Shrinking of Industrial Cities

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УБЫВАЮЩИЕ ГОРОДА

ЖИЗНЬ В УМИРАЮЩИХ ГОРОДАХ: КОНЕЧНАЯ СТАНЦИЯ — КИНЕШМА

ИНСТИТУТ STRELKA

2015

SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

INSTITUTE

LIFE IN DYING CITIES: LAST STOP KINESHMA


УБЫВАЮЩИЕ ГОРОДА Кризис промышленного производства, вызванный распадом СССР, повернул вспять процесс урбанизации, опровергнув таким образом определяющий тренд прошлого века. Сегодня Россия столкнулась с принципиально новой проблемой: 90% городов в стране — убывающие. Во всем мире индустриализация неизменно приводила к росту городов. Увеличение числа рабочих спровоцировало беспрецедентный строительный бум. Гектары природных и сельских территорий стремительно вливались в городские пригороды. В ответ на стремительный рост в промышленных городах практически мгновенно возникли новые учреждения и институции. Индустриализация также оказала влияние на устройство и планирование городов. Многочисленные программы по строительству социального жилья и школ позволили справиться с последствиями непрекращающегося роста. К началу 21 века промышленное производство стало невероятно мобильным. Перемещение производств из страны в страну в погоне за экономически благоприятными условиями задало новый тренд в урбанистике — резкое сокращение численности населения промышленных городов. Все перевернулось с ног на голову. Проблема нехватки жилья, школ и больниц уступила место не менее острой проблеме заполнения пустующих пространств. Теперь, вместо того чтобы продумывать, как разместить в городе все все новых жителей, планировщики ломают голову над тем, как удержать в городе тех, кто еще не уехал. Процесс деиндустриализации российских городов совпал с социальным и демографическими изменениями, вызванными неожиданным развалом СССР. Полвека назад города были активными центрами промышленного производства; сегодня же они стали средоточиями упадка, а их население стремительно стареет. Но должно ли будущее быть столь мрачным? Может быть, вместо того, чтобы становиться эпицентрами упадка, убывающие индустриальные города России могли бы подстроиться под нужды их стареющего населения? В нашем проекте мы попытались представить, что произойдет, если российские убывающие города постараются приспособиться к новой демографической реальности. Знакомьтесь, это Кинешма — город, переосмысленный на благо старшего поколения. — Куба Снопек, куратор проекта 1


SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES Decline of industry brought by the fall of the USSR reversed the trend of constant urban growth — one that was an established rule throughout the XX century. Today, Russia is facing a totally new situation: nine out of ten of its cities are shrinking. All over the world, industrialization always resulted with growth of urban centers. Influx of new factory workers caused unprecedented construction boom. Hectares of natural and rural areas were rapidly converted into new neighborhoods. Growing industrial cities instantly created new facilities and institutions. Industrialization brought also new urban planning policies. Social housing or school construction programs helped to deal with the consequences of a constant growth. In the beginning of the XXI century industries are more mobile than ever. Factories moving effortlessly between countries have set another trend in urbanism: shrinkage of the industrial cities. And this trend put all the thinking about the city on its head. An issue of abundance of irrelevant space replaced the problem of a constant scarcity of schools, flats or hospitals. Instead of masterminding ways of accommodating new people into a city, the urban planners cudgel their brains how to stop the remaining urban dwellers from leaving. De-industrialization of the Russian cites came in parallel with social and demographic changes — all brought by the sudden collapse of the USSR. Half a century ago thriving hubs of industrial life, today Russian cities are centers of urban decay and population ageing. But does their future have to be grim? Instead of becoming epicenters of depression and decay, shrinking Russian industrial cities can re-organize their life around the needs of the elderly. In this project we are trying to imagine one of the shrinking Russian cities designed for the new demographic situation. Meet Kineshma, the city re-thought for the elderly. — Kuba Snopek, tutor

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SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

3


Economic and demographic mutations are symptoms of a structural crisis in shrinking industrial cities. The future for one of these — Kineshma — is a viewport on the afterlife of dying cities in the world: condemned to decay and to population ageing, they need to adapt to the emerging needs of their elderly population. 4


SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

Definition of the Trend The consequences of de-industrialization are massive. Activities change as part of the population leaves and part stays; there is need of a strategy able cope with this trend.

Abandoned flour mill in Kineshma, Ivanovo Region, Russian Federation.

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DEFINITION OF THE TREND

Globally, years of industrialization translated into urban growth. Now, due to de-industrialization and globalization, a quarter of all industrial cities are shrinking. However, these settlements are not disappearing completely. On an urban scale, while young people are leaving in search for better opportunities, pensioners stay — bound to their roots. On a global scale, in post-industrial economies, the birth rate is lower and the population is aging. ON CITY LEVEL

ON GLOBAL LEVEL

WORKERS AND YOUNG PEOPLE MOVE

LESS CHILDREN PER CAPITA

PENSIONERS STAY

POPULATION AGEING

Shrinking cities is a multiscale phenomenon, both local and global.

The ageing of the population in former industrial settlements is therefore amplified by the ageing of the population as a global megatrend — both in developed and Now, due to de-industrialization developing countries. Neverand globalization, a quarter of all theless, it’s not the only issue in industrial cities are shrinking shrinking industrial cities: economic, social and demographic changes are the tip of the iceberg. A bigger set of issues ultimately undermines the social fabric of communities. Not only does unemployment lead to emigration of the youth, but also diminished pensions and purchase power for the elderly. The lower tax base caused by the closure of the plants induces the cities to reduce their public service and maintenance expenses. Decaying and polluted landscapes don’t attract new businesses or residents, which in turn leads to low de6


SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

DEMOGRAPHIC DOWNTURN

AGEING OF POPULATION

LACK OF GOOD PENSION PROGRAMS

UNEMPLOYMENT

FINANTIAL STRAIN CLOSURE OF PLANTS

INCREASE IN DISEASES DECAYING LANDSCAPE

LESS EXPENSES IN MAINTENANCE

LOW ATTRACTION ON NEW RESIDENTS ABANDONED ESTATES

REDUCTION OF CITY BUDGET NEED OF MORE STATE SUPPORT

LOSS OF POLITICAL CLOUT

The social costs of industrialization are intercorrelated.

mand for housing with an abundance of abandoned estates. Financial strain is also related to an increase in mental and physical diseases, especially during later life. Furthermore, shrinking industrial cities are likely to lose political clout due to an increased demand for additional support by the state, which transforms them into a problem rather than an asset. Shrinking industrial cities with their already higher than average share of an elderly population, represent a plausible viewport onto the demographic composition of the cities of the future. Coping with the issues of shrinking industrial cities today means formulating an answer to the issues of many cities of tomorrow.

Old lady from a very poor village on the Volga (Astrakhan region).

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GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT

Global Development Economic transitions are linked to demographic changes: de-industrialized economies tend to have an aged population. Shrinkage of industrial cities and population aging are two megatrends that challenge the way cities are planned. Employment by industry share of total (%) 80 70 60

services

50 40 30

agriculture

manufacturing

20 10 0

mining 1910

1930

1950

1970

1990

2010

source: ABS; RBA

De-industrialization reason #1: shift from manufacturing to service economies.

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SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

The patterns of industrialization — globally as well as in Russia- influenced urban expansion (fostering construction of cities, buildings and infrastructures), and demographic expansion, attracting many workers. De-industrialization, caused by a combination of global phenomena, reversed the trend of endless urban and demographic growth in industrial cities. growth of industrial output % +40 +30 Emerging economies

+20

World

+10 0

Advanced economies -10 -20

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

source: CPB, http://www.economic-design.com/2014_01_01_archive.html

De-industrialization reason #2: relocation of production in the developing countries.

Without any countermeasure, based on the attraction of permanent or temporary citizens, city downsizing or re-industrialization, these cities are condemned to shrinkage, with more severe outcomes in un-resilient settlements that rely on a single industrial compound. Manufactoring jobs share (%)

Manufacturing output (%)

35

125 Manufacturing jobs as a % of all jobs (left scale)

30

Industrial Production: manufacturing (right scale)

25

100 75

20 50

15

25

10 5

0 1950

1960

1970

1980

1990

2000

2010

source: Brian Wesbury, First Trust Portfolios, http://media.artdiamondblog.com/images2/ProductivityRevolutionGraphic-thumb-468x387.gif

De-industrialization reason #3: mechanization of production.

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GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT

Increasingly, dynamic mobility also sharpens shrinkage, combining emigration with internal migration — globally, people tend to concentrate in big urban centers in spite of peripheral cities*.

* By 2050 up to 75% of the world’s population will live in big cities.

Source: http://qz.com/192440/

The chart represents how 75% of all human movement from 2005 to 2010 is distributed.

While for the younger population the discomfort caused by inconvenience of moving is compensated by the promise of a better job or education, for pensioners the inLongevity is a great achievement of creasing cost of life is not repaid humanity. On the other hand it is by a significant increase in qualialso a challenge requiring a shift of ty of life.

global focus to the medical needs of the elderly population

As a result, post-industrial cities tend to have a bigger share of elderly inhabitants. This process is in parallel with population aging as a global trend*.

* People aged 60 and over will reach two billion in 2050.

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SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

rate per 1000 inhabitants 40 30 natural increase

20 Death rate natural decrease

10

Birth rate

total population 0 1700 stages

1740

1780

PRE-INDUSTRIAL

1820

1860

TRANSITIONING

1900

1940

1980

2020

INDUSTRIAL

POSTINDUSTRIAL

DECLINE UK projections

UK pre 1760

UK 1760-1870

UK 1870-1950

UK post-1950

Sub-Saharan Africa TODAY

South Africa TODAY

India, China TODAY

Italy TODAY

Russia TODAY

population ageing pyramid shape http://www.mrgscience.com/ess-topic-31-populations-dynamics.html

Economic development goes together with demographic changes.

Longevity is a great achievement of humanity. On the other hand it is also a challenge requiring a shift of global focus to the medical needs of the elderly population. Measures should also be taken to ensure that older age is experienced as a time of opportunity rather than decrepitude. 1950

4TH

3RD OLD-AGE

DEPENDENCE (OLD OLD-AGE)

DECREPITUDE

3RD PERSONAL FULFILLMENT (EXTENDED ACTIVE LEISURE) (YOUNG OLD-AGE)

2ND ADULTHOOD

2ND INDEPENDENCE RESPONSIBILITY SAVING

MATURITY EARNING

1ST

1ST

SOCIALIZATION EDUCATION

CHILDHOOD

DEPENDENCE IMMATURITY

Old-age (r)evolution: the aging of the population challenges the definition of ‘third age’.

In 2002, the General Assembly of the United Nations made a breakthrough by adopting the Madrid International Plan of Action on Aging, which put population aging at the center of the development agenda. A wide gamut of social and emotional concerns: maltreatment, nutrition, financial constraints, health-care accessibility or inadequacies, and disease and disabili11


GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT

ty*, have significant impact on the quality-of-life of the elderly. This quality of life is already low in shrinking cities â€” as mentioned in the previous chapter — due to the condition of the economy and of the infrastructure. A life course perspective should be focused on maintaining independence, and providing treatment by trained caregivers; along with policies to promote prevention of diseases and healthy lifestyles, assistive technology, rehabilitative care, and supportive environments.

* Ischemic heart disease, stroke and chronic lung disease are the biggest killers in terms of health. More than 46% of people aged 60 years and over have disabilities: visual and hearing impairment, dementia and osteoarthritis are the main causes.

How will the demographically moribund industrial cities adapt to the needs of their ageing population?

Increase of third-agers requires reshaping the city to accommodate their needs.

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SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

The Russian Condition In Russia sudden de-industrialization corresponds now to severe shrinkage. Most of the Russian productive fabric did not adapt to the mutated conditions, causing a decrease in the quality of life for the increasingly old inhabitants.

“The breath of Soviet Russia�: industrial smokes were a symbol of progress.

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THE RUSSIAN CONDITION

In Russia there is a seeming contradiction between the scale of the problem and the non-addressing of it within policymaking and in public discourse. The Russian conditions are specific, and can only partially be borrowed from the western patterns of shrinkage for two reasons: əə

ost-socialist economies industrialized differently p from the Western ones

əə

ussia is a transitioning economy, that doesn’t alR low univocal comparison either with the developed and the developing countries.

Russian cities began to industrialize during the Tsars’ times, when production was mainly devoted to the manufacture of goods. 151 growing cities

43 cities: no data

943 shrinking cities 1137 CITIES

source: http://daily.rbc.ru/special/society/22/01/2015/54c0fcaf9a7947a8f1dc4a7f

The growing cities in Russia are concentrated where natural resources are located.

During the Soviet Times, industrialization was mainly state-driven, aimed at establishing industrial facilities in rational locations, with the goal of maximizing regional specialization. The industrial cities funded in that era were predominantly monocities*, that prior to the 90’s, generated up to 40% of the GDP.

* Cities dependent upon the production of a single industry that employs more than 1/4 of the working population.

Despite the initial productivity in terms of both industrial outcome and workplaces, the 25 million people live in monocities proved to be incapable monocities, or about 1/6 of the russian population of compensating for the risks of external economic influences. After perestroika, most of Russia’s dominant enterprises were

source: http://daily.rbc.ru/special/society/22/01/2015/ 54c0fcaf9a7947a8f1dc4a7f

Monocities are the Russian paradigm of industrial cities.

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SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

privatized, and many of them were bankrupt by the end of the 90s, either deliberately or due to uncompetitiveness. Only few sectors, such as the oil industry, gas-output branch, metal and defense industries are competitive in a world swept by globalization. The manufacturing After perestroika, most of Russia’s industries that surdominant enterprises were vived, because of few privatized, and many of them were investments by private bankrupt by the end of the 90s owners and no innovation, are now old and uncompetitive, condemning the industrial cities to decay. Private ownership also meant social services were not provided to the populations of these settlements, leading to a radical decrease in quality of life, so that the citizens moved to bigger cities* in search for an improvePERESTROYKA EFFECT GLOBALIZATION reduction of the home market outside the consumer good sector

PRIVATIZATION

import of low cost industrial wares from other countries

lack of long term investments by private owners

UNCOMPETITVNESS AND BANKRUPCY only few industries (oil and gas, metal and defense industry) are competitive in the world markets

The collapse of the USSR had a cataclysmic effect on Russian economy.

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lack of statal support

* Due only to internal migration, by 2020 the Moscow region will increase by 1.5 million people.


THE RUSSIAN CONDITION

Kineshma is located 300 km North-East from Moscow, in the Ivanovo Region, a Russian old-industry area.

ment. KINESHMA: PARADIGM FOR THE SHRINKING INDUSTRIAL CITIES OF RUSSIA Kineshma was founded in 1429 and has had an industrial vocation since the Tsars’ times. It was one of the major industrial cities on the Volga, first for its textile industry, and then as a petrochemical compound during the USSR*.

* Kineshma had also metallurgical and machine industries, and flour mills.

Today, a decline in domestic demand and a low level of regional competitiveness in the global markets, caused the closure of most of the enterprises after the 90s. For such a place, shrinkage probably means a double transition: from strong to weak in terms of employment Industrial output

Bolsheviks Revolution

Worl War II New Economic Policy

Perestroyka Stalinism

Breznev stagnation

STATE DRIVEN ECONOMY

PRIVATIZATION

Light industry: textile food

1875

Heavy industry: petrolchemical machinery metallurgy 1900

1925

1950

1975

1990

2000

2015

Kineshma industry entered a deep crisis after perestroika, and never recovered.

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SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

and economical output, and from a new and primate city to a minor and outdated industry. The decaying environment, and the reduction of working

* Currently there is one university in Kineshma, but it is to terminate educational activity.

Bad condition of a road in Kineshma.

and educational opportunities*, forces young people to leave, causing the shrinking and ageing of the population. As mentioned before, financial strain resulting from plant closures translates to low or non-existent spending on welfare and on urban renovation. The consequent decaying roads and sidewalks make moving difficult, especially for the senior citizens. An unwelcoming landscape, with the receding Volga, does not attract new inhabitants. In the Here, shrinkage means a double summer Kineshma transition: from strong to weak has some inflow of in terms of employment and tourists. The agency economical output, and from a for tourism is trying to new and primate city to a minor rebrand the city in this and outdated industry sense, but with questionable success. Poverty* in the Ivanovo region is definitely an issue,and pensioners* are in the worst financial position. Low affordable demand definitely works against tertiary development. Moreover, new tertiary activities could occupy as much as 10% of abandoned industrial spaces. 17

* The Ivanovo Region is among the poorest regions in Russia. * Only the pensions of certain groups, such as former military officers, exceed a subsistence minimum.


THE RUSSIAN CONDITION

Despite the effort of the city to promote tourism, inflows are not significant enough to generate economic growth.

The ageing of the population is increasing the pressure on social services, urban infrastructure, and the labor supply. In Russia a little has been done to cope with these issues: for instance in 2002 the federal programme ‘Older Generation’ developed a plan of legal education of senior citizens. Nevertheless, in general, Kineshma and the other Russian former industrial cities, are not capable of fully satisfying the changing needs of their increasing number of senior citizens.

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SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

Russian Trajectories In Kineshma the seeds of a different future are already present. In between the decayed infrastructure, current inhabitants are finding autonomous ways to improve their living conditions.

Old ladies from Kineshma selling goods at the market.

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RUSSIAN TRAJECTORIES

As a transitioning economy, Russia’s ageing trajectories are in between those of the developing and developed countries. In Russia as a whole — as well as in Kineshma — the population will continue ageing. 80 years

60 years

average life expectancy (developed countries)

40 years

40 years

30%

60 years

average life expectancy (Russia) average life expectancy (developing countries)

10% % poplation 60+ (developed countries) % poplation 60+ (Russia) % poplation 60+ (developing countries)

1850

1900

10%

1950

2000

2050

Russia is in between the developed and the developing countries not only in economical terms but also regarding the ageing of the population.

Saying this, it is relevant to investigate the condition of the elderly in Russia. The average pension for a Russian senior is around 9800 rubles a month*. That is particularly low if compared to the cost of life in the capital.

* Less than 180 euro.

Inhabitants 100000

IN 20 YEARS: 68767 inhabitants

90000

35861 pensioners

80000 70000

TODAY: 86066 inhabitants 28689 pensioners

60000 50000 40000 30000 20000 10000 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2010 2020 2030 source: Database “Cities of Russia”

In Kineshma, by 2035, the number of pensioners will rise, along with population loss.

Due to low income, medicines are a luxury. Doctors are often forced to prescribe cheaper (domestically produced) drugs, although hardly any Russian drugs exist for gerontological diseases, such as Alzheimer’s. “Prices for medicines have risen by 14.9%in Russia. The leader in growth is Valocordin*— its price has grown 60%” George Oksenoyt, Deputy Head of the Federal Service of State Statistics.

* Heart medicine.

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SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

Poverty also causes pensioners to find non-standard ways to cure themselves (like natural remedies) or to provide extra income; in Kineshma almost everybody has a stall at the local market. Felt boots handcrafted and sold by a lively pensioner from Kineshma.

The municipality of Kineshma is not really reacting to the conditions of its disadvantaged inhabitants, which are soothed by private citizens’ charity initiatives or by the Church.

Two active citizens of Kineshma involved in charity work.

In Moscow the need for health assistance will increase as well as the demand for homes for the elderly. Because of the lack of suitable areas in the existing structures, and since the cost of house assistance cannot be covered by pensions*, in Moscow there are

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demand of elderly home spots 3600 3200

1 free spot every 1000 pensioners

2800 2400 2000 1600 1200 800 400 1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

2025

2030

source: http://m.forbes.ru/article.php?id=52658

The demand for elderly homes in Moscow is far higher than supply.


RUSSIAN TRAJECTORIES

services (like the ‘Moscow Social Guarantee’) providing home medical care in exchange for ownership of the property, generating a significant cash flow that could be invested in building new homes for the elderly to satisfy the market demand.

* The assistance of one elderly person in the Ivanovo region costs approximately 108, 000 rubles a year.

n° of contracts

2500

“Moscow Social Guarantee” number of contracts

636 81 1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

Real estate and elderly assistance: a

But the third age doesn’t necpromising business. essarily translate into decrepitude, poverty and privation of autonomy. Research in Finland reveals that persons aged 75–89 show an extensive interest in new technology*. Technology has also brought great improvements in health care. Electronic health monitoring and assistive devices help older people to remain more mobile, decreasing health-care costs and increasing patient satisfaction*.

Elderly people also represent a new cohort of consumers: the older consumer market is forecast to grow by 81% from 2005 to 2030, compared with 7% growth in the 18-59 year old market.

P

* Two in five elderly communicate using new technology.

* One telehealth programme in the USA reduced hospitalizations by 19% and days of bed care by 25%.

= Moscow

Kineshma

The sale of one flat in Moscow could buy and renovate a building five times bigger in Kineshma.

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SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

The resurrection of Kineshma happens when the city is able to fulfill the lives of its white haired inhabitants.

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FUTURE SETTLEMENT

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SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

The Future Settlement A combination of autonomous initiatives and a farsighted business strategy focused on elderly care will gradually give new life to an almost dead former industrial town.

The elderly home of Kineshma: it will provide lifelong education, and physical and recreational activities.

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THE FUTURE SETTLEMENT

With the last University and the last textile factory having terminated their activities, the city has fewer and fewer inhabitants, who are increasingly old and poor. Medicines will become a luxury for the senior citizens of Kineshma. To counteract financial strain, they will hunt for and collect food in the forest or on the banks of the receding Volga. While searching for edible berries, a group of babushkas will find plants which have therapeutic properties against the most common elderly diseases*. This is seen as a blessing for the elderly people of Kineshma, who now can cure themselves for free. Despite the living conditions of its inhabitants, Kineshma retains some charm - its position, its nature and its cheap prices make it the ideal place for elderly Moscovites in need of somewhere to spend their last years.

* Asparagus officinalis, Arctostaphylos alpina and Angelica palustris are part of the autochthonous flora in Kineshma and are useful in case of cardiovascular, bladder and kidney problems.

A lifelong healthcare organization of the capital will buy and convert the biggest ex-textile factory of Kineshma into an elderly home. It has green surroundings, large elevators, big windows and loft-like floor plans, suitable for providing all kinds of customized experiences. These depend on the desire of the community and the need for assistance, and range from co-housing to private rooms, and from semi-hospitalized health care to mutual care. The elderly home will also provide lifelong education, brain-training exercises to prevent neurodegenerative diseases, exchange programs, physical and recreational activities, and so on. In the elderly resort, ‘death’ will be a taboo. Instead, dozens of funeral services agencies will open in the city, offering customized funeral experiences. Numerous stores for old-age accessories will prosper, selling walking sticks with built-in heart-rate monitors 26


SHRINKING OF INDUSTRIAL CITIES

and wigs that check the condition of the cerebral vessels to prevent brain strokes. In Kineshma though, there will be only one pharmacy; the interest in alternative medicine is so high that there will be a biennial festival dedicated to natural remedies, where indigenous seniors will sell baskets of therapeutic berries and plants to the rich inhabitants of the elderly home.

An alternative health care festival is one of the attractions of the resurrected Kineshma.

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THE FUTURE SETTLEMENT

Due to the new old-age market, young people and workers in the healthcare sector will move to Kineshma, changing not only the economy of the city but also its demography. Kineshma will in this way slowly reverse its spiral of decay, and turn from a dying to a resurrecting city.

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EXPERTS

PROJECT PARTICIPANTS TUTOR Kuba Snopek STUDENTS Valeria Diminutto, architect, Udine, Italy; Maria Jurkina, architect, Omsk, Russia; Alina Petrakova, architect, Moscow, Russia; Louisa M. O. Vermoere, architect, Brussels, Belgium. EXTERNAL EXPERTS Alexander Akishin, Project manager in Aventica experience lab and UrbanUrban online-magazine; Michail Alexeevskiy, anthropologist KB “Strelka”; Rasa Alksnyte, futurist currently working at FoAM; Alexandr Antonov, Chief Architect of the Center for Spatial Information SUO “NIiPI Urban Development”, member of the board of NP “Association”; Max Avdeev, freelance photographer and photojournalist; Irina Irbitskaya, Center of urban competence of the President of the Russian Federation RANHiGS; Fedor Boborikin, journalist at Information 168 hours; Efim Freidin, Architect, Strelka Alumnus 2010/11; Denis Romodin, historian; Eugeniy Sergeevich, chief editor for Information Portal Kineshemec.RU; Deane Simpson, Royal Danish Academy of Arts School of Architecture, Copenhagen and at BAS, Bergen; Sergey Zhuravlev, member of the Town Planning Board of the Foundation “Skolkovo”; Natalia Zubarevich, Director of the regional program of the Independent Institute for Social Policy (Moscow)

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

KEY RESOURCES FOR THE RESEARCH OF SHRINKING INDUSTRIAL CITIES AND POPULATION AGEING AA.VV., Challenges of shrinkage, SHRINK SMART project. AA.VV. (2004) Schrumfaende Staedte, Studies Part 1, Ivanovo, February 2004, [unpublished, available online: www.shrinkingcities. com]. AA.VV., (2007) Leisure and Tourismled Regeneration in Post Industrial Cities: Challenges for Urban Design, Engineering and Physical Sciences Research Council. AA.VV., (2009) The Future of Shrinking Cities: Problems, Patterns and Strategies of Urban Transformation in a Global Context, Berkeley, University of California. AA.VV., (2011) ‘Russians flee “ghost towns” as population shrinks’, Hurriyetdailynews. com, June 2011, [unpublished, available online: http://www.hurriyetdailynews. com/russians-flee-ghost-towns-as-population-shrinks.aspx?pageID=438&n=russians-flee-ghost-towns-as-population-shrinks-2011-04-06]. AA.VV., (2012), Ageing in the Twenty-First Century: A Celebration and A Challenge, United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), New York, and HelpAge International, London AA.VV., (2012), ‘Better Homes: housing for the third age’, August 2012 [unpublished, available online: http://www.kenthousinggroup.org.uk/uploads/OPFrameworkFINAL2. pdf]

GELBMAN, A. (2007) Tourism in industry in the post-industrial city, Les Mondes Urbains du Tourisme. HAASE, A., GROSSMANN, K., RINK, D. (2013) Shrinking cities in postsocialist Europe – what can we learn from their analysis for urban theory-making?, Berlin. HARDIN KAPP, P., ARMSTRONG, P.J. (2012) SynergiCity: Reinventing the Postindustrial City, University of Illinois. HOWARD, R. (June 24, 2008) Designing a National Strategy for Responding to Economic Dislocation, Washington, testimony before the House Science and Technology subcommittee on investigation and oversight. KOSTOMAROVA, A., BLAKE, J. (2009) ‘Pikalyovo touches on plight of Russia’s “monocities”’, Rt.com, June 2009, [unpublished, available online: http://rt.com/ business/pikalyovo-touches-on-plight-of-russia-s-monocities/]. LEDENEVA, A. (2001) Unwritten rules: How Russia really works, Centre for European Reform. LINKON, S.L., RUSSO, J. (2002) Steeltown USA: Work and Memory in Youngstown, Lawrence, University of Kansas. LINKON, S.L., RUSSO, J. (2009) The Social Cost of Deindustrialization, Richard McCormack.

AA.VV., (2012) Shrinking Cities: Urban Challenges of Globalisation, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Urban Research Publications Limited.

MAHESHWARI, T. (2013) ‘Redefining Shrinking Cities’, Ced.berkeley.edu, December 2013, [unpublished, available online: http:// ced.berkeley.edu/~bpj12/2013/12/redefining-shrinking-cities/].

AA.VV., (2015) ‘Ministry of Labor has estimated the benefits of limiting pensions to working pensioners’, March 2015 [unpublished, available online: http://lenta.ru/]

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RICHARDSON, H.W., NAM, C.W. (2014) Shrinking Cities: A Global Perspective, New York, Routledge.

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SHETTY, S. (2009) Shrinking Cities in the Industrial Belt: A Focus on Small and Mid-size Cities in Northwestern Ohio, Toledo, Department of Geography and Planning Faculty Research Associate, The Urban Affairs Center, University of Toledo. SIVERT, S., ZAKHAROV, S., KLINGHOLZ, R. (2011) The Waning World Power - The demographic future of Russia and the other Soviet successor states, Berlin, Berlin Institute. SOKOLOV, I. TERENTYEV, VOLKOVA O. (2015) RBC Research: ‘The richest and the poorest cities in Russia’, April 2015 [unpublished, available online:http://daily.rbc.ru/special/society/13/04/2015/552a6a419a79471fcb568dc8] ZUBAREVICH, N.V. (2010) Cities as centers of economic modernization and human capital, Social Sciences and the present magazine, № 5. 5-19 p.


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We would like to thank the great people that we met on our field-trip to Kineshma, who shared with us their experience; gave us important information, data and photographic material about the city; helped us with accommodation and transportation in the city; made us discover facts that couldn’t be found on books, papers or internet, giving to our research a more human, less dry feel. But, most important, they made us find out that the future holds still quite some hope, even in almost dying cities. They are: Artar Arafan, Nikolai Isakov,Julia Ivanova, Yuri Kuftin, Valeriy Smirnov, Elena Smirnova, Irina Voronova, Yuri Zaitsev

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