SPAN: December 1973

SPAN

ALEfTER FROM THE PUBLISHER Like a time capsule that cannot record all the details of an age, the pictorial summary at left dwells only on the highlights of this month's issue. Moving clockwise from top left, our major themes are represented by: a "fish-eye" view of the ocean's eerie depths, a detail from a Ragamala- painting, a photograph of American students, and part of a portrait of Ezra Pound by the eminent Indian painter J. Swaminathan.

(The complete portrait is on page 28.)

The legal aspects of undersea exploration are discussed in the article "The Law of the Sea: An Obscure Drama." Here, a U.S. Navy Commander analyzes 'the many problems which the 1974 international conference on the sea will attempt to solve. n is natural that a Na vy man be an expert on the sea, but it is much less likely for an American to be a specialist on Indian miniature painting. However, Klaus Ebeling is one such specialist, and he contributes a scholarly essay on Ragamala painting.The example of this genre shown at left depicts Lalit Ragini (Deccan school, 19th century). Ebeling is one of hundreds of American scholars who have devoted years of their lives to the study of Indian culture.

American students in general are examined from two different angles in this issue of SPAN. Edmund Faltermayer's "Youth After the Revolution" reports that U.S. high school and college students in the 1970s are more tolerant and less givento campus turmoil than their counterparts a decade ago.

Somecogent explanations for these new attitudes are offered in Ambassador Moynihan's article "Peace."

The far from peaceful world of Ezra Pound is explored in a paper by Professor Sisirkumar Ghose, the noted literary critic, who takes us on a turbulent but exhilarating journey through Pound's poetry. Ghose leads up to the Pisan Cantos, which he feelsconstitute the apex of the poet's work.

Artist Swaminathan, a lover of Pound's poetry, has this to sayabout his portrait and its subject. "In his youth Pound had carrot-colored hair which I have retained in this portrait of old agebecause Pound, like his hair, was a truly searing flame who cut out all 'emotional slither' to make poetry 'austere, direct and free.' " We hope you have as pleasant an experience reading this issueas we did in putting it together.

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Wassily Leontief Wins Nobel Prize in Economics

by John Holway

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Youth After the Revolution

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Front cover: This- miniature of Gauri Ragini (Jaipur, 19th century) is one of the plates in the lavishly-illustrated book Ragamala Painting

by American scholar Klaus Ebeling. For article, see pages 20 to 27.

Back cover: The main characters of the comic strip Peanuts star in the program "Charlie Brown's Christmas," one of the most popular animated specials televised during the holiday season. Story appears on page 49.

STEPHEN ESPIE, Editor; ALBERT E. HEMSING,

Publisher.

Managing Editor: Carmen KagaI. Editorial Staff: Mohammed Reyazuddin, Avinash Pasricha, Nirmal Sharma, Krishan Gabrani, M. M. Saha.

Art Director: Nand Katyal. Art Staff: Kuldip Singh Jus, B. Roy Choudhury, Kanti Roy, Gopi Gajwani. Production Manager: Awtar S. Marwaha. Photographic Services: USIS Photo Lab. Published by the United States Information Service, Bahawalpur House, Sikandra Road, New Delhi, on behalf of the American Embassy, New Delhi. The opinions expressed in this magazine do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the United States Government. Printed by Arun Mehta at Vakil & Sons Private Ltd., VakilsHouse, Sprott Road, 18Ballard Estate, Bombay-400001.

Photographs: Front cover-eourtesy Ravi Kumar. Inside front cover: top left-eourtesy Seaworthy Productions-Chapell, Douthit & Wenzel; top right-courtesy Ravi Kumar; bottom right-Avinash Pasricha. 5-Carl Purcell. 6 top-Jim Marshall. 9 bottom left-Lee E. Battaglia; bottom center-eourtesy Gulf & Western Industries Inc.; remaining photosAvinash Pasricha. 10 top-Christopher Springmann. 11 top-James R. Holland; right-Suzanne Vaughters. 21-27-courtesy Klaus Ebeling and Ravi Kumar. 34 left-eourtesy American Telephone & Telegraph. 34-35 split-U.S. News & World Report. Inside back cover: center and bottomColumbia Broadcasting System; top and back cover-American Broadcasting Company. Note: In the October 1973 issue of SPAN the Norman Rockwell portraits of American workers on inside front cover and page 8 were courtesy Sharon Steel Corporation; the landscape was from the Cowles Collection, Library of Congress. The credit omission is regretted.

WASSILY LEONTIEF WINS NOBEL PRIZE IN ECONOMICS

From the Ivory Coast to China, plapners are using a remarkable analytical tool which shows with simple clarity how one part of the economy relates to the other. With the invention of this tool, known as the Input-Output Table, Leontief has revolutionized economic theory.

Does a modern irrigated farm in Mexico generate more labor or less labor than several small, family-style "dry" farms in the same country? What impact would disarmament have on a nation's employment and Gross National Product? How would a lower tariff on shoes affect employment in the retail trade industry?

In nations around the world-rich and poor, socialist, communist and capitalist-economic planners turn for the answers to these and similar questions to a remarkable analytical tool developed by a wiry, energetic little man who was recently awarded the 1973 Nobel Prize for Economics-Dr. Wassily Leontief of Harvard University.

To make a ton of steel requires capital, labor, coal, iron, oil to transport the coal, rubber for the tires of trucks that bring materials, lumber and glass in the office buildings of the steel mills, and so forth. (It also requires steel in order to make more steel, since steel goes into the trains and trucks and buildings of the mill.)

In other words, part of the coal industry's total output goes into input for the steel industry. Likewise, part of the steel industry's output ends up as input for the coal industry in the form of trucks and machinery and other equipment at the mines.

The name of this tool, which has revolutionized economic analysis for almost half a century, is the "Input-Output Theory."

"In essence," says Dr. Simon Kuznets, Leontief's fellow Nobel laureate, "it is an attempt to study the structure of the economy."

Dr. Kuznets, who like Leontief was born in Russia but is now a professor at Harvard, won his Nobel Prize for devising the concept of Gross National Product, or the net result of the economy. But Input-Output, he says, "gives you a greater insight into the structure" underlying the economy.

"Leontief breaks the economy down industry-by-industry," says Dr. Paul Samuelson, a former Leontief student who also went on to win a Nobel Prize. "The underlying idea is very simple: How much coal is there per unit of iron? How much iron per unit of coal?"

With Samuelson, Kuznets, and another Harvard professor, Kenneth J. Arrow, 67-year-old Leontief is the fourth American to win the Nobel Prize in economics since it was established in 1969. The bouncy Russian emigre has been described as "a scholar of small physical but enormous intellectual stature,

who gets as much excitement from snaring a big river trout as from leading a seminar in advanced economic theory."

Leontief's fishing is done in the icy streams of northern Vermont, where he likes to go on week-ends. He lives with his wife Estelle in a large yellow house a short distance from the Harvard campus. Here, he indulges his taste for good French wine and his enthusiasm for photography. In his second floor study, he does most of his work.

Actively interested in politics, Leontief was an adviser to Senator George McGovern during the last Presidential election. He is said to be left of center, but is not a Marxist. He tends to believe that different economic systems are needed in different cultures. The American economy he views as a sailboat driven by the wind of the profit motive but steered by the rudder of government control.

In the citation accompanying the Nobel Prize, Leontief was described as' "the sole and unchallenged creator of the Input-Output Theory." It added: "This important innovation has given an empirically useful method to highlight the general interdependence in the production system of a ¡society."

Translating Leontief's theory into practice is a far from simple matter~ A number of complex relationships are put together in a so-called Input-Output Table. As many as 300 industries may be listed across the top, and 300 down the lefthand column. Where each column and line intersect, a number represents a unit of output from one industry, which conversely is a unit of input into the other, or a total of up to 90,000 such inputs-outputs.

And every time one figure changes, it can change almost every other figure on the grid.

For instance, if the amount of oil in the total economy should be suddenly reduced, this would have an effect on the output of steel, which would affect the output of autos, which would affect the output of tires and coal and lumber and farms.

To add more coal to the economy would also affect the same industries, but differently. Leontief's Input-Output Table lets economists see just what the repercussions of each option are.

Wassily Leontief first hit on his idea at the age of 19 when he was a student in Berlin. After a visit to China as consultant to the government there in 1928-29,he went to the United States in 1931. Harvard agreed to help him develop his system, and he spent the next decade gathering data and doing the calculations for his first table, which included 42 U.S. industries.

In 1941 the U.S. Government asked him to analyze 95 industries for a mammoth study of the effects that wartime mobilization would probably have on the economy.

Dr. Samuelson adds: "After the war Dr. Leontief's system was used by the Defense Department to program the 1948 Berlin airlift. How many pilots would be needed? How much training would they have needed? How much back-up support?"

Today modern computers can digest in seconds the immense statistical data that once took Leontief months to compile. It was in the middle 1950s,in analyzing U.S. trade patterns, that Dr. Leontief discovered the so-called "Leontief Paradox."

"Using input-output analysis," he says, "I was able to determine how much capital and labor, much of it in other industries, was used to produce a product. Wheat takes not only a farmer-the gasoline burned in the tractors is also involved, for instance. So it's a statistical problem to solve. To the astonishment of many people, I was able to demonstrate that the commodities which the United States exports, strangely enough, contain a lot of labor and relatively little capital, while the imports were vice versa."

This defied all previous conceptions of the United States as a capital-rich and labor-poor country.

"My explanation," he says, "was this: When you compare workers in different countries, you compare incomparable things. Using machines, a U.S. worker can produce more than an average worker almost anywhere else. So you should make an analysis not in terms of how many heads you can count, but in the amount of efficiency."

"Suppose," he continues, "the United States has 70 million workers, France has 20 million, and India 150 million.

But if each U.S. worker does the work of two Indian workers,

then the U.S. labor force is not 70 million but 140 million.

We might have a few workers, but a lot of labor." Hence the discovery that the labor-to-capital ratio of U.S. exports is much higher than in its imports-a paradox at the time it was first propounded.

Without the input-output method of analysis, this paradox might never have been discovered.

Today input-output analysis is used by all the communist nations as a basis for planning. Even in China officials indicated, when Dr. Leontief visited Pekinยง. recently, that they are familiar with his technique. In capitalist countries the tables are used extensively in market research by companies.

About 40 developing lands use them for similar purposes.

A Leontief student, Dr. Hollis Chenery of the World Bank, uses the tables for studies of countries as different as Italy, Mexico and the Ivory Coast. A big problem in developing lands is utilizing excess labor. The so-called "Green Revolution" in agriculture, using large, efficient irrigated farms, apparently throws thousands of farmers out of employment.

Dr. Chenery gathered input-output data on both types of farms, modern and traditional, to see which actually uses more labor-including the labor needed off the farm to make modern farm machinery and process the .increased yields from the fields.

"We found some trade-offs in employment that were more optimistic than anticipated," he says. "We had thought it was hard to employ labor using modern farm techniques. But in agricultural choices, it's not necessarily true."

In 1961 Dr. Leontief brought his tables to bear on the problem of disarmament. How would a shift from military industries to peacetime production affect the economy? In a meeting at Kiel, Germany, Dr. Leontief fed U.S. statistics into his table; East Germany provided similar information from its economy. After studying the results both countries concluded the same thing: The arms industry is not needed for economic prosperity. In fact, disarmament can actually stimulate economic growth and employment, if the money saved on armaments were re-allocated carefully.

Leontief's input-output models can be used today to analyze the effects of lower trade barriers on a nation's economy.

It can reveal the probable results of monetary changes.

And it can help planners prepare for contingencies such as an oil shortage. "When you buy a pair of shoes, you use up a lot of oil," Dr. Leontief explains, "not only in the shoe factory but in the leather factory and the electrical plant that produces electricity for both factories. You can translate inputoutput from dollars to BTUs (British Thermal Units) to see how and where energy is used.

"Take space heating, for example. We know exactly how much oil is used, directly and indirectly. We can cut down on space heating with better insulation. Making insulation uses more fuel too, but it would be much less than the fuel saved."

To see things in this light-in terms of their highly complex interrelationships-requires the rare vision of a Wassily Leontief. But the ebullient professor is quite matter of fact when talking about his momentous theory. "When you make bread," he says, "you need eggs, flour and milk. And if you want more bread, first you must get more eggs. There are similar cooking recipes for all the industries in the economy." 0 About the Author: John as economics writer, is exploration. U.S. history out Europe and Asia and

Holway, who brings clarity to his assignment equally proficient in such subjects as space and politics. He has traveled widely throughhas written several bO(Jks on Japanese culture.

Dear Sir: In the. article "An American approved in advance by the Indian GovernLooks at the Ganges" [September '73 ment. The U.S. Government has already SPAN] the writer quotes Dr. Darian as released substantial amounts of these funds saying that the invisible river Saraswati, for the development of various sectors of the Indian economy. However, there rewhich joins the Ganga near Allahabad, mains a balance of over Rs. 2,000 crores is described early in the Rig-Veda.

For your information, the wisdom of in the PL-480 account. Negotiations are the Vedas was manifested in the atma now under way between our two governof four great rishis by the Lord at the ments regarding the final disposition of beginning of the universe for the benefit these funds. Ed.] of all mankind-and not for any particular people or land. There is therefore Dear Sir:' "A Delhi Poet in Iowa" [August '73 SPAN] sounded as if it were no geography or history in the Vedas.

The word "Saraswati" used in the a USIS handout. It was a bit clichedRig- Veda means knowledge. It does not the sort of thing one could have found refer to the invisible river. Otherwise in a Soviet or Polish magazine. "The God would be described by others as Ballet Dancers of Harlem" [July '73 being partial to India, which is not the SPAN] would have fallen into the same trap except that the photos were excellent case.

JAGDISH RAI and the article attempted nothing more Dehra Dun than simple reportage.

AMITA MALIK Dear Sir: I was fascinated to read the Film Critic New Delhi article "A Primer on PL-480 Rupees"

by Mr. P.R. Gupta [September '73 SPAN]. It was delightful reading but I Dear Sir: The article "The Corporation and Society: Two Views" by Milton would like to ask two questions.

If all that has been printed in the Friedman and Paul Samuelson [June '73 article is true-and I believe it to be SPAN] is thought provoking and I plan true-the people and the Government to use it as a teaching material in our of India should have been thankful for management course. the aid, but I. find the climate is just to B.N. MEHROTRA Department of Commerce and the contrary. Why? Business Management If the PL-480 program was responsible Panjab University, Chandigarh for preventing runaway inflation, why was the U.S. Government interested in withdrawal of the same? Was the PL-480 Dear Sir: SPAN of September 1973 on program without political strings? If so, the Earth, Mars and life in the universe it should have continued to benefit a both fascinates and alarms. If Mars has backward nation and pull out the people features resembling meandering rivers cut into rock, then perhaps like Dr. of India from their economic crisis.

Carl Sagan we might imagine that rivers G.R. CHOPRA did once flow there and might do so New Delhi again following that planet's precession [We regret that our article gave you the (incidentally, precession of the equinoxes impression that the U.S. Government was is an ancient Indian concept). But what withdrawing the PL-480 program from if we think, like Dr. Bruce C. Murray, India. Shipments of foodgrains to India that water was never there? Then we under the PL-480 Title I program ended shall have a whole new problem: Are in 1971 at the request of the Government rivers necessary for carving meandering of India, but PL-480 rupees are still used courses in rock, or could fractures simufor programs and projects which' are late them? Perhaps it is only on alluvial blankets that rivers are needed to cut out meanders.

While interpreting space photos of India in my department, one is struck by the contrast of features and color on the two sides of the Western Ghats in south-

ern Peninsular India: to the west lies a narrow belt rich in vegetation that photographs in blue, while to the east the terrain is drier and browns and reds predominate. Some meandering rivers like the Tamrapani provide verdant basins; they are intermittent today and it is very doubtful if they could have carved their courses in their existing state. The conclusion could be alarming: Has the eastern part of the Peninsula here been increasing in aridity in recent times? Is the Western Ghats, which paradoxically feeds its rivers, the cause?

The Indian Peninsular block did not always exist in its present position on the globe: it drifted there. [The Gondwana theory. Ed.] The Western Ghats possibly formed around that time. Ever since, the western strip has been favored by evergreen vegetation. The increasing aridity of the eastern part could be a slow consequence, aided perhaps by unwise deforestation. Much worse happened in the Sahara and the Thar, where dry meanders testify to former amenable conditions. But then man had not planned environmental control; he has to now.

DR. NOEL G. DE SOUZA Geology Department Karnatak University

Dear Sir: Heartiest congratulations on your special issue, The World of Magazines. My colleagues and I have enjoyed reading it and have found it interesting, informative and, what is more, thoughtprovoking.

We are a little disappointed, however, to find that The States does not figure in your list of Indian magazine~. Of course, we realize that India has hundreds of magazines and not everyone could possibly have been included. But we feel that The States has a special claim as it has broken new ground in Indian journalism.

INDER JIT Editor,INFA New Delhi

[For our selection of 10 Indian magazines, SPAN had to omit many fine periodicals. Unfortunately, your excellent publication was among them. Ed.]

In the report that begins on the following page, the author finds that protest is gone, campuses are quiet.

The youth of the '70s may be irreverent, but they are better informed, more sophisticated and more tolerant.

OUTH AFTER THE REVOLUTION Reprinted Copyright

with permission

from Fortune magazine.

Š 1973 Time Inc.

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nmany respects the U.S. "youth revolution" of the '60s has come and gone like a strange comet from deep space. Campuses are enjoying their third academic year of relative calm. Shrill young revolutionaries, small in number even at the apogee of political turmoil in the spring of 1970, have lost much of their following. Indeed they have been complaining that today's students are self-centered and apathetic, throwbacks to the youth scene of the '50s.

But extensive interviewing at 14 U.S. high schools and colleges across the country suggests that any such analogy between today's young and those of the serene past should not be pressed very far.

It is true that things have been settling down in the last few years, with the outlines of a new "normalcy" now discernible. Underneath all that hair, young Americans exhibit many of the same qualities their predecessors did IO or 15 years ago. Yet the "youth revolution" has left a permanent imprint on the young people who passed through their formative years while it was under way.

Middle-class values were challenged in basic ways, and a broad residuum of change in style and viewpoint remains.

When Freaks Were in Circuses Early 1963 is the bench mark against which this article will attempt to measure these changes. The bench mark is a valid one because the young at that time had grown up in the final years of the old "normalcy." A decade ago school hallways and quadrangles still swarmed with crew-cut boys, and girls in cardigan sweaters and skirts below the knee. A popular President had not yet met his death in Dallas, and America's world mission was stilI seen in the noncontroversial simplicities of the cold war and the post-Sputnik race to the moon. The militant struggle for civil rights had barely begun, and America's involvement in Vietnam was two years away.

That the young now look utterly different is obvious. What is not so generally appreciated is that the trappings of youth culture no longer bear any predictable relationship to social or political attitudes. The long-haired college man who smokes "dope" (the current vogue word for marijuana) at parties may be an athlete or engineering student. Take, for example, Elgin Community College, west of Chicago, perhaps the epitome of a "straight" institution for students pursuing practical curricula. A strong majority of students at Elgin favored Nixon in the recent election. Yet men with shoulder-length hair are much in evidence, 75 per cent of the daytime students recently polled by their fellows have tried marijuana, and in another survey rock music was favored by a threeto-one majority over its nearest rival.

Radicals With Manners Beneath the surface evidence of a distinctive youth culture, significant changes in attitude have been taking place. If any single word sums up the viewpoint of students in 1973, it is tolerance. Considering the rareness of this virtue in human history, and the natural narrow'\ ' mindedness of the young, the blossoming of tolerance on campuses is a phenomenon worth pausing over. It has eroded the elaborate caste systems of 10 years ago, typically based on beauty, money, or athletic prowess, and more recent caste systems that were based on political zealotry.

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At Harvard, perhaps the nadir of intolerance was reached in the spring of 1971, when radical students successfully prevented the Young Americans for Freedom from holding a teach-in in support of the Vietnam war. A Harvard faculty member doubts this would happen now. At several other of the college campuses visited, educators remarked on the new civility among today's smaller band of radicals. Last z..- JI Ilk"- .â&#x20AC;˘ J. spring, on the morning following an aU-night w.gil inside u ers University's historic Old Queens building to protest President Nixon's mining of North Vietnam's harbors, an official coming to work was struck by the number of "Excuse me's" from students who thoughtfully moved aside to make way.

The increase in tolerance results partly from a decline in political passions. The protest of recent years has virtually disappeared.

Of the students interviewed, only a few, all at Harvard, were outspoken radicals on any subject, and even they turned out to be pretty tame by the standards of a few years ago.

Most high-school students shun militant political activity, and some call it risky. Picketing does no good, says a girl at Roswell High School, north of Atlanta, "and it can hurt you at school and in your career, because you're identified as a troublemaker."

i77

Nobody Has All the Answers Such attitudes have prompted much of the new talk about apathy and despair among today's young. Some students are indeed apathetic, and pointedly refuse to engage in organized activity of any kind, either political or social. Some educators notice more students who are concerned strictly about themselves, less eager to help oppressed mankind than the children of the New Frontier era. Richard P. McCormick, a historian at Rutgers, also worries about a "possible white backlash" against blacks.

As recently as 1969, he says, whites supported the demands of black students at the university. Now, when he lectures about past injustices to blacks, "some of the white kids become uncomfortable, they just writhe."

Most of today's young, however, are several removes from the carefree and naIve "silent generation" of the '50s to whom they have been erroneously compared. Again and again, educators use the terms "more aware" and "better informed" in comparing them with predecessors from any past period. The awareness even extends to adult jargon about the young. "There's hardly any peer pressure here to use drugs," said a high-school student at a session in which the interviewer had not yet used the term "peer pressure." If anything, students suffer from an overawareness of mankind's woes and they know it. "It's hard to react to a barrage of information," says a Harvard senior.

Nevertheless, as one student at California's San Jose State University puts it, "there is a universal concern here with the quality of life." Improving the world, many students now say, will take longer and require more patience than seemed necessary a few years ago. Their tolerance stems in part from a new awareness that nobody-young or old-has all the answers. But this is a sign of realism rather than apathy. Compared to the students of a few years ago, says Burton R. Brazil, executive vice president at San Jose State University, "today's kids are not as frenetic

about getting the world changed by 0900 tomorrow. They realize you can't go back to Thoreau and change the whole culture. But they haven't lost the idealism, thank God!" A Pressure to Tolerate Everything The new tolerance extends-perhaps too far-to personal morality. Youngsters are far more willing than 10 years ago to overlook deviant behavior in others. Many colleges now have "gay" organizations that operate openly. At Georgia's Roswell High School a group of seven students say they wouldn't morally condemn a friend for using heroin, though one quickly adds that "using heroin is just dumb." About half of the group see nothing particularly shocking in an unmarried couple living together.

It is clear that students are motivated partly by a laudable respect for the rights of others. But in some cases tolerance may reflect uncertainty about moral standards. "There is a certain pressure," said a Stanford University coed, "to be tolerant of everything."

A

eed for More Locks

"Honesty," as used by many of today's young, refers to frankness rather than ethics. In most ways, young men and women are just as ethical and law-abiding as their predecessors; most teachers report no increase in cheating on exams. But thefts from college bookstores have increased greatly in recent years. A large proportion of students see nothing terribly wrong in this. Nine Stanford students, out of a group of 14, say they would not intervene if they saw someone making off with a book. At Harvard and at New York's Staten Island Community College, none of the interviewees say they would stop a bookstore thief. However, all say they would stop someone stealing from a fellow student.

An official at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign says students have revised ethics somewhat in the direction of a Robin Hood concept. Thus, he says, many see nothing evil in thefts from large chain stores or in the use of false credit-card numbers in placing long-distance telephone calls. But they condemn thefts from "the mom-and-pop candy store" or from their own personal acquaintances.

In their friendships, say some educators, students can be extremely considerate, but evidently this consideration often disappears in impersonal dealings with outsiders or institutions.

At that level, says a psychiatrist who generally lauds today's students, "appreciation of the rights of others has decreased."

Thus a rise in humanitarian idealism has been partly negated by a decline in an abstract sense of community.

The Trash

011

the Cafeteria Floor

And the young have their own special hypocrisies. Ready to condemn the pollution and environmental ills of a world they did not make, they nevertheless tolerate another type of pollu~ - 6~ ~ Ztion in their own midst. "The ,~trash on the cafeteria floor is a foot deep at lunchtime," says a student at New Trier High School East, north of Chicago, with a bit of exaggeration. The concern about the environment, says a New Trier official, "is a macroconcern." Many students, he says, fail to see that ecology begins at home or don't care.

William H. Cornog, superin-

tendent of secondary education in New Trier Township, sees littering as symptomatic of another change in adolescent society.

In the past, he says, more student leaders would have spoken out against the problem and said: "Damn it, we can be responsible!" Ten years ago, he recalls, "kids were more willing to put their popularity on the line, and to take the guff that accrues to the student who says: 'Don't do that!' Today there are fewer leaders and more politicians."

B.M.O.C.'s

Have Vanished

But the decline in leadership is related to broader changes that also have their positive side. The pecking orders are much more flexible than they were 10 years ago. The increase in tolerance has eroded the old hierarchies.

College yearbooks from a decade ago are brimful of "Big Men On Campus," star athletes, and fraternity and sorority leaders who were treated like demigods. Student leaders still abound at the campuses visited, and in some ways the range of extracurricular activities is greater. But there are no B.M.O.C.'s in the old sense, and no one feels like a social untouchable if he's outside the "Greek" system. Here and there the Greeks have had some resurgence lately, with more fraternity and sorority rushing last autumn than in several years. But the jaunty superiority of old is absent, and at some universities fraternities have become active in community-service projects and are at pains to redress their image as mere party lovers.

At high schools, too, the social structure is less rigid than 10 years ago, although there has been less change in this respect than at the colleges. Leading athletes are still at the top of the pecking order, but in some schools they now share this position with others. At Woodside High School, in a high-income suburb south of San Francisco, a teacher who was a student there in the early '60s says that these days the big dramatics star is as much of a hero as the superjock. Girl cheerleaders have lost a bit of their prestige. At Pennsylvania's Allen High School, one of them says that in the last few,years a faction of students has tended to make fun of the "rah-rah" spirit. The competition for cheerleader "is not quite as strong as it used to be," she says. "Some girls are embarrassed to do some of the stunts."

Cliques are still fairly strong in high schools. In the late 1960s one important division was between "straight" students and longhairs. In recent years, however, feuding between the two groups has abated at some schools. At Illinois's New Trier East, a senior boy with very short hair gazes across the room at a longhaired classmate. "Two years ago," he says, "I'd have called him a freak and he would have called me a jock. Now the labels ar.e being dropped." The long-haired boy doesn't quite agree. "The distinctions are still there," he says, "but people are withdrawing into themselves and saying, 'I won't hurt you if you don't hurt me.' "

Putting up With Adults Tolerance extends towar4 adult values, too, including values enforced by parents. Even at the height of the "youth revolution," to be sure, students who sensed a chasm between themselves and their parents were in the minority. Today, a strong majority of students to whom the question is put affirm that they are "pretty satisfied" with their upbringing. Some are doubtless influenced by older siblings who have become parents. "I remember my sister saying she was going to raise her kids differently and be freer with them," says a girl at New Trier East, "but now she's changed."

'What is not generally appreciated is that the trappings of youth culture no longer bear any predictable relationship to social or political attitudes.'

This tolerance nevertheless symbolizes an important shift in attitudes since the early '60s. A decade ago the young, aside from some hijinks, were enthusiastic imitators of an adult society they held in considerable awe. This attitude is gone, at least for now.

"Kids don't accept things you tell them at face value," says Ralph V. Wilson, principal of Roswell High School. "Today you have to give them a reason." A teacher at the same school notices "less open respect" for staff members than 10 years ago, and he overhears more four-letter words in the corridors. "There's more noise in class," adds a faculty member at California's Woodside High School, "as well as more eating in class, more lateness, and more cutting (absenteeism)."

But this somewhat irreverent attitude toward the adult world stops well short of "disrespect" in personal encounters. If more students use earthy language, or address teachers by their first names (in California more than elsewhere), they do it mainly in the new spirit widely described as "openness." If anything, today's young men and women come across as likable and wholesome.

Despite a veneer 'of sophistication, today's young are no more mature at a given age than their predecessors. Says a high-school official: "The sophistication disappears-zap!-the minute a real problem comes up." Guidance counselors and campus psychiatrists report a thriving business from students who come to them with problems. Much of the increase, they note, reflects the greater willingness of today's students to seek remedies, but they see some increase in problems as well.

Where Women Race Alongside Men There is a disturbing vogue for "downers," particularly "sopors" (soporifics). Otherwise, use of most illegal drugs has crested. LSD is less prevalent than a few years ago, and heroin has never caught on with,more than a very small proportion of youth. Marijuana usage, on the other hand, remains high, though alcohol is by far the most popular mood-altering drug.

An unmistakable change since the early '60s is the blurring of sex roles. Almost none of the women interviewed said that their sole objective in life was to be a housewife and mother. The few who did were defensive about it. "I know it sounds blah," said a pretty freshman at Emory University in Atlanta. A recent study at Stanford University showed that 26 per cent of the women in the class of 1972 intended to go into medicine, law, and other professions, compared with only six per cent in the class of 1965. Only three per cent wanted to go into "women's jobs" such as housewife, secretary, or nurse, down from 12 per cent in the earlier class. At community colleges more and more women are taking courses in drafting and computer technology, and at Elgin one coed runs alongside men on the cross-country team. Very few of the women, however, are militant liberationists.

It's No Longer 'Sissy' to Cook Meanwhile, men's notions about manliness have softened in some significant ways. Some men, such as the male nursing students at Staten Island Community College, are invading traditionally feminine turf, but this is still the exception. The big change

is in attitudes. At high schools where such activities would have been called "sissy" in 1963, men take courses in gourmet cooking, or devote a lot of time to nonathletic activities such as dramatics.

Fights among high-school boys are less common ("I can't even remember when the last one was," says a high-school principal who used to break up lots of them). At colleges, there's far less of the traditional roughhouse and pranks. In the early '60s, officials at the University of Illinois recall, water fights got so bad that several dozen men had to be expelled following one battle that resulted in a serious injury.

In today's more informal atmosphere, women have ceased to be creatures upon a pedestal. Emory University's 1962 yearbook opened with a l2-page section on campus queens, led by the beauteous Miss Emory University of that year. Last spring's yearbook contained no such celebration of idealized womanhood.

Girls still find ways to flaunt their good looks, of course. But at the college level, artificial barriers between the sexes are virtually gone. It is hard to realize that a decade ago Rutgers University allowed women in the lounges of men's dormitories only on certain festive week-ends; only mothers of male students could set foot in their rooms.

The top question in the minds of parents, of course, is whether coed dorms and the other new freedoms have opened the floodgates of licentiousness. Actually, most coed dorms segregate the sexes into separate floors, wings, or self-contained apartments. In those that don't, students say, brother-sister relationships tend to develop. Educators at several colleges agree that a new kind of incest taboo tends to discourage sexual relations with partners from the same dormitory. The whole question of university freedoms has become moot for students who are moving in increasing numbers into houses and apartments off campus in a quest for privacy and quiet. "Dormitories would be depressing even if the noise wasn't a problem," says an upperclassman at the University of Illinois. It is also moot for the growing proportion of young people who live with their parents and commute to nearby community colleges.

At high schools the most noticeable change from a decade ago is the open display of affection in corridors. Formerly this would have drawn a scolding or worse from a member of the staff, and girls would have feared for their "reputations." Today nobody minds. Some high-school students are quick to label any premarital sex as immoral, but many say that what others do is their business. Says a boy at California's Woodside High School: "It's uncool to say it's wrong."

The New Marxist Studies A few years ago, when the "student power" and "free university" movements were in full flower, it appeared that a vanguard of the young were bent upon transforming education to its roots.

Today's students appear to accept the essentials of a traditional system, partly because of large concessions won in recent years.

At the college level, students now sit on all sorts of academic and disciplinary bodies, and in one institution visited students are failing to attend meetings and fully exercise their new voice. High schools have blossomed with "mini-courses" on useful or trendy subjects (e.g., crocheting, ecology, the Marx Brothers), and at many high schools and colleges students can think up elective courses and petition the faculty to offer them.

Students who dislike conventional classroom schedules and lectures can also work out "self-directed" curricula. A majority of students shun such innovations ("I need structure," says a high-school boy). "Most of what our undergraduates get is still

'American society should lose some of its famous infatuation with everything young, a development that doubtless will be good both for the society and for young people.' the traditional stuff," says a dean at the University of Illinois.

"The difference today is that there are more avenues for the 10 per cent who don't want to play the game."

High-school students not only are less regimented, but for the most part are able to handle their new freedom. For the last two years students at Evergreen Park Community High School, southwest of Chicago, have been permitted to smoke just outside a rear entrance. "Best thing we ever did," says School Superinten~ent Stephen J. Storkel, who claims that the new privilege has eliminated a big source of student discontent. At Evergreen Park disruptive students are no longer detained after school. So how does the school deal with them? "We talk to them," calmly answers Ardith Inman, a school official in charge of discipline problems. "We show them how their behavior affects the rest of the class." She says that the response of students is "tremendous."

Evergreen Park retains the ultimate weapon of expulsion, of course.

Authority Isn't a Dirty Word A number of educators believe that the big grant of freedom to students is now behind them, and that a rough new equilibrium has been reached. Here and there, however, they see a need for some backtracking that today's students might accept. The University of Illinois has changed the method of selecting students to serve on a joint faculty-student disciplinary body. Previously, the student government appointed representatives and showed a bias, in one official's words, toward those "in favor of abolishing all discipline on campus." Now the representatives are chosen at random from the entire student population by a computer, with the result that the disciplinary body has become tougher with offenders. Students go along with the change, says an official, "because many of them are sick and tired of having the bad guys holding the field."

For many students, moreover, authority is not a dirty word.

W1}ena group of Emory University students are asked whether th~y ~fe~at"ure enough to govern themselves without even the vestigial adult controls that remain, one quickly answers: "Things would tend toward anarchy." Stanley R. Levy, associate dean of students at the University of Illinois, believes that most students, if given the choice, would now be "willing, and even eager," to return to a world of "ground rules clearly stated." The rules, of course, would be far different from those of 10 years ago, and Levy emphasizes that today's young would expect to participate in writing them.

Dribbling Away Their Youth Statistics on college enrollments seem to show that the longstanding American love affair with education has lost a bit of its ardor in recent years. Last autumn the number of freshmen at four-year colleges and universities declined about three per cent, according to a study by Garland G. Parker of the University of Cincinnati. The decline, Parker recently explained in Intellect magazine, was due not only to rising fees and delays in federal aid to students, but to a growing tendency of the young to question the value of a college education.

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But education still has plenty of enthusiasts among young people, including almost all of those interviewed for this article.

In this respect they are little different from their predecessors of 1963. Many, for example, scoff at the notion that television has lessened the need for conventional book learning. "You could watch Einstein himself on the educational channel," says a Rutgers man, "and it wouldn't make you a physicist."

Students concede that much of their time is taken up with courses that do not prepare them for a career. But college, they say, is a place to "explore," to "find yourself," and to meet different kinds of people and broaden the mind. An engineering student who intends to run a motorcycle shop says that "one of the best courses I'm taking is Italian Renaissance painting." Many believe, rightly or wrongly, that too much education is better than too little because it preserves career options in a time of rapid change.

Far from feeling like prisoners of a long and tedious process, a majority of students say frankly that they are having quite a good time, not all of it in the classroom. At the Urbana campus of the University of Illinois, for example, there are more than one thousand men's and women's intramural basketball teams.

'Stopouts' Are Welcome But the young are beginning to break up the lockstep of uninterrupted, fulltime education from kindergarten through the B.A. and beyond. In recent years some high schools have stopped telling dropouts that they have irreparably ruined their prospects in life. Instead, "stopouts"-the preferred term these days, since it carries no stigma-are told they are welcome to resume their education later. At top high schools it is no longer automatic for all seniors to go directly into college the following autumn. At New Trier East about five per cent work or travel for a year or so before starting higher education, and about 10 per cent go to two-year colleges.

Nor are full-time students strangers to the labor market these days. When the hippie movement was riding high during the late '60s, there were worries that the young were turning away from such traditional virtues as work and thrift. Some do indeed seem to be drifting rather lazily through life. But most young people still have plenty of energy and motivation.

Several high-school principals report an "amazing" increase during the '60s in the number of students with part-time jobs. The - 7 -j eagerness to work is borne out by data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics showing a sizable increase in white 16- and 17-yearolds in the labor force.

Since many of these youngsters work on and off, the figures understate the proportion

with work experience.

When a group of high-school juniors or . '~~iOlD' seniors are asked how many have part-time jobs "right now," be,'" ,,' tween a third and a b' .~. half of them raise their 7 2 -/b~'iI' ~~.s- ij/o/\ hands. They baby-sit, deliver newspapers, nbtn delivery :tr'ucks, sell merchandise at counters, help out at construction sites, and perform myriad other jobs. Typically, one or two out of 10 have earned at least $1,000 in a year. Asked why they work, they give a variety of answers: to save toward college, maintain a car, buy a stereo set, put aside money for a trip, for "enjoyment," or simply to gain work experience. Many high schools now permit seniors to leave in January so they can work full time for a semester to accumulate money toward college.

At colleges, the proportion of working students is often much higher. A recent survey of California students by the College Scholarship Service, a New York-based organization that evaluates student applications for financial aid, reveals that students in middle and upper income families are earning much more money than they did a few years ago. This may represent both a "thrust for independence" on the part of the students, says an official, and cutbacks in support from parents. Says one California University dean: "The folks at home just aren't shelling out."

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Fighting for a Place in Law School Academically, today's young seem about on a par with their counterparts of 1963. Average scores on College Board admission tests have dropped a bit in 10 years, but not enough to prove anything. Faculty members differ in their assessment of the work done by current students. Some think work has fallen off but that teachers are more lenient in grading. Others say today's students work harder than their predecessors, and are more serious intellectually. Ten years ago, says Emory University historian George P. Cuttino, "students here weren't concerned about a damned thing but keeping up with the Joneses." Competitiveness now thrives at Emory, with its large proportion of pre-med and pre-law students seeking entry to crowded professional schools.

"I've seen it in the classroom," says a dean, "and it can be absolutely frightening."

A majority of young people, both in high school and in college, claim to have career goals. Many mention "business" as a broad objective. Pre-professional students are far more common than a decade ago; both Harvard and Stanford report big increases in this category. A lot of the would-be doctors and lawyers, in the words of one disapproving Emory student, "have focused on the dollar sign." But humanitarian motivations are evident, too. Some pre-med students intend to work in community clinics, and a lot of pre-law students say they want to go into politics or legal-aid work. Humanitarianism is an especially important element in the career choices of women. Some want to go into environmental protection and city planning, while others want to work with old people, juvenile delinquents, and runaways. In remarkable numbers, young women say they want to help the mentally retarded.

Many of today's young men and women were raised by parents unusually concerned about fostering self-expression and creativity.

Yet many educators notice no rise in original creative work of high quality, and some even see a decline. "They expect instant success," complains a high-school art teacher, echoing the words

of colleagues elsewhere in the country. If students don't achieve success, he says, they shrug and say to hell with it. When classroom work is closely linked to future jobs in specific field, however, the picture can be different. Jack Boone, who teaches a television workshop at California's two-year College of San Mateo, is impressed by his students' patient hard work.

'A Subordinate Nation' It would seem, then, that reports from the campus, whether of continuing revolution or of counterrevolution, have been exaggerated. A distinctive youth culture has spread from a trendsetting minority to the majority, but in the process of assimilation has lost most of its ideological content. "It's no longer as fashionable to be alienated, or appear to be," says an official at New Trier East.

Clearly there were valid grounds for worry about the generation now in high school and college. They grew up during a tumultuous period in which adult society, in the words of President Edward J. Bloustein of Rutgers University, suffered a "loss of nerve because it suddenly found itself without the confidence and the assurances of the past."

Today's young are the first generation heavily exposed to television from infancy. More than previous generations, they grew up in homes in which both parents worked. They grew up at a time, some psychologists say, when the primary influence in upbringing increasingly shifted from adults to contemporaries. The steady lengthening of the American education process far past physical adolescence, in the opinion of sociologist James S. Coleman, has turned the young into "a subordinate nation," segregated from responsibility and fertile ground for the anti-adult doctrines and attitudes that come its way.

The worries of Coleman and others are valid ones. Students are ignorant about many aspects of the real world, and in that sense they may indeed be "a subordinate nation." But as of now they are not arrayed against society; ~~_ . their attitudes seem non-adult, or pre- S~ -7:f';'7, -// adult, rather than anti-adult. Moreover, today's competitive job market, particularly for college graduates, appears to be pulling students toward the mainstream. Job scarcity, in the opinion of Harvard sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset, "means you haye to worry about what the adults who control the jobs think."

It is unlikely, in any event, that the U.S. will soon again see the combination of circumstances that produced the recent "youth revolution." One factor in that revolution was the explosive growth of the youth fraction of the population during the '60s. In the mid-1970s that fraction, now growing more slowly, will start to decline. As that happens, American society should lose some of its famous infatuation with everything young, a development that doubtless will be good both for the society and for young people. In the meantime, the U.S. young seem to be surviving the infatuation surprisingly well.

0 About the Author: Edmund Faltermayer is a member of the Board of Editors of Fortune magazine and the author of Redoing America: A Nationwide Report on How We Can Make Our Cities and Suburbs Livable.

o SOME THOUGHTS ON THE 19605 AND 19705

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This article was originally a lecture delivered in January 1973 at Andover Academy in Massachusetts by Professor Moynihan just before he left to become Ambassador to India.

His thesis: 'Most of the events that tore American society almost apart (or so it seemed in the 1960s) arose from conditions unique to the decade in which they occurred. They had not ever existed before. They will not ever exist again. It's over.... That time is past.'

A decade ago most of the social scientists with whom I work, and whom I have been associated with, were profoundly distressed about the directions which American society seemed to be taking.

A pervasive, ominous sense of trouble shaping up could be encountered in what we wrote, and in our conversations. We thought things were going to become much worse than they were. We found ourselves saying this in the context of a society that didn't particularly understand, and didn't particularly welcome, such a proposition. That society-the America of the early 1960s-was much too optimistic about events, and almost in proportionate terms responded unhappily, angrily-nastily, if you will-to our glum prognoses, even as shortly thereafter it reacted in near panic when the troubles we had been anticipating came to pass.

It may be useful for those of us who went through that period of saying, "Things are going to be much worse than they are," now to test our science-our weak and so uncertain science-by giving voice to our present presumptions, which, once again, we find at odds with established opinion. Our position has reversed itself-although, as will be seen, our roles remain rather the same.

At this moment our presumption is: "Things are going to be much better than they are." Rather the contrary view obtains in circles once so optimistic-the faculties, let us say, of those prep schools and colleges which educate the children of the uppermiddle class. I don't expect such circles to be any less annoyed with us this time than they were last, even if I am not any longer as interested in what they might think as perhaps I once was. But I am worried that my friends and I may have become overconfi-

dent in the aftermath of having seen ourselves proven substantially right about a fairly serious sequence of events, so that we could fall into a lazy oppositional habit of letting our own thought be shaped by reference to the thought of others.

This may be too indirect a way of putting a simple point. In the course of the 1960s we became a little contemptuous of those who had been so contemptuous of us. They had been so certain everything was bully. Then they became equally certain that everything was catastrophic. We have reacted to this by taking perhaps too much pleasure in remembering how wrong they were once, and just assuming that they are wrong again. It could be that our present position is no more than reactive. It should be tested, as should we.

We assert that things are going to be better. They are going to be different in any event, and they are going to be different in ways that can be identified and quantified. We find ourselves, at this point, saying this not just to a skeptical elite, but also to a public now much accustomed to the thought that matters do not change for the better, but only for the worse. We are out of phase.

And yet, if our science, as I say, has any validity, it is surely in this regard and in this function. I don't want to be pollyannish.

I don't want to suggest that those matters of profound concern which have so much gripped our society-those public concerns which dominated the private lives of Americans in the last decade -need now concern us no longer. I mean nothing of the sort.

And yet I think the situation will be different in ways that on the whole will be for the better.

The Uniqueness of the 1960s The two photographs on the opposite page, depicting the same scene in successive decades, dramatically illustrate the difference between the 1960s and the 1970s in the United States.

The plaae is Sproul Plaza on the campus of the University of California at Berkeley. The top photograph, taken in 1964, shows a student demonstration. The bottom photo, taken two years ago, reflects the "campus peace" of the 1970s.

There are certain essential facts, of which the first is simply that the great military involvement of the United States in Asia is for the moment at an end. This was coming. The event was not sudden; it was not precisely defined; it had not the concision one had learned to expect from American history. And yet the ineluctability of it was clear enough, certainly, for me to say to Dr. Sizer

In the America of the '60s, 'a youth culture developed. Youth acquired its own music, its own forms of dress, its own grammar, all to a degree without precedent in the United States.'

when he called late last year to ask if I would give the Stearns Lecture at Andover, Massachusetts, to say "Yes," and to say, "I will talk about Peace."

But I would like to talk, not just about peace abroad, not at all about that, but rather about peace at home, peace within the society in which we live, following a tumultuous and rending decade which leaves us less than whole, leaves us fundamentally changed in many ways, and yet also a decade in the aftermath of which we can see ourselves resuming the fairly well-defined directions of a democracy, and doing so as a fundamentally competent people.

I would like to offer you a general proposition. (Be careful when Harvard professors say such things to you, because their general propositions usually won't seem very general at all.) I'd like to state that most of the events that tore American society almost apart (or so it seemed in the 1960s) arose from conditions unique to the decade in which they occurred. They had not ever existed before. They will not ever exist again. They involve the interaction of demographic and political-cultural changes. We have more complex terms for this than perhaps need be, all derived from the Greek, and vaguely related to philosophic doctrines of the past. We use the term "synergistic"-the interaction of muscles, of chemicals, of philosophical doctrine, such that two events quite separate in their origin affect one another in such a way as to produce outcomes vastly different and greater than either could produce on its own.

The proposition I'm going to put to you is simple. It is sufficient, I hope, at least to start a discussion of just what did happen.

I'm going to say to you that the 1960s saw a profound demographic change occur in American society which was a one-time change, a growth in population vaster than any that had ever occurred before, or any that will ever occur again, with respect to a particular subgroup in the population-namely those persons from 14 to 24 years of age. This sudden increase in population interacted in a synergistic sense with a whole series of other events which originate, if you will, in the world of ideas, as distinct from the physical world in which populations increase or decrease. In the best known example of the 1960s, people changed their minds about the requirements of justice and decent public policy concerning minority groups in American society, at just the moment when the size and location of those groups was dramatically changing. But this was not the only change. People changed their minds about this, they changed their minds about that, and they changed their minds at just the point when the physical conditions of life, the ecological facts of how many people are around and where they are, were also changing. These changes interacted in such a way as to produce extraordinary discontinuities with the period immediately preceding-and, I think, with the period that now follows.

The Youth Explosion It started out with this fact of population. The people who cause most of the "trouble" in a society, as you probably know, are people 14 to 24. They are also the people who are most interesting, most attractive, prettiest (that's for sure), handsomest

(some say), brightest, healthiest, liveliest. Your mind starts deteriorating at about 24, as I understand it. In any event, everybody knows you run fastest, dance longest, and, at least in my youth, drink the most in these years. Societies, no matter where they are, are mostly organized around the problem of how to get people from 14 to 24. At 14 you are still in most respects a dependent youth, in some respects a child. At 24 you are an adult. In between extraordinary turbulences take place. They are such that there was at one point, at the turn of the century, a semiscientific quasiDarwinian view of the whole life experience-propounded and solemnly taught for a couple of generations-that each individual is born a savage of some kind, and gradually goes through a life experience in which he evolves. At one point he's a Mede, then he's a Persian, then he's a Greek, and with any luck he ends up a citizen of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Whatever the merits of that argument, all agree that the transition is enormously difficult and has to be followed with great care and attention, because all kinds of turbulence occur in the process.

There is no denying, I think, that in a curious way the advanced industrial societies in which we live have found it most difficult to provide this passage for young people. Only in the last century or so, really, have we begun to perceive this fact of youth, an age in life which is neither that of infancy nor that of adulthood but the long period in between. And we have had extraordinary changes in the circumstances of youth during this century-and-a-half or so. This has been basically a phenomenon of technology.

Andover, if I may presume a knowledge that I don't entirely possess, was begun for the primary purpose of educating a very limited group of persons, the priests of the society. When Andover was begun I should think doctors were not thought a profession, or much of one; engineers were skilled craftsmen who certainly didn't go to college. There were a few persons who did mathematics and a few people who did chemistry, but by and large only ministers and, perhaps, lawyers got educated. Almost nobody else needed to be. The rest could learn what they had to know in the normal process of going to work very early in life.

We have now extended that period of learning because so much more has to be learned. Simultaneously, another fundamental event has occurred, probably the most important event of its kind associated with industrialism, almost not at all noticed, which is that the age of sexual maturity has been going down and down and down. In round numbers, the age of menarche was almost 18 years in the early part of the 19th century. In the course of industrialization, it has dropped to below 12.

This, obviously, is a result of industrialization.

It is perhaps the single most important impact which technology has had on the human experience. Let me not pretend to greater knowledge than I have. I say it is obviously technology because I can't think what else it could be, and I don't believe scientists have any firm theories as yet. It could be sunspots. But my bet is that it is a combination of clean water and abundant food. In any event, we may soon reach the point where Freud's discovery of infantile sexuality will become obsolete. People will sexualize at three and stay that way.

Thus you have a situation of a constant dropping of the age of

physical maturity and an extension of the age of social maturity.

So you might become physically mature at 12 and not be thought socially mature until you have had two years of graduate school at MIT (Massachusetts Institute of Technology). And if, in between, young people become turbulent, one is not to be surprised. Now the question is: How many such persons have been going through this experience?

This is the basic datum of my argument. Between 1960 and 1970 the size of this sub-group of the American population grew by an absolutely unprecedented amount, and it will never grow by such an amount again.

A New Social Class Let me give you the figures. If you go from 1890 to 1960, you find the size of this sub-group, 14 to 24 years of age, growing a little bit each succeeding decade: 10 per cent, eight per cent, sometimes not at all, but usually growing a little bit. In the whole of that 70 years, from 1890 to 1960, the total increase in the population of that age group, the total increase of the "cohort," as we say, was 12.5 million persons. Then, in the 1960s, it grew by 13.8 million persons, an increase of 52 per cent in one decade, five times the average rate of the preceding 70 years. It grew by 13.8 million persons: it will grow by 600,000 in the 1970s: it will decline in the 1980s. It's all over; it happened once; it will not ever happen

again. After a 52 per cent increase in the 1960s, we shall see an 11 per cent increase in the 1970s, and we shall see an eight per cent decline in the 1980s.

In terms of what we call the dependency ratios-that is, how many young people there are as against how many older people who look after the young people, pay their bills, and tell them how to behave-the ratio of persons 14 to 24 to persons 25 to 64 increased 39 per cent in the 1960s, after either an increase of zero or a decline in every decade from the 1880s on. What happened, as we look back? (But first, let me not stand here and tell you what happened. I only offer a view. You may not share the view. You certainly need not.) What happened-in this assertion, in this hypothesis-is that suddenly a new social class was created in the United States, so large in its number that it was fundamentally isolated from the rest of the society. It was isolated on campuses, it was isolated in slums, it was isolated in a way in the armed forces. It had not much contact with people younger than it, very little with people older. It was apart from the rest of society.

During this period the number of males 16 to 19 increased by 44 per cent, but the number of such persons who were employed grew only by 11 per cent; the unemployment rates for teen-agers went up enormously, as did all such signs of dislocation, of alienation, of a lack of connection. And not just for the poor, and not just for the well-to-do, but at every level of society, there emerged a sense that "we are alone and separate from them." A youth culture developed. Youth acquired its own music, its own forms of dress, its own grammar, all to a degree without precedent in the United States.

For some time we have had "teen-agers" around, but never with this relative lack of contact with older and younger persons and with such relatively intensive contact and concentration within their own ranks. The result was an extraordinary change in behavior. The curious compounding of this basic demographic fact with a certain number of ideas and attitudes created, as I say, a synergistic effect. Attitudes about drug use changed and interacted with a vast increase in the population given to experi-

ment in such matters. Attitudes toward dependency on government support changed and interacted with a vast increase in the population most exposed to dependency. Attitudes about patriotism changed and interacted with a vast increase in the population for whom such attitudes are of more than hypothetical relevance -which is to say, the population which is asked, or told, to fight wars. To repeat, the youth population explosion interacted with quite independent developments to produce much larger consequences than would have been the case had either of these developments occurred in isolation.

Well, it's over. That time is past. We are going through a period now when we are going to have a profound change in almost all of our politics, almost all of our social relationships, because this period is behind us.

The Coming Changes in Our Institutions We are likely, for example, to see a real change in the operation of institutions. State and local government went through absolute hell in the 1960s. Why is that? It is because it has traditionally been the job of state and local government to look after young people aged 14 to 24, to get them through high school and perhaps college; to see that they don't steal cars; if they have children, to provide maternity hospitals for them; to provide new housing; and so on, down a long list. The crush was just too much for state and local government. But now, suddenly, it's over. In all of the 1970s we will not ÂŤneed" a single additional schoolteacher, if we maintain our present ratio of teachers to pupils. We have reached

suddenly, and have now gone below, a "replacement" birth rate.

I cannot but note that there are a number of youn,g persons around the Graduate School of Education at Harvard who are finding it hard to get jobs these days, and are themselves noticing that, while they were out attending Zero Population Growth rallies in the late 1960s, the birth rate had already dropped to the point where we no longer "need" new schoolteachers. I can state even more ominously that in the 1980s we won't need any more professors. Think about that!

The great pressures on state and local government are now receding. Moreover, revenue sharing has begun; the President signed the bill just last year. And so the 1970s and 1980s are likely to be a time when it's not so bad to be mayor, and being governor might be positively pleasant-whereas the job of President is going to be hell, because all the commitments assumed in response to the crises of the 1960s have over-committed the finances of the national government. No matter who is President, he or she is going to spend much of his or her time during the next 10 years vetoing bills-bills passed by Congress in the confident expectation that they will be vetoed. And whereas for years we had a flow of attention and interest to the national government, simply because that was the only place large new resources seemed available, we might well see the emergence of a degree of discretionary capacity in state and local government finances, which means interest will flow back. It will be interesting to be mayor; it will be important who gets elected. I think a movement down from the concentration, the over-concentration, on national government is inevitable, overdue, and desirable.

Along with all this, we are going into a period of enormous personal prosperity. The "magic of compound interest" is working on us now. Our gross national product in constant dollars will go from about one trillion, 115 billion last year to about two trillion in 1980. Per capita income by 1980 should reach $6,500

'We have come out of our time of troubles .... We have come back now to a time of peace .... I think that increasingly our schools will become ... places for learning, places for joy.' per person. I am soon to leave the United States to become Ambassador to India, to a country where about 140 million people live on a per capita annual income of under $20. And at the rate at which those incomes are growing, it might reach $24 by 1980.

We are going to have a level of personal opportunity associated with that kind of expenditure. We've not known its like ever before. We are not going to have the difficult experience of just keeping up with our needs that we've had to go through. Yet it should also be clear that we are not ever likely quite to be the same, certainly not in our lifetime, in the aftermath of the extraordinary decline in the confidence in American institutions which accompanied the experience of the 1960s. We shall have peace, but it will in some respects be a peace of exhaustion, and it might also and paradoxically be a peace of surfeit.

All of the surveys made of American public opinion in the last five or six years have shown an astonishingly precipitous decline in confidence in our institutions. One of the curious things is the way people in different sectors of the economy and of the society have looked at the drop of their confidence in other sectors and have said, "Look, no one has any confidence in you"-but have never looked up to note, "Alas, no one has any confidence in us either." American higher education has had a grand time explaining that nobody trusts the President, nobody trusts the Congress, nobody trusts big business, nobody trusts big labor.

The best poll taken on confidence in higher education showed that in 1966 about 61 per cent of the American people would express a great deal of confidence in higher education; last year it was down to 33 per cent. (Mind you, the American people have not taken leave of their senses: confidence in Congress was only 21 per cent, newspapers only 18 per cent, and advertising a mere 12 per cent.) We are none of us particularly proud of ourselves just now. We aren't particularly confident about our situation. And yet the basic ecology that ultimately shapes our sense of national well-being is once again moving in a good direction.

From Youth to Maturity I think I would predict a more "conservative" society simply on the ground that a society whose population is barely growing tends to be curiously straitened and strict in its behavior. I make no claim to any "scientific" evidence on this point. I speak more from literary sources. If I had been asked, 10 years ago, whom to read to find out what America was like, or was going to be like, I would unhesitatingly have said, "Read Mark Twain." Mark Twain mostly tells the truth, as Huck Finn said in the opening lines of that book. He had a great sense of the ebullience, the prospects, the limitless energy and potential of this great and endless country. I don't think I would say read Mark Twai n today. I think I would advise a young person to read Balzac. Find out what it's like to live in a society where, if you want to be a professor, you wait until the man who is professor dies. Then the 15 of you who want the job compete in various ways. One of you gets it. The rest hope for the best for their sons. And you won't

have had many sons, you'll only have two, as it were. This doesn't mean you have a society sated with social conservatism. Ideological radicalism may even flourish. The French indeed have a phrase for it: "Think left, live right." I incline to think we're going to see a lot of both.

But we're not going to have one new institution of higher education opening every week-as we had all through the 1960s. One new president, one new provost, two new deans, five new department heads, every week, with all that such rapid expansion implied.

The population explosion of the 19608 is easily enough explained. It followed a period of 15 years of depression and war, in which the natural progenitive qualities of the society were not given their outlet. There was a sudden increase, but it has now begun to fall back and slow down. We are getting back to earth, as it were. We overdid a lot of things, but we didn't go entirely wrong, and in some respects we came out a stronger society.

Fifteen years ago ours was a caste society with respect to race; it no longer is. Fifteen years ago ours was a society in which the hegemony of the male, the normal presumption of male dominance, male exclusiveness in social and political and economic affairs, was a given; it no longer is. Ours was a society, 15 years ago, which was almost impervious to the thought that it had many problems of its own; it was much too eager to see problems in other countries and other places and to seek to deal with them.

President Kennedy in his great inaugural address 12 years ago made that grand statement which, in looking back, we find ourselves so extraordinarily ambivalent about. He said: "Let the word go out from this place and this time that we will pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to insure the survival and success of liberty."

Well, that was not the theme of the most recent inaugural address.

It was that we mayor we may not pay a price or bear a burden.

We are not so sure of ourselves as we were; we know the limits of our power; we have tested the limits of our will; we aren't going to take quite so many chances. And yet, that too is a sign of maturity. That too, in some respects, marks the movement from that period of 14 to 24 into that period beyond, in which the fact of limitation of power, of energy, of integrity even, is acknowledged and learned and lived with.

And so it will be different, and it will not in every respect be better. It will certainly in no respect be more exciting. But it will, I think, be more rewarding. I think we have come out of our time of troubles. I think the first place that realization will be encountered is already to be seen-it is in our institutions of education, in our elementary schools, perhaps, but most importantly in our secondary schools and in our universities. After a time of great anguish for all of us, no matter what our views, no matter what side of the arguments we are taking, I think we have come back now to a time of peace. If I may express hope for the future, but also in that respect predict a little bit, I think that increasingly our schools will become, in the title of Dean Sizer's brilliant, small, new book, Places for Learning, Places for Joy. Thank you.

0

A Capitalist in Moscow. Symbolizing the new spirit of U.S.-Soviet economic co-operation, the photo below is an advertisement of the Chase Manhattan Bank which appeared in the New York Times. Chase is the first U.S. bank to open an office in the U.S.S.R. The man ill the photo is AI Wentworth, who runs the bank's Moscow office. The ad's copy states that every momillg at 8:30 Wentworth makes the 25-minllte com/llute to the Chase office at 1 Karl Marx Square where he goes through the New York Times and London Financial Times before tackling the mail. Many letters are from Chase clients in the U.S. interested in ~,~; uS/s doing business in the Soviet Union.

Wentworth's afternoons often involve the affairs of one of his more important clients-the Soviet Government. By 5:30 Wentworth calls it quits and heads for home, dinner and maybe a night out with a customer at the Bolshoi. Another day, another ruble.

~r/"L~

he barriers that for a quarter of a century have separated the United States from potential trading partners in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union are tumbling, and commercial and business bridges are being built at an astonishing rate. In fact, it is by now apparent to nearly everyone that a revolution is taking place in trade between East and West.

"East-West trade is an idea whose time has come," says Stephen Lazarus, a high official of the U.S. Department of Commerce. Lazarus heads a new East-West Trade Bureau whose aim is to foster economic relations between the two areas.

Visits by trade officials of the Eastern European countries to the United States are becoming more and more common, and American businessmen are an increasingly familiar sight on the streets of Warsaw, Bucharest and Budapest.

Trade between the two areas has about doubled in the past year alone. Negotiations are underway between the United States and the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries for the exchange of industrial and consumer goods, chemicals, metals, and farm products that could push the two-way trade between the two areas over the $2,000 million mark in the next three years-almost triple the figure of the past decade.

What has happened to alter so radically the patterns of world trade that have existed in the quarter of a century since the end of World War II? Why are the closed systems that saw the United States trading mainly with Western Europe and Japan, and the Eastern European countries among themselves and with the U.S.S.R. beginning to open up?

The primary cause is the steady relaxation of political tensions

T

between the two areas that has taken place in the past few years.

World War II left an atmosphere of distrust and suspicion that discouraged normal economic and commercial relations between the United States and the Eastern European countries. On both sides, it was feared that increased trade could only benefit the other party. Particularly where high technology was involved, no one wanted to give away an advantage, whether real or imagined.

President Richard Nixon's dramatic initiatives in opening up a new era of closer relations with the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China and the warm response of the leaders of those countries have turned the situation around. Where diplomats are now suddenly talking of "detente" and "rapprochement," businessmen and commercial officials are looking forward to an era of freer trade such as the world has not seen for decades.

But there is more to the picture than the imaginative moves by the political leaders of East and West. Over the past several years, it has become increasingly apparent to economists in both areas that important opportunities for spurring economic growth were being missed because of the lack of commercial relations between the two areas.

The most familiar illustration is the contemplated exchange of U.S. high technology in the oil and chemical industries for supplies of Soviet oil and natural gas.

The United States, the world's greatest consumer of energy, is moving into a period when domestic sources may not be able to supply all the nation's needs.

For the first time in recent memory, opening up new sources of petroleum overseas is a critical necessity. The Soviet Union, for its part, is moving into a period of inclllstrial expansion, when

technological inputs from the outside can be extremely important.

In Western economics, there is something called "the theory of comparative advantage." Simply stated, it says that some countries can do some things better than other countries; in such a situation, it is mutually advantageous for countries to produce and sell certain products, and buy other products from trading partners.

It's not all that simple, of course. While a good part of what the United States has to offer is in the realm of industrial technology, the United States also does other things well.

Growing food, for instance. The most startling recent commercial development was the sale of $750 million worth of wheat to the Soviet Union. On the other hand, American firms .are showing increasing interest in the products turned out by Eastern European industries. A New York firm recently bought the license to manufacture a teaching machine developed in Czechoslovakia and plans to market it in the United States, Canada, and Japan.

Potential for East-West Trade The growing potential of EastWest trade is seen in several agreements negotiated between the Eastern European and Soviet governments, and United States interests. One of the largest is an $8,000 million pact between the Soviet Union and the Occidental Petroleum Company of the United States. Under it, Occidental will help build four fertilizer plants, plus pipelines, near Kuibyshev on the Volga River, and will supply, over a 20-year period, superphosphoric acid used in making fertilizer. Occidental also signed an agreement last summer to supply the Soviet Union with $80 million in metal-finishing gear and processes.

At the same time, U.S. firms are planning to help build the Soviet Union's giant Kama River truck plant 880 kilometers east of Moscow. The U.S. ExportImport Bank, a government agency, and the Chase Manhattan Bank, a private institution, recently authorized credits totaling $173million for the export of U.S.made equipment for the plant.

In the Eastern European countries, General Tire and Rubber has agreed to design and help construct a $75 million tire plant in Romania. Control Data Corporation will participate in a computer plant in the same coun¡ try. Both agreements are joint ventures, in which the U.S. companies will be part owners of the enterprises, along with agencies of the Romanian government.

In Hungary, Data Products Corporation, a California firm, will sell $4 million worth of computer equipment to Videotron, a Hungarian government corporation, and will help train Videotron personnel. In Yugoslavia, the Overseas Private Investment Company, a U.S. government agency, is planning to insure a wide range of ventures

by U.S. private enterprise in such areas as industrial chemicals, mining, and hotel construction.

The United States is already Yugoslavia's fourth largest trading partner. Total trade turnover in 1972 exceeded $318 million, compared with $270 million in 1971. Private U.S. capital investment in Yugoslavia comes to $3 million, in contrast to virtually no investment five years ago.

Along with the mounting stream of trade and investment agreements signed between the United States and Eastern Europe in recent months, there has been a steady flow of trade missions and diplomatic visits exchanged between the two areas. After President Nixon made his historic

American firms are buying teaching machines from the Czechs, selling computers to the Hungarians, constructing a tire plant for tbe Romanians and building a fleet of oil tankers for the Russians.

visit to the Soviet Union in May 1972, he went on to confer with Polish leaders in Warsaw. The President's visit resulted in the creation of a U.S.-Polish Trade Commission and in the opening of a new U.S. Trade Development Office in Warsaw. Former Secretary of State William Rogers, who accompanied the President to Moscow and Warsaw, also visiÂŁed the capitals of Yugoslavia, Romania, and Hungary in July 1972-the first time an American Secretary of State had ever visited either of the last two countries.

In September 1972, a delegation of Romanian officials, led by the Mayor of Bucharest, went to the United States; in October, another delegation headed by Deputy Foreign Minister (later Foreign Minister) Macovescu, visited Washington.

Visits were .exchanged between then U.S. Secretary of Commerce Peter Peterson and Polish Foreign Trade Minister Olechowski; following one such meeting, U.S. and Polish officials predicted that bilateral U.S.-Polish trade would triple in the next five years. In May, the Hungarian Minister of Transportation and Postal Affairs became the first member of the Hungarian cabinet to visit Washington in more than 20 years. In the same month, the Czechoslovakian Minister of Transportation went to the United States in connection with the big U.S. transportation fair called Transpo '72. In Bulgaria, the United States mounted an exhibit at the Plovdiv International Trade Fair and discussed the possibility of inviting a high-level delegation to the U.S. at some future date.

Problems are not All Solved Despite the optimistic predictions made by most experts on the future of East-West trade, a

number of caveats remain. The principal obstacle is the lingering tension and suspicion left over from the Cold War era. "Why should we bailout the Eastern European economies?" or "What are the Americans really after?" are questions that are heard in Washington and the capitals of Eastern Europe even today. As the atmosphere of detente deepens, the questions are likely to die down. But, for the moment, at least, they present very real barriers to a quantum jump in commercial relations.

Over the longer run, there are fundamental questions of the differences between the ways the West and East organize their economic systems and in the way they look at themselves and the world around them. Any realistic attempt to increase trade must deal with such questions frankly and openly .

The new Bureau of East-West Trade in the U.S. Department of Commerce has outlined some of these questions: 1. The major differences between the economic systems.

2. Equally important differences in the legal framework affecting trade.

3. Problems of business logistics, of moving goods.

4. Obstacles related to national security and export controls.

5. Shortages of hard currency in the East.

6. Financing difficulties.

7. Inadequate trade communication links.

8. Pricing problems.

9. Dearth of up-to-date, reliable market information.

10. Political influences.

None of these factors is, by itself, fatal to an expansion of trade. Taken together, however, they constitute a formidable challenge to political leaders and

businessmen and West.

in both

the

East

Possibilities for the Future Significant trade expansion depends on how well American companies and state enterprises in Eastern Europe can learn to work together. One key to closer and smoother economic relations is the joint venture, an approach to trade and investment problems that has already been tried and found exceedingly useful in a number of countries around the world.

Under a joint venture, American businesses and Eastern European state corporations both finance new enterprises and benefit from the profits according to the proportion invested. At first glance, the joint venture might seem to run counter to socialist economic theory and therefore be beyond the realm of possibility. But one expert, Samuel Pisar, an international lawyer based in Paris, and author of the book Coexistence and Commerce (McGraw-Hill 1970) thinks the idea might just work. Addressing himself to Western businessmen, Pisar writes: Marx and Lenin said foreigners, let alone foreign capitalists, cannot invest in a Communist country. That'sexploitation. All production must be stateowned. So it is futile to talk about owning an oil refinery or gasification plant in Murmansk. But it may not be impossible to build a plant under an agreement, transfer ownership to the approprIate Soviet authority, and make a leaseback type of agreement to be the effective operator in conjunction with the Soviet authority. That doesn't offend the ideology.

You can't acquire equity in a Soviet firm or sit on the board of directors.

But there is nothing to prevent you from negotiating an elaborate contract which provides for a management committee and a technical committee responsible for designing, building, and operating a plant that would supply a

need in the Soviet market and manufacture for export.

You can't have dividends or profit participation. What you can have is ~a royalty payment for patents or knowhow, engineering fees, management fees, interest, selling commissions.

None of this is precluded by Marx and Lenin. There is nothing to prevent you from incorporating a company outside the U.S.S.R. where the equity is held 50-50 by an American company and a Soviet enterprise. Such trans-ideological corporations already exist.

The way toward the joint venture has already been opened by commercial and industrial pacts between the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, and firms in Western Europe. Some striking examples are the $800 million Fiat establishment at Togliattigrad, the $350 million project for gas pipelines undertaken in the Soviet Union by West German and other firms, and the enormous, long-term development of Siberian coal and timber resources by the Japanese.

At least one American firm, Tenneco Inc., of Houston, Texas, has considered an arrangement whereby it would build a fleet of tankers, half of which would sail under the Soviet flag, and in return receive liquified natural gas from the U.S.S.R. The company would distribute the gas in the United States where fuel is in short supply.

The first tentative steps have been taken in ending the long commercial isolationism of East and West. How much' trade lies ahead, and what the pattern of trade will be, can only be guessed at today. But if the desires and needs on both sides are realistically assessed by the leaders, it is clear that the gap that has separated nations will be closed slowly but surely.

D

About the Author: Richard Schroeder is a free-lance writer and journalist.

'RAG

A

GJndia'svisible music

What force would compel painters who worked centuries and thousands of miles apart to follow certain pictorial formulas to express the same musical mode? This is just one aspect explored by a young American scholar in his book on a fascinating offshoot of Indian miniature painting.

I stumbled into Ragamala pamtll1g by chance. I was applying for a grant to attend an Indian Arts Seminar at Colgate University in New York State, and was asked to select a research topic for the duration of that summer seminar. Having previously studied Indian sculpture, I decided to utilize this meeting of prestigious Indian and American musicians, dancers, musicologists, and art historians to investigate any possible relationship between painting and music. In the letter in which I was awarded the grant, the director of the seminar, Musicology Professor William Skelton, wished me good luck for my "study of Ragamala," for he was aware of the scarcity of available information on this subject.

"Ragamala?" I said to my wife, "I mentioned no Ragamala in my grant proposal." I looked up the term and found out that one type of Indian miniature painting deals with the visualization of musical modes, or ragas.

At the seminar a few weeks later I was to see the first original examples of this multimedia art form, unique among the arts of the world.

My tutor was right: information was very sketchy and hard to locate. Only one book had ever been written on the subject: Ragas and Raginis by O.C. Gangoly, published in Calcutta in 1935 in an edition of 36 copies.

It was to take me a whole year of searching before I was able to lay my hands on one of these copies-and to photograph it page by page for my research.

At that time I was creating huge abstract wood sculptures, carved with the help of a motorized chain saw, and large abstract murals, painted with three-inch and eightinch wide rollers instead of brushes. Thus, these delicate little Ragamala paintings with their minute detail, often applied with singlehair brushes, and their abundance of real and

symbolic subject matter, intrigued me not only as examples of Indian art but as an approach to art as diametrically opposed to my own work as can be imagined.

After that summer at Colgate I continued gathering all available information from original and secondary sources. It became clear to me that there was great uniformity and much repetition in spite of enormous spans of time and space. Through four centuries, the 16th through the 19th, and thousands of miles, from the Deccan to the Punjab, from Marwar to Bengal, painters had produced very similar pictures over and over again of anyone of some 40 ragas. (To distinguish between musical and painting terms, I am writing raga when referring to music, and Raga, when referring to painting.) In addition to these, several hundred other Ragas were illustrated occasionally, although quite rarely, in one or the other Ragamala album.

Thus, Kakubha Ragini appeared almost always as a lone lady standing among several peacocks in a forest. Vibhasa Ragini repeatedly showed an amorous couple on a couch; the man always held the flower-studded bow of the love god Kamadeva and aimed a lotus arrow either at his reclining beloved, as though to instill her with renewed passion at the end of a night of love-making, or he aimed it at a crowing rooster on a garden wall, as if that would stop the morning from coming. Devagandhar Ragini pictured an ascetic, and Sri Raga, a lord listening to an old musician who was accompanied by a man with a horse head.

Although the style of each painting varied and thus allowed its identification as to its approximate time and region of origin, its content was remarkably similar to all miniatures with the same musical name. What force, I asked myself, would compel painters,

who worked centuries and thousands of miles apart, to follow certain pictorial formulas as the visual expression of a musical creation?

Did Indian music really conjure up the same image in everybody's mind? Was there an old text, a handbook of the trade, that prescribed these images in a similar way as the Natya Shastra, an ancient treatise on dance and drama, had affected those arts?

My research continued for several years until I had the good fortune to be awarded a research fellowship from the American Insti-. tute of Indian Studies to spend nine months in India hunting Ragamala paintings. My goal was to visit every known collection in England, Germany, and India, as I had previously done in the Eastern United States, and to photograph all their Ragamala paintings for my research notes. I wanted to assess the frequency of this art form, its variations, and the tradition of its pictorial formulas, its iconographies, by process of mass analysis. I wanted to gather in one hand all the surviving information about this now-extinct art form in order to find the answers to the above questions.

WelI, I did not find the handbook of the trade, a "Ragamala Shastra," nor did I find in all my contacts with Indian music, musicians, and listeners any evidence that their minds conjured up the same images when they heard the same raga.

But I did find India. I visited many museums and private collections whose scholarly curators or owners received and aided me with cordial hospitality. My wife, my four daughters, and I made many, many friends.

We visited the great sites of India's cultural history; we encountered the land, the climate, the tastes, sounds, and scents of India. We celebrated Diwali, Independence Day, and

KAKUBHA RAG1N1 Deccan, 18th century; 6" x 9-1/2"; Art Collection, Kankroli, Rajasthan.

A lone woman, pining for her absent husband, stands among excited peacocks olltside the palace.

Almost invariably this raga is shown as a solitary lady mourning her lord's absence amid peacocks, either in a forest or in the grounds of her mansion.

'But from where did the first painters take their clues?

Apparently from images described in Ragamala poetry.'

Holi. We bargained in the crowded and colorful bazars, we thrived on delicious Indian food. We watched dances and listened to music. In summary, we learned about the whole way of life in India through actual experience -a precious, unforgettable experience.

And I did find some 4,OOO,Ragamalapaintings and some two dozen Ragamala poems.

I analyzed and compared, weeded out obvious errors, exchanges, hybrids, and unique additions to the traditional compositions. I found the existence of four iconographic traditions. I found the immediate roots of Ragamala painting in poetry rather than in music. r found the original consumers to be mainly women. These discoveries and much other evidence were then compacted in my book Ragamala Painting, a comprehensive description of this subject.

What at first had appeared to my Western eyes as rather abstract decorative patterns and picture compositions, I found to be very realistic and keenly observed characteristics of Rajasthani, Deccani, and Ce~tral Indian landscape, architecture, fauna, flora, and human costumes. What at first had looked like a rather two-dimensional treatment of natural and architectural space that lacked the illusion of central perspective as used in Euope and America for the last 500 years, was in reality a highly efficient utilization of the inypainting surface. The important elements, the human figures, received the main share of he painter's attention, while their surround-

ings were simply stated with a few characteristic details. The corner of a palace and a terrace, a bed, three steps, a pond, a few trees, plants and animals set the stage for the scene quite clearly and eloquently.

How then did a painter of Ragamalas work? As a rule, I believe, Ragamalas were only a side line for an all-purpose court or bazar painter. He would be familiar with the local contemporary style of painting and might also produce on demand portraits, scenes of hunts, battles, and darbars, as well as illustrations to Hindu epics, such as the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, and themes of the Krishnalila and the Nayikabheda.

He would consult existing Ragamala albums or single pages for names and picture formulas. He would up-date this information by exchanging occasionally a raga name, the music of which was not practiced locally, for the name of a more popular piece of music, and by expressing the picture formula in the style popular at the time.

As he was proficient neither in reading nor calligraphy, he would ask a scribe or court poet to inscribe the paintings with old Ragamala verses, which in the process of repeated copying from album to album got quite badly corrupted. In a few cases the court poet would even rephrase the old verses, or embellish them with additional sentences, or translate them into the v.ernacular Hindi, Rajasthani, or Braj-Bhasa, the dialect of the Agra region, or even transcribe them into Urdu or,Persian to make its content accessible to the patr'On ~ . .*;; who had commissioned the album.

The painter would furthermore fake into consideration the religious preferences and the aristocratic status of his patron and pattern the heroes of his paintings after Shiva, Krishna, or Vishnu, and put them into a setting reminiscent of the local palace situation.

Klaus Ebeling, the author of the article on these pages is a sculptor, painter, scholar of Indian art, and Professor of Art and Art History at Jefferson Community College in Watertown, New York. He is the author of a new book titled Ragamala Painting, which was published in late 1973by Ravi Kumar (Basilius Presse, CH4002 Basel, Switzerland; and Kumar Gallery, 11 Sundar Nagar Market, New Delhi 3). The book, which is IOf' X 12!,' in size, comprises 320 pages and contains 446 ilIustni.tions including 60 in color and full size. It also contains an iconographic dictionary and translations of texts.

All the illustrations accOm,panyjpg the SPAN articl~including the one on the cover of this Issue-are also found in the book, with the exception of Sindhuri Ragini on page 25.

A remarkable tribute is paid to this 44-year-old Am rican scholar in the Foreword to the book, which was written by Dr. Karan Singh, the Union Minister of Health and Family Planning and one of the most distinguished scholars in India today. Dr. Karan Singh wrote: "We live today in a world that 'is torn by conflict and confronta-

In short, with diplomatic flattery he would make it easy for the patron to identify with the pictured lords and their partly divine, partly aristocratic trimmings without actually having portrayed the patron as an individual.

The painter's knowledge of music was as spotty as that of poetry. After all, he was no musician, but at best a good listener and observer of concerts. He would frequently include musicians among the secondary figures of his painting or place a veena or tanpura in the hands of the principal character, the Raga or Ragini. If the demand justified it he would make a set of charbas, outline drawings with color notations on tracing paper, which co:uld be used many times to speed up the production. The outlines often were perforated to permit pouncing, the rubbing of colored powder through the pin 110lesoQto the final painting surface. Details of flora, costumes, and architecture would in each production be arranged differently to give a certain degree of originality and uniqueness. Another easy way to accomplish an appearance of uniqueness was to use the charba face down. T!J.atcreated a mirror reversed composition which looked quite different from the precursor. To design new visualizations of ragas completely from scratch was not the painter's preference. He would resort to that only when he lacked any clue at all to previous practice.

But from where did the first painters take their clues? Apparently from images described in Ragamala poetry. They expressed these images as far as they, could with fitting or related picture cqnipositions from older illustrations of the Krisnnalila, Nayikabheda, and other love literature.

The poets in turn had received the idea of Ragamala, "a garland of ragas," from musicians. Two thousand years ago the latter were already memorizing and teaching principal

tion. Despite impressive economic growth in many parts of the world, mankind is still far from the harmonized and integrated unity of which idealists have dreamed since time immemorial. The typhoon of change that is sweeping across the face of the world today, destroying established traditions and making it difficult for new formulations to grow in their place, seems to have created a deep schism within the heart of man. He appears often as a being divided against itself, torn by conflicting ideas and ideals, seeking but never finding the still point of this rapidly turning world. Itis the great role of art and music to act as forces toward harmony and integration, both inner and outer, bringin~ the healing touch of sympathy and symmetry into the fractured a1,ldfragmented lives of men. Gr&at art cuts across all barriers of language and race, religion and. nationality, and can be a major force toward realizing the essential unity of the human race. It is in this broader context that I have pleasure in commending this beautiful volume to lovers of art and music throughout the world."

In another part of the Foreword to Ebeling's definitive book, Dr. Karan Singh places Ragamala painting in the context of India's artistic tradition, and pays tribute to the book's scholarship:

PATMANJARI RAGINI, Provincial Mughal style. ca. 1610; 5-1/2" x 7-1/2"; Collection, Dr. W.B. Manley. Guildford, England.

The painting above is part of the earliest near-complete album inscribed with a Sanskrit text(not shown here) by a poet named Kasyapa. His poem is the source of most pictorial formulas for Ragamala patnttngs in the Rajasthcmi ,Tradition.

"The Indian artistic tradition is among the most ancient and richly varied in the history of mankind. A feature particularly important in India!} art is that, unlike the great creations of ancient Greece or Egypt, Babylon or Mexico, it represents a tradition that is still alive and vibrant in the life of millions of hl:l1l1anbeings. This is the special fascination of India, and the reason why Indian art is of much deeper than merely archival or historical interest. The present volume deals with a particularly attractive facet of the Indian artistic tradition. In the Ragamala paintings we have a confluence of two major artistic strands, miniature painting and classical music. In a way all forms of art can be considered interpenetrative, because the joy of creation and contemplation which they provide ultimately reflects itself in the ineffable mystery of the awareness of beauty. Often two or more art forms are combined, and enrich each other. Thus Indian artists have chosen the ragas as a favorite subject. The Ragas and their derivatives including the raginis and ragaputras (the consorts and offspring of the six male Ragas, the predominant musical modes) occupy a central positiol}in the two great classical sy;tems of Indian music, the Hindustani and the Karnataka. As miniature painting developed mainly in

DESAKH RAGINI,Sirohi, ca. 1690;4" x6"; Collectioll, J.P. Goenka, Calcutta. This acrobatic iconography differs from all others in the Rajasthani Tradition. which mostly display the rasa of Sringara. the erotic mood. As in the ascetic Raginis. painters seem undecided whether to show the main character as male or female.

North India, the Ragamala paintings deal essentially with the Hindustani tradition and seek to present, through a wide spectrum of highly imaginative forms and colors, the varying moods and modes ?f classical music. Each raga and ragini are associated with a very special mood created by a combination of season, time of day or night, and the inner integrity of the raga, and these offer a wide field for creative interpretationby the miniature painter.

"The tradition of miniature painting in India is one which spans many centuries, beginning in the 11th and 'coming right up to the 19th, and covers large parts of North India from Gujarat and the deserts of Rajasthan up to the snowy mountains of Jammu and Himachal Pradesh. Some of the most exquisite of these paintings deal with the ragas, and the iconography of these paintings has attracted considerable scholarly attention and debate. In this imp'ressive voll:l1l1eKlaus Ebeling has selected a large number of such paintings, many of which are reproduced in ~olor, and presented them with a wealth of scholarly and artistic detail. This is a book which will be a delight to all lovers of art and music, whatever their own tradition or habitation."

ReprodJJcedby permission oft"e pubUs"er,

'Most patrons of Ragamala albums were Hindu aristocrats and wealthy merchants who loved music, poetry, and painting. They found in these miniatures an expression of all three arts.'

and subordinate ragas in groups, which were PANCHAM counted off on one's fingers apparently as it RAGAPUTRA is still done today with the counts of the tala, Marwar(?), ca. 1640; 5-1/2" x 9-1/2"; National the rhythmic measures in music, or as prayers Museum, New Delhi. are counted on a rosary-another "mala." It This painting is marked is easy to imagine an exasperated guru at one as the son of raga time attempting to explain the groups of Bhairav. It belongs to a melodies to his forgetful student by compar- Ragamala 0/86 folios which/ollowed the ing them to a raja and his wives and labeling iconographic details the subordinate melodies raginis, i.e., female suggested by Mesakarna, ragas, or wives of a raga. That analogy was a 16-century court priest literally at hand. After all, musicians believed from Rewa. He describes their music to have both a sound form and a Pancham Putra as a darkskinned man in a yellow visual or bodily form. They attributed each garment, holding in his raga to a patron deity and prayed before each hands paan, lotus, flute performance or practice for divine blessing. and cymbals, and having Furthermore, each raga and ragini was as- the marks of sun and signed to a seasonal function, such as to be moon on his forehead. sung in the spring (Vasant Ragini), at the advent of the rainy season (Megh Malhar), S1NDHURI RAGIN1 or early in the morning (Lalit). What now is (Opposite page). Kangra, considered classical concert music originated ca. 1790; National in the folkish songs of a region (Gujari from Gallery of Modern Art, Gujarat), or as the songs of peasant girls New Delhi. Sindhuri once belonged to an 84-page guarding the ripening fields against grazing album. The painter took deer (Todi), or as the tune of snake-charmers the word sindhu, ocean, fr0111the mountain tribe of the Saveris which is hidden in the (Asavari). Thus a Ragamala most commonly name, and turned it into became a series of 36 melodies in six families, a bathing scene. Since these ladies are appareach headed by a raga and assigned to one ently unsure of their of the six Indian seasons of the year. swimming skills, they About a thousand years ago poetry en- use empty pots asfloats. uoyed particular popularity and was even practiced as an amateur art form by cultured Indian art form with wide appeal. And as rulers. Religious and worldly themes alike once the poets thought they were profeswere well expressed in verse. Hindus delighted sionally better trained and skilled to express .n the tales of their epics and mythology; the prayer verses of the musicians, so now ious Jains collected copies of the Kalpasutra; did the painters take over the imagery of uslims competed with Hindus in the crea- Ragamala poetry and make them truly visible tion of adventure stories and romances. Small in painting. onder that poets in their search for new A good number of Ragamala albums are themes rephrased the old raga prayer for- still today in the possession of the families mulas of the musicians and embellished them whose forebears had once commissioned ith aristocratic-cum-divine concepts of hus- them. But more and more have become and and wives in specific scenes, moods, known and accessible to the public in museactivities, and romantic situations in the life- ums and private art collections in India, style of their listeners. They recited them at Europe, and America. the evening fireplace taking turns with the What attracted the original patron to this court historians and their battle stories, and theme? Most patrons of Ragamala albums hey probably also inscribed them in now lost were Hindu aristocrats and wealthy meraIm leaves for future generations of court chants who loved music, poetry, and painting. oets.

They found in these miniatures an expression When in the 15th and 16th century paper of all three arts. The pro-Mughal Hindu also nd miniatures were imported from Persia, emulated the attention paid to miniature iniature painting became also a major painting at the imperial court-the strong

Mughal influence in various local painting styles suggests this. The anti-Mughal Hindu found satisfaction and a certain patriotic pleasur~ in the purely indigenous Hindu subject matter of Ragamala painting. . But most important, Ragamala was an art for women. Left at home by their warrior or merchant husbands for extended periods of time each year, Ragamala served as a cultured reminder of their matrimonial bond and loyalty. It showed them a romantic but pious view of the life of a wife as their husbands saw it or liked to see it. It was in fact a sexual surrogate on a level of socially accepted fantasy for the long periods of abstinence in the young adult years which these wealthy women had to endure as part of their dharma.

By far the most common and most often painted theme was that of the lone woman, love in separation. In the person of the Ragini she whiles away the loveless days drawing

at Kotah in 1768. In an unbelievable wealth of imagery and fine craftsmanship the painter 'Ragamala painting ceased Dalu added to the 84 Ragas, Raginis, and to be a living art in the 19th Putras also 60 daughters and 96 daughtersin-law, as well as six personifications of musicentury due to the influence cal notes, frontispieces and text pages (Collecof European "civilization." , tion, Saraswati Bhandar, Udaipur).

Mesakarna's poem was, however, the principal source of all Ragamalas painted in the het; husband's portrait (Dhanasri Ragini); Pahari region from Basohli and Kangra to plucking petals off a lotus, maybe looking for Tehri-Garhwal. Pahari painters apparently a love oracle (Malsri); wandering through the had the time and the patrons for 84-folio forest among peacocks (Kakubha) or deer albums. They found ingenious ways to enliven (Todi); praying to Lord Shiva for the safe the uninteresting Ragini iconographies, for return of her husband (Bhairavi); or sacrific- Mesakarna, somewhat unfamiliar with the ing to Brahma (Khambhavati); turning like ways of noble women, had favored the Ragas the ideal wife Parvati by the intensity of and Putras with all the action and visible distinction. In some cases the painters played these prayers into an ascetic (Devagandhar, Bangali, Kamod, Setmalar); finally, hearinK on the sound of the musical name. Sindhuri shows swimming of her husband's imminent return, arranging Ragini (sindhu-ocean) flowers in a vase (Gunkali) and putting on the girls; Kumkuni Ragini pictures a lady with a rooster (Kukkuta); Chandra (moon) Putra nine traditional items of jewelry (Bilaval).

The second most frequent theme illustrates represents a moon worshipper; Bhaskar (sun) love in union. When her lord arrives the lady Putra features a peasant couple milking at pouts at first because of his tardiness and the sunrise; Harsha (happinesS') Putra shows a love marks which betray his prior visit to couple eating paan; and Vinod (gay, lightanother woman (Ramkali); but then the hearted) Putra depicts a gentleman embracing great joy of reunion is celebrated in dance two women. In other cases the painters made (Vasant, Megh Malhar), on the swing use of a second poem by Mesakarna in which (Hindo!), at concerts (Sri, Malkos), and in he attributes to each musical mode an animal preparation of a passionate night (Bairagi, voice, a sound of nature or of human activity.

Malavi, Dipak). What happens then is coyly Thus a cat accompanies Patmanjari Ragini, left unpainted but not unimagined. Dawn snakes are fed by Abhiri Ragini, gazelles marks the end of "the battle oflove" (Vibhasa). listen to Gujari Ragini, a dog plays with The husband, with garlanas in his hands, Saveri Ragini, and Sarang R~gini churns leaves reluctantly the chamber of the' now butter. sleeping lady.

All these iconographies belong to paintings made in Rajasthan, the Gangetic Valley, and Ragamala painting ceased to be a living the Deccan. Their pictorial root can be found art in the 19th century due to the growing in a single Ragamala poem by an otherwise influence of European "civilization," the deunknown poet Kasyapa who may have lived cay of the feudal system and its' culture, the in the 15th or early 16th century and admit- declining practice of traditional arts in gentedly drew his ideas from sources another eral, and other factors. thousand years older. About 80 per cent of In the 20th century many traditional forms all surviving Raga-mala paintings belofig to of the visual and performing arts received this tradition which I have named the Raja- increased attention from scholars, art lovers, and friends of India throughout the world. sthani Tradition.

Based on another poem, which used partly They and the growing spirit of nationalism the same ancient source, a second icono- within India were significantly guided by such graphic tradition appeared in:'Ragamalas pioneering spokesmen of the Indian heritage from Amber in-the 17th and 18th century. It, as Rabindranath Tagore and Ananda K. too, featured six Ragas and 30 Raginis.

Coomaraswamy.

Mesakarna, a 16th-century court Brahmin The value and scarcity of the surviving from Rewa, Bundelkhand, wrote still another Ragamala paintings, single and i,l1albums, Ragamala poem describing also 48 Raga- 'has increased with this general t~end. Alputras, sons of Ragas. But only a few Raga- though their physical fragility was and will malas, according to Mesakarna, seem to have be the major cause of their gradual extinction, been painted in the plains, the above men- many examples will appear and disappear in tioned regions, for albums of 84 or more the not always proper ways of collecting and pages were simpl~ beyond the means and trading. Let¡ us hope that responsible and patience of most patrons. Yet the most vo- competent agencies and individuals will preluminous album known is among these few. serve for us aU this unique Indian contribuIt con~ined once 251 folios and was painted tion to the art of the world.

DEVAGANDHAR RAG1N1, BundilKotah. ca. 1740; 4-112" x 7-112"; National Museum, New Delhi. Poets describe Devagandhar as a longing wife who has prayed so fervently for the return of her husband and has practiced so many austerities to appease the gods that she has turned into an. ascetic herself, with matted hair and ash-besmeared body. Such a transformation is an artistic device that comes easy to the poet, but it presents the painter with a distressing choice. How shall he paint a beautiful young woman so lovesick that she has turn'ed into an emaciated ascetic? The crownlike arrangement of jewels around her hair and the rich furniture in the palace-turnedhermitage testify to her former status.

MARU RAG1N1(Opposite page), Mewar, ca. 1650; 5# x 7'; National Museum, New Delhi. Maru is one of six names that artists of Mewar added to the usual ' ' 36 in order to obtain a 42-folio album.

Its picture is derived from the popular love story of Dhola and Maru, who, against strong opposition, find each other with the aid of a blind but ingenious camel.

Ezra Pound 1885-1972

One year ago, Ezra Pound died. On these pages, two distinguished Indians pay him tribute. In the portrait at left, artist J. Swaminathan captures Pound's angry passion. In the article below, Professor Ghose analyzes the poetry of the man who taught the craft to T.S. Eliot and W.B. Yeats.

For years a lively, controversial figure ("What's wrong with that man?"), obviously one of the figures of the century, if miglior fabbro, Ezra Pound has perhaps been oversold. Who has not quickened and also wondered at Eliot's generous tribute to "probably the most important poet in our language?" The dissenting notes cannot be ignored and a just estimate of man and poet, disturbed and disturbing inheritor of a broken world, is not easy. One cannot be sure what the world will finally value in this apparently wild and contradictory character, his various exhortations and experiments. Possibly it will not be the things which he had set out so brashly to display or to demolish but something else, something much older, the affirmation of his deepest loyalties and insight, that will survive. Was he a variation of romantic protest and nostalgia,¡ the deracine who longed desperately, ranging far and wide, from Confucius to Froebinus, for fragments of the Earthly Paradise, and to whom the Fates in the end brought, not without due suffering, a serenity and rootedness he had not bargained for? The Epic of the West ended as an elegy, in a metamorphosis through a descent into hell, "near Pisa." More than his deliberate disguises and deployments, it is perhaps this that makes him, in spite of himself, an Everyman of the age.

There are two Ezra Pounds, inextricably mixed: the showman and the eclectic artist torn by the desire to belong. Behind his freewheeling whimsicality and the rifling of the lost world's treasures, behind the angry passion to deny the domination of the modern and the formidable fa<;:adeof an aggressive cosmopolitanism, there was an essentially simple-minded man whom neither the public nor Ezra Pound would own. This has created a gap or tension between what he wanted to do and his final achievement. Even then we should honor him for having failed in so high a cause, if failure is the word for it, and not "the defects inherent in a record of struggle." This holds a lesson of its own and might be extended to include an indictment of a commercial civilization, "old bitch gone in the teeth." Maladjustment or artistic abnormality has become a measure of our unstable society, for which it is not enough to blame the artists.

Most of Pound's battles, literary and otherwise, have by now turned into old tales, news that has not stayed news. Yet there is no unanimity about his position or performance. Founding father of the modern movement, according to some. Others, less appreciative, find him essentially an un-modern, always eager to run into the private dream, even in a real sense a rank reactionary, if not a paranoid. Was the present tense his goad and fury? He has never loved anything living as he has loved the dead, said Wyndham Lewis.

Of his portrait of Ezra Pound, artist Swaminathan says: "For his antiSemitism, I made him look a little like a rabbi. His fascist sympathies I attribute to the smallness of man; his poetry Was the gift of God."

Yet poets greater than Pound submitted readily and with gratitude to his blue pencil. What was the source of that authority? Good at helping others, in spotting and nurturing talent, he was less lucky in directing and disciplining himself. He talked of order without realizing it. All in all, here is a champion of tradition ("no lack of reverence for great writers") unwilling to bend to any yoke except on his own terms. Here also is a revolte who happened to be a past master in conveying his lack of insight by a torrent of impolite essays, incoherent and unpopular opinions. Pretentious, passionate, exciting, boring.

Which is the correct view? Can taere be a correct view?

* * * * *

Ezra Pound appeared on the scene almost as a late Victorian, a blend of Browning, Morris, Swinburne, Yeats, with the '90s in the background, almost "a picturesque back-number." His interest in Provencal and early Italian were already there. To these he would add, in due course, Latin, Greek, Egyptian and Chinese. All told it was the work of a minor poet, a dandy from the Wild West. [Pound was born in Hailey, Idaho, deep in the wilderness of the 19th-century American West.] A little showy if "lovely," a damning adjective in certain situations. But he rung so many changes on both theme and technique, and in the language itself. And there was his amazing development.

Even that early he reveals three lasting interests or distinguishing features: an eagerness and ability to "translate" from widely differing milieus (Anglo-Saxon, Provencal, Chinese, Japanese, Latin and Greek); a mastery of cadence and a search after the music of poetry, a versatile metrics; a reaching toward the conversational idiom coupled with the telling image. Later came another mode or ambition: to write the many-leveled epic of the modern age. Events would however provide their own strange denouement to the self-conscious experiment and all would change, change utterly.

But whether it is the Seafarer, Bertrand de Born, Propertius or Rihaku, Pound is never content merely to translate. Faithful not to the original but to himself (or to the spirit of the original), he is for ever adding something of his own, "transcreating." Be it the breezy, sometimes brassy, Browningesque bravado of: Damn it all! all this our South stinks peace.

You whoreson dog, Papiols, come! Let's to music!

And let the music of the swords make them crimson!

Hell grant soon we hear again the swords clash!

Hell blot black for alway the thought ((Peace!"

Wherefore I made her a song and she went from me As the moon dothfrom the sea,

But still came the leaf words, little brown elf words Saying "The soul sendeth us."

"A song, a song!"

And in vain I cried unto them" I have no song For she I sang of hath gone from me."

And if you ask how I regret that parting: It is like the flowers falling at Spring's end Confused, whirled in a tangle.

What is the use of talking, and there is no end of talking, There is no end of things in the heart.

I call in the boy, Have him sit on his knees here To seal this, And send it a thousand miles, thinking.

Pound betrays, all the same, a curious, ineradicable unease. He is using masks. But why does he need so many? He adopts so many speaking voices that it becomes difficult to know which is his own.

The words fit the situation no doubt, but there is such a vertigo of attitudinizing and so little depth that almost never-till we reach the Pisan Cantos-does one hear the total man or feel the pressure of mature experience.

The Browningesque "Sestina: Altaforte" may have delighted the Soho restaurateurs to whom it was recited first. But the Thames was not set on fire, and the poem has taken its place among his less distinguished works. As for "Near Perigord," was it anything more than a late-Victorian literary exercise? A weakness for showy gestures, usually unsuccessful, accounts for a large quantity of Pound's works.

"Homage to Sextus Propertius," vastly more sophisticated and competent, continues the same habit, the ventriloquist using other voices for his own. But here too there was no question of a translation, a point over which the pundits stumbled, predictably. Pound's self-defense was entirely in character. "There was never any question of translation, let alone literal translation. My job was to bring a dead man to life, to present a living figure." The only question is: Whose was the living figure: Propertius's or Pound's or Pound-Propertius?

It is not when he tries to be clever and urbane that Pound is the better poet. "Cathay" can still be read with pleasure partly because the egotistical sublime is held in complete control. A remarkable feat, though Ford Madox Hueffer's praise is perhaps a little too highpitched: "If these are original verses, then Mr. Pound is the greatest poet of this day." The feat is the more remarkable when one is told that at the time of translating-or even later-Pound knew little Chinese or Japanese. This supports the impression that the more he knows-or rather, the more he displays his undigested knowledgethe worse he is as a poet. Large chunks of the Cantos, especially the historical portions, prove this.

But the knowledge question apart, his picture of the meeting and parting of friends-he himself must have known so many-can be touching. It can be sincere, tender, direct, un-self-conscious, more truly cultured than one would expect from the author of a hortatory Guide to Kulchur. The oft-quoted "The River-Merchant's Wife: A Letter" is worth quoting again: While my hair was still cut straight across my forehead Played I about the front gate, pulling flowers.

You came by on bamboo stilts, playing horse, You walked about my seat, playing with blue plums.

And we went on living in the village of Chokan: Two small people, without dislike or suspicion.

At fourteen I married My Lord you.

I never laughed, being bashful.

Lowering my head, I looked at the wall.

Called to, a thousand times, I never looked back.

At fifteen I stopped scowling, I desired my dust to be mingled with yours Forever and forever and forever.

Why should I climb the look out?

At sixteen you departed, You went into far Ku-to-yen, by the river of swirling eddies, And you have been gone five months.

The monkeys make sorrowful noise overhead.

You dragged your feet when you went out.

By the gate now, the moss is grown, the different mosses, Too deep to clear them away!

The leaves fall early this autumn, in wind.

The paired butterflies are already yellow with August Over the grass in the West garden; They hurt me. I grow older.

If you are coming down through the narrows of the river Kiang, Please let me know beforehand, And I will come out to meet you As far as Cho-fu-Sa.

But this was too exquisite to last. Whatever the consequences, Pound was bound to move on from the charm of the distant to the multiple pressures of the ugly present, which hurt him so much. Hugh Selwyn M auberley, his first foray in the modern style, has received considerable attention. A great poem, said Eliot. For Leavis it was the only poem that mattered (he never got over his allergy to the Cantos). "It is a whole and the whole is great poetry." Fraser permits himself to think that it is a better poem than The Waste Land. But these reclames are dated. To a more critical view the poem appears narrow, artificial, self-indulgent, evasive, divided, too mannered to be counted among great literature. Pound who affected to run down literature that was merely a social document, has himself supplied one or two specimens. How preciously, securely esthetic is this crestjewel of apostrophe!

The age demanded an image Of its accelerated grimace, Something for the modern stage, Not, at any rate, an Attic grace; o bright Apollo,

tin andra, tin beroa, tina theon, What god, man, or hero Shall I place a tin wreath upon!

In a passage like this, and almost throughout, Pound is doing what Eliot has done in The Waste Land: enjoying the banter as well as trying to look superior. But the criticism of life is in the simplest terms, nothing grander than the cry of the romantic poet against his environment. The cries are uttered with an urbane crispness, a tough elegance.

It is wholly a question of how it is being said, not what. The complexity is a matter of surface. Pace Leavis, pressure of experience and valid criticism are just what the poem lacks.

But who or what is Mauberley? By all accounts an alter ego, though we are warned not to equate him with the author. "I'm no more Mauberley than Eliot is Prufrock." But the doubt lingers, and is strengthened by the opening poem, "E.P. Ode Pour L'Election De Son Sepulchre." His admirers hail it as a farewell to the esthetic attitude ("His true Penelope was Flaubert"). It has even been treated as a war poem. But irony is not enough and the poem, more flippant than tragic, verges on self-parody. According to that devoted exegete, Hugh Kenner, Mauberley is "a parody of Pound the poet with whom

Mr. Pound (italics ours) is anxious not to be equated." is understandable.

The anxiety

But if Pound's reputation were to depend on these early works, it would be tenuous indeed, and give no index of the tremendous impact of his tireless energy. Sooner or later there had to be a summing up, the testament, the magnum opus. Ezra Pound is the poet of the Cantos, or as he preferred to call it, draft of cantos, his "great [more than] 40-year epic" about everything and nothing. He seems to have staked venture, his poetic fortune on that desperate never-to-be-completed his intimate journal or conversation of the mind with itself ("talk, talk, talk"). No subsequent poem of any great length has been able to escape its influence. Whether the epic can be written now or not, it calls for special qualities and circumstances. It may be doubted if Ezra Pound had in him an epic, and an epic of many levels at that.

For his own part, he seemed to be oblivious of the paradox of the odd man, of "isolated superiority," trying to write "the tale of the tribe." In this nothing is easier than to hoist him with his own rather Confucian petard. If a man does not discipline himself, Kung had said, he cannot bring discipline into his home. And Pound, the poet of exile, had no home to speak of. What he had instead was the desire to return: "I am homesick after mine own kind."

The Cantos are not complex but complicated and, except for fragments, not easy to deal with. Abundant and contradictory explications have tended to confuse the issues and it is still possible to ask, without hope of a clear answer: What are the Cantos about and how do they hang together? Who is the hero, what is the myth, where the locale?

And how about technique?

The hero, of course, is E.P. Everyman. His education is its theme.

The myth is a quest or metamorphosis, through a journey or descent into hell. The locale is Nowhere, a flux. The art is the art of revery: Since Pound is congenitally "remember that I have remembered." generous to every passing thought or whim, one should not look for classical signposts or structures in this pile or monumental ruin. No wonder the poem calls for an esthetics of its own, some of which the poet himself has readily supplied. In this he has been followed by others who have told us of the many ways in which to read, or not to read, the poem. Disclaiming any intentional obscurity, Pound had held out the hope that when he got to the end, the "pattern ought to be discoverable." That pious hope has remained unfulfilled.

This has not deterred its defenders from claiming it as the crowning glory of the Master, an international hero though fallen on evil days.

Among its other virtues was the attempt to create a "carry-all form" and break down prejudices against foreign or neglected cultures, a freedom from the provincialism of time and space. And such has been the poet's prestige and charisma that eminent colleagues have been content to trust Pound's self-confidence and give the experiment the benefit of doubt. But it is straining credulity to be asked to accept that "their very inscrutability performs half their poetic function."

Does not this kind of explanation go against the spirit of the author who had said in his essay, "The Serious Artist," that the "writer says just what he means. He says it with complete clarity and simplicity?"

Such a poem has no lack of critics, and they have not hesitated to call it a bluff, a pompous ragbag, wrong from the start, virtually a rejection of life as it is now lived. Where does the truth lie? Without entering into a detailed analysis we can say that the poem's "truth" does not lie where Pound may have wanted it, if he had ever any clear idea. The poem's success, its peak point, is a donnee. The anagnorisis, a flower of evil, springs suddenly, as something of a shock. One could call it an act of grace. But we anticipate.

On the conscious level the Cantos are a search for civilization. The search or journey has its archetype in the Odyssey and the return to Ithaca. This is one parallel. Others have suggested a comparison with the Commedia. Nearer home, there is Whitman. In a sense, the Cantos

are Pound's Song of Myself.

As was to be expected, Pound has his share, a lion's share, in the explication. In a letter to his father he had explained, a little gnomically: A.A. Live man goes to the world of the Dead.

C.B. The «repeat in history."

B.C. The «magic moment" or moment of metamorphosis through quotidien into «divine or permanent world," Gods, etc.

A year later came the analogy of the Bach fugue which Yeats (in some ways a kindred spirit; see A Vision) announced in his Packet for Ezra Pound: "At last he explains that it will, when the hundredth canto is finished, display a structure like that of a Bach fugue. There will be no plot, no chronicle of events, no logic of discourse, but two themes, the Descent into Hades from Homer, a Metamorphosis from Ovid, and mixed with these medieval or modern historical characters .... " As if the mixture was not enough, taking an envelope from his pocket, Pound "scribbled certain series of letters that represent emotions or archetypal events ....

ABCD, then KJLM, and each of the letters repeated, and then a new element, XYZ, then certain letters that never recur, and then all sorts of combinations of XYZ and JKLM and ABCD and DCBA and all whirling together."

Is this model very helpful? It is hard to get rid of the feeling that the Cantos do not have t,he kind of structure which would allow us to say at the end of a section'; what kind of section would have to follow it.

Which is only to say that at the beginning Pound had no clear idea as to how the poem would proceed or end. A brief survey will show.

The first canto is virtually a Poundian rendering of a Renaissance Latin version of the Odyssey. The second takes up a tale from Ovid.

The Greek world, the Renaissance and World War I were to be the poem's Inferno, we are told. The equation is not convincing. The history of money and banking which comes later-or usura, to use the medieval phrase Pound himself uses ("I am writing for humanity in a world eaten by usury")-was to be part of Purgatorio. As for Paradiso, no one, not even Pound himself, has been able to throw much light. The last few Cantos, Rock Drills or Thrones, do not come anywhere near that high fulfillment.

The claim of an epic is hard to sustain. There is neither sequence, plot, nor character; only paper puppets. The Cantos' celebrated incoherence, the personalized and polyglot allusions and irrelevancies ("you cannot easily switch from Orteum to Peoria without violence") are not always or particularly helpful. At best it lapses into lucidity.

Relying on book-learning, even more than Milton, he cannot breathe life into the history. The great things in the poem-they are therecome by chance and could not have been part of the original plan, the contrived maze.

The quarrel among the critics subsides more or less when it comes to the Pisan Cantos. Here is the magic moment, of metamorphosis through a descent into hell, austere, direct, free from emotional slither and polymorpholls swashbuckling.

The emotional background is well-known. How, after the Allied victory, under trial as a traitor, Pound had been confined to an army barrack, among the lowest of the low. Not unnaturally, he suffered a nervous breakdown. For his poetry, however, this proved to be a godsend. It brought him back to life, from book-learning to authentic living, helped him to grow out of his beguilement with preciosity and mystification, and saved the poem from becoming an elaborate poesie de refus. Through suffering and humiliation, and using a sensibility entirely unadorned, entirely his own, Pound reached humility, a word unknown in his dictionary of the absurd and the ambitious. The result-a prison poem, a genre not without honor in literature-is a kind of basic writing and residual wisdom, in which we get his total mind or experience. Through dark and devious channels his education is complete and the early prayer-

"0 dieu, purifiez nos coeurs"-granted.

For the first, perhaps the only time he gets our undivided attention. Here, the work of a lifetime, and not in the modish Mauberley, is Pound's "quintessential autobiography. " Even Pound matured. The price was heavy, but worth it. The circumstances and the temperament that drove him to a contempt of democracy and flirtation with dictatorship and anti-Semitism, and then to a mental hospital, wil1 one day be forgotten, if not forgiven.

Not so the poetry. Pound now becomes something of a moral sage, more Zen-like than Wordsworth. The broken mirror of memory and being suddenly comes whole. His brief evocations sound genuine, unforgettable, unlike anything that we have heard before. It is here that he has really made it new, cleansed the doors of perception, and song and speech have come together, spontaneously. Listen to this: A fat moon rises lopsided over the mountain The eyes, this time my world, But pass and look from mine between my lids sea, sky and pool alternate pool, sky, sea ....

If the hoar frost grip thy tent Thou wilt give thanks when night is spent.

Chastened, contrite, he now emerges as a poet of Jove and moral vision. The poet of many voices now speaks in his own, for all men: ((Master thyself, then others shall thee beare" Pull down thy vanity Thou art a beaten dog beneath the hail.

She would like some one to speak to her, And is almost afraid that I will commit that indiscretion.

Go, dumb-born book, Tell her that sang me once that song of Lawes: Hadst thou but song As thou hast subjects known, Then were there cause in thee that should condone Even my faults that heavy upon me lie, And build her glories their longevity.

Tell her that sheds Such treasure in the air, Reeking naught else but that her graces give Life to the moment, I would bid them live As roses might, in magic amber laid, Red overwrought with orange and all made One substance and one color Braving time.

Tell her that goes With song upon her lips But sings not out the song, nor knows The maker of it, some other mouth, May be as fair as hers, Alight, in new ages, gain her worshippers, When our two dusts with Waller's shall be laid, Siftings on siftings in oblivion, Till change hath broken down All things save Beauty alone.

Beneath the hail, die Heilige. Out of stigma, sanctus.

* * * * *

His deepest loyalties are irremediably esthetic. "Even in your dreams you have denied yourself to me/And sent me only your handmaids," he had said in an early poem. "Born/in a half-savage country, out of date,/Bent resolutely on wringing lilies from the acorn." The champion of Provence, the spirit of Romance, Cathay and Japan, the critic of Usura, the defender of violent men was largely inspired by an inability to accept the present age.

An esthete in the serious sense of the word ("Artists are the antennae of the race") Pound was also a Iyrist. It is characteristic that he should have called Divina Commedia "in a sense lyric, the tremendous lyric of the subjective Dante." The lyrical note, that changes and grows, refers to a deeper level of his sensibility and awareness than the self-conscious manifestoes on which his present vogue-or denigration-seems to be based. From the early days, when ...

The light became her grace and dwelt among Blind eyes and shadows that are formed as men!

Lo how doth light melt us into song.

The tree has entered my hands, The sap has ascended my arms, The tree has grown in my breastDownward, The branches grow out of me, like arms

It is true that other things troubled him too but it was the passionate love of beauty that moved him most. He was himself among the helpless whom he addressed:

o helpless few in my o remnant enslaved.

country,

Artists broken against her, Astray, lost in the villages, Mistrusted, spoken-against, Lovers of beauty, starved, Thwarted with systems, Helpless against the control; You who cannot wear yourself out By persisting to successes, You who can only speak, You who cannot steal yourself to reiteration; You of the finer sense, Broken against false bondage.

Maybe there is more pathos than social criticism in this. But the social criticism (not conscience) which he developed is not as absurd as it looks, or as he himself made it look. Essentially, it is the cry of the wounded artist-"Iovers of beauty, starved"-almost of a medievalist, though apparently he believed in neither Church nor God. It has been said that Pound knew little about medieval civilization, and his monetary theories amounted to nothing more than a confused protest against the huge fraud perpetrated by private financiers or capitalism. He gave the attack a medieval decor and was content, for the n:ost part, to sigh: "We appear to have lost the radiant world."

But his repertoire was large and in Canto XLV, in a tone that reminds us of Wil1iam Blake, he announces his simple deeply felt credo:

With Usura ... no picture is made to endure nor to live with but it is made to sell and sell quickly with usura, sin against nature, is thy bread ever more of stale rags is thy bread dryas paper, with no mountain wheat, no strong flour with usura the line grows thick with usura is no clear demarcation ....

Usura slayeth the child in the womb It stayeth /!;e young man's courting It hath brought palsey to bed, lyeth betlveen the young bride and her bridegroom CONTRA NATURAM But protest is not all. His social reforming zeal lacks true inwardness and is rarely taken seriously. For the pure lyrical note, purged of protest and posturing, we may have to go to Canto XVII, as magical a fragment of the Earthly Paradise as he was ever to attain: So that the vines burst from my fingers And the bees weighted with pollen Move heavily in the vine-shoots ....

And the birds sleepily in the branches ....

With the first pale-clear of the heaven And the cities set in their hills, And the goddess of the fair knees Moving there, with the oak-wood behind her, The green slope, with white hounds leaping about her; And thence down to the creek's mouth, until evening, Flat water before me, and the trees growing in water, Marble trunks out of stillness, On past the palazzi, in the stillness, The light now, not of the sun.

Chrysophrase, And the water green clear, and blue clear; On, to the great cliffs of amber ....

And the cave salt-white, and glare-purple, cool, porphyry smooth, the rock sea-worn.

No gull-cry, no sound of porpoise, Sand as of malachite, and no cold there, the light not of the sun.

As poetry it is these things, the restatement of romanticism, the lyrics to beauty, that are likely to be remembered. Also his tranquil celebration, all passion spent, of the "quality of the affection": nothing matters but the quality of the affectionin the end-that has curved the trace in the mind dove sta memoria There is a sense in which Pound is not a modern poet. Or maybe he was a modernist only briefly. He is usually better when, moving through the modern chaos, getting rid of his own smart-aleck pseudoblah, he finally reaches a radical innocence that spans his long and amazing career. I began my search for the real, wrote Pound, in a

book called Personae, casting off, as it were, complete masks of the self in each poem. But the masks were often a camoyflage and, as Sri Aurobindo has pointed out, a time comes when the face must burn through the mask. That time and the burning coalesce in the Pisan Cantos. The irony of the Muses that brought the catharsis also gave us a new Ezra Pound, the harvest of tragedy. And he became one with the poets of Provence, perhaps more, via Pisa, via dolorosa. His defiant aristocracy of intelligence, images and value systems left little room for the ordinary people and their life-styles. His aggressive esthetics and flouting of audience ("No art ever yet grew by looking at the eyes of the public," "Ordinary people touch me not") does not escape notice. Yet when in Canto XCIX we hear hi m say: "There is worship in plowing/and equity in the weeding hoe," we do not think it is mere talk.

Though the epic as well as the tragic view was alien to him, this change of tone and style opens up a new way of looking at Ezra Pound, makes sense of his many a sensational gesture ("They don't pay any attention to me if I don't say something sensational"). We should always remember that when he attacks society, hurling himself against the domination of modern life, or imagines an assortment of luckier ages, it is always as an artist "wishing for others what he wishes for himself." How can one forget that it was Pound who had the works of Vivaldi copied at Dresden and so preserved them for us? The cry of his heart was simple and more than an expatriate's tragedy, "the last American living the tragedy of Europe." It was less an assertion than a nostos: "Quite simply, I want a new civilization."

In spite of all excesses and aberrations, vivaksata dihamapi, a hundred shortcomings, he has been concerned about matters that all of us ought to be concerned about: the estate of poetry in a culture that denies it, the role of language (to be sensitive about language is to be sensitive about culture), the beliefs needed and the conditions under which they are to be had. And these concerns should countervail his misguided and misunderstood genius. His appeal for youth, maybe mostly unwashed, is easy to understand. He is just as liable to be an aid as a snare, a warning as an exemplar. About E.P. one now senses a kind of serenity and unhurtness. On the whole his criticism of life is rather slight. When one remembers all that he has gone through, the violence of his opinions, no less than the violence with which the world has turned against him, two things become plain: He has succeeded against himself and he has lived the poet as few in our times had the nerve to live it. What he required of poetry he exemplified in person. He refused to be a patriot and though he may have made mistakes, he was not a hypocrite. In the end he weathered the storm, he beat out his exile. A culture hero all the same, he has come through, in both battles, the battle with the world and with words. Returning to the grassroots, he has led poetry back to "the usual subjects of conversation between intelligent men," though not in the way he had first conceived it. By regenerating the language of the tribe he has performed an indispensable service to society. "Not shall diamond die in the avalanche."

But to have done instead of not doing this is not vanity ...

To have gathered from the air a live tradition or from a fine old eye the unconquered flame This is not vanity.

About the Author: Sisirkumar Ghose, professor of English at Santiniketan, has also taught abroad. His books include: Aldous Huxley, The Later Poems of Tagore, The Poetry of Sri Aurobindo, Mystics and Society, Metaesthetics and Other Essays, and Crisis of Crisis. He has also contributed the core article on mysticism in the revised edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica.

LIVING JWITHTHE MULTINATIONALS Of the 100 largest economic units in the national activity in less developed areas, notaworld today, only 50 are nations. The other bly in Latin America and portions of Southeast Asia.

50 are international companies.

This one statistic reveals a revolutionary The benefits have been undeniable. The shift in the distribution of global economic multinational companies provide global compower as a result of multinational business munications, transportation, banking, and other international services that could not be growth in the last two decades.

Obeying the pragmatic instinct to seek supplied by any single national body. In growth and profit wherever they may be advanced nations, their activities stimulate found, companies have probed increasingly further economic growth by opening new across political and cultural boundaries to channels for technological exchange and for develop wider markets, enhance competitive unified marketing and production. In less positions, outflank trade barriers, and gain developed countries, they help locate and access to needed raw materials. The total out- exploit natural resources, establish new input of foreign subsidiaries of multinational dustries, stimulate capital formation, and inconcerns now exceeds $300,000 million an- ject the management and professional skills nually-more than the Gross National Prod- necessary to progress in the modern world. uct of every nation except the United States For the countries in which the parent comand the Soviet Union. panies are based, the multinationals help to The swift flowering of multi nationalism re- maintain and develop markets abroad, inpresents a change in both quantity and quality crease export volume, and contribute posifrom anything that has gone before. Corporatively to the balance of payments by their tions, both American and European, have foreign earnings. long maintained foreign subsidiaries. But Yet with all its evident benefits, the multionly within the past 20 years have they gained national concept is not yet wholly welcome the ability to manage a common corporate to a world that remains largely committed strategy from a central headquarters linked to safeguarding national interests. This is not by constant and instantaneous communica- hard to understand, for the change has pertion with those subsidiaries, in any number haps come about on too great a scale in too and over any distance. short a time for comfortable accommodation.

This is a gift of technology-of highTo workers in many countries, multinacapacity cable and satellite communications, tional companies seem a threat because of high-speed electronic computers, and inter- their ability to transfer know-how and procontinental jet flight. These advances have duction, and therefore jobs, from one country coincided with a period of economic resur- to another at will. To less developed nations, gence and political progress in Western Eu- the trend of multinational growth so far aprope and the Far East, creating a climate pears to favor the industrialized world and particularly conducive to large-scale business to widen still further the gap that separates investment and industrial expansion. The the rich countries from the poor. inevitable consequence has been the great acTo governments, appreciation of the ecoceleration of multinational growth, first with' nomic rewards from multinational activity is a major influx of foreign direct investmentoften dimmed by fear of giving too free a largely American-into Great Britain and rein to foreign-based enterprises whose operaWestern Europe, and more recently with a tions can nullify national economic and rising counter-current of European and monetary policies by shifting assets, orders, Japanese direct investment in the United or profits in and out of the country.

States. Over the same period, there has been As long as citizens and governments fear a slower but still significant increase in multi- that they are not masters in their own house,

there will be increasing pressure for curbs on the activities of multinational business. Many counter-measures are already being considered. In the United States, for example, fears that multinational companies are betraying the national interest by exporting jobs and technology have led to such proposed legislation as the Burke-Hartke Bill, which would provide the U.S. President with authority to restrict foreign investment by American companies. Studies are under way in other industrial nations to determine whether, and what, restrictions should be imposed on the activities of foreign-based companies. In the less developed countries, there is a tendency to insist upon a substantial or controlling interest in any multinational subsidiary.

These can be taken as warning signals of an impending collision between multinational business and national interest. While it is true that growing sophistication is evident on both sides, it is unlikely that a number of costly conflicts can be avoided without more active attempts to arrive at mutual understanding and adjustment.

There is urgent need for initiatives from both sides to improve the climate. Some useful examples already exist, but the pattern is still one of exceptions rather than the general practice which must sooner or later prevail.

The major challenge for the multinational companies, wherever they operate, is to demonstrate good citizenship and to involve the people and governments of host countries more directly in their plans and operations.

-Nationals of the host country should be given the opportunity to participate not only in management of the local subsidiary, but also in the management of the multinational corporation itself. As long as central policymaking authority remains exclusively with citizens of the parent country, it will be hard to allay the fears and antagonisms so often generated by the presence of a powerful foreign-based enterprise.

-Employees and the public should be given a direct and visible stake in the success of the local subsidiary. Among possible mech-

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Multinational corporations are providing skilled jobs to workers in scores of nations around the world, and have become the spearheads of an irreversible drive toward a true world economy. anisms are profit-sharing, enlightened pension programs, the election of local directors to the board of the subsidiary, and emphasis upon maximum local procurement of goods and services needed for the company's operations.

-Every direct investment abroad should support local economic and social programs in order to reinforce the benefits that can flow from establishment of a new industry. This is especially important in the less developed countries, but it is applicable everywhere. For example, plant locations can be determined partly by national needs for area development, and the multinationals can make a policy of lending administrative, marketing, and other skills to smaller local enterprises wherever they operate.

-These and other positive actions should be accompanied by a public information program of factual reporting on company policies and activities that affect the host country. All multinationals are adversely affected by suspicions based on real or imagined offenses by a few.

What of possible initiatives by governments? Two seem to me of particular importance: -Steps should be taken to encourage direct investment abroad by their own nationals. Attitudes toward foreign ownership of local subsidiaries are likely to be less antagonistic if local industry also has a stake in the growth of multinational business. For example, fears of U.S. economic domination probably would lessen in many countries if more of their nationals were to establish or join business ventures within the immense American home market. There is a large and growing foreign involvement in the U.S. domestic industry, but it is still concentrated" principally in the hands of Canadians, Britons, and West Europeans-and even here more could be done to accelerate the flow.

-Co-operative action should be sought to end the destructive competition among governments to attract foreign investments through extreme tax concessions and other

measures. This type of contest enables comship could go far toward removing anpanies to play one government off against tagonism toward foreign-based enterprise. another, to the ultimate disadvantage of all.

An existing international body, such as the It has been known to happen that initial Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, could be an appropriate forum celebration over winning a new industry has been followed by public resentment at the for consideration of multinational ground generous terms that secured it, leading in rules. There have been various proposals for formal action, such as a new body of law turn to official efforts to alter them. The or a new supranational agency to supervise resulting friction can affect attitudes not only toward the involved company, but multinational activity. It is doubtful that anyall multinationals. thing of this nature would be practical, if it Apart from these separate initiatives, were desirable, for there is too great a diversity of interests, philosophies, and activities multinational businesses and governments to be accommodated.

Under the circumjointly face the challenge of improving and stances, it would seem preferable to strive regularizing their communications with each for agreement on general standards that other. As the economic power of multinapermit flexibility within agreed limits. tionalism grows, government decision-makers Multinational business is the spearhead of must take account of the policies and actions an irreversible drive toward a true world of the companies as they relate to national economy. Tfthere is a dark side it is the poteneconomic and social goals. The companies, tial danger that lurks in the absence of any too, must be aware of governmental plans and policies in order to adjust their own" positive counterbalance to the immense power which the multinationals command. As long procedures to the national need. as there is disarray among the national rules The most logical way to achieve these and regulations that govern their activities, ends is through a direct and regular exchange there is the likelihood of unco-ordinated of information between host governments and reactions that can lead in many parts of the top management of the multinationals. the world to a great slaughter of geese Such a dialogue would be something new for parties that have been more inclined to and an end to the collection of golden eggs.

With all of the genuine doubts surroundconfrontation than co-operation in the past. ing the operation of foreign-based private Beyond this is the more general need for concerns that can override the economic broader co-operation among all governments policies of national governments, no one has in setting ground rules for the orderly advance yet conceived of a more effective agent than of multinational ism. Such rules are needed multinational business for the diffusion of to create a climate of continuity and coneconomic and technological strength across sistency. They should seek to harmonize national and continental boundaries. diverse national laws and regulations that This is a great and useful power. A primary deal with income taxation, mergers, pricing, political challenge of our time is to harness antitrust policies, fair labor practices, and it for constructive ends through the global other problem areas. co-operation of national governments and Any set of ground rules should also erect multinational business to create a harmonious safeguards against the misuse of power by environment in which that power can be any multinational enterprise. In effect, this D means internationalizing the principles of exercised for the benefit of all. business regulation now in force in many countries. Among the less developed nations About the Author: Robert W. Sarnoff is Chairman in particular, a generally accepted code of of RCA Corporation. a leading multinational conduct assuring multinational good citizenfirm with branches in more than 20 countries.

AN OBSCURE DRAMA This month an important United Nations meeting is taking place in New York to discuss the urgent but complex problems involved in modernizing the laws of the sea so that three quarters of the world's surface can be used, regulated and administeredfor the benefit of all.

Today, an international drama is being enacted before the world but it is playing to empty seats. SALT, u.S.-Soviet detente and the Middle East command large and attentive audiences, while the drama of the law of the sea excites only intermittent public interest. What makes this inattention surprising is that the theme of the drama is the fundamental problem of how three-quarters of the world's surface is to be used, regulated, and administered.

It is a measure of the importance of this drama that, although little understood by the public, the press, and many agencies of government, its outcome will impinge on all activities conducted with respect to the world's oceans.

During the past several years, the United Nations Seabeds Committee has met semi-annually to discuss approaches to creating a new legal order for the oceans.

At its autumn 1972 session, the United Nations General Assembly decided to convene a conference on the law of the sea, to be preceded by an organizational meeting in December 1973 in New York, with an eight-week substantive session in April-May 1974 at Santiago, Chile.

Acting as a preparatory meeting for the law of the sea conference, the United Nations Seabeds Committee held a five-week session at the United Nations in New York in March-April and another meeting in Geneva last summer.

Records of past Seabeds Committee meetings and public statements of various governments have made it clear that there is widespread agreement that the law of the sea needs to be modernized. There is considerable disagreement, however, on how this modernization should take place and on how extensive it should be.

Within the consensus of modernization, there are roughly two schools of thought. In general, those who believe modernization should be done selectively on the basis of existing international law-specifically, the four 1958 Geneva Conventions-are in favor of an expeditious convening of the conference. Those who believe that the modernization of the law of the sea should be of a more radical character, including perhaps revision of some of the fundamental concepts in the Geneva Conventions, are in

favor of a delayed convening of the conference.

There are, of course, exceptions to this two-part division of views; moreover, it is always dangerous to indulge in simplifications. However, some simplifying must be done to gain an overview of the current situation. Perhaps the best way to do this is to describe the attitudes of the two opposing groups in terms of the interests they desire to protect and their expectations of what will happen to the law of the sea in the foreseeable future.

The group which desires to modernize on the basis of the classic international law of the sea is headed by the maritime countries. These countries have shipping and trading interests and navies and merchant marines which are protected by the traditional concepts of the law of the sea. They recognize that the mobility of their merchant marines and the ability of their armed forces to move freely on the world's oceans rest, in large measure, on high seas freedoms, narrow territorial seas, and relatively minimal coastal state supervision of ocean activities.

The group which desires to transform the law of the sea radically is headed by leading nations in the developing world. These countries claim they did not participate in the making of the international law of the sea, either because they did not exist as states or because their voices were not sufficiently powerful to be heeded at the time of the 1958 and 1960 Geneva Conferences. It is their position that nothing in the body of the law of the sea should be sacrosanct and that a mere rewriting of existing law is inadequate. They accordingly believe that they are entitled to review de novo the legal regime of the oceans to ensure that the interests of the developing world are adequately accounted for.

The principal issues before the Seabeds Committee reveal the divergence of the views of the two groups.

Right: An artist's conception of the American deep-sea research submarine Trieste, which has opened a new era in deepwater exploration.

Scientific research, unfettered by bureaucratic controls of the world's governments, will make it possible for man to tap the vast resources of the seas and seabeds for the good of all nations. The U.S. wants such freedom to be incorporated in any new law of the sea.

There are two antagonists in the drama to rewrite the laws of the sea -the Existing international disagreement on the breadth of the territorial sea has provided one of the bases for the developing countries' claim of the right to re-examine traditional concepts of the law of the sea. The international community was unable to agree in 1958 and 1960 on the breadth of the territorial sea. Since that time, the maritime countries have, by and large, adhered to the narrow territorial sea which protects their interests. The maritime countries' position has, however, been subjected to increasing pressure because significant numbers of developing countries have at the same time claimed broader territorial seas, justifying their claims with the argument that, in the absence of an international consensus on this issue, the breadth of the territorial sea may be determined unilaterally by the coastal state in accordance with its own economic, commercial, geographic, political, and other needs.

Although current claims range from three to 200 miles (4.8 to 321.8 kilometers), it appears that a 12-mile (19.3-kilometer) territorial sea has'a good chance of acceptance, provided the needs and interests of coastal states are otherwise satisfied during the preparatory negotiations that are now taking place. The territorial sea issue is significant because the coastal state exercises complete sovereignty within the territorial sea except for the internationally recognized right of innocent passage. Within this area all uses of the ocean other than passage-fishing, resource extraction, military uses, overflight, and scientific research-are subject to the unilateral control and regulation of the coastal state.

The United States has announced its readiness to agree to a 12-mile territorial sea provided the right of free transit through international straits is recognized concomitantly by all other nations concerned.

Straits If the international community were to agree on a l2-mile territorial sea, a large number of straits which currently, in the view of those countries which recognize only a three-mile territorial sea, have a high seas corridor running through them, would have that corridor closed by the overlapping of the newly extended territorial sea. Under current international law, where an international strait is encompassed entirely within territorial seas, the only interest preserved therein for the international community is the right of innocent passage. Despite the obvious intent of the drafters of the Geneva Convention to strengthen innocent passage through international straits, coastal states have in recent years claimed the right to determine unilaterally whether the passage of any given vessel is innocent.

In recognition of this, the United States Government has made it a priority objective to obtain agreement on an internationally guaranteed right which would assure free transit for the ships and aircraft of all nations through and over international straits.

Such a right would assure the maritime states that the movement of international trade, upon which their economic life depends, would remain unimpeded. Furthermore, such a right would facilitate the movement of the forces of the maritime powers through international straits-movement which is critical to the maintenance of today's delicate international stability.

The opponents of this proposed right are the coastal states who claim that their interests are inadequately accounted for by the right of free transit. In their view, protection against pollu-

maritime nations which

tion, safety of navigation, and national security interests require that they be given control over the movement of ships and aircraft through and over their territorial waters.

The issue is an extremely thorny one. One can conjure up extreme examples in support of the arguments of either side.

Finding a solution-agreement on a right of transit tempered by restricted coastal state controls-is thus a little like trying to square the circle. It is extraordinarily difficult to provide for a fundamentally unimpeded right of transit, while at the same time to accommodate the needs of the coastal state, without giving it such power that transit can be impeded for reasons other than those for which the power was granted.

As a possible solution to this difficulty, the United States, in recognition of the interests of the coastal states, has offered to submit all its ships and aircraft to a system of absolute liability designed to protect coastal state rights.

Living Resources Where potentially large sums of money are involved, disputes tend to be heated and difficult to resolve. Moreover, the differing views of the two groups on marine resource exploitation do not fit easily into the bifurcation mentioned above. In the case of fish, nations with no fishing fleets or chiefly coastal fishing fleets hold to the view that the new law of the sea should provide protection for coastal state interests in offshore fisheries. This view often takes the form of an exclusive zone of control extending well out into areas that have hitherto been considered to be indisputably high seas, the most famous example being the 200-mile zone claimed by certain Latin American countries.

In opposition to this view is the view of those states which have modern fishing fleets capable of operating far from their home shores. These states believe that preservation of high seas fishing areas and restriction of coastal state encroachments on these high-seas fisheries should continue to be the law of the sea.

In a world with a burgeoning population, constantly seeking new sources of protein, the establishment of a boundary dividing international from national fisheries is a decision whose implications extend far beyond the community of international legal scholars and political scientists. Income derived from fisheries, fisheries conservation practices, the protection of traditional employment in local fisheries, and simple food needs-all of these are elements which combine to make fishing one of the most troublesome issues facing the international community.

The United States proposals for the fisheries problem have centered on a "species" approach. That is, the coastal state would be given a preferential right over coastal species of fish, subject to international standards and provisions for compulsory dispute settlement. Ocean-ranging species of fish, such as tuna, would be the subject of multilateral and regional regimes.

Oil and Other Minerals Oceanographers and ocean geologists have been intimating for years that the ocean beds contain enormous mineral riches.

Until recently, technology did not exist to permit the economical extraction of these minerals, and the seabed boundary issue was not pressing. Today, however, the question of where the line will be drawn to establish the outer limits of coastal state jurisdiction over these mineral resources is one of the most controversial issues

want to preserve their freedom and the developing nations which want to safeguard their interests. before the Seabeds Committee. Indeed, the question of seabed resource extraction has up to the present occupied the attention of the Seabeds Committee more than any other single item.

On this issue, however, the artificial dichotomy set up earlier fails to apply. States with wide continental shelves or extensive coastlines are likely to favor increased quantitative and qualitative coastal state control over seabed resources. States with no coastline or limited coastlines favor regimes which would internationalize much of the seabed to ensure that the entire international community shares in seabed resources.

The principal United States proposal on seabed mineral extraction took the form of a complicated and comprehensive draft treaty which was tabled in Geneva in August 1970. Although far too complex to summarize in a brief space, some of the draft's notable features were: an international trusteeship zone; sharing of seabed wealth among all the nations of the world; and an ingenious system of checks and balances between coastal state and international community interests.

Pollution Here the dichotomy reasserts itself. States with maritime interests and world trade commitments tend to oppose proposals for zones of coastal state pollution regulation. Although they acknowledge that pollution in the oceans must be restricted and that some form of regulation is probably inevitable, they fear that coastal state control will adversely affect maritime trade.

The developing countries, especially those with extensive coastal fisheries and coastlines, prefer to protect their resources and their coasts from pollution by adopting zones within which the coastal state would be empowered to establish navigational standards and regulations. They fear that the maritime states will do little to undertake protective antipollution measures in the absence of such controls.

The United States has actively supported the Ocean Dumping Convention recently signed in London under the auspices of the International Maritime Consultation Organization (IMCO).

Scientific Research Scientific research in the oceans has traditionally been conducted free from control by coastal states and has been viewed by those states which conduct extensive research as coming under the protection of the classic freedom of the high seas. The maritime countries, which conduct most of the world's oceanic research, claim that unless scientific research is free from control, bureaucratic regulations and complicated administrative procedures will severely restrict scientific research. The right to conduct research has, however, come under increasing suspicion by the developing countries, who see it as the forerunner of economic exploitation of what they view as their sea and seabed. These countries feel they will not be able to stay abreast of the developed countries in extracting riches from the ocean unless they control the research that inevitably leads to commercial application.

The United States has supported the view that scientific research should be free and unfettered, and has encouraged maximum sharing of scientific data gleaned from research in the oceans.

On the issues of pollution and scientific research, as in the straits issue, maritime country interests and coastal state interests come into direct conflict. While it is possible, as an exercise in in-

ternational and political science, to theorize solutions to these conflicts, in practice such theories have little chance of working out.

If one were, for example, to agree that it is reasonable to establish a fishery zone of 200 miles to protect coastal state interests in fish off their coast, there is no logical reason why navigation in that zone must be affected. In theory, at least, the resource interest is distinct from the navigation interest. Coastal states might, however, argue that navigation of oil tankers or nuclear-powered ships through their fishery zones poses a threat to the fish resources therein. They might accordingly claim that they should be entitled to establish unilaterally a pollution zone in which they would issue regulations to protect their living resources.

As a practical matter, therefore, it seems virtually impossible to provide compartmentalized solutions to these conflicts; they are all interconnected.

The most enduring value of the high seas has been that they have acted as an effective buffer between states with differing political, social, and economic systems. If, however, one were to subject the high seas to a regime where the jurisdictional rules of coastal states gain predominance, the likelihood of political disputes increases greatly.

Although it is a cliche to state that high seas freedoms have primarily served the interests of the maritime powers in the past, these freedoms have also provided vast areas of stability where states may pursue their different interests in a conflict-free atmosphere. Creation of specialized zones on the high seas, unless accompanied by a delicate and enforceable balance of national and international interests, may well destroy one of the international community's few successes in peaceful coexistence.

It is this basic issue that the law of the sea conference will face as the international community continues to adjust itself to the era of post-colonialism, to the era of one-man, one-vote in the United Nations, and to the era when the developing countries seem to be asking not only for a voice in how the oceans are to be used but also for compensation for past economic exploitation by the colonial powers. It is therefore extremely unlikely that the debates in the Seabeds Committee or the conference itself will be either quiet or emotion-free.

The tensions, the political jostlings, the cut and thrust of prolonged negotiations-all will be present in the great drama now being played out. The outcome of that drama is unclear.

Although the plotlines are not yet entirely visible, several points are clear. First, the old rules governing use of the seas caJ:lno longer be relied upon to satisfy the international community as a whole. Second, the developing world has become aware of its strength in the law of the sea negotiations and is determined to see its interests accommodated in a new regime for the oceans.

Third, a prolongation of the confused and deteriorating status of the law of the sea can, in the long run, only damage the over-all interests of the international community. Fourth, any regime produced by a conference must fairly and completely accommodate all the interests of the principal national groupings of the world-developed and developing, maritime and coastal. Fifth, to predict with certainty any final outcome is foolhardy.

0 About the Author: William C. Lynch, a commander in the United States Navy, is Special Counsel to the Secretary of the Navy. The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Navy or Defense Department.

CAN SCIENCE STOP THE AGING PROCESS iI Gerontologists today believe that it might be possible to abolish 'old age' as we now know it.

They are proving that the ravages of time can be held back through a variety of techniquesby genetic 'engineering,' by lowering body temperature, and by controlling certain hormones.

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e have always accepted old age, with Institutes of Health's (NIH) Gerontology all its attendant miseries, as the in- Research Center in -Baltimore, Dietrich evitable end of human life. Now, however, Bodenstein used parabiosis to create young gerontologists are beginning to question its Siamese-twin cockroaches-again, inevitability. As their researches gradually joined to old. Young cockroaches can rereveal to them the mechanisms of the aging generate lost limbs, but old roaches lose process, they grow increasingly hopeful this capacity. In parabiotic combination that they may one day be able, not merely the old roach recovered its regenerative to hold back the physical ravages of senes- powers. When Dr. Bodenstein lopped off cence, an outcome most of us would hap- a limb, it was promptly regrown. This repily settle for, but to abolish altogether newal was attributed to the transference of juvenile hormone from the young roach "old age" as we have known it.

There is good reason for their optimism. to his Siamese twin. Could something simConsider a recent experiment, one of many ilar be happening to the rats? Dr. Hruza hundreds in progress in laboratories around says that if a hormone is involved, it's not the world: any of the known hormones. What, then, is In a surgical technique called parabiosis, the nature of the "youth factor" (or facan aging rat is hooked up to a young rat tors) circulating in the blood of a young so that they share a common blood circu- rat? Could it (or they) be isolated and lation, like Siamese twins. They are joined used to prolong life without the need for tail-to-shoulder, which leaves them fairly parabiosis? And could the same be done free to move around. For the aging rat, for people? parabiosis acts as a youth transfusion. In hatever the specific biochemistry instudies with more than 500 parabiotic rats, Frederic C. Ludwig of the University of volved, these cases clearly demonCalifornia, Irvine, has found that his older strate that at least some characteristics of subjects live significantly beyond their ex- old age, formerly considered inevitable, pected life-span. Something in the blood can be held off, as in the case of the rats, of the younger rats enabled the older rats or reversed, as in that of the cockroaches.

It has been known since 1917 that reto live long after all their unhooked-up littermates were dead. "When rats are ducing body temperature slows the aging joined parabiotically," says Zdanek Hruza process. "In cold-blooded animals," says of New York University, "remarkable bio- Bernard L. Strehler of the University of chemical changes take place." The older Southern California, "a tenfold increase in rats' cholesterol levels, for instance, go longevity has been achieved by lowering body temperature, without adversely afdown "almost miraculously." fecting body function." Cooling slows Some years ago, at the U.S. National

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things down in warm-blooded animals, too, though not so spectacularly. Recently Robert Meyers of Purdue University cooled monkeys a few degrees by direct manipulation of the "thermostat" in the brain and thereby increased their life-span. It has been seriously suggested that people might one day sleep in cooled bedrooms or in chilled waterbeds to achieve longer life.

Dr. Strehler knows of no exception to the rule that animals live longer at lower body temperatures and wonders whether long-lived people might not actually have slightly lower-than-average temperatures.

"A very minor reduction in temperature, about three degrees Fahrenheit, could well add as much as 30 years to human life," Strehler says, "assuming, of course, that the human organism operates like its relatives in other species. There is no way to predict the long-term side effects of artificially reduced temperature, but drugs already exist that can reduce temperature by the requisite amount, and others will certainly be discovered."

Techniques such as cooling and parabiosis are comparatively gross methods of combating old age, but they may serve a useful interim purpose while we await further news from the frontiers of molecular biology. Dr. Strehler, a pioneer researcher on these frontiers, typifies the vigorous new breed of gerontologists-those who study the aging process itself, as distinguished from geriatricians, who study and treat the diseases of old age.

"I really hate death," he says, with a

'Why is it that one man is bald and toothless twenty years sooner than his next-door neighbor? What keeps a Picasso or a Casals vigorously creative into his eighties and nineties?' straight face. He speaks with no trace of irony or resignation but rather in the testy, indignant tone one might use to complain about, say, air pollution. "There is no principle in nature," he declares flatly, "which dictates that individual living things, including men, cannot live for indefinitely long times in optimum health."

"Old age is just another disease," says Benjamin Schloss of the University of Buffalo, who is also director of the Foundation for Aging Research in Brooklyn, New York. It is a disease everyone gets, and the individual who survives all the other diseases invariably succumbs to this one. But just because a disease is universal and has always been fatal does not, in Schloss's view, make it inevitably so. Merely to think about aging as a degenerative ailment, rather than as man's preordained fate, is to put it in the category of a medical problem-something your doctor may some day hope to do something about.

The key to the process of aging may emerge from our new knowledge of the cell. We know that the DNA molecules in the cell's nucleus make up the genes that contain all the basic information for the development and maintenance of life. We have begun to understand how, inside each cell, that information is transmitted via RNA molecules-with the help of enzymes -to carry out the multitudinous, simultaneous activities constantly taking place in the breakdown and buildup of cellular materials, principally proteins. We are, in brief, deciphering the contra! mechanisms of life. If we really do come to understand these control mechanisms, then the controls may pass to us. If the aging process is governed by these same mechanisms, then we can control aging.

Many scientists now think that aging is genetically programed. In the original fertilized egg it is "written" in the language of DNA-RNA that we will deteriorate and die. If we take a nontheological view nature's only interest in our individual health and welfare is to see that we survive long enough to reproduce ourselves and to raise a new generation that will do likewise.

Once the propagation of the species has been assured, nature is ready to have us make room for newcomers. DNA, the immortal molecule, renews itself through the continuing generations.

An extreme example of the aging pro-

cess is the Pacific salmon. As it comes in from the ocean, laden with eggs, headed for its freshwater spawning grounds, it is an impressively beautiful fish-a shiny, orange-red creature powerful enough to churn far upstream past rapids and waterfalls. Once it has safely deposited its eggs, however, the salmon deteriorates with appalling swiftness, speeding from youth to senility in scarcely two weeks.

Humans undergo a similar degenerative process after we have passed our reproductive and child-rearing years. But nature gives us (or tortures us with) a longer time to decline. The skin begins to wrinkle and spot. The hair turns gray and thins out.

The teeth decay; the eyes grow dim and the ears dull. The mU3cles get weak and flabby. We all recognize the stooped and shuffling gait that accompanies old age.

Meanwhile, internal deterioration also sets in, probably much earlier in life than is apparent from the outward signs. The lungs can't take in as much air as they used to. The heart pumps less blood. The arteries become coated and hardened. The liver and kidneys perform their functions with diminishing efficiency.

The intellect, too, deteriorates. Concentration and learning ability are reduced.

After the age of about 35 our brain cells die off at a rate of roughly 100,000 per day from an initial total of 10,000 million or so.

Fortunately, the diminution of mental powers does not usually come about until quite advanced age and is often balanced by wisdom acquired through experience.

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rain cells, once lost, are never replaced.

Nor are some of the other cells-those of the heart muscle, for example. But most of the body's cells do replace themselves constantly, simply by continuing to divide whenever replacement is necessary. Even among the dividing cells, though, there is some loss. Nearly all cells lose some of their capacity to retain vital fluids and eliminate waste matter, so they may become clogged and sluggish. Some of them turn into connective tissue, which gets tough and fibrous, like vulcanized rubber.

Hence we get drier and stringier as we age.

And there is a very substantial loss of tissue.

The body loses much of its reserve capacity and falls more easily prey to a large number of degenerative diseases-cancer, heart disease, atherosclerosis, hypertension, dia-

betes, arthritis, senile dementia.

Old people are expected to get sick. A doctor's standard comment to a patient, anywhere from 35 to 95, is, "You're in pretty good shape for your age." Over the years of this century, with the decrease in infant mortality and the conquest of many infectious diseases, more and more people live to be old. The average life expectancy has been considerably increased, but people who survive to old age don't live any longer than they used to-and often are kept going only through constant medication. Some 10 per cent of the American population is now over 65, and, of these, 86 per cent have one or more of the degenerative diseases.

But no one ever emphasizes the reverse side of these statistics: 14 per cent don't have these diseases. Many old people seem to escape the major ravages of aging until they are very old indeed. Why is it that one man is bald and toothless 20 years sooner than his next-door neighbor? What keeps a Picasso or a Casals vigorously creative into his 80s and 90s? Or a statesman like Churchill or Adenauer?

Or writer-philosophers like Bertrand Russell and George Bernard Shaw? Right now there are 13,000 people in the United States -more of them women than men-who are over 100 years old. Are they just lucky, or is long life written into their genes?

Leonard Hayflick of Stanford University compares the human organism to a vehicle launched by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration to fly

by Mars and relay information back to Earth. The engineers worry about the soundness of all the working systemssensors, radio transmitters, rocket engines -all the way to Mars. Once the mission is completed, however, they have no further interest in the vehicle, though it does continue to fly through the universe. How long does it last? Which parts fail first? The experimenters don't care. That's the way nature seems to "feel" about us, once our propagative function is achieved.

Unlike the Mars spacecraft, however, we care what happens to us-and we have independent brains to think with. We have already used "unnatural" means to combat other ailments (God didn't furnish us with scalpels and antibiotics), and now we may discover how to combat the ultimate disease-old age.

Dr. Hayflick's own research may help speed us toward that discovery. It was once believed that cells grown in laboratory tissue cultures were essentially immortal.

That is, as long as they were given adequate nutrients and a congenial environment, they would go on dividing forever. But Dr. Hayflick proved that this applied only to abnormal, usually malignant, cell lines.

Normal cells have a finite limit. A given normal cell strain taken from an embryo might divide 50 times, for example, and then stop. The older the individual from which the cells were taken, the fewer times they divided.

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ore and more, it appears that there is a maximum life-span programed into human genes. If an embryonic cell strain divides, say, 20 times and then is put into the deep freeze for months or even years, it "remembers" where it left off. After thawing, it divides another 30 times-but no more.

Cells taken from the victims of the rare disease called progeria divide only a few times. A child afflicted with progeria runs through his entire life cycle at a strangely accelerated pace. He may begin to show signs of aging by the time he is a year or two old. He may be an old man by seven or eight, shuffling along bald-headed, rheumy-eyed, and heart-troubled, and then die at the age of 11 or 12.

No one is yet positive that progeria represents a true aging process or that it is genetic in nature, though it does appear to be. But a similar disease, Werner's syndrome, in which the aging acceleration doesn't begin until the teens, is definitely known to be a single-gene disease. If the genetic program can be speeded up by mistake, can it be slowed down on purpose? William Reichel of the Franklin Square Hospital in Baltimore, who is making a study of these ailments, does not consider that a foolish question-though he is not yet close to having the answer.

Neither in a victim of progeria, where the clock of aging seems to run wild, nor in a normal person, are we sure whether the organism as a whole deteriorates, thereby causing changes in the individual cells, or whether senility and death are merely the visible reflection of what takes place in billions of cells as they slowly deteriorate. Both interpretations may be correct. But what happens in the cell is of critical importance.

Some scientists speculate that as cells age, there is a "blurring" or damaging of the genetic material-that they begin to

divide imperfectly or not at all. Even in cells that do not divide, there is a lowered capacity to perform vital functions. This almost certainly means a loss of, or change in, the genetic information, a loss or change that may occur in the D A itself, perhaps through mutations caused by the chance impact of cosmic rays. Or it may be a loss in the information-carrying, or information-copying, capacity of molecules that transmit the genetic messages or that manufacture the protein. Leslie Orgel of the Salk Institute believes that almost any error, if it occurred in a critical enzyme, could result in a chain reaction of errorsan "error catastrophe" that would interfere with, or altogether stop, protein manufacture. John Maynard Smith of Sussex University in England has suggested that cells might contain certain long-lived, onetime-only proteins-which, when they run down or wear out, are irreplaceable.

Some researchers believe the trouble is due to "cross-linkage" of large molecules that, as the years go by, accidentally become tangled with one another. Others are convinced that "auto-immunity" is a major cause of aging-that the body's natural defenses against disease begin to attack normal cells-either because the information is blurring or because the other cells are changing in ways that make them look "foreign."

Another suspected aging agent is the presence in the cell of "free radicals"which might be characterized as pieces of molecules eagerly seeking molecules to latch onto. "A free radical," says England's Alex Comfort, perhaps the world's most respected gerontologist, "has been likened to a convention delegate away from his wife: it's a highly reactive chemical agent that will combine with anything that's around." These combinations can have damaging results. They might cause cross-linkage. They could disrupt the information content of important molecules.

They could accelerate the formation of hard-to-dispose-of cellular garbage, especially a dark pigment called lipofuscin.

Large quantities of free radicals are produced by irradiation; some are also produced constantly by the cell's own oxidation reactions.

The experiments in cooling and parabiosis, already described, prove fairly conclusively that there is nothing immutable about the rate of aging. This conclusion is reinforced by other recent laboratory research in gerontology: • When young skin cells are transplanted to older animals, they grow old with the

animal; but young skin cells transplanted to a young animal and constantly retransplanted to other young animals live six times as long as they would have had they been left in the original animal. What do these skin cells get from their hosts that extends their life-span so impressively?

• The rotifer is an aquatic animal tinier than the full stop at the end of this sentence.

Its normal life-span is 18 days. Charles H. Barrows, Jr., of NIH's Gerontology Research Center in Baltimore has found that reducing the water temperature by lOoC will almost double the rotifer's life-span.

If, at the same time, the amount of food is cut in half, the life-span triples. But different periods of life are affected: food restriction lengthens only the early part, while lowered temperature lengthens only the latter part.

• Experiments conducted years ago at Cornell by Clive McKay also showed that restricting caloric intake prolongs life (in this case, the life of rats)-but again, only the early period of life. A similar stretching out of the earlier life-of mice-was achieved by Denham Harman of the U niversity of Nebraska, who was using antioxidants to combat free-radical damage.

• Female hormones seem to protect the heart muscle in rats from deteriorating (human females, it may be noted, have a much lower risk of heart attack than do men) and can definitely rejuvenate tissues in the reproductive tract of aging women.

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nthe course of hundreds of gerontological experiments, measurements have been made of the specific changes in cellular function that take place with age.

Many enzymes in animal tissues grow less active with age: others, such as LDH (lactic dehydrogenase), increase their activity. Mature DNA has a more tightly folded structure than younger DNA. The RNA content of chromatin increases with age.

The liver, lung, and prostate cells of old rats can't synthesize RNA as well as they used to. There are fewer kinds of RNA present as cells age-but some entirely new types appear. Protein manufacturing varies considerably, as does the ratio of DNA to RNA. Antibody production is lower, but the auto-immune response is higher. There are myriads of such changes, few of them well understood, but just about all of them governed by genes.

Can anything yet be done about reversing or interfering with genetic information?

Very little at this time, but it is clear that some day we will be able to do a great deal more. If the critical changes are in

'I really hate death,' says one American gerontologist, speaking with no trace of resignation or irony but rather in the te~ty, indignant tone one might use to complain about, say, air pollution. the RNA molecules or enzymes of the credibly well-orchestrated sequence of cytoplasm, rather than in the nuclear transformations, so radical that the metaDNA itself, the task will be more manage- morphosed result appears to be an entirely able, because the cytoplasm is more ac- different creature. The hormone orders cessible than the DNA. At the University thousands of events in millions of cells, of Buffalo, J.F. Danielli and A. Mugleton many of which set off their own built-in took a species of amoeba that is essentially self-destruct mechanisms.

Searching for such a hormonal solution immortal and, by transferring cytoplasmic material from a mortal species, conferred is W. Donner Denckla of the Roche Instiupon it the gift of old age and death. There tute of Molecular Biology in Nutley, New is no reason why refinements of this tech- Jersey. He believes that the clock of aging nique could not accomplish the opposite resides in the brain-specifically in those result. cells that govern the release of certain Tinkering with the DNA presents hormones. Dr. Denckla is looking for a greater difficulties, but they are not in- still-undiscovered "death hormone" or surmountable. One set of experiments has family of hormones whose nature he has provided evidence that the decline of theoretically calculated. Released at critiRNA manufacture (a process directed by cal times of life, the death hormones may DNA) in the liver of an aging rat could be progressively inhibit cells from utilizing reversed by the addition of fresh DNA other hormones, probably thyroid horfrom a young rat. Even more interesting mone. The reason for this suspicion is that is a recent attempt to remedy human ge- hypothyroidism-deficient thyroid activity -closely mimics aging. Its symptoms are netic defects: â&#x20AC;˘ In a 1971 experiment at the U.S. Na- reversible through thyroid administration, tional Institutes of Health, scientists took but only if the patient is young enough. skin cells from a patient with galactosemia, After a certain age people do not seem a sometimes fatal genetic condition that able to take up thyroid hormone, even if it prevents the body from metabolizing milk. is present in the bloodstream.

They used a virus called lambda phage, which possesses the missing milk-processuppose a scientist already had in hand ing enzyme, and were able to transfer this what he believed 'to be the pacemaker genetic information via the virus to the chemical or chemicals that control the skin cells so they could begin to do the clock of aging-or perhaps, as an interim job themselves. In a word, they succeeded measure, a "cocktail" containing many of in artificially imparting the information the chemicals known to be depleted with necessary to correct the inborn genetic age. He would naturally want to test it on error! This is exactly the kind of subtle people. Wouldn't it still take many generagenetic tampering that may have to be tions, and the use of vast populations, to done to correct aging changes. prove that it was really capable of proFortunately, given the many thousands longing life? This has always been one of of genetic changes going on simultaneously the discouraging inhibitors to gerontologiat every step of aging, we now know that cal research in humans: the researcher some substances serve as regulators of can't see the results of his work in his whole clusters of activities. In a human own lifetime. disease such as progeria, the speeding up However, this may be changing as mediof the genetic program might be due to the cal technology advances. There already absence of one or a few regulator sub- exist automated blood analyzers that can, stances that control the clock of aging. with a single drop of blood, quantify a Some gerontologists believe that such dozen or more different blood characterclock-controlling "pacemaker" chemicals istics within a minute or two. Large-scale do exist and that they may be depleted or versions of these are now being developed. damaged as time goes by-or perhaps proIf these devices work as hoped, a single gramed to disappear at given times. The blood sample could tell us a great deal Pacific salmon's instant deterioration may about the functions of the liver, kidney, be related to such a disappearance. In an and other organs in terms of the chemicals insect the mere release of a hormone at they put into the bloodstream. If we can the appropriate time can trigger an in- list the significant biochemical changes that

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take place during aging, then we can measure them all at once in a single person.

By doing this on many persons of different ages over a period of time, we can begin to establish a "biochemical profile" of a person whose average age is, say, 30.

It would also be possible to measure quickly his rate of aging over short periods of time. Then one can readily tell if a pacemaker chemical or gene tampering is achieving the goal of prolonging youth.

"This approach," says Dr. Comfort, "reduces the problem of how to retard aging in man to the size of an ordinary medical experiment, using some 500 volunteers over three to five years, like the assessment of low-cholesterol diets in heart disease."

There are some things gerontologists do not especially want to do: 1. They have little interest in stretching out the years of senility, to keep people alive in a state of helpless decrepitudethough they would certainly like to relieve the aches and anxieties of this period and, if possible, undo some of the damage.

2. They do not want merely to prolong the years of childhood, as has been done in rats and rotifers through restrictive feeding-though the ability to achieve this might have some interesting possibilities.

3. They do not seek to "prolong" life by inducing periods of hibernation during which a person would continue to exist in a state of suspended animation-like Dr. Hayfiick's deep-frozen cells-to be awakened for intermittent periods of active life. This might be a fascinating experience, even a useful one-especially for space voyages-but the total years of wide-awake life would remain three score and 10.

What the gerontologists do want to do is to extend the number of continuous years spent at a productive and enjoyable level of health and intellectual power.

Presumably no one would be required to go on living, but those who wanted to would have the option. Given a real choice of prolonged good years, how many would turn it down?

0 About the Author: Albert Rosenfeld, former science editor of Life and winner of awards for science journalism, was introduced to gerontology while working on his book The Second Genesis: The Coming Control of Life. He is now writing a book on gerontological research.

otlong .ago, most Americans using India's largest export to the U.S. never saw it-except perhaps at spring housecleaning time when carpets were taken up. Even then, most persons were not aware that the carpet backings were made of jute, and that the jute had very likely come from India.

Today, jute remains India's largest export to the United States-and is still, so to speak, hidden under the rug. But more and more Americans, especially large importers, are becoming aware of India's potential to supply goods in far greater quantity and variety.

Indeed, variety is already a feature of India's exports to the United States. In the over-all picture today, India is exporting thousands of different items ranging in value from a few dollars up to a whopping $178 million in jute. An outline of India's export trade with America can be sketched from U.S. Department of Commerce figures for calendar year 1972, which list 38 categories of imports from India in which the value was more than.$1 million. Most of the total was taken up by the following categories which had a value of $5 million or more.

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MILLION JUTE

$178

CASHEWS

$37

SHRIMP

$29

GEMS

$24

MILLION TEA

$8

MADE-UP ARTICLES OF TEXTILES

$7

CARPETS AND RUGS

S6 $5

TEXTILES

$18

CLOTHING AND ACCESSORIES

SUGAR

$18

COFFEE

$5

OTHERS

$66

CRUDE VEGETABLE MATERIALS LEATHER

$"16 $9

Total exports to the United States: $426 million With first-half year exports already having amounted to $231 million, indications are that the total for calendar year 1973 will be higher.

For India, in her continuing search for more foreign outlets for her products, the American market is a good one. Although the 1972 Indian export figure of $426 million to the United States represented less than one per cent of total U.S. imports, the American market is big, open, lucrative and growing.

Developing Nations Enjoy Preferential Tariff Rates One reason for the vitality of the U.S. market is America's traditional philosophy of keeping its trade as free as possible from restrictions, making it attractive and accessible to producers throughout the world. For developing nations, including India, the U.S. market has been especially attractive, since many of them enjoy preferential tariff rates on certain of their exports, in addition to low or standard rates on many others.

In 1972, some 25 per cent of U.S. imports were from developing countries, and it imported 50 per cent of the manufactured products of developing countries.

More than 70 per cent of Indian products enter the U.S. market tariff-free, including, among others, most of the jute, and all of the cashews and shrimp. Rates on many other imports from India are low, and across-the-board U.S. tariffs average well below 10 per cent.

Even more Indian products may become eligible for preferential tariff rates if a major trade bill pending in the U.S. Congress becomes law. The bill, which deals with the powers of the U.S. Administration in regulating the nation's international trade, also provides for the granting of specific trade preferences to developing nations. American trade officials say they will begin discussions with concerned countries as soon as the bill is passed.

Diversification of Indian Exports Is Necessary There is room for expansion of Indian exports to the United States, and many Americans and Indians would welcome it. As a developing country, India needs to bring her international trade into balance, and to earn the hard currency necessary to help pay for the food, heavy machinery and equipment, airliners and other transportation equipment, and other vital imports required for the continuation of the development cycle and eventual self-sufficiency. There are, of course, other markets, many of them essential to India, but the over-all profit potential of the U.S. market is unquestioned.

Although there is no possibility of India dramatically increasing her exports in the short term, of quickly doubling or tripling the amount of goods shipped to the United States, many authorities believe such growth will take place.

A close look at what India now sends to the United States shows that about 80 per cent of the total is natural products.

Some expansion of these exports is possible, of course. The U.S. market potential for India's fish and shellfish is strong, for example, and American consumers will probably buy as many cashews as India can supply for the foreseeable future.

But natural products, to state the obvious, are limited by natural factors. Diversification is necessary if big increases are to be effected, and new emphasis must be given to nontraditional exports.

Experts agree that the greatest potential for increases in nontraditional Indian exports is in manufactured goods, which are among those commodities now accounting for less than 20 per cent of all India's "exports to America. Indeed, the Government of India is already moving to increase such exports; and in India's over-all trade with the world nontraditional items now account for two-thirds of its exports.

The trend in export of manufactured goods to the United States (not including jute products) has edged upward slightly, rising from 11 per cent of the total in 1968 to 17 per cent in 1972. Engineering goods and chemicals-as separate categories-increased only very slightly during that period from their already low levels.

But the assets of India are such that the volume of export of manufactures to America could be considerably more. With her own iron and steel industry, with a number of other key natural resources, and with a huge labor force, including many who are manually skilled, India is in a position to supply

the U.S. market with precisely those things it can most easily import: products of high-labor and low-capital input, products of a mid-level technology that a high-technology country like the U.S. cannot as profitably manufacture herself.

To increase export of manufactured goods, India needs change and adaptation in many of its manufacturing processes, needs change in many of its traditional approaches to product development and marketing.

In more cases than not, Indian standards and measurements-not to mention quality controls-are different from, or not suitable to, those in the American and other major markets. There is almost always an element of financial risk in investing in such changes. In gearing up industries to new processes, some hard currency may have to be spent to import machines or materials.

Deciding to aim for a greater share of the U.S. market is one thing; getting into the hurly-burly of competition for the U.S. consumer's dollar is quite another. Whereas India is a seller's market, America is generally a buyer's market, and success in the American market calls for different, and much more aggressive, marketing concepts and operations than those used in India. ?9'e of the keys tOAa~increase of sales by

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India to America is the ability to recognize or antIcipate demands and to move quickly to meet them. Such expansion would be predicated on an increased effort to correctly evaluate the huge and complicated U.S. market. Adding to the urgency for expert assessment and fast action is the fact that the U.S. market for manufactured consumer goods, which often have the highest profit potential, is subject to sudden leaps upward and as sudden plunges downward.

Another factor in any consideration of greater sales is the importance of a quality image in the quality-conscious American market. Successful products in America often have a reputation as being something more desirable to own than other products which may be very similar in construction and appearance. Indian handlooms and handicrafts, Swiss watches, French wines-all are examples of products which have this reputation, widely recognized but hard to ddine.

One of the biggest outlets for Indian handlooms and handicrafts is the Sona boutique in New York City, which both retails andwholesales these products. Sona's operations are now in the process of expanding, according to S.Y. Sankaran, Deputy Manager of the boutique. "Indian handicrafts, like brassware, jewelry, papier mache, bedspreads, or decorations, are very much in demand in America," he said. "We have also had a continuing growth in our sales of readymade clothing, which we make to American fashion tastes here in our stores from Indian textiles."

Efforts are already under way toward a more successful approach to the U.S. market, but the low intensity of the efforts so far is reflected in the low intensity of increased sales.

Within the framework of a general increase in volume of exports to the U.S., the American share of India's total export output has actually declined.

Possibilities for Indian Engineering Goods Are Excellent The State Trading Corporation (STC) of India has established an office in New York City and is off to a good start in promoting Indian products and assessing potential demand for others. One of its first projects was the study of the possibilities for increased export of bicycles to the U.S., where demand has been booming and millions of those being sold are imported from other countries. STC says that India now exports fewer than 25,000 bicycles a year to America, mostly for sale in the New York City area and on the West Coast, and is looking now for further outlets, particularly in Florida and the southern states.

For the longer run, STC officials say they see "excellent possibilities" in the field of engineering goods, "because U.S. demand is high for high-labor products, and because labor costs are rising in other countries from which the U.S. now imports many of these items." Among such products with high potential and steady demand, STC believes, are hand tools, cast forgings, automobile parts and malleable pipe fittings. It also hopes to promote greater sales of hardboards and plywoods.

In addition to increased sales of shrimp and lobster tails, STC is also working to promote U.S. import of other Indian fish and fish products, including meal from trash fish. "India,"

said one STC officer, "is surrounded by one of the most fertile fishing grounds in the world, the Indian Ocean, which is today also one of the world's least fished oceans."

Other food products are also thought to have some potential because of fluctuating U.S. shortages or changing tastes.

Among these would be dehydrated foods, such as onion and garlic flakes, condiments, particularly tomato paste, and such minor spices as cumin seeds and chili peppers.

Shops which specialize in Indian food products, such as the Indian Super Bazaar in Washington, D.C., have been steadily increasing their sales volume. The Bazaar, for example, owned by one Ram Patil, opened five years ago and now has three locations, two in Washington and one in Philadelphia: Started originally to serve the needs of the Indian community, the stores now cater to more and more Americans.

"Many of our American customers have been in India," Patil pointed out, "and have acquired a taste for Indian spices, pickles, mangoes, rice and other things which are needed to prepare an authentic Indian meal."

"But we also find," he said, "growing popularity among others for such items as papadam, Darjeeling tea, and dried Indian shrimp."

"The increase in popularity of our products is growing," Patil said, "although we could not yet say that their use is widespread.' , STC also hopes to boost exports of leather garments and footwear. "At present," an official said, "the leather India exports to the U.S. is mostly unfinished, but much more could enter the U.S. as finished products, particularly garments, which importers here are especially eager to buy."

Another source of assistance to India and other countries in finding potential markets for their goods, and expert advice in production requirements, is the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO). The UNIDO operation involves discussions with importers who may be looking for suppliers for particular needs, then passes on the information to countries which have the potential to produce the desired products. Those countries interested in turn provide UNIDO with technical information on their potential to manufacture a particular product, including availability of machinery and skilled labor, and other facts which help the importer then decide where to award his contracts.

One product where UNIDO has been able to bring India's manufacturers together with American importers is leather apparel. UNIDO-hired experts have been working in India with garment manufacturers, and one large shipment has already been purchased by one of America's largest retail chains. UNIDO has also worked with Indian manufacturers in the field of readymade cotton garments and in children's dolls (the latter being an item especially sought after by American importers).

The Indo-American Chamber of Commerce in Bombay, in addition to bringing together businessmen of the two countries, has amassed a large body of statistics on trade between the U.S. and India, with special emphasis in its programs and its annual reports on areas of great potential to Indian manu-

facturers and advice on how best to get a larger part of the American market.

STC, UNIDO, the Indo-AmeriCan Chamber of Commerce, and many other organizations are showing that there is room for expansion in Indo-U.S. trade-and where. such expansion could take place. In many cases, the only questions are whether and when.

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It is impossible to overstate the importance of assessment, planning and timing in any strategy to win a greater share of the American mark~ -{\~in tqe OO!ieof bicycles, a labor-intensive item which India'cilO', and does'; produce in large numbers, the boom in sales in the U.S. has been obvious for some time.

India, of course, must face the difficult decisions of diversifying to produce the light, multigear models needed for export, since there is little demand outside India for the heavier, more utilitarian model which she produces for her own needs.

Currently there is some cautious movement toward greater Indian production of light-weight models. But the assessment of potential has been slow, and time, in the highly competitive American market, is on no one's side.

The bicycle boom in America, in the opinion of Jay Nayar of Nayar Industries, Inc., New York, may already have begun to level off, at least for imported models.

"At the moment," said Nayar, who distributes Indian bicycles, "we can't sell many more than we do-fewer than 25,000 a year. Dealers like them certainly, and usually come back to re-order. They know it's a quality bike, and that we back it fully."

"The problem," he said, "is consumer acceptance. More people have to be told about Indian bicycles, and acceptance built up among the buyers."

"People tend to classify things here," he said. "Where Indian handicrafts and silks are accepted, engineering goods, like bicycles, often are not."

Even though the bicycle boom may be leveling off, bicycles will continue in considerable demand for some time, in the opinion of Nayar and other authorities. But they represent only one item of potentially greater sales in a list which, as more Americans learn about more quality Indian products, is almost as long as the list of all that America already imports from India.

India, in only her third decade as a sovereign nation, faced with life-and-death economic issues from the beginning, has progressed to an international stature that deserves plaudits from onlooking nations. Nearing self-sufficiency in food supplies, and with growing industrial capacity, the future of her economic growth, despite the problems that lie ahead, is promising.

In that future, trade between the United States and India, which has been such a dominant factor in India's economy in the past, should increase. It remains only to build more energetically on the foundation that already exists.

0 About the Author: John Hols, a former public relations director and journalist, also served from 1967 to 1970 as an Information Officer for the United States Information Service in New Delhi.

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INIMATED WORlDOf CHRISTMIS 'ElIVISIOI

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Yuletide TV fare in America has become as prolific as the decorations and colored lights on the Christmas tree-and every bit as varied. The serious side of the programing features a number of dramatizations of the Christmas story.

Equally popular, however, are programs in a lighter vein, whose imaginative graphic work is part of their attractiveness. Geared for a viewing audience of children, these "specials" can last from 30 to 90 minutes, are usually aired early in the evening, and are often repeated year after year. Nor is their appeal limited to the younger set, since they are frequently adapted from literary classics. They also offer some of the most dazzling animation and color-film work in TV. Recapturing the atmosphere of LondOltin the 1840s was the intention of the animators of "A Christmas Carol," Charles Dickens's old familiar tale about the miserly Ebenezer Scrooge. Painstaking months of research went into fi1lding examples of original artworks of the day, on which animated drawings were based to give an authentic period feeling. Scrooge is visited by the ghost of Christmas Present (top right), who accuses him of causing the ill-health of Tiny Tim, the son of Scrooge's impoverished clerk. or dimensional animation, imparts life to "The Little Drummer Boy," in which the characters are actually dolls and puppets. A technique known as stop-action photography was used to achieve the movements required for the puppets' gestures. Based on a popular song of the same name, the programfeatllres a poor boy (center righO, whose only offering to the Christ child was a tune played on his tiny drum.

Animagic,

Questions most often asked by children about Father Christmas are answered in the program "Santa Claus Is Coming to Town" which, like "The Little Drummer Boy," employs the technique of dimensional animation.

Onscreen for most of the program is generous Santa Claus and his gift-laden reindeer sleigh (right).

Overleaf: Perhaps the most popular of the animated special programs is "Charlie Brown's Christmas," based on the Charles Schulz comic strip Peanuts. The characters are neighborhood kids with a special whimsy that often borders on metaphysics. Here, they tackle the problem of Christmas commercialization.

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