Witnesses of Stone by Stijn Drolenga

dreauLENGAH

Colofon

Author Stijn Drolenga s.l.drolenga@student.tudelft.nl Year / Period 2020-2021 / Q3 Tutor / Subject Stavros Kousoulas / Architecture Theory Thesis - AR2AT031 Illustration cover page Theatres of democracy (XML, 2014) Nothing from this research may be reproduced, by means of printing, photocopies, computerized data files or in any other way without the prior written consent of the author.

Witnesses of Stone The physical legacy of Fascist architecture in modern day democracies

Keywords Fascism, Architecture, Legacy, Soft Power. Abstract Fascist architecural legacy remains to occupy the collective mind. In the past, the meaning of architecture has shifted throughout history concurrent with societal changes. Last century, with the advancing of totalitarian regimes in Europe, it did just that. Architecture lent itself as a vehicle of opression. Amongst others, architectural ‘soft power’ turned out to be an effective mechanism to influence everyday lives. Nowadays, democratic countries struggle to find a way to deal with this troubled legacy. While some agitate against further renovation of old Nazi buildings, rather seeing them crumble to ashes, others indicating their social value, saying they have artistic and cultural importance. Leading architectural practices have been called out for ‘giving Nazi buildings back to the city’ and fashion houses have recently moved in Fascist commisioned headquarters. No matter what side you’re on, we need to face the reality of these troubled legacies and eventually find ways to deal with them.

Index

Witnesses of Stone

A brief introduction on... ...Fascist Architecture

Architectural sociology Soft power Architectural facilitator

Bad guys... and their architects

Nice buildings but... a Fascist legacy

A brighter future?

References

Architecture Theory Thesis

A brief introduction on... Eversince the existince of humankind, architecture has been playing an important role in modern societies. Whole lives are taking place within architectural structures, whether it being someone’s school or office, one’s neighborhood or holiday resort. Not even speaking of the, for many, safe haven to return to after a long day: one’s house. Architecture can’t be ignored. These days, architecture, as found through most media outlets, tend to be portrayed as something merely aesthetic. Something which has to be beautiful. The architect is exclusively responsible for striking beauty; other things than excessive size, triple A location or proceedings seem to be ignored. They are seemingly irrelevant. The meaning of architecture has been shifting throughout history, often concurrent with societal changes. The agora provided space for true democracy, where, during an Ekklèsia (public assembly), every citizen was able to participate. In contrast, the Colosseum in Rome was mainly used for bread and circuses in an attempt to favour the citizens of the Roman Empire (Sanford, 1951). Subsequently, the Palazzo della Civiltà Italiana in the EUR district in Rome is the perfect example of an architecture which is characterized by Fascism, it’s main objective exhibiting the absolute rule of the state, strongly suggesting the non-existence of participation or free speech (Zambenedetti, 2010). However, this direct relation between architecture and society isn’t always addressed, which in my belief is very unfortunate and essential for finding a way to deal with this past. According to I. M. Pei: “Architecture is the very mirror of life. You only have to cast your eyes on buildings to feel the presence of the past, the spirit of a place; they are the reflection of society”(Boehm, 2000). Therefore, one could argue that in seemingly harmonious and democratic times, modern architecture will present itself as such. This brings up the question how architecture is used for less democratic purposes, possibly as a tool of oppression, in times of absolute rule. Based upon this assumption, these writings try to argue the capacity of the built environment to reflect a prevalent societal and political current, thereafter questioning architecture as a vehicle to oppress society. Consequently the role of the architect as a possible protagonist in the political and architectural debate will be discussed. Are these undemocratic structures still standing and perhaps more important, are functions and programs still corresponding to their initial purpose? Will it remember us of our past and perhaps more compelling: did we learn?

Architecture Theory Thesis

7 < Teatro Greco in Siracusa with a performance of medea scenography by Enrico Job in 1996 (Designboom, 2014).

< Naumachia in the Court of Palazzo Pitti, a staging of naval battles as mass entertainment: an example of bread and circuses (Scarabelli, 1589–1592).

Architecture Theory Thesis

...Fascist Architecture As mentioned before, this body of work will mainly look at the Fascist architectural heritage of which the vast majority was built in the first half of the 20th century. To better understand this political context one has to dig into the Fascist history first. The modern world has been familiair with innumerable dictotars, kings, tsars, warlords and other totalitarian regimes in the past. As most Europeans are now used to (liberal-)democracies for several decades already, things have been different. Around the ‘30s and ‘40s, Fascism was one of the biggest political currents in Europe, cranked up by Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini in Nazi Germany and Italy. Etymologically seen, the Italian word Fascismo is directly derived from fascio, meaning ‘a bundle of sticks’ ultimately referring to the Latin word fasces (Merriam-Webster, 2013). They represent the suggested strength through unity; where a single rod is easily broken, a whole bundle is sturdier and more flexible; it can take a beating more easily. A true nature of Fascism is something which has been occupying historians, political scientists and other scholars already for centuries. Kershaw (2016) says: “trying to define Fascism is like trying to nail jelly to the wall”. By many considered as the closest approach to date is the definition by historian Stanley Payne (1980) in his book Fascism, Comparison and Definition. His conception consists of three main points. First, he describes the ‘Fascist negations’: anti-liberalism, anti-communism and anti-conservatism. He goes on with ‘Fascist goals’, creating a nationalist dictatorship capable of an absolute regulation of the economy while at the same time transforming social structures within a self-determined and modern society, ultimately expanding the nation into an empire. At last, he describes the ‘Fascist style’: a political aesthetic of masses, the glorification of violence, romantic symbolism and advocacy of masculinity, youth, and charismatic authoritarian leadership (Payne, 1980). The Fascist architectural style is derived from Classicism, indicating that they considered themselves equal or even better than the Roman and Greek societies (Francois, 2017). The main objective of their architectural discourse was to deliver and enforce their ideology. Architectural elements like horizontal extensions, uniformity, repitition and solidity opted ‘an impression of simplicity and uniformity’ (Espe, 1981). Further on, there will be elaborated upon specific key figures (political leaders and architects) within the realm of Fascist architecture and their role of shaping society but first we need to take into account the different ways in which architecture has been deployed as a vehicle of oppression.

< Masterplan of Berlin, also known as Germania. The Charlottenburger Chaussee ending with the Volkshalle at it’s end (Speer, 1938).

Architecture Theory Thesis

Architecure’s sociology “We shape our buildings; thereafter they shape us”, were the words of Sir Winston Churchill on October 28, 1943 (World Scientific, 2018). Hereby requesting to rebuilt the House of Commons exactly as it was before. The words of Churchill fully describe the significance of the built environment for society. By deliberately bombing such an important structure, the Nazi’s tried to get the English people to their knees. Such symbolic attacks not only happen in war but also occur at considerably less violent manifestations, during protests or occupations. Considering the latter, this is an often used strategy merely to resist the status quo and advocate a change in public policy. This, opposed to a military occupation which attempts to subdue a conquered country (Hammond, 2013). Contemporary examples of occupation are those of the Tahrir sqaure during the 2011 Egyptian revolution and the Occupy Wall Street movement in the same year. A very recent development within this realm was of course the 2021 storming of the United States Capitol, by some described as an act of terror. Abovementioned cases are attempts to illustrate the earlier made assumptions about the significance of architecture within the political domain. One can argue that collective identities are in part produced and sustained through artefacts such as architecture. Along with this perception, relevant questions are how architects and others seek to connect social values and identities to the material forms of architecture and to whom these buildings are addressed. But first, it is essential to define what is understood by ‘architecture’. Although the built environment in total is considered to be designed, only a fraction of those designs are produced by professional architects. It is therefore crucial to highlight that the scope of this body of work will predominantly focus on an elite upperclass part of architectural practices, discourses and buildings. I am very aware of the fact that this is not without any risk of sustaining an elitist architectural establishment, where individual works of acclaimed architects are canonized in teaching, the architectural press, the wider media and politics (Sudjic 2005). Yet, the other, not elitist buildings - such as houses, flats, shops, cafes, offices, bus stations, schools, prinsons, universities etc. - are forming the back-drop for the larger part of social life. Even if these structures do play a crucial role in shaping broader social relations, they are hardly regconized as ‘socialogical’ in relation to collective identities and/or political shifts by architects and politicians (Jones, 2009). So while many buildings outside of this elitist canon can indeed have a significant meaning for a given community, city or nation, the architects who have been responsible for these buildings were not given the sole commission to situate their work within a political context.

Architecture Theory Thesis

11 < House of Commons was bombed during the Blitz between 1940 and 1941 (BBC, 2015)

< Occupation of the Tahrir sqaure during the 2011 Egyptian revolution (Spring: a magazine of socialist ideas in action, 2021)

Architecture Theory Thesis

Political scientist Harold Lasswell (1979) further elaborates upon aforementioned in his book The Signature of Power. Within the elitist architectural establishment, he addresses so called ‘landmark’ buildings which are defined by him as those parts of the built environment that have a strong symbolic association to a political project or place. According to Lasswell (1979), stateled buildings with recognizable forms and silhouettes, often widely represented in mainstream media outlets outside the architectural field, don’t necessarily need to physically dominate the landscape to be of any significance for a political project or a wider social landscape. He emphasizes the material political struggles that exist around the ways in which given regimes should be represented in the built environment while also hinting at the centrality of architecture for the social construction of political imaginaries (Laswell 1979). Soft Power Amongst others, ‘soft power’ is a mechanism in which a political belief can be communicated. Although many are reticent by speaking of a conclusive definition, Joseph Nye (2004) states that soft power is the ability to get others to want what you want. He goes even further by saying that soft power is the ability to attract and “attraction often leads to acquiescence” (Nye, 2004). Soft power primarily affects the behaviour of people by shaping their preferences. In contrast, hard power, as the name suggests, is shaping people’s preferences by altering their cicumtances. Usually, hard power presents itself as a war or violent intervention by police or other sorts of law enforcement. The distinction between soft- and hard power seems very useful, especially when one’s talking about oppression. Though, the one doesn’t exclude the other in the sense that both soft- and hard power can easily coexist with one another. The Fascist regime of Nazi Germany is the perfect example of such a coexistence. They annexated neighbooring powers by force (hard power), whereafter their ‘new’ citizens were controlled by means of soft power; through architecture, cinema, rallies, (controlled) media or other kinds of indoctrination. As I mentioned before, soft power is the power to attract. But then what generates this attraction exactly? Answering this question will hopefully constitutes to better understand, explain and recognize oppressing structures within the built environment. As Vuving (2009) puts it, power and it’s softness are dependent on at least three generic power currencies, to be distinguished are ‘beauty, brilliance, and benignity’. First of all, beauty can be described as the actors’ relationship with ideals, values and visions. Vuving (2009) suggests a few tentative candidates: “the tendency to seek union with like-minded people, the tendency to join forces with those who pursue the same goal, the need for moral support and guidance and the need for aesthetic experience”.Therefore beauty generates soft power through the production of inspiration.

Architecture Theory Thesis

Secondly, brilliance refers to one’s relation with its work. It can therefore be described as a reference to the high performance one can accomplish when he or she does things. Vuving (2009) argues that brilliance, as a power currency, works on the tendency of human beings to learn from the successes of others. Here, the production of admiration is responsible for generating soft power. At last, the third aspect is benignity. This power currency’s mechanism works on the tendency of reciprocal altruism that exists in organisms (Bosserman, 1985). It refers to the positive attitude one’s having towards other people, in particular with the client of soft power; the citizens. The result is soft power generated through the production of sympathy and gratitude. Out of these three power currencies, brilliance can be very well explained through the words of Myriam Francois (2017) in her short documentary Compass about Fascist buildings. She describes that the Neoclassical style of Fascist architecture wasn’t purposeless. It was a direct reference to the architecture of the Roman- and Greek empires and therefore a strong statement on how powerful they thought they were and how long the Nazi ideology might last. Architectural characteristics were mainly striking symmetry, gigantic proportions, majesty and virility. People were (and still are) supposed to be dwarfed to convey a sense of intimidation, a soft power which initially tends to persuade people in their direction and indirectly produces admiration (Francois, 2017). Architectural facilitator As said earlier in the introduction, Payne (1980) mentioned one of the characteristics of the ‘Fascist style’ as a political aesthetic of masses, the glorification of violence, romantic symbolism and advocacy of masculinity, youth and charismatic authoritarian leadership. Besides soft power, bringing together vast amounts of people was one of the less discrete ways in which the Nazi party wanted to project their ideals upon society. Being somewhere in between soft- and hard power, rallies were amongst the most popular by the Nazi’s. In this way, architecture played the role of facilitator, enabling the Nazi party to ‘showcase’ their absolute rule to the German people. The design of the Nuremberg rallygrounds by Albert Speer is an perfect example of an structure totally committed to this purpose. In Francois’ documentary Robin Schuldenfrei argues: The architecture of the Reichsparteitags-gelände or Nuremberg rally grounds, is doing many things at once: a lot of which has to do with power structures. Wether that is done through large scales, gigantic spans, lighting and sheer numbers. By filling these spaces full of people, they start to feel something of which they might think is larger than themselves. (Francois, 2017)

Architecture Theory Thesis

Bad guys... and their architects Much is already said about which role architecture played during the rule of totalitarian regimes in the past. Consequently, what can be said about the responsible architects? Are they, as architectural designers, as morally reprehensible as their executives? To better understand their behaviour, the following paragraph will shine light on the personal architects of Hitler and Mussolini and examine their motives and ideas. Nazi Germany has had several state architects, often referred to as ‘Hofarchitekts’. Paul Ludwig Troost was Hitlers main architect in the period from 1930 till his death in 1934. His Neoclassical designs for the Führerbau and the Haus der Kunst in Munich were later to be considered as highly influential for the development of Nazi architecture. After his death in 1934, Albert Speer took over as Hitler’s main architect. Joining the Nazi party in 1931 as an architect by training, Speer has been responsible for most of the new buildings and projects of the Third Reich: the Nuremberg Party Congress Grounds, the New Chancellery in Berlin and the new Nazi capital Germania (Nylander et al., 1997). Francois (2017) emphasizes that Speer was the man that was tasked with bringing the Nazi ideals to life. Drawing on the examples of ancient Rome, he wanted to create an enduring legacy for these ideals. Speer very well understood that his works would have significance for many years to come. In fact he designed them to last ‘for a thousand years’ as he wanted to leave a lasting legacy of iconic ruins. It even trickled down to his buildings’ materialization, as he preferred marble and stone over timber or other ‘less forever’ materials to secure this ultimate purpose. Though, Speer wasn’t the typical Nazi, according to historian Magnus Brechtken (2017). He wasn’t a frequent guest at anti-Jewish public speeches nor was he participating in rallies. His hate for Jews can be understood best through his architectural endeavors. Speer was notorious for the use of Jewish slave labour. In order to construct his immense projects, he made use of inmates from concentration camps who had to work during ten-to-twelve-hour shifts (Kitchen, 2015). Brechtken added (2017) that Speer’s central motives were to gain power, rule and wealth. Given that Speer later became Hitler’s Minister of Armaments, an even more powerful position, again confirm these presumptions. Benito Mussolini wasn’t as dedicated as Hitler when it came to architecture. However, Italian architects have played a big role in the development of Fascist architecture. At the time, Giuseppe Terragni and Marcello Piacentini were amongst the most influential. As part of different architectural movements, including Gruppo 7, aiming at reforming architecture by the adaption of Rationalism and the Novecento Italiano group, they were responsible for several masterpieces of Italian Modern Architecture (Saggio, 1995). Casa del Fascio, designed by Terragni, is considered as one of those masterpieces.

Architecture Theory Thesis

15 < The Cathedral of Light of the Nazi rallies, 1937. It consisted of 130 anti-aircraft searchlights, at intervals of 12 meters, aimed skyward to create a series of vertical bars surrounding the audience (Rare Historical Photos, n.d.).

< Hitler’s main architect from 1937 till 1942, Albert Speer (The New Yorker, 2017).

< Casa del Fascio by Giuseppe Terragni, an architect who worked primarily under the fascist regime of Benito Mussolini (Architetti, 2017).

Architecture Theory Thesis

> Monumento alla Vittoria Bolzano, once built at the personal request of Mussolini himself (Italy Guide, n.d.)

> The originally Austrian region was annexed by Italy after the First World War. There’s a deep historical division which continues to plaque the present (Il NordEst Quotidiano, 2017).

Architecture Theory Thesis

Nice buildings but... a Fascist legacy There are innumerous examples of today’s struggle of what to do with Fascist architecture: should they be left to crumble? are they to be exhibited or even restored or should they all be torn down? Without any attempts to be persuasive, with the following enumeration I am hoping to give a brief overview of the ways in which people have been acting upon this difficult query. In South Tyrol, an autonomous province in Northern Italy, Fascist architecture is a reminder of a deep historical division which continues to plaque the present. The originally Austrian region was annexed by Italy after the First World War. Fascist leader Benito Mussolini implemented a plan to ‘Italianize’ South Tyrol, while the German speaking minority was stripped from many of their rights. At the heart of this effort was Monumento alla Vittoria, built at the personal request of Mussolini himself. It embodies the ideals of Fascist architecture: oversized, grand and imposing: what to do with this controversial architecture today continues to divide the people of this town. In the eyes of Cristian Kollman, the spokesman of the South Tyrolean Freedom Movement, the arch glorifies Fascism: Each time we pass the arch, we are forcibly reminded of the Fascist ideology and the conquest of South Tyrol by Italy. We argue that Fascism shouldn’t be glorified on the surface, it should be banned into a cellar or museum. (Francois, 2017) Recently, taxpayers’ money is being used to renovate these monements, something that Cristian campaigned against. He goes on by saying “Balzano has a majority of 70% of Italians and the majority of them are still not able to distance themselves from Fascism, they tend to reinterpret it as a cultural enrichment” (Francois, 2017). He wants to see all Fascist sculptures moved, a request the city council dismissed, saying they have artistic and cultural value. Also, since most of these buildings have seen 75 years of peace and are slowly but surely eligible for renovation, much debate is going on about their future purpose. Should they be renovated or, considering the cruelty from which they have been erected, should they be left alone, slowly deteriorating? If the former applies, who will accept such an assignment? Recently, David Chipperfield Architects have caused a lot of controversy with their renovation proposal for the Nazi-era Haus der Kunst, designed by Paul Ludwig Troost (18781934) – Adolf Hitler’s favourite architect (Braidwood, 2020). One of the interventions from the Stirling Prize-winner’s proposal is removing a line of trees planted after the Second World War to obscure the building. David Chipperfield himself defends his plans arguing: “The museum of contemporary art, which is committed to dealing with moral and social issues as part of its legitimacy, should not ‘hide behind the bushes” (Braidwood, 2020).

Architecture Theory Thesis

Many are struck by the architects’ assumption that the building should be given back to the city by removing the line of trees, an, at the time, hands on solution for covering up the front facade. “Chipperfield’s assertion that the building should be given back to the city because, in his opinion, today it no longer represents a threat, is very distressing”, says Charlotte Knobloch, president of the Central Council of Jews in Germany (Braidwood, 2020). She goes on by saying that buildings don’t directly pose a threat to people by themselves, but the connoted ideology of the National Socialist architecture is still being manifested within these structures. Therefore it still bears the responsibility of the mass murders and exterminations of 60 million people. The vice-director of the Munich Institute for Contemporary History, historian Magnus Brechtken (2017), emphasizes it would be condemnable to again reveal the Neoclassical face of the building, which features swastika motifs. As the building, representing the Nazi ideology, has evolved over the years since the end of the war, interventions such as the planting of trees and replacing the exterior steps are reflecting Germany ‘coming to terms with the past’. Brechtken (2017) eventually adds: “Every architectural answer in 2017 must take fully into account the whole process after 1945 and the wider area around the building. The answer must reflect the society of 2017, not emulate 1937”. At last, there are luxury brands which seem to exploit the legacy of Nazi buildings for their own sakes. Since it is known that Hugo Boss began to produce and sell Nazi uniforms with the rise of the Nazi Party in the ‘30s and that the French fashion designer Coco Chanel spied for them (Vaughan, 2012), nobody would question that fashion house Fendi recently made their way to the headquarters of Mussolini, right? Well, they did just that. The brand has moved its headquarters to Palazzo della Civiltà Italiana in the EUR district in Rome, a building which was commissioned by dictator Benito Mussolini himself in 1943. Fendi’s chief executive, Pietro Beccari, defended his decision by saying that it isn’t an issue for him, nor the Roman people. To him, the building goes beyond discussions about politics. He also mentiones the environmental advantages, pointing out that rebuilding this ‘masterpiece of architecture’ would save him the amount of marble equivalent to €500m (Kirchgaessner, 2018). Moving to this building was the company’s enduring commitment to its native Roman identity: he calls the palazzo a ‘symbol of Italian creativity, genius and craftsmanship’. Amidst the photos of the building’s sharp exterior and sketches of lighting fixtures and furniture that were designed but never completed in the lobby, the name Mussolini is never mentioned. For Paolo Nicoloso, a respected architectural historian, this building is irrefutably linked to Italy’s Fascist past. However, he is not opposed to the fact that Fendi is using the building as it’s headquarters. As long as it remains architecturally sound and the initial purposes of the building are being communicated properly, it shouldn’t be a problem (Kirchgaessner, 2018).

Architecture Theory Thesis

19 < Director of the Haus der Kunst, Okwui Enwezor’s article in Süddeutsche Zeitung on the restoration plans for the building (Süddeutsche Zeitung, 2017).

< Plan of refurbishment of Palazzo della Civiltà Italiana by Marco Costanzi architects as part of the new headquarters of Fendi (Marco Costanzi architects, 2016).

Architecture Theory Thesis

In contrast, a building which ideals haven’t had a negative impact on the way it is used now, is probably Flughafen Berlin-Tempelhof. It’s Fascist past almost seems like a distant echo. Intended as a symbol for Hitler’s world capital, it’s hangars are still some of the largest built structures in the world. Today it houses hundreds of Syrian refugees and what once was Hitler’s runway has been repurposed. Historian Darren O’ Byrne says: I’ve rarely had stranger experiences in my life, walking down an abandoned runway with people on either sides barbecuing, roller skating or kitesurfing. Considering the very dark Nazi past of the building, just takes on an additional signifance in my opninion. People are generally aware of what went down here, most of them know it is a former Nazi airport but that doesn’t mean that they don’t want to reclaim this territory to use it for purposes other then it was intended. (Francois, 2017) In that sense, Tempelhof has been reimagined to fit with Germany’s modern, inclusive identity. One which refuses to forget the past, but instead uses it to forge a brighter future. A brighter future? At the start of this research, I had an urge to speak up against the, in my eyes, condemnable manner in which some tend to deal with the architectural Fascist legacy. Along the way I figured that condemning your past as a country, a community or even as a company is not always as easy as it might sound. Finding a way to deal with such a difficult matter, is something many are still struggling with. This sometimes leads to awkward contradictions which in my belief are part of the process and should be respected. Though, using Nazi buildings for commercial purposes still feels out of place to me. However I do think that more formal, governmental buildings can have a pioneering role within this debate. By not only acknowledging their pasts, but also showing how things are done according to modern views on issues as inclusivity and democracy make us move forward. By positioning these writings within a larger context of troubled legacies all over the world, hopefully underlying, troubled layers will reveal themselves. The Netherlands are the perfect example. The infrastructures in the city centre of Amsterdam have been realized due to the Dutch colonial earnings. Without these revenues, Amsterdam simply wouldn’t have been what it is today. By saying this, hopefully my point comes across: to make people aware of the fact that our modern, democratic societies are sometimes built upon extremely dark, oppressive and reprehensible foundations. Dealing with these sensitive matters in the right way continues to be extremely tough. And while there isn’t such thing as a comprehensive Fascist-legacy-manual yet, we’ll have to keep trying.

< Probably the best example of an positive repurposing of Fascist legacy is Flughafen BerlinTempelhof (Lepores, 2018).

Architecture Theory Thesis

References Writings Boehm, G. (2000). Conversations with I.M. Pei: Light is the Key. Prestel Pub. Bosserman, R. W. (1985). R. Trivers: Social Evolution. Menlo Park, California: The Benjamin/ Cummings Publishing Company, Inc., 1985. Behavioral Science, 30(4), 240–242. https://doi.org/10.1002/ bs.3830300409 Braidwood, E. (2020, 7 augustus). Chipperfield defends proposal for Nazi-era Haus der Kunst. The Architects’ Journal. https://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/ chipperfield-defends-proposal-for-nazi-era-haus-der-kunst Brechtken, Magnus (2017), Albert Speer: Eine deutsche Karriere, Germany: Siedler Verlag, ISBN 978-3827500403 Espe, H. (1981). Differences in the perception of national socialist and classicist architecture. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 1(1), 33–42. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0272-4944(81)80016-3 Francois, M. (Director). (2017). Compass: Witnesses of Stone [Film]. TRT World. Hammond, J. L. (2013). The significance of space in Occupy Wall Street. Interface: a journal for and about social movements, 2013(5), 499–524. http://www.interfacejournal.net/wordpress/wp-content/ uploads/2013/11/Interface-5-2-Hammond.pdf Jones, P. (2009). The Sociology of Architecture. University Publishing Online, 3–4. https://doi. org/10.5949/upo9781846315930 Kershaw, Ian (2016). To Hell and Back: Europe 1914–1949. New York: Penguin Books. p. 228. ISBN 978-0-14-310992-1. Kirchgaessner, S. (2018, 2 juli). Fendi rejects criticism over new HQ in Mussolini propaganda building. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/oct/22/ fendi-launches-hq-in-mussolini-propaganda-building Kitchen, Martin (2015). Speer: Hitler’s Architect. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-19044-1. Lasswell, H. D. (1979). The Signature of Power: Buildings, Communication and Policy by Harold D. Lasswell (1978–01-30). Routledge. Merriam-Webster. “Definition of FASCISM”. 27 April 2013. Archived from the original on 30 April 2013. Retrieved 28 April 2013. Nye, J. S. (2004). Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (1ste ed.). Publicaffairs. Nylander, C., Magnusson, B., & International Association for Classical Archaeology. (1997). Ultra terminum vagari. Quasar. Payne, Stanley G (1980). Fascism, Comparison and Definition. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-299-08060-0. Saggio, A. (1995). Giuseppe Terragni: Vita e opere (Grandi opere). Laterza. Sanford, E. M. (1951). Bread and Circuses. The Classical Weekly, 45(2), 17. https://doi. org/10.2307/4343001 Vaughan, H. (2012). Sleeping with the Enemy: Coco Chanel’s Secret War. Vintage. Vuving, A. (2009). How Soft Power Works. SSRN Electronic Journal. Published. https://doi. org/10.2139/ssrn.1466220 World Scientific. (2018). We Shape Our Buildings; Thereafter They Shape Us. Grammar of Complexity, 159–190. https://doi.org/10.1142/9789813232501_0007 Zambenedetti, A. (2010). Filming in Stone: Palazzo della Civiltà Italiana and Fascist Signification in Cinema. Annali D’Italianistica, 28, 199-215. Retrieved May 17, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/24016394

Architecture Theory Thesis

Visuals Architetti. (2017). Un museo del razionalismo nell’ex Casa del Fascio di Como? [Illustration]. Architetti. https://www.architetti.com/ex-casa-del-fascio-di-como-museo-del-razionalismo.html BBC. (2015, 10 mei). Bombed But Not Broken - House of Commons [Illustration]. BBC. https:// www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b011f3pk Designboom. (2014, 14 oktober). XML contributes to monditalia at the 14th venice architecture biennale. Designboom | Architecture & Design Magazine. https://www.designboom.com/architecture/ xml-monditalia-venice-architecture-biennale-06-19-2014/ Il NordEst Quotidiano. (2017, 17 mei). Manifesti “Südtirol ist nicht Italien”: il Tar condanna il “nain” di Roma e apre la polemica [Illustration]. Il NordEst Quotidiano. https://www.ilnordestquotidiano. it/2017/05/17/manifesti-suedtirol-ist-nicht-italien-il-tar-condanna-il-nain-di-roma-e-apre-la-polemica/ Italy Guide. (n.d.). Monumento alla Vittoria Bolzano [Illustration]. https://www.italyguide.info/ pt/Monumento%20alla%20Vittoria%20Bolzano Lepores, D. (2018). Berlin Tempelhof Airport – Impressive and Deactivated [Illustration]. Awesome Berlin. https://awesomeberlin.net/berlin-airport-tempelhof-deactivated Marco Costanzi architects. (2016, 29 januari). FENDI HEADQUARTER. The Plan. https://www. theplan.it/eng/award-2016-interior/fendi-headquarter-1 Rare Historical Photos. (n.d.). The Cathedral of Light of the Nazi rallies, 1937 [Illustration]. Rare Historical Photos. https://rarehistoricalphotos.com/nazi-rally-cathedral-light-c-1937/ Scarabelli, O. (1589–1592). Naumachia in the Court of Palazzo Pitti, from an Album with Plates documenting the Festivities of the 1589 Wedding of Arch Duke Ferdinand I de’ Medici and Christine of Lorraine [Painting]. Not on view. https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/348531 Speer, A. (1938). Germania [Illustration]. http://stanford.edu/dept/german/berlin_class/archives/ speer_gallery/berlinplan1938.html Spring: a magazine of socialist ideas in action. (2021, 21 januari). Egyptian Revolution: A brief introduction [Illustration]. Spring Magazine. https://springmag.ca/egyptian-revolution-a-brief-introduction Süddeutsche Zeitung. (2017, 29 januari). Streit um das Haus der Kunst Debatte um das NS-Erbe. Süddeutsche.de. https://www.sueddeutsche.de/kultur/ diskussion-um-haus-der-kunst-okwui-enwezor-kritiker-aeussern-gedankenlose-bemerkungen-1.3352118 The New Yorker. (2017). The New Yorker Rereading Albert Speer’s “Inside the Third Reich” [Illustration]. The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/books/second-read/ rereading-albert-speers-inside-the-third-reich XML. (2014). Theatres theaters-of-democracy-2/s/3

democracy

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