April 6, 2023

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SOUTH SIDE WEEKLY

The South Side Weekly is an independent non-profit newspaper by and for the South Side of Chicago. We provide high-quality, critical arts and public interest coverage, and equip and develop journalists, artists, photographers, and mediamakers of all backgrounds.

Volume 10, Issue 14

Editor-in-Chief Jacqueline Serrato

Managing Editor Adam Przybyl

Senior Editors

Martha Bayne

Christopher Good

Olivia Stovicek

Sam Stecklow

Alma Campos

Section Editors Sky Patterson

Wendy Wei

Jocelyn Martínez-Rosales

Community Builder Chima Ikoro

Contributing Editors

Jocelyn Vega

Francisco Ramírez Pinedo

Scott Pemberton

Visuals Editor Bridget Killian

Deputy Visuals Editor Shane Tolentino

Staff Illustrators

Mell Montezuma

Shane Tolentino

Director of Fact Checking: Sky Patterson

Fact Checkers: Alani Oyola

Savannah Hugueley

Christopher Good

Jessica Nalupta

Kelli Jeaan Smith

Grace Del Vecchio

Layout Editor Tony Zralka

Special Projects

Coordinator

Malik Jackson

Managing Director Jason Schumer

Office Manager Mary Leonard

Advertising Manager

Susan Malone

Webmaster Pat Sier

The Weekly is produced by a mostly all-volunteer editorial staff and seeks contributions from across the city. We publish online weekly and in print every other Thursday.

Send submissions, story ideas, comments, or questions to editor@southsideweekly.com or mail to:

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IN CHICAGO

Chicago State University faculty go on strike

On Monday, April 3, members of the Chicago State University chapter of the University Professionals of Illinois (CSU UPI, IFT Local 4100) went on strike in order to secure a fair contract. Union members have been bargaining with the administration for nearly a year and were joined by undergraduate and graduate students from departments across campus at a rally at 95th and MLK Drive. Dr. Valerie Gross, president of CSU UPI and an alumnus of CSU herself, pointed out that CSU faculty are some of the lowest paid in the state compared to similar institutions. President Zaldwaynaka Scott, meanwhile, received a sixteen percent raise last year, putting her annual compensation at $475,000 by some estimates, and has apparently not attended a single bargaining session all year. UPI President John Miller spoke to the crowd, “This is the powerful voices of our faculty staff and students calling on President Scott to listen to our demands and invest in our classrooms. She has no problem investing in herself and her administration.” As of press time, faculty were still on strike.

Chicago Latino Film Festival runs April 13–23

The Chicago Latino Film Festival is back for its thirty-ninth year, holding it down as the longest-running Latino film festival in the country. Chicagoans can catch screenings from April 13–23. The majority of the screenings are being held at Landmark’s Century Centre Cinema, located at 2828 N. Clark St., featuring films from countries like El Salvador, Cuba, Brazil, Mexico, and Guatemala. The festival will screen movies across genres and styles too, from documentaries like Silence of the Mole, which follows the repressive regime of 70’s Guatemala, to the Mexican dark comedy, Love & Mathematics, about a one-hit boy band member who resumes their career later in life.

Part of the entourage of films is Chicago-based artist and director Glorimar Marrero Sanchez’s La Pecera, which translates to The Fishbowl La Pecera was the first Puerto Rican film to premiere at Sundance and is Sanchez’s feature debut about a woman who discovers she has cancer and decides to dedicate the remainder of her life documenting the damaging U.S military intervention on the island. La Pecera will be screened twice, on April 14 and 16 with Sanchez scheduled to attend both. Tickets can be purchased online via ChicagoLatinoFilmFestival.org or in-person at the film’s showing.

Rooted and Radical poetry festival

Rooted and Radical, Young Chicago Authors annual poetry festival, is underway. Formerly known as Louder Than A Bomb, the festivals recently concluded preliminary events featured poets from all over Chicago, as well as teams from surrounding suburbs and Indiana. These teams gathered on the South Side at The Dusable Museum to participate in “bouts” and watch others perform. While the former festival was a competition using points and scores to determine which students advanced, participants are now required to vote and nominate their peers for awards. The festival also featured free auxiliary events such as Emcee Olympics, a rap competition, and LatiNext, an open mic curated to celebrate the Latinx community. Participants have decided which students will move on to the Semi-Final event which will take place on April 15 at The Dusable Museum. The following week, a group of twenty All-Star poets will be chosen to perform at the festival’s culminating event, The Rooted and Radical Final Showcase. Finals will be held at The Isadore and Sadie Dorin Forum on April 22. Tickets for both events are available on youngchicagoauthors.org

IN THIS ISSUE

chicagoans decide brandon is better Brandon Johnson propelled to victory through union and grassroots support.

jacqueline serrato, adam przybyl, pat sier 4

the past and future of chicago bus rapid transit lives on ashland avenue

Could a discarded plan to connect the South and North Sides via dedicated bus lanes on Ashland be the future of Chicago transit?

matthew murphy ................................... 5 investigating r kelly

In Soulless: The Case Against R. Kelly, journalist Jim DeRogatis details twenty years of working to bring justice to survivors.

sage behr 6

final mayoral forums tackle environmental racism and police Johnson and Vallas seemed to align in some ways on setting up a Department of the Environment, but clashed on other issues. ryland pietras ..........................................8 los últimos foros de candidatos a alcaldía abordan racismo ambiental y policía Johnson y Vallas parecían coincidir en la creación de un Departamento de Medio Ambiente, pero difieren en otros temas. por ryland pietras, traducido por alma campos 10

the end of discount mall as we know it Photos of the Little Village Discount Mall as it braces to close.

jacqueline serrato ............................... 12 making the unfamiliar familiar

With record label Lunt and Oglesby, Hameedullah Weaver releases introspective debut.

corey schmidt

op-ed: there is no ethical path to voting for paul vallas

The two mayoral candidates represent starkly different positions in the racial justice movement.

paola aguirre, niketa brar, tonika johnson, lisa yun lee, and hilesh patel ..........................................

op-ed: legal attacks on torture commission don’t add up Prosecutors could hamstring a commission designed to review torture allegations and call for new hearings.

16

17

18 the exchange

david m. shapiro....................................

The Weekly’s poetry corner offers our thoughts in exchange for yours.

chima ikoro, kenneth gregory simmons, jr. 20 calendar Bulletin and events.

zoe pharo, south side weekly staff. 22

Cover illustration by Ariandy Luna

Chicagoans Decide Brandon is Better

Brandon Johnson is propelled to victory through union and grassroots support.

BY JACQUELINE SERRATO, ADAM PRZYBYL, PAT SIER

Despite analyst predictions that the next mayor of Chicago would not be known for days, possibly weeks, Chicagoans went to bed on election night knowing that Brandon Johnson was their new mayor. After polls closed and nearly all precincts had reported, Johnson had 51.4 percent of the vote and Vallas 48.5 percent.

Around 9:45pm, Vallas conceded at the Hyatt Regency Hotel, saying “I ran for mayor to bring this city together; it is clear based on the results tonight that the city is deeply divided. So tonight, even though of course we believe every vote should be counted, I called Brandon Johnson and told him that I absolutely expect him to be the next mayor of Chicago.”

A few minutes past 10pm, Vallas tweeted, “...It’s critically important that we all come together now and work collaboratively to move our city forward. I thank my supporters and team, and especially my family. Thank you, Chicago.”

The majority of votes were cast afterwork hours—turnout at the polls peaked at 5:30pm—and the largest participation came from people ages 55–74, followed by people 25–44, according to Tuesday night data from the Chicago Board of Elections.

Johnson and his family were introduced by Chicago Teachers Union president Stacy Davis Gates at 10:20pm at the Marriott Marquis Hotel. Above the cheers and chants, he beamed, “They said this would never happen. So you know, if they didn’t know, now they know!”

He immediately addressed Vallas’s

voters and nonvoters. “To the Chicagoans who did not vote for me, here’s what I want you to know: that I care about you, I value you, and I want to hear from you. I want to work with you and I’ll be the mayor for you, too. Because this campaign has always been about building a better, stronger, safer Chicago for all of the people of Chicago.”

As of press time, the AP count showed that Johnson had 286,647 votes and Vallas 270,775 votes—a difference of nearly 16,000—although the Chicago Board of Elections has yet to count some 90,000 mail-in ballots.

Vallas received strong support from the Loop, the Near North Side, the Far Northwest Side, the westernmost parts of the Southwest Side, and the Southeast Side.

Johnson did well in much of the North and West Sides, and the core of the South Side, including along the lakefront.

Of the seven South Side ward races that went to the runoff, two were faceoffs between Lightfoot-appointed alderpeople and challengers, while five took place in wards where the previous alderpeople had retired or unsuccessfully ran for mayor.

In the 4th Ward, which includes Kenwood, Oakland, and parts of Bronzeville, state representative Lamont Robinson beat Prentice Butler, chief of staff for outgoing alderperson and unsuccessful mayoral candidate Sophia King, with more than 66 percent of the vote. The Hyde Park Herald reported that Robinson’s priorities will be “making rent, homeownership and

commercial space affordable.”

In the 5th Ward, which includes Hyde Park and parts of Woodlawn, South Shore, and Jackson Park Highlands, labor and community organizer Desmon Yancy is leading Martina Hone, former chief engagement officer in Lightfoot’s administration, with close to 52 percent of the vote. The Herald reported that the race was not yet called since the unreturned 1,700 mail-in ballots could swing the race either way.

In the 6th Ward, which includes parts of Englewood, Chatham, and Great Grand Crossing, Rainbow PUSH field director William Hall beat veteran and retired police officer Richard Wooten with nearly 60 percent of the vote. According to the Sun-Times, Hall will prioritize mental health services and strong schools in the ward and was supported by CTU, Governor Pritzker, and the outgoing alderperson Roderick Sawyer, who left the seat to run an unsuccessful race for mayor.

In the 10th Ward, which includes East Side, Hegewisch, and South Deering, police officer Peter Chico beat labor organizer Ana Guajardo with 59 percent of the vote. Chico supports hiring more cops in the ward and bringing in businesses that can compete with cheaper products across the state line in Indiana.

In the 11th Ward, which includes Bridgeport and Chinatown, Lightfootappointed sitting alderperson Nicole Lee beat Chicago Police instructor Anthony Ciaravino with nearly 62 percent of the vote.

Before taking the seat, Lee was director of social impact and community engagement at United Airlines and is Chicago’s firstever Chinese-American alderperson. The ward was redrawn last year to include larger portions of Chinatown, where Lee had the most support. Ciaravino, who had ties to the Daleys, was stronger in Bridgeport. Lee was appointed to the seat last year after former Ald. Patrick Daley Thompson was convicted for tax fraud.

In the 21st Ward, which includes Brainerd, Fernwood, and West Pullman, community organizer Ronnie Mosley beat retired firefighter Cornell Dantzler with 52 percent of the vote. Mosley had the support of CTU, Governor Pritzker, and outgoing alderperson Howard Brookins Jr., who is retiring after holding the seat for twenty years.

In the 24th Ward, which includes North Lawndale, Lightfoot-appointed sitting alderperson Monique Scott beat local businessman Creative Scott (no relation) with 67 percent of the vote. Monique attracted some scrutiny in her appointment last year since she’s the sister of the previous alderperson, Michael Scott Jr., who vacated the seat to take an executive position with Cinespace Studios. According to the SunTimes, Monique will work with the North Lawndale Employment Network to bring jobs to the ward and decrease violence.

Johnson and the victorious alderperson candidates will be sworn in on May 15. ¬

MAP CREATED BY PAT SIER. DATA FROM THE CHICAGO BOARD OF ELECTION COMMISSIONERS.

The Past and Future of Chicago Bus Rapid Transit Lives on Ashland Avenue

BY MATTHEW MURPHY

On a typical cloudy weekday morning, lines of cars roar up and down Ashland Avenue, bunching up at intersections with bikes and CTA buses as their users wait to continue their halting journeys through the city. But this major artery in Chicago could have looked a lot different, had a project proposed ten years ago last month been implemented then. That project called for a radical overhaul on Ashland to make way for a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system with designated bus lanes. The overhaul never happened, but the idea still has the potential to shape the future of Chicago’s transportation network.

Billed as a low-cost but highly efficient transportation service, Bus Rapid Transit infrastructure is going up all around the country in major cities like New York, Oakland, and Pittsburgh. Public transit advocates, both the Johnson and Vallas campaigns, as well as Chicago’s Regional Transportation Authority (RTA), which is the regulatory agency that oversees PACE, METRA, and CTA, believe that increased bus rapid transit lines promote more equitable transit and connect long underserved communities with the city at large.

According to Peter Kersten, a principal planner with the RTA, “BRT is focused on minimizing a lot of the elements of riding a bus that contribute to how long it takes to get somewhere.”

Kersten defines industry standard BRT as having five independent ingredients: a dedicated bus right-of-way, off-board fare collection, streamlined boarding, transit signal priority, and a roadway alignment

that allows buses to move independently of car traffic.

Despite minimal BRT infrastructure and lines today, the political momentum required to adopt BRT appears to be growing. The idea has been taken up in limited capacity across the city and suburbs, and other lines are in development.

On the South Side, PACE is building out its PULSE services, which include some dedicated lanes and streamlined boarding along Halsted and 95th Street. CTA’s Jeffery Jump, which runs from Stony Island and 103rd to the Loop, also has limited rapid service and utilizes a bus-only lane for portions of its route. Downtown in the Loop, a dedicated lane exists for Loop Link.

These projects are “half measures,” said John Greenfield, a transit advocate

and editor at Streetsblog Chicago, a blog that was founded in part to cover the Ashland BRT program.

To Greenfield, the reason BRT is necessary for Chicago is that its current transit system is inadequate and inefficient. “Chicago is a hub-and-spoke transit system,” he explained, meaning that the various train lines in Chicago are oriented around bringing the edges of the city downtown, like the spokes on a bike wheel that lead to the hub at the center.

“There is no reliable and fast transit that goes North–South except for the Red Line, which runs along the far east of the city,” Greenfield added.

The Ashland BRT project was supposed to remedy that, connecting parts of the South Side with little access to transit to the North Side.

The unrealized Ashland Avenue BRT project is an instructive way to understand just how the system could work. The proposed project involved the left lanes in either direction on Ashland becoming bus-only lanes, with boarding taking place at specially designed bus stations at the median at every half mile.

Planned as running from Irving Park Road on the North Side to 95th Street on the South Side, the CTA estimated the bus could travel at an average speed of sixteen miles per hour, nearly double that of the average CTA bus on Ashland.

Buses would have been extra long, with an added section on the back and three sets of doors. Users would pay before boarding as they entered the station, just as they do when getting on a CTA train, and thus be able to enter the bus at any of its three entrances instead of queuing at the front. The median stations would have been level with the bus so that the bus wouldn’t need to kneel down for riders who have limited mobility. Finally, the project on Ashland proposed transit signal priority, meaning that signals at intersections would extend a green light if a bus was nearing and give a bus priority if it was waiting at the light.

For Greenfield, Ashland BRT was about equity, “connecting neighborhoods that have historically been left out of Chicago’s spoke-and-hub railways and allowing people to access medical, educational, and professional opportunities across the city without having to own a car.”

As with any plan that has the potential to dramatically change existing

A discarded, ten-year-old plan to create dedicated bus lanes on Ashland is a blueprint for what the city’s transit could look like.

RENDERING PROVIDED

norms, BRT has its fair share of critics, who point to drawbacks: losing car lanes, parking, and, in some instances, turn lanes. On Ashland, for instance, many left turns would be eliminated as they would interfere with the dedicated bus lanes.

Greenfield believes the project is all but dead, stalled as soon as it faced opposition from business groups along Ashland. Property owners also worry that car traffic will be rerouted to smaller residential side streets.

Asked for comment on the status of the Ashland BRT project, the CTA in a statement responded that, “BRT along Ashland remains a potential future concept, but additional public outreach on the design would be needed before advancing it further.”

All five of the BRT elements need to be present, in order for them to travel at the “rapid” speed advertised. And according to Greenfield, Chicago needs to commit soon as “peer cities like New York and San Francisco are far ahead in BRT implementation.”

That may be changing. Just last month, the RTA, approved its five year plan, “Transit is the Answer,” which calls on its agencies to build more transitfriendly streets and bus rapid transit (BRT) in the Chicago region.

While the RTA does not have any direct control in implementation, it “sets long term goals” for the agencies it supervises. Facing a $730 million dollar fiscal cliff in 2026, the RTA’s plan emphasizes the need for increased bus transit, which, unlike rail transit, has retained ridership at much higher levels since the advent of the pandemic.

And regardless who becomes the next mayor, both campaigns dedicate part of their transportation plans to expanded BRT. On his campaign website, Brandon Johnson advocates that “bus rapid transit (BRT) be expanded and fully implemented across key corridors in Chicago.”

A potential Vallas administration would “institute BRT lanes and lines to improve and speed bus service and to prioritize them to connect historically disinvested transit isolated communities.” Asked multiple times for comment, neither campaign provided more details about potential corridors for transit in

Investigating R. Kelly

In Soulless: The Case Against R. Kelly, journalist Jim DeRogatis details twenty years of working to bring justice to survivors of the R&B giant.

BY SAGE BEHR

Chicago.

As it stands, the city has streets that largely prioritize car traffic over bus, bike, and walking travel. Attempting to change that dynamic can and has been a challenging political battle for the city. That both campaigns, despite their well-publicized differences, profess a commitment to BRT is for Greenfield a mixed bag. “It’s encouraging to see it as a talking point. But I am not sure either candidate realizes that implementing bus rapid transit takes a lot of political courage,” he said.

Ashland Avenue, with eight CTA and one METRA stations along its route, remains a compelling potential home for BRT. And while BRT is not currently a prominent feature of Chicago’s cityscape, it has the potential to be. If advocates are to be believed, it is a mechanism to bring the city’s South and North Sides closer together and reimagine how transit works in Chicago, creating a safer and more equitable city. ¬

Matthew Murphy is a barback living the dream in Chicago. This is his second story for the Weekly

In Soulless: The Case Against R. Kelly, Jim DeRogatis, the journalist that dedicated much of his career to investigating R. Kelly’s sex crimes, recounts the long journey from an anonymous tipoff he received in 2000 to Kelly’s conviction and sentencing to thirty years in federal prison.

Over the course of nearly 300 pages, DeRogatis details the reporting he began while working as a music critic at the Sun-Times, when he received a fax claiming that “Robert’s problem is young girls.” DeRogatis would go on to become the face of the investigative journalism that exposed Kelly’s crimes: prominent enough to be called as a witness to Kelly’s 2008 trial for child pornography charges, and even to be called out by name in the singer’s 2018 song, “I Admit.”

DeRogatis paints a disturbing picture of a man who, surrounded by enablers, methodically pursued underage girls and young women, seducing them into controlling relationships that included physical, sexual, and emotional abuse, as well as production of nonconsensual pornography. He also provides important insight into how crimes such as statuatory rape complicate journalistic processes, the emotional impact of interviewing survivors about their abuse, and the systems that allowed R. Kelly to

carry out his crimes over a decades-long period.

So why was Kelly not stopped from hurting women earlier? DeRogatis’s front row seat allows him to interrogate the multifaceted answer to this question, and to directly condemn many of the singer’s main enablers, as well as the legal bumbling that allowed him to avoid indictment in 2008, when a tape emerged of Kelly raping an underage girl.

Once Kelly finally finds himself in court in 2008, Soulless introduces some near-cartoonish villains. The judge, Vincent Gaughan, is a “good-old-boy” known for his “short fuse” who, after returning from Vietnam in his 20s, had been arrested on several charges related to firing an M1 rifle out of his bedroom window into neighbors’ homes. He apparently faced no legal consequences.

After a six year delay—during which Kelly released one of his all-time biggest hits, “Ignition (Remix)”—Gaughan refused to permit submission of any evidence not directly related to the tape, including the myriad accusations against the singer, physical evidence from a separate victim, and records of Kelly’s illegal marriage to then-fifteen-year-old singer Aaliyah in 1994. When the jury found out about the other evidence later, one member said, “if they had presented

it, who knows what we would have done.”

Gaughan seemed to revel in the high-profile trial (he also presided over another historic Chicago case: the murder trial of police officer Jason Van Dyke for shooting teenager Laquan McDonald in the back sixteen times, killing him as he fled.)

Susan E. Loggans, the personal injury lawyer who encouraged early R. Kelly accusers to take settlements instead of pursuing criminal or civil cases, is portrayed as a dubious ally to the young women who sought her counsel. Loggans is quoted as calling underage sex laws “two-sided,” because teenagers are independently sexually active, and expressing concern about phony legal claims against powerful men. In fact, DeRogatis makes the case that Loggans served as part of the machine that didn’t take Kelly accusations seriously as criminal acts, thereby enabling his ongoing abuse.

DeRogatis provides ample reminders of the sexist, slut-shaming, and racist language that was used at the time to describe Kelly’s victims, both in the courts and by his supporters—language that, of course, still exists today in similar situations. In one particularly cringeinducing moment, R. Kelly’s defense attorney, nepo-baby (and later Blago defender) Sam Adam Jr. claimed that to indict Kelly on child pornography charges would be to call the underage victim “a whore!”

A longtime music critic who got his start interviewing Lester Bangs (his idol, and the subject of one of his books), DeRogatis spent fifteen years at the Sun-Times, during which the Kelly investigation unexpectedly fell into his lap. The personal anecdotes that he weaves into the telling of the decadeslong process of investigating Kelly show how prominent this undertaking became in DeRogatis’s professional, and even personal, life.

Some more personalized subplots, such as DeRogatis’s involvement in Kelly’s first trial, are interesting to read about, and explore the ethical and professional standards of journalists in such situations. DeRogatis, determined to protect his sources’ anonymity, eventually decided

against such dramatic options such as “going underground,” and took the stand, citing his First and Fifth Amendments to evade questions from the defense.

Other subplots are less engaging. Clearly, DeRogatis was hurt by the years of disregard and criticism made by other music journalists of his dogged reporting on R. Kelly, and he relishes the chance to point out the journalists that eventually apologized for their lack of rigor on the subject. Make no mistake, DeRogatis deserves the credit: he was drawing attention to Kelly accusations for twenty years while other major music critics ignored or made light of the allegations. Sometimes, however, DeRogatis’s writing is disorganized in a way that reduces those feelings to personal gripes.

The lacking narrative structure diminishes the general experience of reading Soulless. It sometimes feels like a long-winded conversation with a reporter so familiar with a case that he cannot remember which are key contextual details, and which are superfluous.

DeRogatis has a habit of introducing a character by name without clarifying

their importance to the story, then doubling back to add in necessary details, which can muddy the reader’s understanding of relationships, chronology, and the significance of revelations as they appear.

To his credit, DeRogatis does not shy away from the hardest questions. Even after years of investigation, he never became inured to the suffering of R. Kelly’s survivors, and still refuses to dismiss the ongoing permissiveness of the music community despite their allegations. The list of artists that worked with Kelly long after he was credibly accused of rape and assault is shocking, and includes Phoenix, Ciara, Justin Bieber, Chance the Rapper, and Lady Gaga (a survivor herself, DeRogatis notes). Reading about how recently many of these collaborations occurred is enough to turn anyone’s stomach— especially when accusations date back decades before the collaborations took place.

DeRogatis does not even let himself off the hook. While most of his criticism is rightly directed towards the people who aided and abetted Kelly, he also shows awareness of his own moments of clumsiness. This includes a correction he and his reporting partner, Abdon Pallasch, made to the first article they published about Kelly’s accusations in 2000: instead of referring to the singer “having sex” with underage girls, he writes they should have called the action rape.

In a 2013 interview, more than a decade after he began his investigation, DeRogatis reflected upon the general ambivalence surrounding R. Kelly’s abuse allegations: “The saddest fact I’ve learned is that nobody matters less to our society than young Black women. Nobody.” This statement eventually made its way through Twitter to the parents of one of Kelly’s later victims, tipping them off about DeRogatis’s ongoing investigation

of Kelly. The parents reached out to DeRogatis for help in connecting with their daughter, and ultimately kicked off another wave of accusations: these ones involving mostly of-age young women who had become entrapped in a highly abusive, cult-like environment with the star. The sequence of events adds a caveat to DeRogatis’s statement: perhaps young Black women are not valued in society at large—but the people who love them will go to impossible lengths to keep them safe.

One of the most disturbing aspects of the entire R. Kelly saga is its longevity. Kelly faced numerous accusations, a very public 2008 trial for child pornography charges, the #MuteRKelly music boycott, and ongoing reporting from DeRogatis and others throughout the highest points of his career. He feigned interest in teenagers’ musical ambitions, inviting them to his studio, or simply sent members of his crew to press his phone number into the girls’ hands. Then would begin a cycle of abuse that included sexual assault and emotional conditioning that many Kelly survivors describe as “brainwashing.”

Soulless ends with the author reflecting on his dueling identities as music critic and investigative journalist, and proposing the concept of “investigative criticism,” which he likens to the ethos of Lester Bangs and Roger Ebert. No art, DeRogatis argues, happens in a vacuum—and context matters, particularly in our era of Black Lives Matter, #MeToo, and ongoing assaults on democracy.

“Politics, sex, religion, morality, social justice—any issue you can name is in the art,” DeRogatis writes. “It’s never just music.”

Soulless: The Case Against R. Kelly is not a book to read for fun. But the stories of the many women, girls, and boys that R. Kelly harmed—and Jim DeRogatis’s tireless work to report them—are important testaments to a society that has permitted powerful men to abuse their position with impunity. Listening to them constitutes a promise to never let this type of abuse happen in front of all of our eyes again. ¬

Sage Behr is a writer and clown originally from Iowa City. She has reviewed books for South Side Weekly since 2021.

COURTESY OF ABRAMS BOOKS

Final Mayoral Forums Tackle Environmental Racism and Police

BY RYLAND PIETRAS

In a final effort for voters and mayoral candidates to engage each other directly, two public forums were held on the South Side last week that focused on environmental racism and addressed police and campaign finances.

Paul Vallas and Brandon Johnson, who are facing off in the April 4 runoff election, spoke at a Pilsen event titled “The People’s Dialogue on the Environment” on March 27 and then debated at the University of Chicago’s Institute of Politics on March 30.

The South Side has long been home to a disproportionate number of industrial polluters, but recently, The Guardian published an article that lists Chicago’s South and West sides as the third worst places to live in the U.S. for air pollution.

The church balcony helped accommodate the hundreds that were in attendance at the first event. People of all ages showed up, but younger generations showed up en masse. According to cofounder and CEO of Healthy Hood, Tanya Lozano, more than thirty young people helped to coordinate the forum.

“The stats came back from the last election and there wasn’t a lot of young voices heard,” said Lozano, who also moderated the event. According to the Chicago Board of Elections, of the ballots cast in the February 28 election, only 3.23 percent were from voters aged 18–24. “There wasn’t a lot of young people who came to the polls. We’re trying to change that.”

Healthy Hood operates out of Lincoln Methodist Church, located at 2242 S Damen Ave., and their sense of community was felt upon entering. They had tacos and beverages, and local artists performed music that spoke of progress,

growth, culture and community before the program began.

Instead of a traditional debate, the moderator asked each candidate to individually address the room. This allowed a candidate to propose a policy without being drowned out or interrupted while also offering the opportunity for audience engagement. They were encouraged to wave a green card in agreement of a candidate’s statements or a red card in opposition.

At the end, members of the public were able to ask questions pertaining to

of McKinley Park and member of Neighbors for Environmental Justice, that suggested the City’s lackluster approach to polluters. His research found that between 2018 and 2022, the City of Chicago issued only sixty-nine air pollution violations. Of those, thirtynine were dropped and twenty-nine were deemed liable—meaning in twenty-nine of the cases, the businesses admitted fault. MAT Asphalt was one of the businesses that was found in violation and currently has a case that is open.

Vallas was the first candidate to

in 1992—Henry Henderson as the first commissioner of the “thriving, dynamic” Department of the Environment. Vallas said at that time the department “really advocated for the city on a broad scale of marginal issues.”

Former Mayor Rahm Emanuel cut the funding for the Department of the Environment in 2011, citing austerity measures. In the remainder of his tenure, “hazardous material inspections fell by more than ninety percent between 2010 and 2018; air quality inspections plunged almost seventy percent; and solid waste inspections dropped by more than sixty percent,” according to the Better Government Association and Northwestern University’s Medill School of Journalism.

Johnson’s opening statement spoke directly to and about the neighborhoods that have been most impacted by the climate injustices that the evening’s dialogue centered on.

environmental efforts or just to voice their concerns about the issues to Southwest Environmental Alliance (SEA) members Theresa McNamara and Mary Gonzales and UIC Associate Professor Dr. Michael Cailas.

McNamara told the crowd, “We are the ones with the asthma…the heart attacks…the strokes…it is happening here in our communities and we have to say something.”

McNamara referred to data compiled by Anthony Moser, a resident

speak. In his opening statement, he talked about his experience in the public sector, such as serving as the superintendent of the New Orleans Recovery School District where he “[rebuilt] the entire school system from the ground up after Hurricane Katrina devastated 110 of the 120 schools” and aiding Sean Penn’s CORE organization in response to the 2010 earthquake that devastated Haiti.

He touted his experience as City Budget Director from 1993 to 1995 where then-Mayor Richard M. Daley chose—

“Obviously when it comes to the environment and climate justice, this is something that is dear to all of us,” said Johnson. “Especially in a time where we know that our communities have been isolated; where abject poverty has left our communities in very severe, severe conditions.”

Johnson said Black and brown children are suffering from asthma, which he, too, suffers from. He said he knew this personally as he grew up in Austin and continues to live there today. “The lead, along with the lack of clean air and water, has only exacerbated the conditions in which many of our families are growing up in,” he said.

A “Green Deal”—a term coined in reference to FDR’s post-Depression New

Johnson and Vallas seemed to align in some ways on setting up a Department of the Environment, but clashed on other issues.

“We don’t get the real lived experiences of those who are most impacted and then we simply administrate it. I am committed to making sure we actually have guidance.” – Brandon Johnson

Deal—would be “top of mind” for his administration.

Citing a U.S. News Report from April 2022, Lozano said that Chicago is among the top five hotspots for fine particle air pollution in America. “We have more deaths, illness, family hardship and loss due to pollution than to violent crime,” she said.

Both candidates said they would reopen the department with a significant budget. Vallas said he would ensure that it would receive continued appropriations—money specifically set aside from the City’s budget—and there would need to be an oversight board made up of representatives from different communities put in place to ensure that the department operates adequately.

“I believe that individuals who have been advocating for clean water, for clean air, for clean soil… for ending the food deserts need to be able to decide who’s going to run the department,” Vallas said.

Additionally, he said there needed to be an autonomous City Council committee that focused entirely on the department and that would have investigative powers akin to those of the Inspector General.

Johnson, on the other hand, said he would be committed to funding a Department of Environmental Justice, whose purpose would be to prioritize and remediate the effects of years of pollution and disinvestment felt by marginalized communities, primarily in Chicago’s South and West sides.

Similar to Vallas, Johnson said his department would be composed of regulators and policy wonks, but he added there would also be community organizers. He said the first step would be a cumulative impact study, which he committed to doing in his first 100 days in office.

“The challenge that we have, which is governance in the City of Chicago in general…” said Johnson. “We don’t get the real lived experiences of those who are most impacted and then we simply administrate it. I am committed to making sure we actually have guidance.”

In reference to the sixty-nine air pollution violations issued over the last five years, the candidates were asked if they would ensure that city departments would enforce the municipal code to

bring polluters into compliance and commit to not providing city contracts to those with histories of non-compliance.

Vallas said he would enforce a zero-tolerance environmental policy and referenced enacting a list similar to that of the City’s Capital Improvement Program, where companies that failed to meet minority and women-owned business quotas and those that failed to pay its subcontractors in a timely fashion were put on a “do not hire” list.

Additionally, he said there needed

government to adjust the air regulations that are allowing polluting businesses to contribute pollutants.

“Look, I think there is a lot to be learned from General Iron,” Johnson said. “I definitely know that when our communities are not listened to, and to the point that you are raising about making sure that we have real regulatory practices and real investigation, it has to be a real concerted effort to actually put forth a plan.”

With the recent construction of

seen as dumping grounds for waste and materials that no one seems to know what else to do with,” he said.

A sea of green cards were waved after Johnson said that the people that have been most impacted by wasteful practices are the ones that should have agency in identifying the leadership and policies necessary to move forward.

On the issue of finding alternative methods to raising property taxes to fund the City’s budget shortfalls, Vallas said he wouldn’t raise taxes at all, but would analyze the existing $28 billion purse and reallocate funds. He referred back to his time as budget director where he balanced the City’s budget while holding the line on raising property taxes.

“There is $1 billion diverted to the tax-increment financing (TIF) program. That’s property taxes off the top,” he said.

Johnson, on the other hand, would look to other forms of taxation that would not burden working class residents, such as a jet fuel tax, a corporate head tax on companies that do over $20 million of business with the City, a financial transaction tax and a hotel tax that would tack $1 onto the rental of one room per night.

Additionally, he would seek the passage of the Bring Chicago Home ordinance that failed to even make it to debate earlier this summer. The ordinance would raise the real estate transfer tax by 1.9 percent on homes sold for over $1 million.

to be an environmental report card to assess the amount of pollution businesses contribute to the environment. “We don’t want to move polluters to the poor communities,” he said. “We don’t want polluters anywhere in the city at all.”

Johnson referred to the cumulative impact study that his administration would perform upon taking office. He said not only should there be regulators in the communities being most affected by pollution, but that the City would need to start working with the federal

Amazon and Target distribution facilities in the already high-traffic South and West sides, the candidates were asked if they would place a moratorium on the construction of new warehouses, trucking facilities and railyards until an environmental impact study that is part of the Chicago Recovery Plan is performed and understood.

Vallas’s response was simple and direct: “Absolutely.”

Johnson went into further detail. “For too long our communities have been

In his closing remarks, Vallas said the Department of the Environment would be one where residents are in charge and one that combats lead contaminated water by providing filtration systems to each household, rather than addressing the need for the City to replace the 400,000 lead pipes that were installed before 1986 when Congress banned their use.

Two barbs that have been repeatedly cast this election were once again heard at the last debate: Brandon Johnson accused Paul Vallas of being a Republican and Vallas accused Johnson of wanting to defund the police.

Vallas has received endorsements and donations from a slough of Republicans and Republican-associated organizations, such as former Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos’ American Federation for

“I believe that individuals who have been advocating for clean water, for clean air, for clean soil… for ending the food deserts need to be able to decide who’s going to run the department.” – Paul Vallas

Brandon Johnson

Paul Vallas

Children Action Fund that just donated $59,385 to Vallas’ campaign.

When asked about President Donald Trump’s indictment, Johnson didn’t hesitate to make a connection to his opponent: “Donald Trump's administration and all of his cabinet, [it was] probably for one of the first times in the history of America where every single person as a cabinet member did not believe in the work that they were assigned to oversee—one of which was Betsy DeVos,” Johnson said.

“We are talking about an individual who does not believe in public education. She has spent millions of dollars privatizing school districts across the country… And it's playing out in the City of Chicago. Betsy DeVos has inserted herself and her resources into my opponent’s coffers.”

As secretary, DeVos pushed for massive spending cuts in public education while raising funding for private and religious schools in the form of Education Freedom Scholarships—a voucher program, often described as giving parents the option of where to send their children, but which takes money from public schools and allocates it toward private schools.

“I have never had any conversations or contacts with Betsy Devos,” responded Vallas. “Our campaign has not received any money from her.”

His campaign may not have received a direct contribution, but Illinois Federation for Children PAC received the donation from DeVos’ PAC and paid Go Big Media (based out of Alexandria, VA) to create ads supporting Vallas.

Additionally, Vallas has received an endorsement from Ken Griffin, the billionaire founder of Citadel, an investment firm that has $86 million invested in guns and ammunition manufacturers. Chicago police data shows that one in four guns recovered in homicides over the last five years were made by companies invested in by Citadel. Although Griffin himself has not donated to Vallas’ campaign, Citadel’s CEO and COO have together donated $400,000.

Vallas has repeatedly claimed to be a lifelong Democrat and has only run for political office as one, but in 2009 he mulled running for Cook County Board

President as a Republican.

“Let me point out that, Brandon, you're still a paid lobbyist for the Chicago Teachers Union,” Vallas countered.

Johnson—a former teacher and organizer for the CTU—is heavily backed by the union, but said despite a fiduciary obligation to fulfill his campaign promises, he would be a mayor for all of Chicago. The CTU has donated around $2.3 million to his campaign since he announced his candidacy in October 2022. He has also received considerable support from American Federation of Teachers and Illinois Federations of Teachers.

Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Healthcare Illinois, SEIU Local 1, and SEIU Local 73 have contributed around $4.4 million to his campaign.

He has received 479 campaign donations since October and 235 of them were $1,000 or less. Conversely, Vallas has received $9.75 million from just sixty-one donations.

In order to address the 1,500 Chicago police officer vacancies that were part of a nationwide exodus following the pandemic, Vallas said 300 retired CPD officers have committed to returning to duty and the department would screen them before they returned.

Vallas said thousands of assaults took place because there were not enough officers available to respond.

Johnson didn’t commit to filling the 1,500 vacancies. He planned to promote around 200 rank-and-file officers to the role of detective and “[use] more civilians in place of sworn officers where possible.” He claimed that doing this and reorganizing other non-sergeant supervisory positions would save over $100 million—money that he said would be reallocated toward officers on the streets, not behind desks. ¬

Ryland Pietras grew up in Wisconsin and moved to Chicago just as former governor Scott Walker started dismantling the unions. He majored in Communications, Media & Theater at Northeastern Illinois University, where he still hosts a weekly radio show. This is his first contribution to the Weekly.

Los últimos foros de candidatos a alcaldía abordan racismo ambiental y policía

En un último esfuerzo para que los votantes y los candidatos a la alcaldía interactuaran directamente, la semana antes de las elecciones se llevaron a cabo dos foros públicos en el lado sur que se enfocaron en el racismo ambiental y abordaron temas de la policía y su financiamiento de campaña.

Paul Vallas y Brandon Johnson, que se enfrentan en la segunda vuelta de las elecciones del 4 de abril, hablaron en un evento en Pilsen titulado "El diálogo del pueblo sobre el medio ambiente" el 27 de marzo y luego debatieron en el Instituto de Política de la Universidad de Chicago el 30 de marzo.

El sur de Chicago ha sido durante mucho tiempo el centro de un número exorbitante de industrias contaminantes, pero recientemente el diario The Guardian publicó un artículo que sitúa a los lados sur y oeste de Chicago como el tercer peor lugar para vivir en EE.UU. en cuanto a contaminación.

El balcón de la iglesia donde fue el evento ayudó a sentar a los cientos de asistentes. Fueron personas de todas las edades, pero los jóvenes acudieron en gran número. Según la cofundadora y directora ejecutiva de Healthy Hood, Tanya Lozano, más de treinta jóvenes ayudaron a coordinar el evento.

“Las estadísticas de las últimas elecciones muestran que no se escucharon muchas voces jóvenes”, dijo Lozano, la moderadora. Según la Junta Electoral de

Chicago, de los votos de la elección del 28 de febrero, sólo el 3.23 por ciento eran de votantes de 18 a 24 años. “No hubo muchos jóvenes que acudieron a las urnas. Estamos intentando cambiar eso”.

Healthy Hood opera desde la Iglesia Metodista Lincoln, ubicada en 2242 S. Damen Ave. Su sentido de comunidad se hizo presente inmediatamente al entrar. Repartieron tacos y bebidas, y artistas locales interpretaron canciones que hablaban del progreso, la cultura y la comunidad antes de que comenzara el programa.

En lugar de un debate tradicional, la moderadora le pidió a cada candidato que hablara individualmente con el público. Esto les permitió a ellos proponer una política sin ser interrumpidos, al mismo tiempo que involucraba a la audiencia. Se les pidió mostrar una tarjeta verde cuando estuvieran de acuerdo con las declaraciones de un candidato o una tarjeta roja en oposición.

Al final del debate, el público pudo hacer preguntas relacionadas con el medio ambiente o simplemente expresar sus preocupaciones a Theresa McNamara y Mary Gonzales, miembros del Southwest Environmental Alliance (SEA), y al Dr. Michael Cailas, profesor asociado de la UIC.

McNamara dijo: “Nosotros somos los que padecemos de asma... de los infartos... los derrames cerebrales... está ocurriendo aquí, en nuestras comunidades, y tenemos que decir algo”.

McNamara se refirió a los datos compilados por Anthony Moser, residente

POR RYLAND PIETRAS TRADUCIDO POR ALMA CAMPOS

Johnson y Vallas parecían coincidir en la creación de un Departamento de Medio Ambiente, pero difieren en otros temas.

de McKinley Park y miembro de Neighbors for Environmental Justice, que indican que la Municipalidad ha puesto en práctica un enfoque mediocre contra los contaminantes. Su investigación encontró que entre el 2018 y 2022, la Ciudad de Chicago identificó sólo sesenta y nueve violaciones de contaminación de aire. De ellas, treinta y nueve fueron descartadas y en veintinueve de los casos, las empresas admitieron culpabilidad. MAT Asphalt fue una de las empresas infractoras y actualmente tiene un caso abierto.

Vallas fue el primer candidato en hablar. En su declaración inicial, habló de su experiencia en el sector público, como superintendente del Distrito Escolar de Recuperación de Nueva Orleans, donde “[reconstruyó] todo el sistema escolar desde cero después de que el huracán Katrina devastara 110 de las 120 escuelas” y ayudó a la organización CORE del actor Sean Penn en respuesta al terremoto de 2010 que devastó Haití.

Destacó su experiencia como Director de Presupuestos de la Municipalidad de 1993 a 1995, donde el entonces alcalde Richard M. Daley eligió en 1992 a Henry Henderson como primer comisario del Departamento de Medio Ambiente. Vallas dijo que entonces el departamento “defendía realmente a la ciudad en una amplia escala”.

El ex alcalde Rahm Emanuel cortó la financiación del Departamento de Medio Ambiente en 2011, alegando medidas de austeridad. En el resto de su mandato, “las inspecciones de materiales peligrosos cayeron más de un noventa por ciento entre el 2010 y 2018; las de calidad del aire, casi un setenta por ciento; y las de residuos sólidos, más de un sesenta por ciento", según el medio de noticias de investigación Better Government Association y la Escuela de Periodismo Medill de la Universidad Northwestern.

La declaración de apertura de Johnson se dirigió directamente a los barrios más afectados por las injusticias ambientales sobre las que se centró el diálogo de la noche.

“Obviamente, cuando se trata del medio ambiente y la justicia ambiental, es algo que nos importa a todos”, dijo Johnson. “Especialmente en una época en la que sabemos que nuestras comunidades han sido aisladas; en la que la pobreza ha dejado a nuestras comunidades en condiciones muy graves, muy severas”.

Johnson continuó subrayando el hecho

ya mencionado de que los niños negros y latinos sufren de asma, algo que él también padece. Dijo que lo vio personalmente, ya que creció en Austin y sigue viviendo allí en la actualidad.

“El plomo, junto con la falta de aire y agua limpia, no ha hecho más que exacerbar las condiciones en las que crecen muchas de nuestras familias", afirmó.

Citando un reporte de U.S. News de abril de 2022, Lozano afirmó que Chicago se encuentra entre los cinco principales lugares de contaminación atmosférica por material particulado de Estados Unidos. "Tenemos más muertes, enfermedades, dificultades familiares y pérdidas debido a la contaminación que a los crímenes violentos”, dijo.

Ambos candidatos afirmaron que reabrirán el departamento con un presupuesto significativo. Vallas dijo que se aseguraría de que recibiera fondos continuos así como dinero reservado específicamente del presupuesto municipal y que tendría que crearse una junta de supervisión formada por representantes de distintas comunidades para garantizar que el departamento funcione adecuadamente.

“Creo que las personas que han abogado por el agua limpia, por el aire limpio, por la restauración de suelos contaminados... por eliminar los desiertos alimentarios tienen que poder decidir quién va a dirigir el departamento” dijo Vallas.

Además, dijo que era necesario crear un comité autónomo del Concejo Municipal que se enfocara exclusivamente en el departamento y que tuviera poderes de investigación similares a los del Inspector General.

Johnson, por su parte, dijo que se comprometería a financiar un Departamento de Justicia Ambiental, cuyo propósito sería darles prioridad y remediar los efectos de años de contaminación y desinversión que sufren las comunidades marginadas, principalmente en los barrios sur y oeste de Chicago.

Al igual que Vallas, Johnson dijo que su departamento estaría compuesto por expertos en política, pero que también habría organizadores comunitarios. Añadió que el primer paso sería un estudio de impacto acumulativo, que se comprometió a realizar en sus primeros 100 días de mandato.

“El reto que tenemos es la gobernanza en la ciudad de Chicago en general…”, dijo Johnson. “No captamos las experiencias y perspectivas de los más afectados.

Solo administramos. Me comprometo a asegurarme de que realmente tengamos orientación”.

En referencia a las sesenta y nueve infracciones por contaminación atmosférica en los pasados cinco años, se les preguntó a los candidatos si garantizarían que los departamentos municipales hicieran cumplir los códigos para que los contaminadores cumplieran las normas y se si se comprometían a no dar contratos municipales a quienes tuvieran antecedentes de incumplimiento.

Vallas afirmó que aplicaría una política ambiental de cero tolerancia y se refirió a la creación de una lista similar a la del programa Capital Improvement Program, en la que las empresas que no contratan suficientes empresas de minorías y mujeres y las que no pagaban puntualmente a sus subcontratistas son incluidas en una lista de “no contratar”. Además, dijo que era necesario dar calificaciones ambientales para evaluar la cantidad de contaminación que las empresas aportan al medio ambiente.

“No queremos que los contaminadores se trasladen a las comunidades pobres”, dijo. “No queremos contaminadores en ningún lugar de la ciudad”.

Johnson se refirió al estudio de impacto acumulativo que su administración realizaría al asumir el cargo. Dijo que no sólo debería haber regulaciones en las comunidades más afectadas por la contaminación, sino que el Ayuntamiento tendría que empezar a trabajar con el gobierno federal para ajustar las normas de aire que les permiten a las empresas contaminantes seguir emitiendo contaminantes.

“Creo que hay mucho que aprender de General Iron”, dijo Johnson. “Definitivamente sé que cuando no se escucha a nuestras comunidades… en cuanto a tener prácticas reguladoras reales y una investigación real, debe ser un verdadero esfuerzo concertado”.

Con la reciente construcción de instalaciones de distribución de Amazon y Target en los ya de por sí muy transitados barrios de los lados sur y oeste de la ciudad, se les preguntó a los candidatos si impondrían una moratoria a la construcción de nuevos almacenes, instalaciones de transporte por camión y zonas de ferrocarriles hasta que se realice y comprenda un estudio de impacto ambiental que forme parte del plan de recuperación de Chicago (Chicago Recovery Plan).

La respuesta de Vallas fue simple y

directa: “Absolutamente”.

Johnson entró en más detalles. “Durante demasiado tiempo nuestras comunidades han sido vistas como recipientes de basura y de materiales [industriales] con los que nadie parece saber qué hacer”, afirmó.

En cuanto a la búsqueda de alternativas al aumento de los impuestos sobre la propiedad para financiar los déficits presupuestarios de la Municipalidad, Vallas dijo que no aumentaría los impuestos en absoluto, sino que analizaría el presupuesto existente de $28,000 millones y reasignaría los fondos.

“Hay 1,000 millones de dólares desviados al programa de financiación por incremento de impuestos (TIF, por sus siglas en inglés). Esos son impuestos sobre la propiedad”, dijo.

Johnson, por su parte, buscaría otras formas de impuestos que no afecten a los residentes de la clase trabajadora, como un impuesto sobre el combustible de los aviones, un impuesto corporativo a las empresas que hagan negocios de más de $20 millones con la Municipalidad, un impuesto sobre las transacciones financieras y un impuesto hotelero que añadiría 1 dólar a la renta de un cuarto por noche.

Además, dijo que intentará que se apruebe la ordenanza Bring Chicago Home, que no llegó a debatirse a principios de verano. La ordenanza aumentaría un impuesto de 1.9% sobre las viviendas vendidas por más de un millón de dólares.

En su declaración de clausura, Vallas dijo que el Departamento de Medio Ambiente sería uno en el que los residentes estuvieran al mando y que combatiría el agua contaminada con plomo proporcionando sistemas de filtración a cada hogar, aunque no abordó la necesidad de sustituir las 400,000 tuberías de plomo de cualquier vivienda o edificio construido antes de 1986, cuando el Congreso prohibió su uso.

Los dos se han tirado acusaciones a lo largo de la carrera. Brandon Johnson acusó a Paul Vallas de ser un republicano y Vallas acusó a Johnson de querer desfinanciar a la policía.

Vallas ha recibido apoyos y donaciones de un montón de republicanos y organizaciones asociadas a los republicanos, como la organización American Federation for Children Action Fund de la ex secretaria de Educación de los EE.UU., Betsy DeVos, que donó $59,385 a la campaña de Vallas la

semana pasada.

Cuando se les preguntó sobre la acusación del ex presidente Donald Trump, Johnson no dudó en hacer una conexión con su oponente: “La administración de Donald Trump y todo su gabinete, [fue] probablemente una de las primeras veces en la historia de Estados Unidos donde cada persona del gabinete no creía en el trabajo que se le asignó hacer, una de las cuales era Betsy DeVos”, dijo Johnson.

“Estamos hablando de un individuo que no cree en la educación pública. Ha gastado millones de dólares en la privatización de distritos escolares en todo el país... Y se está viendo en la Ciudad de Chicago. Betsy DeVos se ha insertado a sí misma y sus recursos en la cuentas de mi oponente”.

Como secretaria, DeVos propuso recortes masivos en la educación pública, al mismo tiempo que aumentaba la financiación de las escuelas privadas y religiosas en forma de becas llamadas Education Freedom Scholarships, bajo un programa federal que a menudo se ha descrito como algo que le da a los padres la opción de dónde enviar a sus hijos a la escuela, pero que saca dinero de las escuelas públicas y lo asigna a escuelas privadas.

“Estamos hablando de una persona que no cree en la educación pública”, dijo Johnson. “Ha gastado millones de dólares privatizando distritos escolares en todo el país”.

“Nunca he tenido conversaciones ni contactos con Betsy Devos”, respondió Vallas. “Nuestra campaña no ha recibido dinero de ella”.

Puede que su campaña no haya recibido una contribución directa, pero el comité de acción política (PAC) de Illinois Federation for Children recibió la donación por parte del PAC de DeVos. Adicionalmente, DeVos le pagó a Go Big Media (con sede en Alexandria, VA) para crear anuncios en apoyo de Vallas.

Además, Vallas ha recibido el respaldo de Ken Griffin, el multimillonario fundador de Citadel, una empresa de inversiones que tiene $86 millones invertidos en fabricantes de armas y municiones. Los datos de la Policía de Chicago muestran que una de cada cuatro armas recuperadas en homicidios en los pasados cinco años fueron fabricadas por empresas en las que invirtió Citadel.

Aunque el propio Griffin no ha hecho donaciones a la campaña de Vallas, el director general y el director de operaciones de Citadel han donado juntos $400,000.

Vallas ha afirmado en repetidas

ocasiones que es un demócrata y que sólo se ha postulado a cargos políticos como tal, pero en 2009 pensó en postularse como republicano a la presidencia de la Junta del Condado de Cook.

“Déjame señalar que, Brandon, sigues siendo un cabildero pagado por el Sindicato de Maestros de Chicago”, respondió Vallas.

Johnson, un ex maestro y organizador del Sindicato de Maestros de Chicago (CTU, por sus siglas en inglés) está fuertemente respaldado por el sindicato, pero dijo que a pesar de la obligación fiduciaria de cumplir sus promesas de campaña, sería un alcalde para todo Chicago. El CTU ha donado unos $2.3 millones a su campaña desde que anunció su candidatura en octubre de 2022. También ha recibido un apoyo considerable de la Federación Americana de Maestros y de la Federación de Maestros de Illinois.

Los sindicatos de Service Employees International Union (SEIU, por sus siglas en inglés) Healthcare Illinois, SEIU Local 1 y SEIU Local 73 han aportado unos $4.4 millones a su campaña.

Ha recibido 479 donaciones de campaña desde octubre y 235 de ellas fueron de $1,000 o menos. Por el contrario, Vallas ha recibido $9.75 millones de sólo sesenta y una donaciones.

Para abordar las 1,500 vacantes de oficiales de policía de Chicago que fueron parte de un éxodo nacional después de la pandemia, Vallas dijo que 300 oficiales retirados de CPD se han comprometido a regresar al servicio y que el departamento los evaluará antes de que regresen.

Vallas dijo que hubo miles de crímenes porque no había suficientes oficiales disponibles para responder.

Johnson no se comprometió a llenar las 1,500 vacantes. Planeaba promover a alrededor de 200 oficiales a detectives y a “[usar] más civiles en lugar de oficiales cuando fuera posible”. Afirmó que hacer esto y reorganizar otros puestos de supervisión que no fueran de sargento ahorraría más de $100 millones, dinero que, según dijo, se reasignaría a los oficiales en las calles, no a los de escritorio. ¬

Ryland Pietras creció en Wisconsin y se mudó a Chicago justo cuando el exgobernador Scott Walker comenzó a desmantelar los sindicatos. Se especializó en Comunicaciones, Medios y Teatro en la Universidad del Noreste de Illinois, donde todavía presenta un programa de radio semanal. Esta es su primera contribución al Weekly

The End of Discount Mall As We Know It

A photo essay documenting the last couple of years for dozens of Little Village vendors in the shopping mall.

BY JACQUELINE SERRATO

Though it looked like a regular old shopping mall, walking into Discount Mall was more than an experience–it was a state of mind. It used to be the place where things happened for Mexican immigrants in Chicago, where people’s so-called American dreams would begin to take shape.

There is where you, as a recent arrival, might’ve gotten your first job for a few dollars an hour, where you might’ve cashed your first paycheck or sent a longanticipated money order to your mom. There is where someone could find a cowboy shirt next to the latest in urban fashion, a Catholic candle or rosary, coveted Nike sneakers, and freestyle music, all in one centralized location.

You could be both a vendor and a shopper. It was an ecosystem that existed within and outside the confines of the established Little Village economy. But

this American Dream was also subject to American market forces, and Discount Mall vendors were no exception. Overnight the property was bought and the rug pulled from under their feet.

In 2020, Novak Development, the new owner, announced plans to revamp the Discount Mall and attract national retailers. For the next two years, dozens of vendors said John Novak refused to meet with them directly to discuss their options. Through one of two managing tenants, half of the vendors were given until March 26 to vacate the property; the other tenant signed a renewable lease. Though the City of Chicago intervened to request an extension from Novak, which he granted on their last day, vendors said it was too late as many had already moved out.

There go generations of half-fulfilled dreams. ¬

The Little Village Discount Mall facade in 2020.

PHOTO BY GERRI FERNANDEZ

PHOTO ESSAY

Shopping mall vendors get organized with the support of community groups and demand to meet with the new owner in the summer of 2020.

PHOTOS BY JACKIE SERRATO

PHOTOS

Despite their fight to stay, half of Discount Mall vendors were ordered to vacate by the end of March 2023. The remaining vendors continue on site, but their fate at that location is uncertain.

PHOTO ESSAY

PHOTO BY JUAN ZARATE

PHOTOS BY JACKIE SERRATO

Making the Unfamiliar Familiar

With record label Lunt and Oglesby, Hameedullah Weaver releases introspective debut.

BY COREY SCHMIDT

Electronic musician and disc jockey Hameedullah Weaver grew up wandering Rogers Park’s Lunt Avenue, before following his familial roots back to South Shore. In 2016, he settled near Oglesby Avenue. Now, with his record label Lunt and Oglesby, Weaver intertwines his experiences across genres and across the city to “make the unfamiliar familiar.”

The label’s name is a mission statement: Weaver draws upon his time in these two different neighborhoods for musical inspiration.

“It’s very interesting to come from the North Side and then go live on the South Side,” Weaver said in a conversation with the Weekly. “The economic disparities— the most glaring really is the lack of infrastructure that’s needed to make money.”

With his productions for Lunt and Oglesby, Weaver tests the boundaries of “normal.” The multifaceted musician says this goal makes it difficult to classify his music.

“I generally call it electronic music because I’ll sometimes make a beat that doesn’t have much percussion in it,” Weaver said. “Other times, it’s just pure hip-hop, with a loop or just rapping over [a track].”

“The aesthetic I aim for is do-ityourself, but refined and attainable,” he added. “Almost everything in my practice is self-taught, as I have very little music education. I like to take inspiration from the trained…and really funk it up [by putting] my own spin on it.”

Weaver says DJing—what he calls the “nucleus” of his music career—allowed him to discover these different approaches to electronic music. He performs across Chicago at venues like The Charleston in Bucktown and Punch House in Pilsen, which he uses as an opportunity to explore music that otherwise would have missed his radar.

“There are certain things I haven’t

delved into yet, but I’m interested in introducing new music to myself, and then introducing it to whoever I’m playing for,” he said. “The idea of making things up and becoming familiar [with new things] is something I personally practice when I’m finding new music.”

Weaver also explores unfamiliar territory by incorporating untraditional elements from different cultures and genres into his original productions.

“I try to at least know the basics, and then go into the more niche subcultures from all over the world,” he said. “A few months ago, I was digging deep into some Raï music from Algeria, which uses a bunch of synthesizers—this late ‘80s, early ‘90s music that combined traditional Algerian music with this new technology.”

This idea of continued exploration sprouted while he attended Grinnell College in Iowa for his bachelor’s in French and literature. Shortly after discovering a future in French wasn’t his cup of tea,

Weaver made headways in radio music which led to his Chicago homecoming and

“I had to stick with French just to graduate in four years and I love my family so I told them, ‘Once I graduate I’m going to make this music stuff happen,’” Weaver said. “There’s still a long way to go, but I feel like things are coming together.”

Now, after having creative and logistical differences with a record label, Weaver has created Lunt and Oglesby as a vehicle to further develop his own music and to produce something fresh using the unfamiliar elements he discovered through DJing.

The launch of the label coincides with the release of Explorations and Improvisations From 2018-2021, Weaver’s first album as hameedullah, in November 2022. As the name suggests, the album is an exploration: across twelve tracks, it expresses and examines a range of emotional states—including those often

kept in the shadows, like jealousy.

Weaver said Explorations’ second track, “Embracing the Inner Hater,” is an example of that: in the song, he calls out his own “hater” tendencies and finds new ways of channeling those thoughts.

“It’s about internal feelings that I had to deal with and contemplating what to do when I know there are feelings of jealousy in my heart, or other things that are bothering me when I’m lowkey being a hater,” Weaver said. “I should embrace that and try to filter it in a way where it’s not hurting anybody or myself.”

While it may be difficult for many artists to share an honest self-portrait with the world, Weaver hopes his authenticity will help others take an introspective approach to his music and discover something about themselves.

“In a way, it’s like I’m helping the world by talking about my experience in a way that’s exclusively me,” Weaver said. “My voice and work are what I do best and what I’m most comfortable with. As an artist, it’s me saying how I feel and putting it in ways I think only I can do.”

Weaver plans to release his own music on Lunt and Oglesby for the time being— but he hopes to bring other artists onboard once he establishes an operational groove. He says he aims not only to create new music, but to establish a broader artistic community.

“I plan on facilitating and providing information to music lovers in Chicago and across the world,” Weaver said. “Whether it’s through music that I release, mixes or video content—it’s all in the hopes of bringing people together and having fun.” ¬

Corey Schmidt is a journalist covering the Chicagoland area. He is a DePaul graduate pursuing his master’s degree at Yale University. His last story for the Weekly examined the Democratic Socialist Caucus.

ILLUSTRATION BY SYDNI BALUCH

Op-Ed: There is No Ethical Path to Voting for Paul Vallas

The two mayoral candidates represent starkly different positions in the racial justice movement.

BY PAOLA AGUIRRE, NIKETA BRAR, TONIKA JOHNSON, LISA YUN LEE, AND HILESH PATEL

On April 4, we have the choice to face our past and rectify it—or to deny it altogether.

This election is not rare in having two imperfect candidates squaring off. It is rare because the battle we face is rooted in the eternal American debate about race and our history, and carries huge implications for the future of our country. In this debate, there is no ethical path that allows a vote for Paul Vallas.

We don’t come to this conclusion lightly. We are a group of Chicagoans who work across policy areas—education, arts and culture, neighborhood development, and housing—and none of us are wedded to electoral politics. We stay dreaming and working for a better Chicago, no matter who is in office.

But who is in office matters deeply to this work.

These two candidates represent starkly different positions in the racial justice movement. On one end, we have Brandon Johnson, a former educator and current Cook County Commissioner, who is responsible for the public safety of 400,000 constituents.

He is unequivocal on issues of race, segregation, and how government policies of the past directly targeted and harmed communities of color. With this approach, he sees what is necessary to make real opportunities possible for all Chicagoans: a holistic system of care, weaving together investments in public education, housing, mental healthcare, and youth programs.

While Johnson speaks clearly about race, Paul Vallas speaks in code. His campaign has reduced the complex challenges of our vibrant city to public safety as the singular issue, and policing as

This echoes the rhetoric espoused by Trump and Fox News every time Chicago is brought into a conversation. Vallas's dogwhistles signal his subscription to far-right views, while weaponizing Chicagoans’ fear and their rightful desire to be safe in their city.

In all his focus on policing, Vallas fails to acknowledge that for many communities in Chicago, police do not mean safety. The Chicago Police Department is under federal monitoring due to its “racially discriminatory policing practices as well as widespread police abuse.”

Vallas opposes naming this history of police abuse, and prefers to not talk about the problem. This aligns with the views of groups funding anti-masking lawsuits, anti-trans legislation, and book bans to rewrite American history—as if the Civil War was not fought over slavery or as if January 6 was a casual tourist trip to D.C.

ILLUSTRATION BY SIENA FITE

Indeed, these groups see Vallas' candidacy as a test of how to infiltrate Democratic politics through a candidate who flirts with their ideology. In Vallas, they find a perfect Trojan horse to recruit for their movement: someone desperate enough to say whatever is needed to court the funding necessary for a big-city election.

As Chicagoans who believe our collective future is inherently tied to how we understand our past, we disagree with Paul Vallas’s vision for the future of Chicago.

We know that in order to heal our city, we have to not only acknowledge history, but be accountable for past wrongs and make amends so that this history does not repeat itself. This is not an abstract statement.

The cost of inequity and segregation in the Chicago region is billions of dollars in lost income, lost lives and lost potential each year, according to a Metropolitan Planning Council research study. If metro Chicago

were less segregated, the research team found, it could see $4.4 billion in additional income each year, a thirty percent lower homicide rate and 83,000 more bachelor’s degrees. We know that a more racially equitable city is the way to ensure a safer, more vibrant Chicago for all of us.

In James Baldwin’s words, “Not everything that is faced can be changed. But nothing can be changed until it is faced.”

We believe in a future for our city that is honest about where we have been and clear-eyed about where we must change. We believe our future mayor must understand the realities of segregation and inequity—and the root causes of violence— in order to bring solutions from and with the communities that have experienced the greatest harm in our history.

We believe Brandon Johnson has demonstrated the courage to look back at our history, and the conviction to move our city forward.

This election is about what we value, and the unwavering judgment necessary to stand for what's right. In this election, our values call us to vote for Brandon Johnson. ¬

Paola Aguirre, Niketa Brar, Tonika Johnson, Lisa Yun Lee, and Hilesh Patel are a group of Chicagoans who work in the field of racial equity, as cultural activists, organizers, and philanthropists. Together, they have launched numerous creative spaces for dialogue and culture shift, including The Folded Map Project, Inequity for Sale, Creative Grounds, the National Public Housing Museum, and The People’s Budget Chicago. They care deeply about recognizing Chicago’s past as well as building her future.

Op-Ed: Legal Attacks on Torture Commission Don’t Add Up

BY DAVID M. SHAPIRO

Last month’s revelation that counsel for Chicago police officers accused of torture have asked the court to gut a torture inquiry commission on constitutional grounds provides new ammunition for an old stereotype about us lawyers. Leave it to the attorneys to make simple things complicated by arguing about them.

The legal issues here are straightforward. Contrary to detractors’ claims, the torture commission does not violate any constitutional provision. The commission is a step toward addressing a constitutional crisis that the Chicago Police Department created through a horrific campaign of violence against Black and Brown Chicagoans. Far from a constitutional problem, the commission is part of the necessary response to a shameful, racist, and flagrantly unconstitutional pattern of torture.

The Illinois General Assembly established the torture commission, officially called the Torture Inquiry and Relief Commission, in 2009 to investigate claims of torture by Chicago police officers that may entitle incarcerated survivors to a new trial. While Jon Burge bears particular notoriety as a ringleader and instigator, the pattern of using physical abuse to extract false confessions ran deep through the Chicago police department and continued well beyond Burge’s 1993 termination.

Neutering the torture commission’s power to send cases for further inquiry at a judicial hearing would leave innocent torture survivors locked up in prison. It would deepen a sense of impunity among officers. And it would weaken

constitutional protections by curtailing an important mechanism for justice.

It is police torture—and not the commission examining it—that violated the state and federal constitutions. Police officers who practiced physical abuse directly violated the right against selfincrimination, which bans coercion as a means of eliciting confessions.

The Eighth Amendment itself, which prohibits “cruel and unusual punishment,” was adopted by Congress and ratified by the states in 1791 in large part to prohibit torture. In supporting the Eighth Amendment, Founding-era leader Patrick

years of their liberty.

The commission cannot give lost years back to torture survivors, cannot undo their pain and trauma, cannot restore an incarcerated person’s chance to raise a child who grew up without them, and cannot fix the harm done to families and communities by locking away parents and children. It is, however, a step in the right direction. It exists not to create a constitutional violation but to provide a remedy, however belated and imperfect, for those physically abused by the police who are still languishing in prison.

The law creating the Torture Inquiry

the U.S. Constitution and the Illinois Constitution. The separation of powers closely intersects with the doctrine of checks and balances, which avoids the concentration of power in any one official or branch of government by ensuring that different components of government operate as checks on each other.

The torture commission, however, is entirely consistent with the separation of powers. Rather than undermining checks and balances, the interaction between the commission and the judicial branch exemplifies how these principles work in practice.

Henry railed against “the practice of France, Spain, and Germany of torturing, to extort a confession of the crime.” Centuries later, police officers brought that same abhorrent practice to Chicago.

The extraction of false confessions through torture has also contributed to another constitutional travesty in Chicago: it has helped to make us the wrongful conviction capital of the United States. According to the National Registry of Exonerations, Illinois has the shameful distinction of ranking first in the entire nation for wrongful convictions. Since 1989, incarceration in the aggregate has robbed innocent Illinoisians of nearly 4,000

and Relief Commission enables it to send cases to state courts for hearings if the commission finds that an individual’s allegations of torture are sufficiently credible to warrant further review.

Detractors contend that this system violates the separation of powers by giving too much power to the commission at the expense of the judiciary. They claim that the commission should not have the power to make a finding that requires a court to hold a hearing. That argument is dead wrong.

To be sure, the separation of powers, which divides governmental power across the executive, judicial, and legislative branches, is a defining feature of both

More specifically, a commission finding that an individual has made credible allegations of torture requires only a judicial hearing. The commission has no power to throw out an individual’s conviction or order a new trial. That power remains with the court. The court conducts a hearing with evidence and witnesses to determine whether, for example, the torture claimant is entitled to a new criminal trial in which the jury is not allowed to hear statements extracted through physical coercion.

Let’s be clear. The torture commission has acted lawfully to uphold constitutional rights. It is Chicago’s police officers who have broken the law and trampled on those rights. ¬

David M. Shapiro recently became Executive Director of the Chicago Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights, an organization which has fought for a broad range of civil rights in its 50+ year history. Shapiro has represented numerous survivors of police torture and coercive interrogation

Prosecutors’ efforts could hamstring commission set up to review torture allegations and call for new hearings.

It is police torture—and not the commission examining it—that violated the state and federal constitutions.

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The University of Chicago is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity/Disabled/Veterans Employer and does not discriminate on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity national or ethnic origin, age, status as an individual with a disability protected veteran status, genetic information, or other protected classes under the law. For additional information please see the University’s Notice of Nondiscrimination.

Job seekers in need of a reasonable accommodation to complete the application process should call 773-834-3988 or email equalopportunity@uchicago.edu with their request

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Our thoughts in exchange for yours.

The Exchange is the Weekly’s poetry corner, where a poem or piece of writing is presented with a prompt. Readers are welcome to respond to the prompt with original poems, and pieces may be featured in the next issue of the Weekly

The Flower Knows A Lot About Vines

by chima “naira” ikoro

I have noticed, in order to grow, I must be watered. But, y’all…I can’t swim.

For Shame

by chima “naira” ikoro

My voice feels so meaningless when I call the waiter and they don’t hear me. Yikes.

Chima Ikoro is the Weekly’s Community Builder.

THIS WEEK'S PROMPT: “WRITE A FEW HONEST HAIKUS.”

Submissions could be new or formerly written pieces. Haikus can be written in traditional format or freeform. Submissions can be sent to bit.ly/ssw-exchange or via email to chima.ikoro@southsideweekly.com.

Our thoughts in exchange for yours.

The Exchange is the Weekly’s poetry corner, where a poem or piece of writing is presented with a prompt. Readers are welcome to respond to the prompt with original poems, and pieces may be featured in the next issue of the Weekly

From The Womb to the Tomb There Lies A Good Name

by kenneth gregory simmons, jr.

The journey from the womb to the tomb is as real… Than surreal.

It is a journey that travels beyond your control. But even in the midst of your soul lies a little troll…

A Good Name.

A name which is more valuable than birth…

A name which is more valuable than the earth…

A name which is more valuable than death…

And a name which is more valuable than wealth and health… For none of us asked to be born but we’re here!

And since you’re here what are you doing for a world that’s so severe? When it comes down to someone’s problems are you a solution? Or are you a pollution?

Are you here as a gift to create stars? Or are you here to sift by afflicting scars?

If so then the world that was once obsolete will never be the same!!! But complete thanks to a good name…

A name in which there is nothing great to give or to gain… Only a living that will not be in vain…

And in the end how long you lived your life would not matter… Only how well you’ve lived it to the latter…

Because from the womb to the tomb there lies a good name!!!

Submissions could be new or formerly written pieces. Haikus can be written in traditional format or freeform. Submissions can be sent to bit.ly/ssw-exchange or via email to chima.ikoro@southsideweekly.com.

Chima Ikoro is the Weekly’s Community Builder.

BULLETIN

Project H.O.O.D. Everybody

Eats Food Give-Away

New Beginnings Church, 6620 S. King Dr. Saturday, April 8, 11 AM–4 PM. Free. bit. ly/April8FoodGiveaway

Project H.O.O.D. is holding a food distribution for residents of Woodlawn, Englewood and Chicago. Food distribution begins at 10am and will continue until they run out. Volunteers are also welcome. (Zoe Pharo)

South Loop Easter Egg Hunt

Chicago Women’s Park and Gardens, 1801 S. Indiana Ave. Saturday, April 8, 1 PM–3 PM. Free. bit.ly/ SouthLoopeasteregghunt

The annual South Loop Easter Egg Hunt starts promptly at 12:15pm in the Prairie District at Women’s Park and Gardens. The hunt will be followed by games, prizes, an animal petting zoo, pinatas, visits with the Easter Bunny and special guests and photo opportunities. Register in advance. (Zoe Pharo)

ARTS

The 2023 Production Institute Application

Monday, May 1, 12:59 AM. Free. bit. ly/2023ProductionInstitute

The Community Film Workshop of Chicago presents the Production Institute, which makes high-quality

digital production training accessible to emerging media makers from South Side Communities. Applicants must have have a feasible project proposal, and have attended all Film Aesthetics classes, which take place on Tuesdays, March 21, 28, April 4, 11 from 7pm to 9pm. The deadline for applications is April 30.

(Zoe Pharo)

YBG Chicago Earth Day 2023

Gwendolyn Brooks Park, 4542 S. Greenwood Ave. Saturday, April 22, 11 AM–2 PM. Tickets are $10. https://bit. ly/EarthDayGwendolyn

Yale Blue Green Chicago’s Art, Humanities and Science program at the Gwendolyn Brooks Monument will honor the spirit of Gwendolyn Brooks, the first Black Pulitzer-awarded writer and “The Oracle of Bronzeville.” This earth day celebration will include workshops in sapling care and poetry, with Chicago-based poets Kira Tucker and Laura Joyce Tucker. Coffee and bagels will be provided, and the workshops will be followed by a 12pm lunch at Carver 47 of Little Black Pearl.

(Zoe Pharo)

Spinning Home Movies LIVE: “A Pocket Universe” with Mykele Deville Green Line Performing Arts Center, 329 E. Garfield Blvd. Friday, April 7, 8 PM. Free. bit.ly/APocketUniverse

“A Pocket Universe” will be the first live version of Spinning Home Movies, an artist project that invites Chicago

musicians, artists and DJS to explore South Side Home Movie Project’s—a research and archival initiative to collect, preserve, digitize, exhibit and research small-gauge home movies made by Chicago’s South Side neighborhood residents—film archive, create unique soundtracks to accompany the clips, and present the mixes in a series of virtual programs that include conversations with archivists, artists, film donors and family members. Created through a 4-month residency with the project, rapper, poet, actor, teaching artist and author Mykele Deville, accompanied by interdisciplinary multimedia artist, composer and performer [jef] Frey Michael Austin present “A Pocket Universe,” which explores themes of resilience, dreaming and the innumerable codes that anchor our lives.

(Zoe Pharo)

La Vie en Rose at Beverly Arts Center

Beverly Arts Center, 2407 W. 111th St. Saturday, April 8, 3 PM–6 PM. Tickets are $30. bit.ly/lavieenroseperformance

Enjoy intimate 17th Century French works by Marin Marais and his contemporaries while listening to the sounds of Édith Piaf’s iconic ballad “La Vie en Rose” performed by Brandon Acker playing the theorbo, violinist Martin Davids and Craig Trompeter playing the viola de gamba. Presented by Third Coast Baroque. (Zoe Pharo)

South Side Fireflies Classes

Dorchester Art & Housing Collective, 1456 E. 70th St. Monday, April 10–Thursday, May 25, 10 AM–1 PM. Program is free, but space is limited. bit.ly/ SouthSideFireflies

The Old Town School of Folk Music and the Rebuild Foundation are partnering to put on “South Side Fireflies,” an early childhood music program that introduces children to sound and play through the Earth, Wind & Fire songbook. Fireflies is part of Old Town School’s Music Moves initiative. Classes are geared toward two stages of child development: Babies (6 to 12 months and 12 to 24 months) and Mixed Ages (6 months to 4 years). Every Monday and Wednesday, 9am to 12pm from April 3 to May 25. (Zoe Pharo)

Making Sense/Making Nonsense: Writing Original Sonnets

King Branch, Chicago Public Library, 3436 S. King Dr. Tuesday, April 11, 5 PM–7 PM. Free. https://bit.ly/ makingnonsense

Illinois Humanities is honoring the enduring legacy of Gwendolyn Brookers and young Illinois poets with with a poetry workshop led by Lucy Biederman for students in grades 8 through 12. Participants will explore sonnets by Brooks, Bernadette Mayer and Dawn Lundy Martin and talk about how sonnet are made, as well devote time to writing, sharing and revising. Food and drinks will be provided. RSVP required. (Zoe Pharo)

EXPO ART WEEK

South Side events

Various locations. Tuesday, April 11, 6 PM–10 PM. Free with an EXPO ticket or no cost, depending on the exhibit. https:// bit.ly/EXPOSouthSide

EXPO art week kicks off on Tuesday, April 11 with an evening of openings, exhibitions and performances on the South Side. Explore the many galleries, museums and exhibition spaces at locations across Hyde Park, at the South Side Community Art Center and at Blanc, a gallery in Grand Boulevard. The EXPO ART WEEK lasts from April 10 to 16. (Zoe Pharo)

The Practice of Poetry

Richard J. Daley Library, 3400 S. Halsted St. Tuesday, April 11, 7 PM. Free. bit. ly/3GiEjWK

Like any form of art, poetry requires practice. It requires curiosity, determination, willingness to learn from others, an open mind. In this workshop we will learn from published poets as well as from each other. This workshop is open to writers of poetry, whether they are published or not, whether they write every day or once a week. Dr. Beatriz Badikian-Gartler has a Ph.D. in Literature and Creative Writing from the University of Illinois at Chicago and has taught poetry for the last 30 years in numerous settings. She has published two collections of poetry: Mapmaking Revisited and Unveiling the Mind. (Richard J Daley Library)

ROLL CALL: A Black Women in the Arts Convening

South Side Community Art Center, 3831 S. Michigan Ave. Saturday, April 15, 12 PM–3 PM. Free. https://bit.ly/ RollCallBlackWomeninArts

Also apart of EXPO Chicago is “ROLL CALL: A Black Women in the Arts Convening,” inspiring by Chicago-based artists Tempest Hazel and South Side Community Art Center, which will bring together Black women, artists, curators, arts administrators and culture workers to encourage fellowship and connection amongst Black women in the arts based in Chicago and elsewhere. The event will include mimosas, small bites and music from Chicago-based DJ Celeste Alexander. (Zoe Pharo)

Irving Bunton Music Festival 2023

South Shore Cultural Center, 7059 South Shore Dr. Sunday, April 16, 5 PM–6 PM. Free, but donations are appreciated. bit.ly/ IrvingBuntonMusicFestival

The Irving Bunton Music Festival, sponsored by the Chicago Music Association and in partnership with the Chicago Park District, honors the late educator, choral director and pianist Irving Bunton, who served as musician extraordinaire for many of Chicago’s churches. The festival will feature performances by choirs, soloists, and instrumentalists including Warnell Berry, Daelyn Calloway, Kayli Clark, Yvonne Huntley, Michelle Manson, Monica Purdue and the Chatham Choral Ensemble. (Zoe Pharo)