed a resolution to address environmental injustice in low-income and underserved communities and focused on systemic racism and climate change issues. The Board considered a nearly $1.75 million contract to support the courts with interpreting services in addition to Spanish and Polish. .

Op-Ed: Mayoral Debate was a Poor Night for Chicago

BY ANTHONY EHLERS

This article was first published in the Reader Reprinted with permission.

Like most Chicagoans, I’ve only been half-heartedly following the race for mayor. So on January 31, I settled in to watch WGN’s mayoral debate and see who the best candidate was. An hour and a half later, I was both outraged at some of the things I heard and relieved that it was over. I was saddened at the prospect of Chicago’s future with the possibility of some of these candidates at the helm. Overall, it was a poor night for Chicago.

I heard a lot of the same old tried-andfailed ideas. Many candidates promised more police and tougher penalties. We hear these same things every election cycle. And how is that working out? Illinois has some of the strictest gun penalties in the country. If an individual possesses a firearm, discharges one, or discharged one to cause the death or serious injury in the commission of a felony, judges are required to add fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five years, respectively, to their sentence. Despite that, Chicago still has violent crime and high rates of murder.

Doesn’t it seem like this strategy has failed? It’s lazy politics. Candidates can shout for tougher penalties and longer sentences all they want, but this only expands mass incarceration. It does nothing to stop the violence and crime. It’s a good sound bite, but a failed policy.

Some candidates would have you believe that the violence is widespread in Chicago. While violence can and sometimes does spring up anywhere, the highest concentrations of violence are in neighborhoods like Little Village, Englewood, West Garfield Park, and Fuller Park. It’s concentrated in mostly Black and

Brown neighborhoods, which experience many forms of disadvantage, from poverty to segregation, food and job deserts, and high unemployment.

When Paul Vallas talks about putting 500 new cops out there, I wonder if he’s talking about these neighborhoods. He certainly isn’t walking down the streets of any of these neighborhoods in his commercials.

Willie Wilson’s comments were particularly distasteful. He likes to say, “Take the handcuffs off the police.” It’s tone-deaf. Most people, especially in Black and Brown communities, are afraid of having interactions with the police. Yet he evokes the image of someone slipping the leash off an attack dog.

Wilson said that the police should go after criminals and “chase them down like rabbits.” What kind of Chicago does he want to preside over? We have laws, and people have rights. We don’t hunt people down like animals in this country. We don’t need this kind of rhetoric. People who break the law are human.

The police Wilson wants to uncuff will be invading disadvantaged and underserved Black and Brown communities. I am sympathetic to his son having been killed. I can’t imagine the hurt and pain he must have. But it sounds like he wants to use the city’s resources for vengeance. This, more than anything else, should be disqualifying.

I was also interested to listen to Chuy García and see if he had any new ideas. He didn’t. He said, “Downtown is the engine that runs the city,” and called Loop investment, “building a more equitable Chicago.” Is that what equity means to him—investing in the richest parts of the city, when a quarter of the city does not have rail service, or when neighborhoods

like Englewood are struggling to hold on to even one grocery store? Our policy cannot be one of neglect and disinvestment.

Politicians love the status quo. Punishment is the most consistent response to urban crime, violence, and poverty. All you have to do is look at the nightly news to see that these policies have failed.

Black and Brown Americans are less likely to live in communities with strong institutional support. Exclusionary housing policies and discrimination pushed Black

Americans into segregated neighborhoods. The government and the private sector neglected these communities, leaving them with underfunded schools, food deserts, lack of quality healthcare, unemployment, and poverty.

We need to understand the harm caused by widespread disinvestment and abandonment. We need to focus on poverty, segregation, disinvestment, and the widespread availability of guns to people who shouldn’t have them.

I only really heard one candidate speak about investing in neighborhoods and that was Brandon Johnson. He spoke about workforce development and investing in small businesses. He seems to understand the need to shift from punishment and focus attention on the policies that create and sustain poverty in the first place.

Johnson spoke about crime anxiety in Chicago, and he is correct. Community violence translates into fear of public spaces and leads families to leave their neighborhoods if they can afford to. In many of these neighborhoods, large numbers of adults are currently incarcerated in the

We also need more mental health clinics. We cannot discount the significance of community issues, addiction, and undiagnosed mental health issues. We need services for trauma related to community violence and we need to develop strategies to shift funding to culturally competent providers of treatment and healing.

The next mayor needs to reach out to Chicago’s youth. Young people want to be politically active. We need to help them form community organizations that interrupt violence and empower young people to lead change efforts in their schools and communities. The youth need

Changing of the Guard

Will more than a dozen alderperson retirements and resignations make City Council more independent?

BY REEMA SALEH

justice system. This overwhelms the adults and institutions that remain and leaves young people who live there vulnerable to the violence of others.

The city must find ways to invest in these disadvantaged communities. It must help Black and Brown small businesses get off the ground to help build a sense of community and employ people from the neighborhoods. The city also must incentivize developers to build in underserved communities. We need to push for affordable housing. Many vacant lots can be bought cheaply and developed. As heavily taxed as the city is, we need to offer tax credits to developers who come to these communities.

Fifty percent of all 911 calls are for nonviolent issues. These calls should not be handled by the police but by certified experts and community members. This would allow for more police presence in the areas that need them and allow members of the community to be treated as something other than suspects. We need to find alternatives to police for nonviolent calls. We have to explore what can exist rather than what does exist.

understanding and simply to be heard. The mayor needs to listen—not just to understand the root causes but also the root consequences of exposure to them. How can anyone feel like our leaders really care about us when they won’t even take the time to listen?

Lastly, Ja’mal Green said that “hope is not a plan.” In and of itself, that is true. But hope is also an important form of resistance, both political and personal, and it reaffirms what is possible and what is worth fighting for.

Hope is a political activity and a large part of what will inform voters’ choices for mayor. There is hope that they will follow through on their promises, hope that they will listen, hope that they will not follow failed policies but build communities, especially in the most underserved communities.

Hope must be a part of everyone’s plan. ¬

At least a third of City Council will be newly elected in this year’s municipal elections. Between retirements and resignations, at least sixteen incumbent alderpersons will leave office at the end of their current term—a shake-up at a scale Chicago has not seen since 2011, when thirteen new alderpersons joined the council. The number of departures could grow depending on the outcomes of the election, but as it stands, City Council stands to lose a collective 264 years of experience in public office.

“We’re at a generational change in the City Council. A lot of City Council members are older and have been there twenty years, and [are] simply deciding to move on,” said University of Illinois professor emeritus and former alderman Dick Simpson.

Several council members have alluded to their deteriorating relationship with Mayor Lori Lightfoot as their reason for leaving. Last year, on the Reader’s “Ben Joravsky Show,” outgoing 10th Ward Alderwoman Susan Sadlowski Garza said, “I’m tired of being ignored. I’m tired of not getting phone calls returned. I’m tired of letting the inmates run the asylum.”

A former Lightfoot ally, Sadlowski Garza criticized the Mayor’s office, saying, “I’ve never met anybody who has managed to piss off every single person they come in contact with—police, fire, teachers, aldermen, businesses, manufacturing, and that’s it.”

Lightfoot brought an adversarial relationship with some City Council

members on day one, and some of this animosity lingers today. In her 2019 inaugural speech, she condemned aldermanic privilege for breeding corruption, saying, “these practices have gone on for decades…stopping it isn’t just in the city’s interest. It’s in the City Council’s own interest,” while addressing the alderpersons who were there to be sworn in. Aldermanic privilege gives Chicago alderpersons the ability to veto projects and control development in their ward but it has also been subject to abuse. “[It] set the tone for what would be a very antagonistic oppositional relationship,” former Inspector General Joe Ferguson told the Weekly.

The Weekly reached out to outgoing Alderpersons Leslie Hairston (5th), Susan Sadlowski Garza (10th), Ed Burke (14th), Howard Brookins Jr. (21st), Roberto Maldonado (26th), Ariel E. Reboyras (30th), Carrie Austin (34th), Tom Tunney (44th), James Cappelman (46th), Harry Osterman (46th), Sophia King (4th), and Roderick Sawyer (6th). None responded in time for publication.

While Mayors Richard M. Daley and Rahm Emanuel had strong majorities backing their legislation for much of their terms in office, Mayor Lightfoot received the same level of support from only nineteen alderpersons. Lightfoot has adapted to inconsistent support in City Council by making compromises, modifying the languages of bills, and delaying votes to make time to raise support. Despite these measures, Lightfoot’s tenure overseeing

Anthony Ehlers is a writer incarcerated at Stateville Correctional Center who works with the Prison Journalism Project, prisonjournalismproject.org

“Candidates can shout for tougher penalties and longer sentences all they want, but this only expands mass incarceration. It does nothing to stop the violence and crime. It’s a good sound bite, but a failed policy.”

City Council has been contentious.

“Some people are more diplomatic about it, and some are less, but I don’t think there is anyone out there who’s going to look you dead in the eye and tell you Lightfoot is an easy person to get along with,” said Geoffrey Cubbage, a policy analyst from the Better Government Association. "You didn’t see the kinds of public fights with [Rahm Emanuel] that you see under Lightfoot, and it’s to the point that it spills out on the council floor.”

After twenty years in office, 44th Ward Alderman Tunney announced last August that he wouldn’t run for reelection. Tunny had previously described Lightfoot’s leadership style as “somewhat divisive” in an interview with the Sun-Times. “Her background as a prosecutor has some influence on the way she operates her office... It’s more like, ‘I’ve got all the answers, and we’re going my way,’” Tunney said. “As a chief executive, she’s got to work more behind the scenes and be more collegial and respectful.”

“I think you’ve got to accept that at least some of that is personality,” Cubbage said. “Some of that is just how this mayor manages relationships compared to how our previous mayor’s managed relationships.”

Whether the relationship between the mayor and City Council has gotten more contentious or not is up for debate. But where previous mayors like Daley or Emanuel would garner more support than needed to pass legislation, Lightfoot often makes do with the twenty-six required to pass legislation and compromises where she can.

A University of Illinois at Chicago report co-authored by Simpson argues that City Council has become more independent under Lightfoot. From June 2019 to March 2022, Lightfoot faced 131 divided roll calls (any vote in City Council that is not unanimous). Lightfoot has been met with twice as many divided roll calls as her predecessors Rahm Emanuel and Richard M. Daley. She has faced more delays and compromises on the legislation she has tried to introduce.

“Chicago has had thirty-plus years of one-person rule—a boss mayor and a rubber-stamp City Council—and I don’t think it’s done the city a lot of good. I think having a City Council that takes a little responsibility for its own actions and tries to do a little actual legislating— [one that’s] willing to say no to the mayor—I think that’s going to be a healthy thing,” Cubbage said. “Folks who don’t necessarily feel they have to do what the mayor says to do a good job [can] be very good for the city.”

This wave of retirements leaves something for all nine Chicago mayoral contenders to consider. “Whoever is in the office of mayor needs to start to conduct themselves in a way that recognizes that our culture of governance involves [the] true collaboration of an independent legislature,” Ferguson said.

Chicago’s system of alderpersons acting as mini-mayors is unique compared to other American cities. It became the product of a city where segregation and immigrant enclaves created neighborhoods with localized cultural identities that all sought representation through the twentieth century. This hyper locality has its pros and cons. Chicagoans have greater local representation— alderpersons represent about 54,000 residents each, compared to 166,000 residents in New York and 264,000 in Los Angeles.

But it has also bred corruption and machine politics and created a system where alderpersons prioritize constituent services over lawmaking for the whole of the city—since constituent services are what they will be held accountable for on election days. “Older, longer-tenured alders tend to view themselves as there to be the touchstone for the delivery of services to their constituents in their ward. They don’t think they’re there to legislate,” Ferguson said.

It can be challenging for alderpersons to divide their attention between lawmaking in City Council and attending to their wards, especially with an office that can only be staffed by three additional employees, as allotted by the City’s

budget. Former two-term 47th Ward Alderman Ameya Pawar recently commented that his office could not manage both legislating and the constituent concerns that came to his office without relying heavily on volunteer labor. “Talk to every single one of my former colleagues, and they’ll say that their office was either always underwater or on the verge of being underwater,” Pawar said to Crain’s Chicago. “It’s akin to playing Whac-A-Mole.”

When alderpersons already struggle with ward politics, serving as a City Council legislator can be a tall order. “They certainly don’t have enough staff to be legislators, to actually develop legislative proposals, so they need to rely upon the kindness of strangers to do work,” Ferguson said. “That expertise doesn’t exist, so the aldermen themselves have to generate it individually, and they only have a staff of three…constituent services eat that up almost entirely.”

“Before [Lightfoot], you had a rubber-stamp City Council site for Richard M. Daley and Rahm Emanuel, the most rubber-stamp Councils in Chicago history, and this council under Lightfoot has four different voting blocs,” Simpson said. During Lightfoot’s time in power, UIC researchers identified four significant voting blocs separate from City Council’s official caucuses that emerged—Moderate-Liberal, Progressive-Socialist, Conservative, and Chicago Machine. While Lightfoot receives the most support from the Moderate-Liberal bloc, most of whom serve as committee chairs, she finds the least from the Conservative and Machine blocs. “The aldermen are offering more legislation. The Progressive Caucus, in particular, has been active in proposing legislation that’s citywide and important in the ward,” said Simpson. “The question is: which way will it go?”

More recently-elected alderpersons also tend to be more progressive and active in City Council—missing fewer council meetings than their longer-sitting counterparts. “On one hand, you’re

losing a lot of institutional knowledge and understanding of how things work. On the other hand, the habits that these alders had were not good habits,” Cubbage said. “I think we’re going to see a lot more active legislating. I think you’re going to see a lot of alders who are using [the] parliamentary process and are trying to have debates on the floor.”

New blood, new directions

Losing an experienced alderperson impacts residents less as the city has gradually rolled out a more democratized system for service requests and departments. When new alderpersons come to public office, they tend to rely more on standardized service models instead of being the point of contact for all city services.

“The newer alders are trying to get away from that—both because they don’t have the kind of clout and relationships to do it the old-school way,” Cubbage said. "There are some reform-minded folks who’ve been elected in the last few cycles, who genuinely see it as better for the city if individual residents can get in touch with service departments and get services provided that way, rather than needing your alderman to go to bat for you.”

In the old-school vision of Chicago politics, losing long-time alderpersons meant losing years of institutional knowledge needed to keep up with constituent concerns and maintain the relationships between individual city departments. Oswaldo Gomez, a representative of Chicago’s first civilian oversight board, points towards the expansion of Chicago’s 311 system, a call center intended to respond to constituent concerns in a quick and more standardized manner, as a reason for why some alderpersons chose to call it quits this election cycle.

“I think a lot of aldermen were just not happy to see that the job became more stressful when it came down to legislating, and because of the expansion of 311 and City services being centralized away from them,” Gomez said. “They were used

Ald. Sophia King (4th) ILLUSTRATION BY

Ald. Leslie Hairston (5th)

Ald. Rodrick Sawyer (6th)

Ald. Susan Sadlowski Garza (10th) ILLUSTRATION BY ARIANDY LUNA

to providing garbage cans, getting people into City jobs—[they] don’t really do that, which was maybe rewarding for [them]. It’s not so fun and easy to pass or vote on legislation, and you actually have to be doing it and fighting for it.”

Historically, Chicago’s aldermanic system has been plagued by political patronage and corruption. Since 1973, Chicago has seen thirty-seven alderpersons convicted under federal charges, with more indicted over the

After fifty-four years in office, 14th Ward Alderman Edward Burke, the longest-serving councilor in City Hall, quietly chose not to seek reelection. Burke faces a looming corruption trial set for this November. Also, under federal indictment, 34th Ward Alderwoman Carrie Austin (34th) announced her intention to retire after twenty-nine years amidst worsening health issues and charges of bribery and lying to FBI agents. Last year, former 11th Ward Alderman Patrick Daley Thompson, a member of the Daley political dynasty, was forced to resign after being convicted of lying to regulators and filing false tax returns.

“Having a significant turnover is actually an opportunity for the City Council itself from within, to decide to be something different and to conduct itself as something different that I think is better for the interests of the city as a whole,” Ferguson said. “That takes us one step further from our deep roots in a political patronage culture operating within a city whose governance structure really hasn’t changed since the nineteenth century.”

All sixteen departing alderpersons are leaving with at least seven years of experience in their roles. Many retiring alderpersons commented on experiencing a great resignation of their own—a burnout spurred on by the exhaustion of COVID-19 and navigating the logistics of virtual meetings and digital voting. “Some of these folks have been in office for twenty-five, thirty years, and they weren’t spring chickens when they got in the technology shift…you had to

adapt to new ways of doing things a lot faster,” Cubbage said.

Others have chosen to run for other offices or exit public service for the private sector. Alderpersons Sophia King and Roderick Sawyer are current candidates in the February mayoral race, leaving their seats open to new challengers in the 4th and 6th wards respectively. Former 12th Ward Alderman George Cardenas resigned last November after an unopposed election to the Cook County Board of Review, while former 24th Ward Alderman Michael Scott Jr. left office last June to work at Cinescape, a film studio in Chicago.

However, many incumbents simply left office with a sense of exhaustion and hope to pass things on to the next generation. “The COVID times were particularly hard for all because it’s hard to deliver services and keep track of things run and learn Zoom,” Simpson said. “It was more difficult than the normal City Council times.”

Many stayed relatively quiet in their departure announcements— hoping to spend more time with friends and family or to simply hand over the reigns to the next generation. “I just thought it was a good time to let a younger person take over with bright ideas,” Alderman Ariel Reboyras (30th) said to the SunTimes. In an email to his constituents, Alderman Harry Osterman (48th) said, “I am proud to have done my part to serve our community and move it forward. Now is the time for others to step forward and take on the responsibility to lead our community.”

Losing some of the city’s longest-sitting alderpersons does mean losing institutional knowledge and experience. But this wave of aldermanic retirements could also mean a generational and cultural shift for the council as more choose to become active legislators.

“Because now there [are] more ‘nay’ votes [and] there are more people that are willing to be dissenters against the mayor, some aldermen have felt lost. They don’t really know what working with a new generation of aldermen is like because I think a lot

of aldermen were used to a political culture of ‘we treat each other nicely. We all stick in our lane [and] make sure we get resources to our ward,’” Gomez said of the changing attitudes.

“Now, there are very serious fights in City Council. I think a lot of aldermen were just not happy to see that the job became more stressful when it came down to legislating,” he added.

Over the years, community organizations have also gotten more involved in electoral politics, which has changed the dynamic with alderpersons needing their support.

“What’s changed in Chicago, in what is going to continue to be an incentive for community members, is this idea of, ‘I helped get you elected. And instead of wanting a garbage can from you, I want policy,’” Gomez said. “‘I want you to pass legislation that’s in my interest…and not only that, but I’m going to be watching you all the time. Whenever you want to pass legislation, I’ll be there with you, but if you don’t, we’re going to be calling you up, and we’re going to be pushing you when elections come around.’”

As older alderpersons step away from public office, they leave spaces for younger, often more progressive, alderpersons to take office. In 2019, five new alderpersons from activist and community organizing backgrounds were elected with the support of the Chicago Democratic Socialists of America, joining Alderman Carlos Ramirez-Rosa (35th) in City Council. Socialist newcomers, such as Alderpersons Jeanette Taylor (20th), Byron Sigcho Lopez (25th), and Rossana Rodriguez Sánchez (33rd), came from activist and community organizing backgrounds.

In the larger Progressive Caucus, alderpersons Andre Vasquez (40th), Felix Cardona Jr. (31st), Matt Martin (47th), Maria Hadden (49th), Michael Rodriguez (22nd), and Stephanie Coleman (16th) entered City Council in 2019 and became members of the larger Progressive Caucus, along with their socialist counterparts.

Socialist and progressive City Council members have collectively pushed the Mayor and City Council

to take stronger positions on funding social services, police reform, and economic justice.

“Things have become much more politicized in recent years, and that’s in large part because of the organizing happening over the last decade, not only in terms of electing folks but in terms of lots of other progressive organizing that has been happening outside of City Council,” Chicago Democratic Socialists of America organizer Sean Estelle said. “Now, we see champions—socialists and progressives, and more—that are actually trying to articulate a vision of politics and what the aldermanic office can do.”

Chicago DSA has endorsed ten aldermanic candidates this election cycle—five of whom are running to represent their wards for the first time. While these newcomer candidates began campaigning before their incumbent chose to retire, these vacancies created new opportunities for them to come to the forefront.

New alderpersons coming in and older alderpersons calling it quits could be a sign that the remnants of Chicago’s political machine are losing their hold on the city.

But cultural changes may not be enough without structural changes to City Council’s operations. Some of those reforms, such as naming committee chairs without the mayor’s blessing, are in the power of the City Council itself. But according to Ferguson, many others require charter reform.

Unlike other major cities, Chicago lacks a charter, which functions like a constitution for the city and can create external accountability when the city government violates its own code. Each of the other twentyfour largest cities in the United States has charters and periodically reviews them. Instead, Chicago leaves many governance issues up to council tradition or discretion, making it difficult to challenge those in power when they do not do what is in the city’s best interest. According to Ferguson, many structural improvements that could improve City Council require charter reform.

Ald. Carrie Austin (34th) ILLUSTRATION BY BRIDGET KILLIAN

Ald. Howard Brookins (21st) ILLUSTRATION BY BRIDGET KILLIAN

Ald. Edward Burke (14th) ILLUSTRATION BY DIONNE VICTORIA

Ald. George Cardenas (12th) ILLUSTRATION BY DIONNE VICTORIA

Ald. Patrick Daley Thompson (11th) ILLUSTRATION BY SYDNI BALUCH

“That has resulted in a system of governance that is largely been driven by transactional power politics, that in the absence of this sort of guiding constitution, largely has been inhabited historically by the political machines that have sort of filled that void,” Ferguson said. "The customary culture and practice of the City Council is acquiescence to the mayor, who’s the head of the political machinery, and as a result, we don’t have checks and balances. We don’t have standards. We don’t have hearings in our city council. The city council actually has the authority to name its own committee chairs, to decide which committees it has to decide, when the committees meet on what subjects, [and] when they’re going to vote on things. Right now, that’s all controlled by the mayor.”

“City Council doesn’t have subpoena power to require officials to come in… There is nothing that obligates the executive branch, all the functions controlled by the mayor, to provide information and cooperation to the city council, which is why a lot of things get passed without the City Council ever seeing all of the underlying information or being able to do the analysis themselves,” Ferguson added.

An influx of new alderpersons who see the City Council as independent can serve as a greater legislative check on the mayor’s office, but it may not be enough to tip the balance. There could be significant changes in how City Council operates. Still, depending on how the ward elections turn out, we may not see these outcomes until Chicago’s next aldermanic elections in 2027.

The 2023 aldermanic elections have brought some of the youngest candidates to the races. 10th ward candidate Óscar Sánchez is campaigning to bring a cogovernance approach to the alderman’s office. 12th ward candidate Julia Ramirez and 26th ward candidate Jessie Fuentes hope to expand violence prevention and social programs. In the 22nd ward, twenty-five-year-old Kristian Armendariz is running for the first time. Community organizer Warren Williams has run a platform in the 30th ward prioritizing mental health care, accessible transit, and community building.

“If there are twenty people who want a different council and a different form of relationship with the mayor, that still means there’s still a lot of traditionalists,

and that means we probably have a period of chaos ahead of us as they sort themselves out within the body itself—a different form of council wars,” Ferguson said. “There are a lot of different directions this can go, but it’s a moment ripe with potential.”

The Council Wars under Mayor Harold Washington saw Chicago’s mostly white political machine unite against their reform-minded, first Black mayor— twenty-nine alderpersons led by Alderman Edward Burke and former Alderman Edward Vrdolyak voted down all legislation Washington tried to push forward.

Compared to the Daleys, the Council Wars were when City Council was most independent from the mayor. Still, the power struggle stalled legislation until 1986, when a court ordered the city to redraw its map to reflect its racial demographics better. Once Mayor Washington finally had the twentyfive supporters needed to break a tie, the stalemates ended. “There’s a lot of different directions this can go, but it’s a moment ripe with potential,” Ferguson said.

We have yet to see what impacts this exodus might have on the future of Chicago politics. But over the course of Lightfoot’s term, Chicagoans have seen City Council become more independent from the mayor. There is an opportunity to reset how things operate for the new candidates running in the thirteen wards without an incumbent. For the three appointed by Lightfoot last year when their predecessor retired, their seats are vulnerable. An influx of new alderpersons may bring new ways of pushing forward legislation and changing the culture of the City Council—to become genuine legislators that Chicagoans want them to be.

“They could really change the balance of power in the halls of government for Chicago. You’re talking about a decade, almost a century, of the mayor having the first and most important decision-making. All of a sudden, there’s a lot of legislators that don’t want [that],” Gomez said. “I think that separation is going to continue to happen.” ¬

Reema Saleh is a journalist and graduate student at the University of Chicago studying public policy. She last interviewed author Ling Ma on her short story collection Bliss Montage.

Open January 29

e Negro Motorist Green Book was created by the Smithsonian Institution Traveling Exhibition Service in collaboration with Candacy Taylor and made possible through the generous support of Exxon Mobil Corporation.

e Negro Motorist Green Book is an exhibition that highlights the histor y of “ e Green Book” - the annual guide created in 1936 by Harlem postman Victor Green that provided African American travelers with information on restaurants, gas stations, department stores, and other businesses that welcomed Black travelers during the Jim Crow era.

Southside, Chicago, Illinois, 1941. Russell Lee. Farm Security Administration/O ce of War Information Photograph Collection, Prints & Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC - DIG - ppmsc - 00256.

8MatikLogan Gives Himself A Second Chance

The South Side rapper gets candid about drug addiction, finding time for himself, and exploring beyond music.

BY KIA SMITH

With long hair, dark nails, and an “emo” demeanor, Logan, better known these days as 8MatikLogan, is an anomaly among Chicago hip-hop artists. Since the “blog era” days—a time period between 2011 and 2014 when underground artists were covered extensively by bloggers—he’s worked tirelessly to elevate his music, has appeared on True Star Magazine’s Chicago Legends issue with Dreezy and D Low, collabed with Saba of Pivot Gang and Taylor Bennett, and has rebranded countless times right before our eyes.

After dropping his debut mixtape in 2015, Logan’s musical reputation began to reach beyond Chicago. He is touted as an inspiration by many of his artistic peers. But even with all the light his career has afforded him, Logan has been met with just as much darkness. The countless loss of loved ones to gun violence and incarceration, a Xanax addiction, and his near-death experience, almost getting shot in the head, has left him emotionally numb and full of pain, which feeds the authenticity and transparency we see and hear in his music.

It’s hard to put Logan in a box, but the great thing is he won’t let you put him in one. He’s lived in various Chicago neighborhoods and is of Puerto Rican, Dominican, Italian, and Mexican descent. And he’s more than a musical artist—his work is a unique sensory experience— extending his creativity into the arts, community organizing, writing books,

and much more.

In this interview, we discussed his humble beginnings, the pain and redemption he’s experienced, and a full circle moment he had with the late artist Juice WRLD, all while prepping for his forthcoming album Life is Long if You Know How To Live It and showcasing at the Never Been Kissed art exhibit series which kicked off February 17 at Art Space Chicago.

Keep up with him on Instagram

@8MatikLogan

This article has been edited and condensed for brevity.

What neighborhood did you grow up in, and how did it shape you as a person?

8MatikLogan: I pretty much grew up all over when I was a kid. I spent most of my childhood in Little Village on 23rd and Washtenaw, then Humboldt Park, then the North Side. We finally moved to Brighton Park in 2013. When I was a shorty, I didn’t really know much about the rest of the city like that, you really just stood in like your own little block type-shit. I’ve always been observant and watched people. I was close to gang culture and the street aspect of everything. I grew up in a family that was heavily into that. I wouldn’t necessarily say that people influenced my childhood, it was more so circumstances and situations. That whole environment kind of shaped my spirit

at that time growing up because I was a troubled kid, kind of just trying to figure out what the hell this shit all was.

How did it feel being that young kid coming up around so many talented artists in the “blog era” of Chicago?

My dad sparked that love for music. Before he got locked up, all I would do was listen to his cassettes of Twista, Do or Die, DMX, Pac, [Bone ThugsN-Harmony] and shit like that. I was introduced to hip-hop early, and that’s what made me fall in love with music.

So I was already kind of fucking around with that shit, like before the Chicago hip-hop shit really sparked. But I think what you said, the key word is like, how did it feel being a young kid, and that’s what it was. We was all just kids. Like we was all really just in school. I’m saying nobody knew what really was about to happen. It was just one of those things where we was just doing Chicago shit. We were just being kids from Chicago.

So it was like one of those things where you’re just in the moment, so you don’t really understand the magnitude of the moment. But like once [Chief] Keef popped off, once Chano [Chance The Rapper] popped off and you start seeing all these different artists get a ton of fame and acclaim, it’s like, okay, we’re onto something. It was just beautiful to watch everybody get involved in this and watch

it unfold.

Now you look ten years later, and the whole world is influenced by drill [music], the whole world is still heavily inspired by Chicago. So that shit is dope. You’ve rebranded and elevated your sound numerous times over the past decade. What has been the response from those who have always supported you?

I’ve kind of always had this idea of myself as a very fluid creative, and that I can shape shift and do whatever the fuck I feel like doing. I think for a while I kind of lost that and was trying to please people and fans and getting caught up in drifting [off]. I think drugs played a part in that as well just being so numb and not being able to feel or be aware of what’s really going on.

I think I went through a couple of rough patches, where it was borderline some existential crisis and identity crisis, where I was changing my name a lot, just trying to figure myself out. I think a lot of shit happened for me early in my career when I was still a teenager going into my twenties and I didn’t know how to navigate that. So I had trouble once that happened and there was attention on me. I had trouble navigating that space because I still didn’t know who I was or what I was really trying to do.

In terms of what fans thought, I’m not sure because I really do it for myself

and I hope that people resonate with it. It’s kind of like my form of therapy and how I can justify existence and really continue to move forward and try to leave a legacy.

In your music and across social media, you speak candidly about your battles with PTSD, addiction, and the reasons behind them. Besides music, what are your coping mechanisms? Do you have any advice for people who may be struggling with the same thing?

I think all the issues that I’ve had with

drugs stemmed from trauma, and trying to navigate a very fucked-up life and the nuances of life. I don’t really think that I enjoyed being high, I just didn’t know how to cope with all the shit that was happening.

In terms of advice, man, it is so hard because my trauma stems from a bunch of things. But once I hit my twenties and, you know, I was involved in a couple of shootings, that shit really fucked my head up, and then I started getting into more drugs to navigate that, which pushed me a certain direction and kind of made me drift off and kind of lose who I was. So

that’s tough, I’m always open to sharing it.

I’ve found new ways to navigate that. I don’t smoke weed anymore, I don’t drink anymore. And I’ve been pretty open about that. Just because, personally for me, it’s not something that was serving me anymore, it was kind of more of a detriment.

But I’ve gotten into spirituality and reading a lot. I paint, I actually wrote a book, I have journals that I write in, all the stuff that people will say is cliche but this shit really works. If you apply yourself and you kind of take away the aspect of

society looking at it a certain way, if you just find a unique way to use it, there’s utility in it. And that’s what has worked for me. I’m still learning and I’m still growing. It's not something that I have figured out 100 percent but I’ve been making progress. And that’s really what matters. So find what works for you, and then try to try to grow and develop that.

What makes you continuously give yourself a second chance at this life thing?

I feel like God gave me a second chance.

8MatikLogan (PHOTO BY ISIAH “THOUGHTPOET” VENEY)

I was super borderline atheist when I was younger and I rejected the church. I’m still not a religious person, but I’m super spiritual. And I have a ton of faith. But I don’t think that there’s such a thing as a second chance, I think that we just continue to grow and evolve. And if God is allowing you to continue that journey, then you’d be irresponsible to not maximize that.

I just feel like I’m here for a reason. It’s up to me to really make an impact and leave a legacy. Those are the two words that stick out to me: impact and legacy. I’m obsessed with making the most of my time here because we have limited time here in this physical realm. So for me, that’s what it’s about.

What’s the biggest difference between the artist you were ten years ago, to the artist you are now?

I think I’m more intentional now. I think when I was a kid, I was just doing shit. In my early to mid twenties, I was so high all the damn time, I don’t even know what I was doing. So I feel like now I have a tremendous amount of clarity, and I’m just more intentional. I’m still allowing it to flow, you know, and kind of being in the moment, but there’s a lot of intent behind what I’m doing.

I don’t think that I’ve hit my creative peak. I don’t think that I’m even anywhere close to my creative peak. I think I’m still like five, seven years away because I’ve picked up so many new ways to create, which is inspiring me and I’m understanding myself more.

I don’t know if I’m even close to what I’m gonna be yet. I think at some point, I’ll hit full form and it’ll be the culmination of all the work that I’ve put in. And you know, something will click for me, because I have revelations and epiphanies every day. But it’s one of those things where I just feel like there’s a lot of work to be done. And so, yeah, I think that these coming years, within the next five years, I’m going to really evolve and turn into maybe a closer version of what I’m supposed to become.

Every so often, you go quiet from the scene. Why is stillness sometimes necessary on a musical journey?

I read this quote once where it said creatives need time to sit around and do nothing because we’re always active and stimulated. For me, it’s been a little more nuanced because of health issues behind the scenes and turmoil that caused me to take breaks. When I was signed, I only put out one song in three years and was super depressed. I didn’t want to do anything or go anywhere. I was also using Xanax heavily and going through my own health shit.

Three years went by, and I didn't know what the fuck had happened. I

I was in a space to sign a record deal to begin with, in terms of how bad I was on Xanax and all this other stuff that was going on. But everything happens for a reason, and I learned a lot.

I would suggest, regardless of the route you take, to study the business side because you can’t have one without the other. You can’t be the dopest motherfucker and not understand the business side because you’re gonna get exploited and manipulated.

The last conversation you had with Juice WRLD ended up becoming a full-circle moment for you. How did it feel when he reached out and let you know you inspired him?

fucked up on Xanax and really going through some health shit. And this was like 2018, like a whole year before he even messaged me. So it was just a crazy moment to know all the shit that he did for me through music, and the whole time I had inspired him years before. I never got a chance to interact with him in person, we did see each other at the studio one time, but we were both so fucked up we kind of just looked at each other and kept walking. Even then I wish I would have said something to him or shook his hand. But at the time, I had no idea he knew who I was. Hindsight is 20/20.

Now that it’s 2023, is there a new story you want to tell? What can we expect from you?

don’t think I can take a long absence like that again, but if I do, it would be for more intentional reasons. And I think that it is important sometimes to just decompress and try to find yourself and explore it inward as opposed to just always being out there. That can be a lot for us too, as creators, because we feel like we’re obligated to allow so many people so much access to our lives. But at the end of the day, we’re still human, too. So if you need a moment to relax, and get away from all this shit, take that.

You’ve been signed, exited deals, and eventually founded your own label, 8MatikRecordz. Is staying independent the best route for an artist today?

It wasn’t right for me at the time, but I’m not anti-label. I think it’s different for everyone. I feel like everyone’s journey is unique to them. I think I signed just because I was in a bad place. I don't think

That shit was crazy! That was a pivotal moment for me because I was in a place where I was signed and I was really depressed. I was really down on myself, which is why I’m so big on going and showing the people love that inspire me, because you can get lost in it and kind of forget who you are.

To see that Juice fucked with me in 2015 and for him to even reach out to me when he didn’t have to, that shit was so dope and genuine. It was a crazy moment for me. And it really opened my eyes to understand that even if you don’t see it, that doesn’t mean that it’s not moving. It doesn’t mean that it’s not making a real impact. So it allowed me to like really go into who I am now, and give myself to the world and know that it’ll reach who it’s meant to reach. And even if you’re not aware of it, it’s still happening.

That’s crazy too because Juice got me through a tough time when I was really

There’s still depth to my journey. And I want to explore that more and give people a more in-depth look because I kind of touched on it earlier in my career, but I don’t think I was intelligent or intentional enough to really articulate it properly. So I kind of want us to explore, you know, the things that have happened to me and kind of tell my story up until this point. But I think that if you looked at life in terms of a book, like a novel, let’s say, there’s so many more chapters that are not written yet. So as I continue to grow as a person and experience life, I will tell people what is going on and let them in on the new chapters that are happening and unfolding.

But I think right now, I’m really focused on letting people understand what has happened to me and what my experience has been thus far. And I also am touching on where I’m at now and the progress that I’ve made—just being able to be authentic and candid and vulnerable, and letting people know that it’s okay to be yourself. Like, that’s really what I’m on. We’re just human. We’re literally only human, so it’s okay to be human. ¬

Kia Smith is a lover of words and digital storyteller. She previously wrote about DJ Cymba for the Weekly. Keep up with her on Twitter and Instagram @ KiaSmithWrites_.

I don’t think that I’ve hit my creative peak…I think I’m still like five, seven years away because I’ve picked up so many new ways to create.

– 8MatikLogan

Our thoughts in exchange for yours.

The Exchange is the Weekly’s poetry corner, where a poem or piece of writing is presented with a prompt. Readers are welcome to respond to the prompt with original poems, and pieces may be featured in the next issue of the Weekly

Hiding Places

by

and I looked everywhere for those jeans; the only pair of jeans that really made me feel like a girl; the tomboy’s redemption; my path to a femininity that fit. I liked dresses. They did not like me back. I told them to take a number and get in line.

Dug through every pile of clothes and every drawer and scanned every hanging garment searched my brothers room mommy and daddy’s dresser the coat closet by the door every basket in the laundry room the lint trap behind the washer and then the basement.

all over. everywhere.

there are so many places to hide here.

we should really get rid of some of this stuff.

I’m pretty sure I thought I found them, but I wasn’t certain—for some reason they didn’t look the same.

maybe they got washed wrong, or dried wrong. maybe I never really knew what those jeans looked like. maybe I needed a new pair anyway.

Never found another pair like them. I’ve worn a lot of jeans that made me feel like someone my crush would call cute since then.

Found out I don't really care.

This could be a poem or a stream-of-consciousness piece. Submissions could be new or formerly written pieces. Submissions can be sent to bit.ly/ssw-exchange or via email to chima.ikoro@southsideweekly.com.

Chima Ikoro is the Weekly’s Community Builder.

chima “naira” ikoro

Our thoughts in exchange for yours.

FEATURED BELOW IS A READER RESPONSE TO A PREVIOUS PROMPT.

NEW GROOVE/LODESTAR

by kae osei

fear is crippling and stasis is a thief.

my hands may be ragged and voice hoarse, but hope hangs low from sallows— and so my new groove:

when I awake in the dawn with the yearn to do, I blaze war on stagnation; peace be my muse.

when times were thundering with unrecognizable defeat, the insurmountable suffering I say this too, I will beat.

in the face it all, I hold myself close. keep my head in the clouds, get my sunshine dose.

looking at life lacquered, speak of milk & honey. find reasons to sing, holla, shriek, & make funny.

& to the Black Stars, who always guide us home, Black as the abyss I sprung from; I thank you for my restless soul.

The Exchange is the Weekly’s poetry corner, where a poem or piece of writing is presented with a prompt. Readers are welcome to respond to the prompt with original poems, and pieces may be featured in the next issue of the Weekly THIS WEEK'S PROMPT:

This could be a poem or a stream-of-consciousness piece. Submissions could be new or formerly written pieces. Submissions can be sent to bit.ly/ssw-exchange or via email to chima.ikoro@southsideweekly.com.

Chima Ikoro is the Weekly’s Community Builder.

After Invictus by William Henley

Status for South Side Weekly NFP

The organization that publishes South Side Weekly and Hyde Park Herald is now classified as a charitable organization.

BY WEEKLY/HERALD STAFF

The IRS has issued 501(c)(3) taxexempt status to the nonprofit that publishes the South Side Weekly and Hyde Park Herald, ending a nearly tenyear-long journey to become a federally recognized nonprofit. The status takes effect retroactively, as of April 1, 2022, when the organization filed its application.

South Side Weekly NFP incorporated as an Illinois nonprofit in 2014 but had not received federal approval due to restrictions around advertising income that, until recently, disqualified many print newspapers from becoming tax-exempt entities.

They join a growing cohort of newspapers in the Chicagoland area making the transition. Notably, the Chicago Reader completed their nonprofit transition last May.

Jason Schumer, the organization’s managing director, thanked the Chicago Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights, which paired the nonprofit to law firm Mayer Brown for pro-bono legal assistance for the merger and acquisition of taxexempt status.

“It’s been a long time coming,”

Schumer said. “It wouldn’t have been possible without their support.”

Longtime publisher Bruce Sagan transferred the Hyde Park Herald to South Side Weekly NFP, which publishes the Herald and Weekly as sister news organizations, on July 1, 2022.

The organization is now classified as a public charity and has received nearly $200,000 in foundation support to grow their editorial coverage and build an investigations hub that will work across both papers to source stories from South Side communities. Support comes from Builder’s Initiative, Square One Foundation, Google News Initiative, and the Fund for Investigative Journalism.

Jacqueline Serrato, the Weekly’s editor-in-chief, said, “Joining the growing non-profit journalism ecosystem was the logical next step for the South Side Weekly in its path to becoming a more sustainable, independent and equitable publication.”

Together the Herald and the Weekly reach tens of thousands monthly on the South Side through online and print publishing. ¬

Staff of the Weekly and Herald in July 2022.

PHOTO BY MARC C. MONAGHAN

115 Bourbon Street, 3359 W. 115th St. Saturday, February 25, 3 PM–8 PM. $40 per person, which includes draft beer, wine, pop, water, food and entertainment. Purchase tickets in advance or at the door. bit.ly/SSIrishParadeKickoff

Kick off the 2021 South Side Irish Parade with a party with live musical guests Pat Finnegan & Friends, Liam Durkin and 4 Cast. (Zoe Pharo)

Sacred 4th Sunday: Rooted Ritual and the Practice of Shared Spirituality

4445 S. King Dr. Sunday, February 26, 10 AM–12 PM. Free. bit.ly/ sacred4thsunday

Toni Anderson and MindfulRant are hosting a workshop surrounding what it would be like to come together to co-create a spiritual experience with dialogue, embodying tools, sharing thoughts and ritualizing spirit care. To use a monthly communal time to set an intention and center gratitude around how we’re becoming more whole. Join them every Sunday at the Space Share Lab for sacred grounding and lovecentered sharing. Monthly. (Zoe Pharo)

Quinn Chapel AME Church: History and Preservation

2401 S. Wabash Ave.. Sunday, February 26, 2 PM–3:30 PM. Free, but reservations are requested. bit.ly/ QuinnChapelAMETour

In honor of Black History Month, co-sponsors Glessner House, Friends of Historic Second Church, Second Presbyterian Church and Quinn Chapel AME Church will offer the

and it played an important role in the abolitionist movement and as a stop on the Underground Railroad. Many distinguished individuals have spoken from its pulpit, including Booker T. Washington, George Washington Carver, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and presidents William McKinley and William Taft. The program will include a presentation on the history of the congregation, followed by a tour of the building (currently undergoing restoration). (Zoe Pharo)

Let it Be Us’ Introduction to Foster Care

Blackstone Branch Meeting Room, 4904 S. Lake Park Ave. Sunday, February 26, 2 PM–4 PM. Free, but registration required. bit.ly/fostercareintroBlackstone

Nonprofit Let it Be Us, in partnership with the Healing Academy, is hosting a series of virtual educational events on topics surrounding foster care and adoption in Illinois. The introduction will be given by event host and artist Lawrence “Binkey” Tolefree, and the hosts of “Black to the Beginning: the Black and Adopted Podcast,” Dr. Samantha Coleman and Sandria Washington, who will discuss their own journeys through adoption and in search of their birth families. Let It Be Us’s Vanessa Baie and Karron Shaw, co-directors of Foster Care Licensing Coaching and Placement Support, and foster care licensing coach Cathy Newbury will also walk you through how to become a licensed foster parent and what it’s really like to be one.

(Zoe Pharo)

Chicago History Museum, 2057 W. 18th St. Saturday, February 25, 11 AM–1 PM. Free. bit.ly/preservingheirloomsandhistories

The Chicago History Museum (CHM) is partnering with 18th Street Casa de Cultural for tips on preserving your own collections of personal photographs, negatives, documents and more. CHM’s curator and civic engagement and social justice Elena Gonzales and director of collections Julie Wronlewski will lead the chat, which will include the best ways to store and care for family history items as well as community dialogue on how to preserve Latinx local histories. RSVP appreciated but not required.

(Zoe Pharo)

Bronzeville Bus Tour

DuSable Black History Museum and Education Center, 740 E. 56th Pl. Saturday, February 25, 12 PM. Tickets $45. bit.ly/Bronzevilletour

Join Chicago historian and TikTok sensation Shermann “Dilla” Thomas for a deep-dive into the history of Chicago places with a two-hour Bronzeville Bus Tour that kicks off from the south lot of the DuSable Black History Museum and Education Center. The tour covers sites from Provident Hospital—said to be the first place where an open-heart surgery was successfully performed—to Pilgrim Baptist, the birthplace of Chicago music. Come learn about the history of gospel music, house music, the Black “Y,” the Harlem Globetrotters, the South Side Community Arts Center and more.

(Zoe Pharo)

UChicagoBlackConference

The inaugural Black Conference, “Our Future: Envisioning The Black Community Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow” will be held at Ida Noyes Cloister Club. The event will begin with an opening reception with food and refreshments, the meeting, and a community fair and mixer with Black organizations within the U. of C. and in the community. The meeting will recognize the proposal for a Black Community Center at the U. of C., and serve an annual reunion for mentorship, strengthening community among students, alumni, faculty, staff and community. The conference is held in collaboration with the Organization of Black Students and the African and Caribbean Student Association and University of Chicago Association of Black Alumni, among others. (Zoe Pharo)

Story time with Author

Theresa A. Hickman: Celebrate Black Children's Book Week

Richard J. Daley Library, 3400 S. Halsted St. Saturday, March 4, 10:30 AM–11:30 AM. Free. http://bit.ly/41sAsj8

In celebration of Black Children's Book Week, join us for a special story time with Theresa A. Hickman, author of I Can.. Just Try! I Can.. Just Try! is about a young girl named Terri who thought she could not do anything because she was just too little. This inspiring illustrated book shows how young Terri learns that she can do anything she sets her mind to, all she has to do is “Just Try.” Terri is now ready to inspire more children just like her, leading by example. Following the reading, there will be enrichment activities and games for children. (Richard J. Daley Library)

Join Peter Honigmann in this selfdefense class designed especially for seniors. The class will focus on being observant, using verbal skills to deescalate a situation, complying with demands for property, and then only as a last resort using very simple selfdefense techniques to disable an attacker, including: the use of a cane or walking stick, improvised weapons such as pens, flashlights, and magazines, and the use of pepper spray. Peter has been involved in the martial arts since 1984. Peter's background includes kenpo karate, aikido, hapkido, escrima, krav maga, and martial blade concepts. Using the techniques from these various arts, he has taken what he believes are the simplest and most effective techniques to create an easy to learn from of self-defense. Peter also works with those individuals who have physical limitations to provide them with options that will work for them. (Richard

J Daley Library)

Chicago Living Legacies Black History Month Concert

Schulz Auditorium at the Paul Galvin Tower, Illinois Tech, 10 W. 35th St.

Friday, February 24, 7 PM. Free. bit.ly/ ChicagoLivingLegacies

Bronzeville Diva Productions and the Office of Community Affairs at Illinois Tech are hosting the second annual Living Legacies Awards and Concert featuring the Frank Russell Band. The honorees are Chicago-based artists and journalists Robert Irving III, Candice Hunter, Dwight McKee, Cheryl Manor Norman, Frank Russell, Mary A. Young and Kai El’Zabar. Free parking is available across the street in parking lot D4, below the Green Line tracks. (Zoe Pharo)

Loyola University, 1110 W. Sheridan Rd. Saturday, February 25, 9:30 AM–6 PM. Free. bit.ly/Andeancarnival

Sponsored by the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign and Loyola University, this all-day festival celebrates Andean heritage in Chicago, and will include free authentic Andean food and drinks, games, activities and Quechua language lessons for all ages. Dance performances will feature Renacer Boliviano and the Center of Peruvian Arts. Quechua language, cultural and spirituality lessons will be taught by Peruvian linguist Agustín Panizo, Quechua educator and Andean spiritual activist Hipólito Peralta Ccama and Peruvian indigenous arts educator Rubén Pachas. (Zoe Pharo)

Live Young Brunch Music Industry Seminar

The Promontory, 5311 S. Lake Park Ave. Saturday, February 25, 12 PM–3:30 PM. Tickets $40. bit.ly/liveyoungbrunch

The Promontory is hosting the Live Young brunch, intended as an “annual music seminar for Chicago’s music talent.” The event will gather music industry intellectuals, personalities and gatekeepers in a room to create an atmosphere of networking, collaboration and sharing of knowledge on how to navigate and advance a career in the music industry. (Zoe Pharo)

Recaudación de Fondos

Casa de Cultura, 2057 W. 18th St. Saturday, February 25, 4 PM. Los boletos cuestan $10.

Casa de Cultura tendrá una recaudación de fondos con comida, arte y rifas. Las

Feeling Good: A M.A.D.D.

Rhythms Tribute to Nina Simone

Harold Washington Cultural Center, 4701

S. King Dr. Sunday, February 26, 4 PM.

Tickets $40. bit.ly/FeelingGoodCIVLFest

M.A.D.D. Rhythms, a tap group that pays homage to the founders of the art form, are returning for a tribute to Nina Simone. Sponsored in part by

Isaiah Spencer, bass by Will Howard and guitar by Curtis Robinson. With guest appearances by Arthur Barnes, Ian Archer and Micah Alyce, and a fireside chat with Global Director Jimalita Tillman and Creative Director Brit Barrett. (Zoe Pharo)

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Want to learnmore about your sleep?