Design Pre Major Thesis
Stuart Steinfort S3137921
Project Future Tramways Design Pre Major Thesis S3137921 1.0
Introduction of problem
2.0
Automobile ownership and applicable issues 2.1 Introduction. 2.2 The automobile and the environment. 2.3 The freedom of the automobile. 2.4 Messages of freedom. 2.5 The automobile role in city planning. 2.6 The automobile as its own worst enemy 2.7 Conclusion.
3.0
Historical Background of Melbourne Tram Use. 3.1 Tram application in Victoria 3.2 Living with the motor car: A Melbourne context. 3.3 Recent developments. 3.4 Governmental policy
4.0
International Tram development 4.1 International city planning 4.2 Relevant tram infrastructure planning.
5.0
Approach 5.1 Participatory Action Research Technique 5.2 Ethnography 5.3 Camera Journal 5.4 Survey
6.0
Design and Design Processes. 6.1 Various current design solutions 6.2 Sketches
6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6
3D toolkit Quick and dirty prototyping Rapid prototyping testing Mind mapping
7.0
Design Solution
8.0
Manufacturing Process
9.0
Bibliography
1.0 Introduction
1.0 Introduction Society as a whole cannot continue to assume that private automobile ownership and its subsequent usage can be sustained with the predicament of climate change and substantial global population growth. Melbourne could feasibly become a car free environment, enabling a rethink of how existing infrastructure can be tailored to suite societies needs. This project with critically examine tram transportation, through inclusive design, in order to uncover developing themes of use and contextualise future user needs. The project will use a combination of formal and user group based research in order to find and examine these trends, this will ultimately result in a design solution that seeks to address themes raised.
2.0 Automobile ownership and applicable issues
2.0 Automobile ownership and applicable issues 2.1 Introduction. The automobile, from it inception, has been frequently described as the bringer of freedom, economic and social progress and independence (Whitelegg, 1999). It has not only evolved to meet society’s changing lifestyle; to some extent it has shaped our lives in a physical and personal sense. I wish to explore these themes and current design responses in order to prompt my design exercise which aims to create a more sustainable society. 2.2 The automobile and the environment As Michael Grubb describes (1999, p.5) “The IPCC produced its first report in 1990… with its key conclusion that rising concentrations of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases in the atmosphere were caused by human activities and would cause global temperatures to rise, with accompanying climatic changes.” The importance of personal transport becomes relevant to climate change when one considers emissions from transportation. As Bannister (1996, p.2) explains “…the transport sector (1996) is responsible for over 25 per cent of the world primary energy use and 22 per cent of carbon dioxide emissions from fossil fuel use.” This large percent of emissions results in the need to re-evaluate transportation for society. These statistics would presumably effect societies view towards fossil fuel transportation, yet automobile ownership has, according to Bannister (2005, p.11), “(increased) over 31 per cent in the number of vehicles owned (1984-1994), and it is likely that in the next 25 years (to 2020) that number will increase by a fur-
ther 50 per cent (OECD, 1995).” This dramatic rise in ownership is in direct contradiction to the emissions generated from their use, yet the growth continues. Society therefore must be prioritising the present ease that private automobile ownership affords whilst delaying action on climate change. 2.3 The freedom of the automobile. David Bannister (2005, p.8) argues that the “power and the addiction to the car has often been underestimated.” Bannister (2005, p6) continues to argue that the car offers the individual the ability to ‘escape’ from the “real environment by allowing them to have their own flexibility and freedom.” This freedom has been successfully advertised through selling the dream of individuality and convenience. This individuality has been carefully shaped through extensive advertising detailing the virtues of the automobile. As Bannister (2005, p.6) explains the automobile in its present form offers “the ability to do what you want (within reason).” This freedom is quite powerful in that the automobile can increase individual levels of mobility that in many ways subordinate (Bannister, 2005) competing methods of transportation as well as shaping the manner to which society lives (in terms of work, family life etc). On a personal level, individuality in terms of automobile ownership can be seen as a form of status within society. As Bannister (2005, p.6) explains “it (the automobile) is the dominant culture that maintains major discourses on the quality of life from its use in films, on the news, and at the centre of much advertising.” This then suggests that the automobile has developed an emotion level of meaning within society in that it has gone beyond an economic sense of
convenience to a point of being humanized (Bannister 2005). In terms of convenience, the automobile offers a freedom which cannot be matched by current competitors. This notion of convenience is described by Whitelegg (1997, p.17) “…the car can liberate the self-imposed soul from its perceived boredom in a limited geographical area.” In direct comparison, other public transport services can offer this freedom of travel, but with the constriction of timetables and routes. This subsequently means the car can be spontaneous and free from apparent constrictions that plague public transportation. 2.4 Messages of freedom. The above mentioned psychological aspects of the automobile have been carefully cultivated by advertising companies which in many ways are detrimental to society. As Whitelegg (1997, p.36) explains “people believe cars offer freedom, power, sexual fantasy and reinforcement of personal esteem and ego. The fact that most of this applies to men and not women has not gone unnoticed in the advertising world and the arcane world of motoring magazines… a motoring correspondent in Top Gear…referred to a new car model he was testing capable of ‘snapping knickers elastic at 50 paces’.” Aside from the rampant sexualisation and subsequent fantasies of women within modern culture, this advertising ploy strikes at a primeval level of being where the car is advertised as fulfilling societies (specifically men’s) needs. The issue here is that if automobiles are being advertised in such an emotive manner how can other forms of transport compete. As Whitelegg (1997, p.37) further discusses “going by bike, walking or catching the bus are not
likely to conjure up anywhere near a powerful a cocktail…it is for these reasons that inducements to leave the car at home or use an alternative mode of transport need to be equally powerful.” This is especially hard in a society that is heavily motorised such as Australia, where as Whitelegg explains (1997, p.38) “walking is seen as a deviant activity, cycling is dangerous and fume sodden, and public transport spare to non-existent.” Advertising has successfully created a class gap between the automobile and other transport systems (Bannister, 2005), allowing for all other forms of transportation to become psychologically and socially backcast. 2.5 The automobiles role in city planning. This exponential rise of the car and its subsequent effect on culture raises the question as to whether technology shapes society or society shapes technology. This can be seen by Bannister (2005, p.6) in the manner to which the transport, specifically the automobile has shaped city planning. “…(the) car (has) both socially and spatially divisive as it allows cities to spread with consequences that all people have to travel much longer distances than before, with space becoming something that you want to pass through rather than stop in.” This idea resonates to a greater extent when one considers the percentage of society who do not have access to an automobile; this new fragmented city becomes somewhat hostile in that some areas are difficult to travel to. Even reluctant users are forced to use their car in this environment, exacerbating the problem of pollution and congestion. Indeed the above mentioned notion of flexibility from the automobile has direct physical implications to housing distribution. As Paul Mees (2000, p.37) discuss, “suburbanisation of both the popu-
lation and activities has been attributed to the flexibility of the car, which enables both residents and activities to spread at low densities in all directions.” The active use of the automobile creates suburbanisation and in turn creates further automobile use (Mees, 2005). This is an example of an advertised attribute of the automobile physically affecting not only our lifestyle but also the layout of our cities.
ing to Bannister (2005, p.15) “…limited in their scope,” whereas a package of strategies must be developed in order to communicate to the automobile world the importance of a sustainable society. 2.7 Conclusion
Society as a whole cannot continue to assume that private au2.6 The automobile as its own worst enemy. tomobile ownership and its subsequent usage can be sustained with the predicament of climate change and substantial global Bannister then moves to discuss the viability of whether the population growth. In response to the research into the automo‘car as an icon’ could be removed from society. He details the bile, it has become evident that the automobile has negatively shaped society in a physical and emotional sense. Therefore extent to which the car has been embedded in society and whether this culture will move onto developing worlds with disas- in a future context, other means of transportation needs to be trous consequences. As Bannister explains (2005, p.6) “the car explored in order to meet societies needs whilst address congesmay however become a victim of its own success as the means tion and pollution. Tram transportation offers potential not only to accommodate it will never expand as fast as ownership in its current mass commuter setup, but also in how Melbourne’s levels, so it will become less attractive to use it as congestion extensive infrastructure investment can be utilized in a future increases.” This success story is explained in the ability of the car concept. to morph and transform itself to meet the changing demands of society. As Bannister cities (2005, p.7) “In the early days, car drivers inhabited the roads with the pioneering spirit of freedom and the image of the road….this changed to inhabiting the car, where the car drivers were ‘safe’ in the metal boxes with complete privacy…the last stage is inhabiting the intelligent car, where some of the routine tasks are allocated to the vehicles rather than the driver.” Thus the car itself is a developed being; it continually updates itself to meet the needs of a changing society. Public transport has not met this transformation, indeed the car culture cannot be underestimated since it does not simply follow the economic world. Single policy strategies are, accord-
3.0
Historical Background
3.0
Historical Background
3.1 Tram Applications in Victoria Public transport in Melbourne was initially served by horse buses and steam railways in the 1860s (Keenan, 1985). Horse tramways were initially proposed for inner city transportation, but as Keenan (1985, p.5) explains “it was the successful development of cable trams in San Francisco. U.S.A., which saw this form of propulsion chosen for Melbourne’s tramway system.” The operation of this system was through a private public relationship whereby the Trust of Municipal Councils provided the track and engine houses which the private company supplied the cars and shed whilst operating the system. “The first line opened in 1885,” (Keenan, 1985) which then developed to sixteen by 1891. Maximum capacity reached 1200 dummies over 74 kilometres in 1923 (Keenan, 1985). Electrification of tram lines was initially created in the Eastern suburb of Box Hill between 1889 and 1896 (Keenan, 1985). This acted as a public transport link to the local train station; this though was short lived due to planning matters. The electric tram movement became significant with the formation of an interim which later became the Melbourne and Metropolitan Tramways Board in 1919 (Mees, 2000). With the expiration of the cable tramway company’s lease in 1922, the board took control with the immediate with the development of electric tramways in 1925 with the final cable lines closing in 1940 (Keenan, 1985). With the arrival of the 1960s, much development had taken place, yet pressures within government asked if Melbourne should follow the example of other cities (such as Chicago) and remove trams in view of bus services (Keenan, 1985). This view of inner city public transport did not persist, mainly in view of the
substantial 50 year development program the government had invested in. This decision was reinforced when in 1973 an order was placed that confirmed “with subsequent contracts for more then 300 additional trams.” (Keenan, 1985) The system then expanded with the inclusion of the East Burwood, Latrobe University and Bundoora tram lines. 3.2 Living with the Motor Car: A Melbourne Context Conflict often arises between trams and automobile drivers share commonplace among the Melbourne road network. As Keenan describes (1985, p.9) “it is intended that the effect of traffic congestion on operating efficiency will be lessened by the progressive introduction of traffic management schemes which include sections of street track where motor traffic is segregated full or part time (known as the “Fairway”) and priority given to trams at traffic signals.” This separation of motorists and tram ways has continued with the introduction of super stops which significantly alter the road way in order to create a raised platform hub for high volumes areas. 3.3 Recent development Darebin Council has proposed, in conjunction with Yarra Trams and the Department of Transport, to improve
and develop the route 86 tram service. The proposals are predominately concerned with pedestrians, particularly improving the manner to which the public can use the tram system. Plenty Rd – Northern End The route 86 proposal wishes to create a central tram zone a strictly tram only environment. This separation of tram and vehicle traffic is concerned with tram priority as well as pedestrian safety. Central Superstops The Darebin council proposal includes a number of “Superstops” on High Street. “Superstops” are a centrally located platform in the middle of a road. The trams will operate either side allow safe entry and exit of users since they are separated from road users. While it offers an improvement for tram users, it decreases the space available for road users, cyclists in particular. This then incurs further planning problems as to whether cyclists, as Bicycle Victoria suggests should “incorporate signaladvances for the trams and bikes to allow us to get through this
squeeze point…without conflicting with vehicles.”
‘Le Bump’ Superstops A “Le Bump” is a tram stop which features a raised road section which allows tram users to easily board trams. Typically these bumps are 5 metres in length which is comparable to the length of a tram. The bump is an appropriate development since it doubles as an aid for drivers to recognize a tram stop while slowing the vehicles down at the same point. Curb extensions of Super Stops The curb extension of the superstop which is intended to clam the traffic flows of busy roads. As described by Bicycle Victoria, the curb “will be a rasing and extension of the curb, coming out to meet the tram. Vehicles will be allowed to follow the tram through this central area. Bikes will be allowed to ride up and over the platform in our own dedicated space, when pedestrians are not getting onto a tram. This will separate the cars away from the bikes. This essentially is a narrow ‘Le Bump’ platform without cars. ” Whilst the concept is an improvement for pedestrian users, the integration of cyclists and pedestrians is not particularly a great
development because dangerous incidents can still be cause as a result of the high speed of cyclists. The other element that needs to be considered is tram priority. By combining vehicles and trams into a reduced space will have a negative effect on tram reliability and speed, hurting the system as a whole. Public Transport Users Association: The Public Transport Users Association (PTUA) sees merit in the existing tram infrastructure and in improvements through minor developments. As described in their transport proposal (It’s time to move, 2002, p. 22) “Melbourne’s iconic tram network functions well and is popular with travellers. However, it also suffers from some minor deficiencies, in particular the historical legacy of lines that terminate half a mile from train stations and major trip generations.” The PTUA rationale (2002, p.22) behind these extensions is the idea of a feeding system, whereby the “short, inexpensive extensions of these lines would render the network much more effective as a feeder to the rail backbone.” This then suggests that tram transportation is a secondary form of mass public transit, where the train network is the major carrier and it is reliant of trams for feed off its success.
The PTUA views the tram network as the major feeder to ‘hot spots’. As described by the PTUA (2002, p.22) “Trams have a carrying capacity intermediate between heavy rail and buses, and can therefore serve as access modes to ‘hot spots’ where rail extensions are difficult or not otherwise warranted.” The system, with is extensive infrastructure, allows new, often recently new suburbs access to public transport in a mass sense. An examples cited by the PTUA (2002, p.22) is ”the $22 million extension of the Mont Albert tram line to the Box Hill District Centre is a good example of a useful…tram extension…for the first time, residents of suburbs such as Balwyn and Mont Albert North have convenient public transport access not only to Box Hill Shops, but also to eastern suburban train services.” This allows a single network to prosper through feeding, rather than the separate systems fighting against each other in a form of competition. 3.4 Government Policy Development Densification of Tram Lines: Current government policy in view of tram transportation is focused on the density around existing infrastructure. As described by Geoffrey London (The Age, 2009) “The city of Melbourne and the state government are interested I exploring the densification along tram corridors and that has, I think, real potential.” The idea central idea is the redevelopment of buildings around the tram lines. As London explains (The Age, 2009), “it makes great sense to make proper use of transportation nodes and corridors. A lot of them are single storey for great lengths of the roads.” This would then have the transfer effect of moving the density away from public transport poor areas; in turn enabling small green belts to
prosper. In a broader sense this allows a capitalisation of infrastructure that has had over 100 years of investment, as well as reducing automobile related problems which plague efforts to make Melbourne sustainable for future generations.
4.0 International city development
4.0 International city development 4.1 International city planning London and the development of Congestion Taxes. The city of London, England, has introduced measures to reduce congestion through taxation. The system works on a scale whereby commuters are charged a fee for entering the central business district of London. As Santos and Shaffer explain (2004, p.1) “On February 17, 2003, the London Congestion Charging Scheme came into effect. Preliminary results show a significant response to the €5 (U.S. $8) charge.” From this point, any motorist wishing to drive and park within the zone of central London has to pay a fee. The rationale behind the tax system is to reduce congestion and pollution. As Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.179) “the preliminary results suggest that the London Scheme has so far succeeded in achieving the stated congestion reduction targets. Traffic decreased by more than expected.” The decreased traffic allowed an increase of traffic speed through the city, as Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.169) “ the average travel speed in the charging zone in the first few months after the Scheme was implemented, was 17 km/hour…(which) compares with the average speed recharging, which was 14 km/ hour.” The reduction in traffic reduced the primary emissions with the added benefit transferring these passengers to public transport. As Santos and Shaffer state (2004, p.171) “TfL predicted that approximately 20,000 individuals would switch from car travel to public transport during the morning peak period as a result of the Scheme. Of this number, 5,000 were expected to sue the Underground system;14,000, the buses; and the
remainder, rail system without transfers to bus or underground… this increased in line with expectations.” This increased level of usage is managed by the investment of the congestion charge in public transport. As Santos and Shaffer states (2004, p.178) “The mayor’s transport strategy, as well as congestion reduction, also includes objectives such as investing in the Underground, improving bus services, and integrating National Rail with other transport systems.” This reinvestment allow an effective absorption in a long term sense that will sustainable the shift in transportation. 4.2 Relevant tram infrastructure planning Zurich: Beschleunigungsmassahmen Central Europe, specifically the German city of Zurich, offer insight into how tram services can be drastically improved to meet the needs of society. As described by the public transport user group (PTA, 2002) “This comprehensive approach to tram priority was pioneered in Zurich between 1975 and 1985.” Here all impediments to tram travel were removed in order to create a reliable system that did not depend on congest levels in order to operate successfully. The result as published by the PTA (2002, p.19) is that “patronage increased from 32% of travel to 42%.” As described by the PTUA (2002, p.19), the elements of the Zurich tram policy: “Traffic signals that respond to trams as they arrive, interrupting the ordinary cycle to allow trams straight through.” “On intersections where absolute tram priority is not feasible, short signal cycles to prevent long delays to trams.” “Effective barriers on wide streets to separate trams from
cars.” “Traffic signal changes, partial road closures and other measures to prevent long queues of traffic forming on streets to narrow for trams to be completely separated from cars.” “Traffic islands, turn bans, hook turns and other measures to prevent turning traffic obstructing trams.” Melbourne’s own tram network is comparatively sized to Zurich, offering potential to rival these established system. Melbourne though is a car orientated city, which is evident in tram priority. As the PTUA describes (2002, p.19) “Far from allowing trams through quickly, many traffic lights have special right-turn phases that delay trams carrying fifty or a hundred passengers, in order that one or two bars can turn right from an adjacent land.” Moreland City Council: Moreland council create a street festival once a year by closing Sydney road off from traffic. This then allows vendors to create a marketplace on the road whereby pedestrian have access to the complete road. The closing off of the road to traffic also results in tram services being re directed for the complete day. This hence makes the Sydney street festival a difficult case study because vendors only need resources for a day of trading before normal services resume the next day. This is compounded by a lack of tram transport through the festival, making it difficult to gauge how tram networks and dynamics could be affected if trams had complete solidarity on the road.
5.0
Approach
5.0
Approach
5.1 Participatory action research technique “Participatory Action Research involves an imaginative leap from a world of ‘as it is’ to a glimpse of the world ’as it could be’.” Wadsworth (1999, p.6) Historical Background Participatory action research (PAR) has, stated by McIntyre (2008, p.1) “underlying tenets that are specific to the field of PAR… (a) a collective commitment to investigate an issue or problem, (b) a desire to engage in self- and collective reflection to gain clarity about the issue under investigation, (c) a joint decision to engage in individual and/or collective action that leads to a useful solution that benefits the people involved, and (d) the building of alliances between researches and participants in the planning, implementation, and dissemination of the research process.” In other words, PAR is a type of research where the participants become the researchers through the course of the research. This can take place through a number of forms of research, whether discussion based, or the manner to which this project proposes; a three dimensional toolkit. Participatory action research has no one direct origin; it draws from a multitude of “principles, methodologies, epistemologies, and characterization” (McIntyre, 2008) in order to create a research methodology. As McIntyre states (2008, p.2) an early examples of PAR within a social context was “in the late 1970s and 1980s, for example, Tandon (1981) and Kanhare (1980) initiated
PAR projects I India that addressed adult education and women’s development, respectively.” Since then, the applications of PAR have broadened to political, addressing violence related issues, general community issues and feminist policy. Feminism, particularly has contributed substantially to the development of participatory action research (McTaggart, 1997). Feminism has as McIntyre explains (1997, p.3) “enhanced the field of PAR with perspectives that have evolved out of a refusal to accept theory, research, and ethical perspectives that ignore, devalue, and erase women’s lives, experiences, and contributions to social science research.” This then added framework that helped articulate how this new form of feminist inspired PAR could be applicable across a multitude of contexts (Kanhare 1980, Lykes 1989, Maguire 1987). Participatory Action Research and relevant ethical challenges Before examining specific modes of PAR, it is necessary to construct a frame work that addresses ethical challenges found in PAR. The main concern is focused on the duty of care with the participants. This is in to allow a respectful space where individual who previously have not had the opportunity to share their experiences can do so without prejudice or bias. As McIntyre states (2008, p. 12): 1. Participants engage in all aspects of the project. 2. Practitioners have and appreciation of the capacity for individuals to work together to effect change. 3. Practitioners participate with participants in the overall PAR process, contributing resources and knowledge when necessary. 4. Attention is given to reducing barriers between participants
and practitioners of PAR. That includes cocontruction of consent procedures, documentation of data, and ensuring that the language used in the research project is understood by participants. 5. Participants are encouraged to learn about the research methods that are appropriate to the project. 6. Practitioners make a distinction between professional ethical considerations and contextually specific ethical considerations, which can be negotiated and modified to best serve the participants. 7. Practitioners take every precaution to protect the confidentiality, privacy, and identity of participants. 8. Practitioners do not disseminate any research data without the explicit consent of those involved. 9. Practitioners are trustworthy; scrupulous in their efforts to give primacy to participants’ goals; responsible for the well-being of all involved; fair, just, and willing to relinquish their agendas if they conflict with participants’ desires. McIntyre’s ethical structures allow the research project to specifically focus on the needs of the participants. This is highly important because these perspectives, realties, truths come from people who have not had, as McIntyre states (2008, p.12) “the opportunity to speak their truths into public life and therefore must be provided with a space to do so.” The framework by no means alleviates any related issues or problems that arise from this reflection/action based research technique. Rather, the structure of PAR insures researchers and participants work closely together in order to create a relevant and empathic project.
Participation in definition: Participation, and the recognition of its relevant, is crucial to the research technique achieving a tangible result. As McIntyre states (2008, p.16) in a recent PAR project involving underprivileged young adults, “I invited them to discuss how they would define participatory action research.” This resulted in a dictionary definition being sought in order for the group to discuss and define their own framework of the project. This framework was further developed by the group moving to install attendance and group involvement regulations in order for maximum participation. The basis for this suggestion was as McIntyre explains (1999, p.17) “the process of linking the meaning of participation to the actualization of participation was slowing and time-consuming.” This example has relevance in the application of my three dimensional toolkit in that the participants need to, as a group, realise that they are crucial in the exercise accomplishing a result. This recognition is fed by the idea that though the participants have the power to change there issues, first they need to become critically aware of the issue and its associated problems. Precedents in the application of 3D Participatory Action Research: The use of three dimensional forms in the process of participatory action research has precedents. The process was used by McIntyre (2002) in the exploration of women in Belfast and their experiences of war. These women, as McIntyre (2008, p. 41) explains “they wanted to present a version of their experiences as women growing up in and surviving a war that spoke to the multidimensionality of their individual lives, as well as to their collective com-
mitment to maintaining and sustaining a community of wellbeing.” This process of exploring the experiences needed as McIntyre explains (2008, p. 41) a “place where the women felt comfortable revealing their experiences to outsiders was a process intertwined with issues of power, authority, and identity.” This in turn allowed women a place whereby stories and experiences can be shared without conflict. The particular method McIntyre used in order to share these experiences was 3D modelling through clay (2002, p.41) “I invited the women to use clay as a way to tell stories about their lives. I asked them to silently picture themselves sitting against a tree. On the other side of the tree was a storyteller. The storyteller was there to tell each of the women a storey that she wanted to hear. I told the women it could be historical story, a mystery, a fantasy, and/or a story about any person, place, or thing that came to mind. The women sat silently for about 5 minutes imagining the story they wanted the storyteller to relate to them. After that time of reflection, I invited each of the women to use modelling clay and create a symbolic representation of he story she had ‘hear’.”
This precedent illustrates the preparation needed to introduce and prepare the participant before the three dimensional process is used. This process if important to the overall participatory process in that it allows themes to be found and developed in a physical sense. Resultantly the process contributes to the understanding society’s experiences in tram travel, and in defining what future they see. 3D toolkit design: In many ways by creating a three dimensional toolkit design of this participatory toolkit, by definition the toolkit needs participation in order to design it. As McIntyre explains (2008, p.15) researchers and participants need “to take responsibility for developing the group’s version of what it means to participate in a PAR process. When researchers and participants work together to define the most practical ad doable ways for them to participate, there is less pressure on individuals to conform to a way of participating.” Thus the participation within the process of research and the formal research itself will endeavour to avoid the concept of group participation as an imposition, rather a choice to express oneself. The toolkit will need a number of iterations in order to develop a functional and effective system. Initially this will be sought through
basic cardboard and foam modelling. This form of ‘quick and dirty’ prototype will allow a process of design through experimentation, whereby through making ideas and development direction can be found. 5.2 Ethnography Historical Background The ethnographic methodology was born, as Gobo explains (2008, p.7), in “the period between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It developed internally to ethnography, a discipline in the first half of the 1800s split away from traditional anthropology, which was then dominated by the physical and biological paradigm.” This new method differed from traditional ethnology in that it is concerned with the study of people through their material artefacts and cultures (Gobo, 2008). Traditional ethnology saw important in statistics, documentation; this in turn separated the researcher from the subject. This in turn led to the belief, as Gobo explains (2008,p.8), that ethnology researchers “considered the members of native peoples to be ‘primitive’: they were savages to be educated, and they could not be used as direct informants because they could not be trusted to furnish objective information.” This prejudice was opposed by ethnography, which saw the understanding of people and cultures significant in research. Among early ethnographers, Bronsilaw Malinowski (1844 – 1942) became a significant in his text Argonauts of the Western Pacific. The book researched the Trobriand Islands, and as Gobo explains (2008, p.8) “described the methodology principles underpinning the main goal of ethnography,
which is ‘to grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, and realise his vision of his world.” This understanding was undertaken through Malinowski living in the islands for two years, he became fluent in their language (Kiriwinian), befriended and used locals as informants and observed everyday life of the village (Malinowski, 1966). This participation in their society created the concept of the view ‘from within’, a concept which created the core of modern ethnography (Gobo, 2008). Technique This project will use ethnography, defined by Dawson (2007, p.19) is “describing and interpreting cultural behaviour,” as a main methodology to explore user behaviour in regard to the automobile. In ethnography the researcher immerses themself in the lifestyle and cultural groups being studied (Dawson, 2007). It specifically seeks the everyday nature of behaviour and as a result the hypotheses are often not formed at the beginning of the research. An example is living within an African tribe for months in order to become one of the tribe. Researchers often participate in, as Dawson describes (2007, p.19) “group activities whilst observing its behaviour, taking notes, conducting interviews, analysing, reflecting and writing reports.” Other commonly used names for ethnography include fieldwork or participant observation (Dawson 2007, p.19). Ethnography strives to as Crocket and Redvers-Mutton describes (2002, p. 288) “find the order within an activity rather than impose any framework of interpretation on it.” The users simply continue their regular behaviour to which the observer watches. This immersion into the user’s environment allows the observer to participate
As a result of the variable and personal characteristics of ethnography, research results can come in various forms. As stated in ‘interaction design’ (2002, p.288) “It (ethnography) is an experience rather than a data-collection exercise. However, the experience must be shared with other team members, and therefore needs to be documented and rationalized.” This documentation will allow for careful analysis and reflection throughout the pre-major and major project next year.
disciplinary design which is described by Jeremy Myerson (2001, p.30) as “understand, observe, visualise, evaluate, and implement.” What differentiates this firm is their study of society in the process of design. As Myerson explains (2001, p.30) “IDEO has pioneered the use of many forms of noninterventionist observation in its practise, including visual ethnography, in order to really understand how people behave.” This research captures the nature of how people behave, rather than how they perceive they behave (Myerson, 2001). This method allows the research, as Myerson explains (2001, p.30), to “deal with people are really doing and feeling” which in turn allows focused and important research that is not biased because of social, gender or race user concerns.
Application to this Project
Applications within project
Ethnography is applicable within this project because it subjects the researcher to the culture that is being studied. This immersion allows an in depth knowledge of the culture, while at the same time being critically aware through writing. The technique will be used as a research method in interviewing and observing tram users. During tram transportation users will be firstly observed and interviewed if granted. The interview will focus on the users definition of tram transportation, how it is and how it could be in a future context.
The process of camera journal’s will documentation of current users, specifically asking users to create a camera journal of their daily travels. This form of photography will capture tram travel in an effort identify micro events that offer insight into future uses of tram transportation. An example could be of trade transportation, current users might use small trolleys on trams in order to move personal or commercial goods. This could then offer a research tangent into how small businesses send and receive freight when cars and trucks are banned from entering the city centre.
in daily tasks and speak with the users personally. This methods, described by Crocket and Redvers-Mutton (2002, p. 288) is based on the idea of making the research “implicit explicit.” In that the everyday techniques and actions that might not be of any importance to the user can be observed, recorded and feed into the design process.
5.3 Camera Journal Historical Background – IDEO IDEO, a silicone valley design firm, specialises in innovative multi-
The application of this method will come in the form of advertising and creating a small group of tram users in order to document their individual travel. This user group will allow
a wider range of photography which in turn will limit any biases that could appear if one singular person was doing the research. Results and applications Initial results on a test student illustrated the unease of public photography. Her feedback: -The nature of the photography is impersonal and intruding. -Could be seen as a rude action, possible backlash? -Proposed use of disposable cameras would not be ideal because of the intruding flash, loud winding movement in loading the film. -Could all the research be done by one individual since “I know what I want.” Response to initial feedback: I agree that photography in public raises privacy issues which need to be dealt with. It has been suggested by fellow student’s that the tram driver’s should be approached in order to receive their consent. As for the disposable camera, I agree the noise could be intruding and awkward; yet they offer the ability to give out to researchers, used and simply posted back. This is simpler than downloading photos due to time restraints. An added positive is that it is impossible to delete any photos that could be deemed unusable because they are out of focus for example; yet these photos could offer research information. As for the final comment, I do not believe one sole person constructing this camera journal is of any use; it will allow biases to appear and only highlights certain area of travel. On another level, the photography
is not about what I want, indeed the research originates in order explore current transport peculiarities. Indeed if I were to constrict the process then it not only limit the scope of the project, but on a larger scale it would highlight an ignorance of the importance of research in general to the design process. Overall the test highlights the need to explain the intention of the camera journal to the researcher. The initial miscommunication compounded the personal concerns of the test user. This in turn caused unease in constructing the journal, making the task somewhat of a burden rather than simple photography when commuting daily. 5.4 Survey The construction of surveys will be used to research specific groups within the society. The first survey will constructed to target businesses on Sydney Road, where a yearly festival closes the street entirely to traffic. This in turn offers insight into how street dynamics change without traffic, creating a window into a future scenarios. The survey will be printed out and physically handed to vendors with a stamped and addressed envelope. The second survey will be used in conjunction with tram interviews in order to research current tram users. As with the Sydney road survey, this survey will examine user perceptions what current tram transport is and how it could be.