Portus 21

ISSN 1825-9561

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associazione per la collaborazione tra porti e città

Porti italiani Ciudades portuarias atlánticas Progetto URBACT-CTUR Kélibia Málaga Messina Tánger Istanbul A Coruña Salerno Valletta

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Socios de Honor Honorary Members José Luis Estrada Llaquet, Barcelona João Figueira de Sousa, Lisboa Manuel Frasquilho, Lisboa Brian Hoyle, Southampton Julián Maganto López, Madrid Natercia Rego Cabral, Lisboa Luís Carlos Antunes Barroso, Lisboa

Socios Colaboradores Collaborating Members Administração do Porto de Aveiro, S.A. Administração dos Portos da Região Autónoma da Madeira, S.A. Administração do Porto de Viana do Castelo, S.A. A.I.P.P.Y.C - Asociación Internacional de Profesionales de Puertos y Costas, Buenos Aires Ajuntament de Maó, Menorca Arup, Madrid Ayuntamiento de Málaga Ayuntamiento de Palma Autoridad Portuaria de A Coruña Autoridad Portuaria de Alicante Autoridad Portuaria de Avilés Autoridad Portuaria de Baleares Autoridad Portuaria de Castellón Autoridad Portuaria de Gijón Autoridad Portuaria de Melilla Autoridad Portuaria de S/C de Tenerife Autoridad Portuaria de Sevilla Autoridad Portuaria de Tarragona Autoridad Portuaria de Valencia Autorità Portuale di Genova Autorità Portuale di Palermo Cabildo Insular de Gran Canaria, Las Palmas C^amara Municipal de Viana do Castelo Consorzio del Porto di Alghero ENAPOR S.A. - Empresa Nacional de Administração dos Portos, Cabo Verde Fundación Valenciaport, Valencia Malagaport A.I.E., Málaga Portos dos Açores S.A. Stazioni Marittime Spa, Genova Miembros Adheridos Participating Members Colegio Oficial Arquitectos de Cádiz Tore Frulio, Firenze Alessandro Gebbia, Napoli Iberport Consulting S.A., Valencia Junquera Arquitectos S.L., Madrid Juan Manuel Palerm Salazar, Las Palmas Pedro Romera García, Las Palmas TEAM, Ports & Maritime S. L., Barcelona TJMa José Ma Tomás Arquitectos Giglio & Partners, Alghero Associação Cultural Saber Global, Rio de Janeiro Escuela de Ingenieros de Caminos, Canales y Puertos – Universidad Politecnica de Valencia Maria José Andrade, Malaga

Portus La relación puerto-ciudad y la reorganización de las zonas urbano-portuarias The Port-City Relationship and Urban Waterfront Redevelopment

Portus Ciudades-puerto y nuevos proyectos para el waterfront: Portusplus Port-cities and New Waterfront Projects: Portusplus

Presidente President Christian Manrique Valdor, Autoridad Portuaria de Santander Vice Presidentes Vice Presidents Emilio Brogueira Dias, Administração dos Portos do Douro e Leixões Edoardo Monzani, Stazioni Marittime Spa, Genova Junta de Gobierno Board of Directors Miguel Villalobos Carlos Dias Teixeira Francesc Triay Manuel Matoses Rebollo Rinio Bruttomesso (Director Comité Científico Director Scientific Committee) José Ramón Ruiz Manso (Secretario Secretary) Secretaría Secretariat Federica Marafante Socios Ordinarios Ordinary Members Puertos del Estado, Madrid Área Metropolitana de Lisboa Administração do Porto de Lisboa Administração dos Portos do Douro e Leixões, S.A. Autoridad Portuaria de la Bahía de Algeciras Autoridad Portuaria de Las Palmas Autoridad Portuaria de Santander Comune di Olbia Port 2000, Barcelona Centro Internazionale Città d’Acqua, Venezia

La relación puerto-ciudad y la reorganización de las zonas urbano-portuarias The Port-City Relationship and Urban Waterfront Redevelopment

2001–2011

Revista semestral de Six-monthly review of RETE Año Year 11, n. 21 Avril April 2011 Directores Editors Joan Alemany, Rinio Bruttomesso Director responsable Managing Editor Franco Miracco Responsable de la Redacción Editor in Chief Marta Moretti

Ciudades-puerto y nuevos proyectos para el waterfront.

El aporte de Portusplus Port-cities and New Waterfront Projects.

The contribution of Portusplus

Comité Científico Scientific Committee Rinio Bruttomesso (Director Director), Ana Cristina Dos Reis e Cunha, Vicent Esteban Chapapría, Manuel Matoses Rebollo, Joan Alemany Llovera, José Luis Estrada, Flavio Tejada Gorráiz, Carlos Adalberto B. Silva, José Ramón Ruiz Manso Administración Administration Federica Marafante Dirección y Redacción Editorial Office RETE-Associazione per la collaborazione tra porti e città San Polo, 2605 I - 30125 Venezia tel. 39-041-5230428 fax 39-041-5286103 mail@rete2001.org www.reteonline.org Traducción Translations Olga Barmine, Ivan Wynford Herring, Cintia Prieto Editor Publisher RETE-Associazione per la collaborazione tra porti e città San Polo, 2605 I - 30125 Venezia Diseño gráfico Graphic Design Peppe Clemente, studio Cheste, Venezia Imprenta Printer Grafiche Veneziane srl, Venezia Registrazione del Tribunale di Venezia n. 1502 del 7-03-2005

21 Ciudades-puerto y nuevos proyectos para el waterfront.

El aporte de Portusplus Port-cities and New Waterfront Projects.

The contribution of Portusplus

Editorial 2

Joan Alemany, Rinio Bruttomesso

Changing Urban Waterfronts: A Fixity and Flow Perspective Los frentes marítimos urbanos: una perspectiva de fijación y flujo

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Gene Desfor, Jennefer Laidley

Cos’è un porto?

What is a Port?

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Patrizia Lupi

Las ciudades portuarias atlánticas: devolverles la mirada al mar The Atlantic Port Cities: Turning to Face the Sea again

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Tamara Guirao Espineira, Maria Montoiro Salvado

Sviluppo delle crociere e rigenerazione urbana: quali legami possibili? Casi studio dal progetto URBACT-CTUR Cruise Traffic Development and Urban Regeneration: possible links? Case Studies from the URBACT-CTUR Project

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Vittorio Torbianelli, Teresa Frausin

Réaménagement portuaire et reconquête des jointures urbaines: regard sur le port de Kélibia (Tunisie) Port Regeneration and Reclaiming the Urban Junctures: a Look at the Port of Kélibia (Tunisia)

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Hatem Kahloun

Málaga, el puerto industrial como paisaje urbano Malaga, Industrial Port as Urban Landscape

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María José Andrade Marqués

Messina. Il progetto per il waterfront: una sfida per il XXI secolo The Project for the Waterfront in Messina.

A Challenge for the XXIst Century

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Michelangelo Savino

Maghreb Port Cities in Transition: the case of Tangier Las ciudades portuarias del Magreb en transición: el caso de Tánger

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César Ducruet, Fatima Zohra Mohamed-Chérif, Najib Cherfaoui

Istanbul tra globale e locale. Waterfront e nuove immagini urbane Istanbul between Global and Local. Waterfronts and new Urban Images

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Cecilia Scoppetta

El puerto y la ciudad de A Coruña The Port and the City of A Coruña

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Enrique Maciñeira Alonso, Irene Souto Blázquez

La Valutazione Ambientale Strategica delle aree portuali: il caso di porto isola a Salerno The Strategic Environmental Assessment of Port Areas: the case of the port island in Salerno

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Marco Scerbo

Restoring Life in the City: Regenerating the Valletta Grand Harbour Area Devolviendo la vida a la ciudad: regenerando la zona portuaria de Valeta

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Nadia Theuma, Anthony Theuma

Imágenes Images

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Enzo Signorelli

Palabras Words

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Joseph Conrad

Biografías Biographies

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Portus, diez años después. Portusplus, la nueva apuesta de RETE Portus, ten years later. Portusplus, RETE's New Challenge Dossier

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Portus, diez años después.

Portusplus, la nueva apuesta de RETE Joan Alemany, Rinio Bruttomesso

Con este número 21 Portus celebra su décimo aniversario de vida.

Fue en la primavera de 2001 cuando el primer ejemplar de esta nueva revista fue presentado a la atención de un público, cada vez más interesado en conocer, comprender y debatir los diversos aspectos de la relación articulada entre puertos y ciudades. En el panorama internacional de aquel momento, no existía ninguna revista científica completamente dedicada a esta problemática y Portus nacía con la ambición de llenar esta importante laguna.

Diez años más tarde, constatamos que Portus continúa su “misión” totalmente sola. No obstante, en este decenio las cuestiones centrales de su reflexión – con la aparición de una crisis de dimensiones planetarias y de consecuencias gravísimas – se han profundizado ulteriormente y se han hecho cada vez más complejas.

La idea inicial era la de dar vida, junto a Portus, a un “organismo” capaz de dar a conocer y promover a gran escala las experiencias más significativas en el campo de la recalificación de los waterfront urbano-portuarios, y en general, de suscitar un debate entre opiniones diferentes en el ámbito de la relación entre puerto y ciudad. Este “sujeto” se ha efectivamente constituido, ya que con el nacimiento de la revista, en el mismo año 2001, se ha formado una nueva asociación, RETE, con el objetivo principal de promover y favorecer el diálogo entre ciudad y puerto. Portus, con sus dos números al año, se ha convertido en el principal instrumento de comunicación (antes incluso del sitio web y de la periódica newsletter online) de las actividades científicas e institucionales de la asociación, esforzándose, en particular, de informar sobre lo más innovador e interesante de las áreas urbano-portuarias de muchas partes del mundo, con mayor énfasis en las zonas de Europa mediterránea y, cada vez más, en Latinoamérica.

Diez años de vida y de trabajo necesitan seguramente un balance, que para ser significativo debe resultar serio y riguroso, y RETE, con la dirección y la redacción de Portus, intenta enfrentar este difícil pasaje, sobre todo a través de la opinión de los Socios de la asociación misma, así como de la colaboración de nuestros lectores, a los que pedimos expresarse, utilizando las posibilidades ofrecidas por la revista online Portusplus.

Y justamente Portusplus representa otro “desafío”, el más reciente de RETE. Es una iniciativa nacida el año pasado, con el lanzamiento de un “call for papers” destinado a todos los que estén interesados en los temas tratados por nuestra asociación y por la revista Portus. Hasta la fecha establecida (julio de 2010) llegaron más de 50 artículos, provenientes de diversos países, que fueron sometidos a la evaluación de un comité internacional de expertos. Cada “paper” fue examinado, en forma anónima, por dos o tres evaluadores. Al final todos los artículos considerados unánimemente merecedores han sido publicados integralmente en el primer número de la revista online Portusplus (www.reteonline.org). Algunos de éstos, precisamente 12, han sido considerados particularmente significativos y, por lo tanto, se ha decidido su publicación en este número de Portus, que se ha querido dedicar completamente a los resultados de esta primera

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Portus, ten years later.

Portusplus, RETE’s New Challenge Joan Alemany, Rinio Bruttomesso

With this issue number 21 Portus celebrates its tenth anniversary.

It was in the Spring of 2001 that the first issue of this new magazine was presented to the attention of the public, which was increasingly interested in knowing, understanding and discussing the many different aspects of the multifaceted relationship between ports and cities. At that time, there was no scientific magazine completely dedicated to this theme on the international scene and Portus was founded with the ambition of filling this significant gap.

Ten years later it must be noted that Portus continues its “mission” in total solitude, despite the fact that over the past decade the issues it focuses on – with the onset of a worldwide crisis and the severe consequences it harbours – have become more serious and more complex.

The original idea was to create, along with Portus, an “organism” that could bring to public attention and promote on an ample scale the most significant experiences in the field of urban-port waterfront regeneration, and more in general, to stimulate a discussion between different points of view on the relationship between port and city. This “subject” was in fact constituted, because the same year that the magazine was founded, in 2001, a new association called RETE was formed, the primary objective of which was to promote and encourage the dialogue between cities and ports. Portus, published twice a year, has become the principal tool (more important than the website and the more recent online newsletter) for communicating the association's scientific and institutional activities; it seeks in particular to illustrate the most interesting and innovative events in the urban-port areas in many parts of the world, with a greater emphasis on the areas of Mediterranean Europe, and a growing interest in the Latin-American continent.

After ten years of life and work it is undoubtedly time to take stock, in a serious and rigorous way, and RETE, which directs and edits Portus, intends to approach this significant moment, first by asking the opinion of the Members of the association itself, and second with the contribution of our readers, whom we will ask to express their opinion, exploiting the possibilities offered by the introduction of the online magazine Portusplus.

Portusplus represents a further “challenge”, the most recent, for RETE. This initiative was launched last year with a “call for papers” from anyone interested in the themes addressed by our association and Portus magazine. On the day of the deadline over 50 articles had been sent from various countries and submitted for evaluation to an international committee of experts. Each paper was examined anonymously by two or three reviewers. In the end, all the articles unanimously considered to be meritorious will be published in their entirety in the first issue of the online magazine Portusplus (wwwreteonline.org). Some of them, 12 to be exact, were considered particularly significant, and as such, were selected to be published in this issue of Portus, which we decided to dedicate completely to the first edition of this new initiative by RETE. And so, after ten years, Portus is no longer alone. Portusplus intends to exploit the full potential of an online magazine, reserving particular attention to articles by young

Portada de Portus n.1, 2001 Cover of Portus n.1, 2001

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edición de la nueva acción de RETE. Son, todos ellos, artículos que presentan de forma innovadora nuevas realidades de los espacios de relación puerto-ciudad o bien informaciones precisas sobre proyectos y realizaciones actuales y poco conocidas. Merecen ser leídos y analizados con atención por todos los interesados en esta temática.

Despuès de diez años, Portus no está más sola. Portusplus intenta aprovechar todas las potencialidades de una publicación online, reservando una particular atención a las contribuciones provenientes de jóvenes estudiosos o profesionales, interesados en participar en este amplio debate sobre cómo afrontar las difíciles temáticas de la presencia y del impacto de las estructuras portuarias sobre el tejido urbano y sus territorios metropolitanos y regionales.

RETE es muy conciente de que en este momento en el que se comienzan a ver atisbos de luz al final del largo túnel de la crisis – que de todos modos dejará signos indelebles también en el campo de la relación puerto-ciudad – un objetivo central que debe darse a una asociación como ésta, es el de estudiar a fondo las dinámicas de estos procesos, comprender las exigencias esenciales tanto de los puertos como de las estructuras ubanas, examinar los casos de las “mejores prácticas” y tener en cuenta las lecciones aprendidas y, por último, ofrecer informaciones de actualización continua a quienes están cotidianamente ocupados en resolver esas complicadas cuestiones. Ésta es justamente la ambiciosa finalidad que RETE intenta confiar a Portus, en el inicio de su segundo decenio de vida, pero ahora cuenta con el apoyo complementario que el nuevo instrumento Portusplus está ofreciendo.

Y también, como en estos primeros diez años, será decisivo el aporte de todos los que querrán colaborar con nosotros, con inteligencia y entusiasmo, convencidos de que la historia de nuestros puertos y el desarrollo sostenibile de nuestras ciudades tienen todavía muchas páginas interesantes para ser analizadas y muchas importantes experiencias para ser proyectadas y realizadas.

Portusplus Comité de Evaluación 2010 Review Committee 2010 Miembros del Comité Científico de RETE Members of the RETE Scientific Committee Joan Alemany (Spain) Rinio Bruttomesso (Italy) Ana Cristina dos Reis e Cunha (Portugal) Manuel Matoses (Spain) José Ramón Ruíz Manso (Spain) Comité the Expertos Internacionales Committee of International Experts Verena Andreatta (Brazil) Maurizio Carta (Italy) Alberto Cecchetto (Italy) Roberto Converti (Argentina) Bruno Gabrielli (Italy) Victor Gubbins (Chile) Brian Hoyle (Great Britain) Rosario Pavia (Italy) Claude Prelorenzo (France) Dirk Schubert (Germany)

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scholars or professionals interested in participating in this ample discussion on how to address the difficult themes of the presence and impact of port structures on the urban fabric and on the metropolitan and regional territory.

RETE is well aware that at this moment, as we are starting to see some light at the end of the long tunnel of this crisis – which in any case will leave indelible signs even in the field of port-city relationships – a central objective that an association such as ours must set for itself is to study the dynamics of these processes, to understand the essential needs of both ports and urban structures, to examine case studies of “best practices” and to take into account the lessons that have been learned, to offer opportunities for continuing education to people involved daily in seeking solutions to these difficult questions.

This is the ambitious objective that RETE intends to entrust to Portus, at the onset of its second decade of life, but with the added support that the new instrument Portusplus can offer. In any case, like in its first ten years, a decisive contribution will be the one given by everyone who wishes to collaborate with us, with intelligence and enthusiasm, convinced that the history of our ports and the sustainable development of our cities still have many interesting issues to explore and many important projects to be designed and built.

Primera reunión de RETE en Lisboa y presentación de la revista Portus, junio 2001 Lisbon, first meeting of RETE and presentation of Portus magazine, June 2001

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Changing Urban Waterfronts: A Fixity and Flow Perspective Los frentes marítimos urbanos: una perspectiva de fijación y flujo

Development phases of the HafenCity area in Hamburg (©HafenCity) El desarrollo de HafenCity en Hamburgo (©HafenCity)

Las personas encargadas de formular las políticas, los planificadores, los urbanistas y los promotores del mundo están invirtiendo grandes cantidades en los frentes marítimos y fluviales para mejorar regiones metropolitanas específicas dentro de las jerarquías urbanas globalizadas y, al mismo tiempo, para reconstituir o crear nuevas formas de interacción social en las zonas céntricas de las ciudades que se han quedado aisladas o han caído en desuso. Las zonas consideradas como “espacios problemáticos” se están transformado en “espacios de oportunidad” para la nueva clase creativa como parte del intento de las ciudades de posicionarse para poder competir en las estrategias de crecimiento a nivel global. Los acontecimientos de los últimos tiempos demuestran que los “espacios de oportunidad” propuestos para muchas remodelaciones de los frentes marítimos han generado mucha polémica y oposición (ver p.ej. Not In Our Name, 2009). Estas luchas para conseguir una manera distinta de entender la ciudad y los espacios urbanos son cuestiones que han de analizarse con una perspectiva “fijación y flujo”. Tal como se debatió en el Congreso 2008 International Network of Urban Waterfront Research, dicha perspectiva extiende las fronteras de los estudios convencionales de las transformaciones de los frentes marítimos para que incluyan las maneras en que los procesos sociales, económicos, culturales, políticos y naturales se entremezclan a una variedad de niveles en el desarrollo de los frente marítimos urbanos (Desfor et al, 2011).

Modernización del frente marítimo En las ciudades portuarias del mundo, los proyectos de remodelación de los frentes marítimos han sido recibidos tanto como espacios de promesa como de cuñas territoriales muy importantes en las estrategias de crecimiento competitivo del siglo XXI. Se han realizado importantes inversiones en los proyectos de desarrollo de los frentes marítimos urbanos, y se va a invertir más, con el fin de transformar las zonas portuarias abandonadas en comunidades con economías urbanas sostenibles, economías capaces de competir y dar su apoyo a las jerarquías globalmente interconectadas de las ciudades.

Consideramos que los frentes marítimos han sido y siguen siendo espacios donde un conjunto de actores, tanto de la sociedad como biofísicos, y representando fuerzas globales, regionales y locales, participan en luchas apasionadas que cambian lo urbano. A menudo, los protagonistas de estas luchas tienen además de perspectivas temporales y espaciales distintas o contradictorias, intereses de clase, y los proyectos que surgen a raíz de dichas luchas contienen polémicas, tensiones y ambigüedades que son consecuencias de aquellos procesos. Con mucha frecuencia los conflictos internos ocurren porque: los espacios en el frente marítimo dependen de las economías locales pero a la vez son emplazamientos de vital importancia para las estrategias de crecimiento global competitivas; dichos espacios encarnan el pasado pero asimismo representan oportunidades para el futuro; generan el crecimiento dentro de la ciudad y fomentan el crecimiento fuera de la ciudad;

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Policy makers, planners, and developers around the world are looking to massive investments in waterfront locations to elevate particular metropolitan regions within globalized urban hierarchies and, concurrently, reconstitute or create new forms of social interaction in dislocated or disused central city areas. So-called “problem spaces” are being converted into “spaces of opportunity” for the new creative class as cities position themselves to compete in globally-scaled growth strategies. Recent events demonstrate that the “spaces of opportunity” proposed for many waterfront developments have generated considerable controversy, resistance and struggle (see for example Not In Our Name, 2009). Such struggles to achieve a different understanding of the city and urban spaces are the kinds of issues which need to be analysed with a “fixity and flow” lens. As discussed at a 2008 International Network of Urban Waterfront Research conference, this lens expands the boundaries of conventional studies of waterfront transformations to include the ways that social, economic, cultural, political, and natural processes are intertwined at a variety of scales in the development of urban waterfronts (Desfor et al, 2011).

Waterfront Modernization In port cities around the world, waterfront development projects have been hailed both as spaces of promise and as crucial territorial wedges in twenty-first century competitive growth strategies. Large investments have been made, and more are being planned, in urban waterfront development projects intended to transform derelict docklands into communities of hope with sustainable urban economies-economies intended to both compete in and support globally-networked hierarchies of cities.

We argue that waterfronts have been and continue to be spaces where an ensemble of actors, both societal and biophysical, and representing global, regional and local forces, engage in intense struggles that change the urban. The protagonists in these struggles frequently have dissimilar or contradictory spatial and temporal perspectives as well as class interests, and the waterfront projects that emerge from these struggles have embedded within them the controversies, tensions and ambiguities from those processes. Internal tensions in development projects frequently arise because: waterfront spaces are dependent on local economies but are also crucial sites for competitive global growth strategies; these spaces embody the past but also represent opportunities for the future; they generate growth within the city and impel growth outside the city; they are both subject and object of cities' ambitions and growth strategies; they are within a jurisdiction but are often outside that jurisdiction's control; they are both colonized and colonizing territories; they are represented as spaces of promise but have often been spaces of oppression; they are planned and unplanned; and of course, they are both natural and artificial.

The Fixity and Flow of Waterfront Change The use of a “fixity and flow” perspective captures many of the complexities and ambiguities that characterize processes of waterfront change. This perspective highlights a variety of fixities (such as built environments, institutional and reg-

Gene Desfor Jennefer Laidley

son el objetivo de las ambiciones de las ciudades y de sus estrategias de crecimiento; se encuentran dentro de una jurisdicción pero a menudo fuera del control de dicha jurisdicción; son a la vez territorios colonizados y colonizadores; se presentan como espacios que prometen pero a menudo han sido espacios de opresión; son tanto planificados como no planificados; y, por supuesto, son naturales y artificiales al mismo tiempo.

ulatory structures, and cultural practices) and flows (such as processes of capital accumulation, information, labour, finance capital, energy, and knowledge) that we posit are central for understanding change, particularly on the waterfront but also more generally in urban regions. ‘Fixity and flow' allows us to go beyond exploring a simple dichotomy between static and shifting aspects of urban landscapes, and points toward more complex and contradictory meanings embedded in these terms.

“Fixity” and “flow” are dialectically related concepts for understanding the processes of waterfront change. As Swyngedouw (2004, 21) notes “fixity is the transient moment that can never be captured in its entirety as the flows perpetually destroy and create, combine, and separate”. The notion of ‘fixity' is multidimensional with many layers of meaning. It carries the meaning of something that is solid, something that is secure and anchors space at a particular time. But, of course, within the dynamics of modernizing society, “everything that is solid melts into air” (Marx and Engels, 1848). To be modern means to know “both the thrill and the dread” of a world in which everything changes (Berman, 1982: 13).

For us, focusing on processes by which “fixities” are transformed is central to understanding not only the particulars of waterfront development, but also more

Fijación y flujo del cambio de los frentes marítimos La utilización de una perspectiva de “fijación y flujo” abarca muchas de las complejidades y ambigüedades que caracterizan los procesos de cambio de los frentes marítimos. Dicha óptica pone de relieve muchas fijaciones (tales como los entornos construidos, las estructuras institucionales y reguladoras y las costumbres culturales) y flujos (como los procesos de la acumulación de capital, la información, el empleo, la energía y el conocimiento) y damos por hecho que son imprescindibles para comprender el cambio, tanto en el frente marítimo en concreto como en las regiones urbanas en general. “Fijación y flujo” nos permite ir más allá de analizar una mera dicotomía entre los aspectos estáticos y cambiantes de los paisajes urbanos, indicando que dichos términos contienen significados más complejos y contradictorios.

“Fijación” y “flujo” son conceptos asociados dialécticamente para conseguir una comprensión de los procesos de los cambios en los frentes marítimos. Como observa Swyngedouw (2004, 21) “fijación es el momento efímero que nunca puede captarse en su totalidad puesto que los flujos continuamente destrozan y crean, combinan y separan”. El concepto de “fijación” es multidimensional con muchas niveles de significado. Su significado tiene connotaciones de algo sólido, algo estable que sujeta y fija el espacio en un momento en concreto.

Pero, por supuesto, dentro de la dinámica de la modernización de la sociedad, “todo lo sólido se esfuma en el aire” (Marx y Engels, 1848). Ser moderno significa conocer “tanto la emoción como el miedo” de un mundo en el que todo cambia (Berman, 1982: 13). Para nosotros, enfocar los procesos mediante los cuales las “fijaciones” se transforman es imprescindible a la hora de entender no solamente los pormenores del desarrollo de los frentes marítimos, sino también los procesos más generales del cambio social. Dicha transformación, como observa Swynegedouw, puede comprenderse mejor aclarando la dinámica de las relaciones entre los movimientos continuos de los “flujos” y los momentos efímeros de las “fijaciones”. Según esta interpretación, tanto la fijación como el flujo son activos inherentemente, y se producen continuamente. De hecho, las “fijaciones” que caracterizan las remodelaciones de los frentes marítimos tienen tanto que ver con las renovaciones constantes como los “flujos” de los frentes marítimos que se ven afectados por aspectos estructurales y la inercia.

No somos los primeros en utilizar el término específico “fijación y flujo”, teniendo su fondo conceptual una historia importante. Tim Cresswell (2006) utiliza la expresión para resumir sus ideas sobre las maneras en que el lugar, el orden espacial y el movimiento informan el pensamiento y la acción. Cresswell se preocupa principalmente de entender cómo el “movimiento” llega a ser la “movilidad”. Él afirma que la sociedad occidental se ve impregnada de la “movilidad” y que las ideologías de movilidad profundamente arraigadas son omnipresentes en las teorías sociales y culturales contemporáneas. En el frente marítimo, es normal ver la movilidad donde la gente, la naturaleza, las mercancías y el capital entran en o salen de la ciudad, y donde dejan sus huellas sobre ella. No obstante, esa interpretación de la movilidad sólo constituye un aspecto de cómo la fijación y el flujo confluyen y las consecuencias que dicha confluencia tiene para los cambios en el frente marítimo. Cresswell se preocupa de las repercusiones culturales y sociales que la movilidad tiene como una relación de poder, mientras que los trabajos de los teóricos como Manuel Castells se ocupan de cómo los flujos tienen repercusiones parecidas sobre el espacio.

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general processes of social change. This transformation, as Swynegedouw notes, can be best understood by unraveling the dynamics of relations between the perpetual movement of “flows” and the transient moments of “fixities”. In this reading, both fixity and flow are inherently active, and continually produced.

Indeed, the “fixities” that characterize waterfront developments are concerned as much with a constant turnover as are the “flows” of waterfronts that are influenced by structure and inertia.

We are not the first to use the specific phrase “fixity and flow”, and its conceptual background has an important history. Tim Cresswell (2006) uses the phrase to summarize his ideas about the ways that place, spatial order, and movement inform thought and action. Cresswell is primarily concerned with understanding how “movement” becomes “mobility”. He argues that “mobility” permeates Western society and that deeply rooted ideologies of mobility are pervasive in contemporary social and cultural theory. On the waterfront, we typically see mobility where people, nature, goods and capital make their entrances to and exits from the city, and where they leave their marks on it. However, this understanding of mobility is only one aspect of the confluence of fixity and flow and the implications this confluence has for waterfront change. While Cresswell engages the cultural and societal implications of mobility as a power relation, the work of theorists such as Manuel Castells discuss how flows have similar implications in space.

In his 1996 book The Rise of the Network Society, Castells argues that information processing technologies have revolutionized our economies and in particular our life in cities. The rise of electronic communications and information economies lies at the heart of a new mode of capitalist development in which a series of complex networks are influential in producing “spaces of flows”. Cities operate within networked flows of production, distribution, consumption and, most importantly for Castells, information. The physical territories of cities are considered to be the relatively fixed nodes of a network, whereas the flows of people, energy, information, disease, etc. connect these nodes in a network of relations. The dynamics of a spatial network of cities are greatly influenced by those spaces that serve to enhance or retard flows and circulation in the network. One of the interesting consequences of Castells' analysis of networked cities is his suggestion that global flows of information in a post-modern society tend to homogenize places and dislodge local identities. As a result, relationships between architecture and society become blurred and the individuality of place becomes difficult to maintain. This is reflected in the tendency during the late 1970s and 1980s for waterfront developments around the world to include strikingly similar festival markets, marine museums, and aquariums, as in the Rouse Corporation's projects in Baltimore and Boston.

This professed tendency towards a loss of local identity in conjunction with the importance of “flows” in constituting urban change reflects Deleuze's “imma-

En su libro de 1996 The Rise of the Network Society, Castells considera que las tecnologías que procesan la información han revolucionado nuestras economías y, en concreto, nuestras vidas en las ciudades. Un nuevo tipo de desarrollo capitalista gira en torno al auge de las economías electrónicas de comunicaciones e información, y en dicho desarrollo existe una serie de redes complejas que resulta muy influyente en la creación de “espacios de flujos”. Las ciudades operan dentro de flujos interconectados de producción, distribución, consumo y, lo que es más importante para Castells, información. Los territorios físicos de las ciudades se consideran los nodos relativamente fijos de una red, mientras que los flujos de las personas, la energía, la información, la enfermedad, etc., conectan estos nodos para que formen una red de relaciones. La dinámica de una red espacial de ciudades se ve muy influida por aquellos espacios que fomentan o retrasan los flujos y la circulación dentro de la red. Una de las consecuencias interesantes del análisis de Castells de las ciudades interconectadas es su teoría de que los flujos globales de información en una sociedad posmoderna tienden a homogenizar los lugares y borrar las identidades locales. Como consecuencia, las relaciones entre la arquitectura y la sociedad se vuelven borrosas y resulta difícil conservar la individualidad de los lugares.

Se puede apreciar dicho fenómeno en la tendencia hacia finales de los años '70 y principios de los '80 en los frentes marítimos de todo el mundo, donde se incorporaban mercados, museos marítimos y acuarios de aspecto muy parecido, como por ejemplo en los proyectos de la Rouse Corporation en Baltimore y Boston.

Esta tendencia hacia una pérdida de la identidad local junto con la importancia de los “flujos” en constituir el cambio urbano, reflejan los “inminentes flujos de deseo” de Deleuze, que son una parte importante de las maneras en que se construyen y reflejan las identidades en los emplazamientos al borde del mar. Pensando en estos “flujos” de Deleuze, el libro importante de Kim Dovey sobre el frente marítimo de Melbourne postula que los cambios puedan caracterizarse por un “disociación” (Dovey, 2005: 3) de la actuación urbanística — es decir, que la identidad de un lugar ha sido desvinculada de las particularidades de su historia, sus tradiciones, acontecimientos, memorias colectivas, condiciones del emplazamiento y las características del entorno. Cuenta la historia de un lugar que se vuelve trastornado cuando “la identidad se reconstruye según se va mercantilizando” (Dovey, 2005: 13).

Dovey nos recuerda cómo nuestro entendimiento del espacio urbano se debe mucho a las aportaciones de Deleuze y Guattari. Ambos creen que el espacio urbano constituye tanto la base de los procesos de urbanización y una consecuencia de dichos procesos, donde la ciudad

Elbtorquartier Internationales Maritimes Museum (©HafenCity) Magdeburger Hafen Internationales Maritimes Museum (©HafenCity) Elbtorquartier, Museo Maritimo Internacional (©HafenCity) Magdeburger Hafen, Museo Maritino Internacional (©HafenCity)

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nent flows of desire”, which are central to the ways that identities are constructed and reflected in waterfront sites. With these Deleuzian “flows” in mind, Kim Dovey's important book on Melbourne's waterfront posits that changes may be characterized by an “ungrounding” (Dovey, 2005: 3) of urban development – that is, the identity of place has been disassociated from the particularities of local history, traditions, events, memories, site conditions, and environmental characteristics. His narrative relates the story of a place becoming unhinged as “urban identity is reconstructed as it is commodified” (Dovey, 2005: 13).

Dovey reminds us of the important contribution that Deleuze and Guattari have made to the understanding of urban space. For them, urban space is both the basis for and a result of processes of urbanization, wherein the city exists in the midst of processes of deterritorializing and reterritorializing. Cities are constituted through circuits of circulating capital, commodities, energies, and labour. Because the city exists within such mutually-constituting spaces of different scales, it can be understood as being simultaneously deterritorialized and reterritorialized. It is deterritorialized in that it necessarily exists within a network of flows (both global and local), but it is reterritorialized as those flows materialize in space and time. Any particular urban space, then, while being simultaneously deterritorialized and reterritorialized in its abstract spatial relations, needs to be considered within a network of grounded (everyday) relations at any specified historical moment.

Here, then, we see the emergence of waterfronts as liminal spaces - spaces not only on the margins but also in transition and encompassing considerable ambiguity. Waterfronts embody the marginality and ambiguities that Deleuze and Guattari discuss. They are “on the edge” in more ways than just their physical location. And they are deterritorialized in that their identity is constructed by relations within a complex network of flows, but also reterritorialized by the particularities of the many fixities that exist in and on them at any historical moment in time. Sailortowns (see Hilling, 1988) are a good example of this liminality. They were, clearly, on the margins of mainstream society. Everyday life in a sailortown embodies a deterritorialized set of relations among shipping companies, international labour regulations, markets and processes, and shipping technologies. That same everyday life in a sailortown is reterritorialized by the particularities of local housing conditions, social practices, history, and so forth.

The “improvement of nature” (Desfor, 2011) that saw the development of major infrastructure projects during the industrial and post-industrial eras also provides excellent examples of the liminality of waterfronts. Human attempts at manipulating the complex relationships among material forms of nature, such as water and land, have left urban waterfronts not as pristine places, but as prime examples of the ways in which inseparable human and biophysical processes have produced “socio-nature”. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, industrial practices were institutionalized in port, canal and railway infrastructure development, land-fill technologies, and the construction of factories adjacent to ports. Indeed, in many port cities around the world, the large-scale manipulation of socio-nature into spaces for industrial production has defined notions of “progress” and modernization. But the liminality of these technonature projects became apparent as a supposedly domesticated nature gave rise to new and frequently more threatening problems-for example, as straightened and encapsulated rivers increased the potential for flooding.

Liminal spaces tend to be highly contested and the politics of their specific territorial form rests, in Harvey's formulation, on dynamic relations between mobile and immobile capital (Harvey, 1982; Harvey, 1985; also Cox, 1998). The politics of urban land-use change frequently emerges from tensions and contradictions embedded in both fixed forms of capital (such as airports and manufacturing plants) and mobile forms of capital (such as information and financing). Prominent actors in these politics represent fixed and mobile forms of capital at a range of scales from the local to the global. These actors engage in processes that seek to reconcile their various interests and frequently opt to pursue spatial and temporal fixes that enable accumulation to proceed, at least temporarily.

Harvey (1996) offers us principles that enrich our understanding of spatial, temporal and environmental issues. In his dialectical analysis, he emphasizes that “processes, flows, fluxes, and relations” should be the focus of attention, rather than

existe en medio de los procesos de desterritorialización y reterritorialización. Las ciudades se constituyen mediante circuitos de capital circulante, materias primas, energías y trabajo. Puesto que la ciudad existe dentro de estos espacios mutuamente constituidos de escalas diferentes, se puede entender que está siendo desterritorializado y reterritorializado simultáneamente. Se encuentra desterritorializado en el sentido de que existe necesariamente dentro de una red de flujos (tanto globales como locales), pero se ve reterritorializado cuando dichos flujos se materializan en el espacio y el tiempo. Así que, cualquier espacio urbano, mientras que está siendo desterritorializado y reterritorializado simultáneamente en sus relaciones espaciales abstractas, ha de considerarse dentro de una red de relaciones asociadas (siempre) en cualquier momento histórico determinado.

Por tanto, aquí vemos la aparición de los frentes marítimos como espacios liminales – espacios no solamente en las márgenes sino también en transición y bastante ambiguos. Los frentes marítimos tipifican la marginación y las ambigüedades citadas por Deleuze y Guattari. Se encuentran “al borde” no solamente por su ubicación física. Se encuentran desterritorializados porque su identidad ha sido construida por las relaciones dentro de una red compleja de flujos, y a la vez reterritorializados por las particularidades de las muchas fijaciones dentro de ellos y sobre ellos en cualquier momento histórico. Los barrios portuarios (ver Hilling, 1988) son un buen ejemplo de dicha liminalidad. Se encontraban claramente en las márgenes de la sociedad establecida. La vida cotidiana en un barrio portuario encarna un conjunto de relaciones desterritorializadas entre las navieras, reglamentos laborales internacionales, mercados y procesos, y las tecnologías navieras. Esa misma vida cotidiana en un barrio portuario se ve reterritorializada por la calidad de las viviendas, las costumbres sociales, la historia, etc.

La “mejora de la Naturaleza” (Desfor, 2011) que vio el desarrollo de proyectos de infraestructura de gran envergadura durante la época industrial y la posindustrial, asimismo proporciona ejemplos excelentes de la liminalidad de los frentes marítimos. Los intentos de manipular las complejas relaciones de los aspectos materiales de la naturaleza, tales como el agua y la tierra, han dejado a los frentes marítimos no como lugares inmaculados, sino como buenos ejemplos de las maneras en que los inseparables procesos humanos y biofísicos han producido una “socio-naturaleza”. A finales del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX, las actividades industriales se veían institucionalizas en el desarrollo de las infraestructuras portuarias, y de los canales y ferrocarriles, las tecnologías del entierro de basuras, y la construcción de fábricas cerca de los puertos. De hecho, en muchas ciudades portuarias del mundo, la manipulación de la socio-naturaleza a gran escala para crear espacios para las actividades industriales ha definido los conceptos del “progreso” y la modernización. Pero la liminalidad de estos proyectos de “tecno-naturaleza” se puso de manifiesto cuando una naturaleza supuestamente domesticada dio lugar a nuevos problemas a menudo más amenazadores— p.ej. cómo se aumentaba el riesgo de inundaciones al eliminar los meandros de los ríos.

Los espacios liminales suelen ser fuente de mucha polémica y según la formulación de Harvey, la política de su forma territorial específica depende de las relaciones dinámicas entre el capital móvil e inmóvil Harvey, 1982; Harvey, 1985; y también Cox, 1998). Frecuentemente, las políticas del cambio en el uso de la tierra son fruto de las tensiones y contradicciones que se encuentran tanto en las formas inmóviles del capital (tales como los aeropuertos y las fábricas) como en las formas móviles del capital (tales como la información y la financiación). Los protagonistas de estas políticas representan formas inmóviles y móviles del capital en una variedad de niveles que abarcan desde lo local hasta lo global. Dichos protagonistas participan en procesos que procuran conciliar sus numerosos intereses y frecuentemente optan por buscar hitos espaciales y temporales que permiten la acumulación a continuar, al menos temporalmente.

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an “analysis of elements, things, structures, and organized systems”. He goes further to say that “A dialectical conception of both the individual ‘thing' and the structured system of which it is a part rests entirely on an understanding of the processes and relations by which things and structured systems are constituted” (Harvey, 1996: 50). And he adds an essential qualifier: that these constituting processes operate within bounded fields. Harvey does not elaborate on what constrains bounded fields of operations, but we argue that introducing spatial or temporal specificity (for example) into a dialectical analysis grounds it to particular circumstances.

Our interest in the everyday convinces us that we must address the fixity of “things” when considering processes within a bounded spatial and temporal field. For our analyses, “things” foreground the importance of the everyday.

While examinations of processes of change are vital for revealing the embeddedness of unseen and foundational forces, we believe that concrete experiences of everyday physicalities-such as spatial patterns of the built environment, institutions, legislation, and societal structures – need to be specified within case studies of waterfront change. These “things” or structures do not usually change in short- and medium-term periods of analysis. For example, in many cases of waterfront property-led development, the institutional field (urban, regional and national governments, urban development corporations, property-rights legislation, and so on) is fixed during a particular temporal period.

This does not mean that we accept “a relational reading of place” (Amin, 2004: 34) that argues against a politics in which local actors can have effective control or management of a social and political space. We argue instead for re-ordered and more nuanced analyses that do not fixate on “things” and give due regard to processes that constitute the everyday groundedness of space and time. Political actions at a local level are influential in altering processes that produce the “things” of waterfront development, but they cannot disregard networked flows of power.

Conclusion A fixity and flow perspective focuses on analysing the complex array of dynamic and inseparable social and biophysical processes that together transform urban waterfronts. Whether it is the development of sustainable mixed-use projects on de-valued industrial lands, the provision of high-priced waterfront housing, the re-structuring of port authorities and local governance agencies, the mobilization of social investments for constructing deep water and good land, the renewing of property-led development practices, or the production of new techno-nature infrastructural projects, all these changes are constituted through processes in which fixities and flows are centrally involved.

Bibliography ¬ Amin, A., “Regions unbound towards a new politics of place”, Geografiska Annaler, Series B, Human Geography, Vol.86, N.1, 2004 ¬ Berman, M., All that is solid melts into air, Verso, London & New York, 1982 ¬ Castells, M., The rise of the network society, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 1996 ¬ Cresswell, T., On the move: Mobility in the modern western world, Routledge, New York & London, 2006 ¬ Cox, K., Spaces of dependence, spaces of engagement and the politics of scale, or: looking for local politics, Political Geography,Vol.17, N.1, 1998 ¬ Desfor, G., Laidley, J., Stevens, Q., Schubert, D., (Eds). Transforming urban waterfronts: Fixity and flow, Routledge, New York & London, 2011. ¬ Desfor, G., “Deep water and good land: Socio-nature and Toronto's changing industrial waterfront”, in Transforming urban waterfronts: Fixity and flow, 2011 ¬ Dovey, K., Fluid city: Transforming Melbourne's urban waterfront, Routledge, New York & London, 2006 ¬ Harvey, D., The limits of capital, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1982 ¬ Harvey, D., The urbanization of capital, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1985 ¬ Harvey, D., Justice, nature & the geography of difference, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 1996 ¬ Hilling, D., “Socio-economic change in the maritime quarter: The demise of sailortown”, in Revitalising the waterfront: International dimensions of dockland redevelopment, Belhaven Press, London, 1988 ¬ Marx, K., Engels, F., Manifesto of the Communist Party. 1848, On-line edition, (http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/download/manifest.doc) ¬ Not In Our Name, Not In Our Name: Hamburg artists speak out against a segregated city, 2009 (http://arafiqui.wordpress.com/2009/11/26/not-in-our-name-hamburg-artists-speak-out-againsta-segregated-city/) ¬ Swynegdouw, E., Social power and the urbanization of water: Flows of Power, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Harvey (1996) nos ofrece unos principios que enriquecen nuestra comprensión de las cuestiones espaciales, temporales y ambientales. En su análisis dialéctico, hace hincapié en que hay que fijarse en “los procesos, los flujos, los cambios continuos y las relaciones”, en lugar de en “un análisis de los elementos, las cosas, las estructuras y los sistemas organizados”. Asimismo dice que “Una noción dialéctica de la “cosa” individual y el sistema estructurado del que forma parte depende totalmente de una comprensión de los procesos y las relaciones mediante los cuales las cosas y los sistemas estructurados se constituyen”, (Harvey, 1996: 50). Y añade una puntualización: que dichos procesos constituyentes operan dentro de unos límites establecidos. Harvey no da más explicaciones respecto a las fuerzas que determinan dónde se encuentran dichos límites operacionales, pero nosotros decimos que incluir la especificidad espacial o temporal (por ejemplo) en un análisis dialéctico, lo asocia con unas circunstancias en concreto.

Nuestro interés en lo cotidiano nos ha convencido de que tenemos que plantear la fijación de las “cosas” a la hora de considerar los procesos dentro de un campo espacial y temporal delimitado. Para nuestro análisis, las “cosas” ponen en primer plano la importancia de lo cotidiano. Aunque estudiar los procesos de cambio es imprescindible a la hora de desvelar la naturaleza incrustada de las fuerzas ocultas y subyacentes, creemos que las experiencias tangibles de lo físico cotidiano — tales como las formas espaciales del entorno construido, las instituciones, la legislación, y las estructuras de la sociedad – han de precisarse dentro de los estudios de los cambios que afectan a los frentes marítimos. Dichas “cosas” o estructuras no suelen cambiarse en períodos de análisis a corto o medio plazo. Por ejemplo, en muchos casos de remodelación de los frentes marítimos, el ámbito institucional (los gobiernos urbanos, regionales y nacionales, las empresas de remodelación urbana, la legislación de derechos inmobiliarios, etc.) permanece fijo durante un período específico.

Esto no quiere decir que aceptamos “una interpretación relacional de lugar” (Amin, 2004: 34) que adopta una postura en contra de la política en la que los interesados locales pueden tener en la práctica, el control sobre un espacio social y político o ser los gestores de estos espacios. Estamos a favor de unos análisis reestructurados y más matizados, no obsesionados con las “cosas” y que dan la consideración debida a los procesos que constituyen el asociación cotidiano del espacio y el tiempo. Las acciones políticas a nivel local influyen en los procesos modificadores que producen las “cosas” en la remodelación de los frentes marítimos, pero no pueden hacer caso omiso a los flujos interconectados de poder.

Conclusión Una perspectiva de fijación y flujo se centra en un análisis de la compleja variedad de dinámicos e inseparables procesos biofísicos y sociales que como conjunto transforman los frentes marítimos urbanos. Las fijaciones y los flujos se ven profundamente implicados en todos los procesos de cambio que se efectúan, tanto en el caso de la remodelación de los proyectos multiuso sostenibles en terreno industrial devaluado, como en la construcción de viviendas de alto valor en el frente, la reestructuración de las autoridades portuarias y los departamentos de los organismos locales, la movilización de las inversiones sociales para la construcción de instalaciones con aguas profundas o en la creación de nuevos proyectos de infraestructura de tecno-naturaleza, etc.

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Cos'è un porto?

What is a Port?

What is a port? Many have been to one but few know how they work and what occupations are exercised inside this microcosm. In some cities the port is still considered a resource, in other cases it is ignored, in others again it is considered a nuisance, the cause of traffic jams, pollution, a barrier to the sea. What are, therefore, the relationships between port and city?

How can their ideal and physical limits be broken through? How can we return abandoned industrial and port areas to the urban centres? How can we transform the docks into launching pads towards a world filled with opportunity?

A slow Cultural Process It is only in recent years that the need has emerged for a homogeneous and coherent environment, the socalled maritime cluster, understood as a supply chain, as a sum total of subjects, public and private, whose efficiency depends on the quality and the attractiveness factor of the port. In terms of logistics, there is a new concept of network, with the necessary connections between the ports and the production and distribution areas, with adequate road and railway connections to the greater European communications networks that require new models of relationships between port and territory.

There is a growing idea of green ports, port areas which apply environmental best practices, both for the conservation of the sea as an asset and to prevent air and acoustic pollution in the city. Cold ironing, the use of renewable energy sources, the restoration of monuments, the dĂŠcor and maintenance of port spaces destined for tourism and cruises, the new environmental regulations established by the port Authorities, are transforming ports into places where environment, quality and safety go hand in hand.

The role of Port Authorities Port Authorities, instituted by Law n.94/1984 which gave them responsibility for developing port traffic, tourist traffic, and encouraging the relationship with the territory, have undoubtedly been active in the advancement of this new port culture. The number of cruise ship passengers, in 2011, will come close to two and a half million in Civitavecchia, over 1 million 700 thousand in Venice, one million 200 thousand in Naples, a million in Livorno. Hundreds of thousands in Savona and Genoa. The demand for new itineraries brings cruise ships into ports that until recently were dedicated to other activities: La Spezia, Bari, Brindisi, Portoferraio, Olbia, Cagliari, the ports of splendid Sicily. This is Italy, the cradle of civilization and art, accessible from every port, opening its doors to the tourists who come from the sea.

The events, the cultivation of the artistic and cultural heritage, the many forms of communication, participation in trade fairs, the production of promotional material, educational activities, museum itineraries, leisure opportunities, performances, exhibitions, cultural and social activities sustained, patronized and

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Patrizia Lupi

Cos'è un porto? Molti ci sono passati ma pochi sanno come funziona e quali siano i mestieri esercitati in quel microcosmo. In alcune città il porto viene vissuto come una risorsa, in altri casi ignorato, in altri ancora è considerato elemento di disturbo, motivo di congestionamento stradale, inquinamento, mancato accesso al mare. Quali sono, dunque, i rapporti fra porto e città? Come superare i loro confini ideali e fisici? Come restituire aree industriali e portuali dismesse ai centri urbani? Come trasformare i moli in trampolini verso un mondo ricco di opportunità?

Un lento processo culturale Solo da pochi anni si va affermando la necessità di un ambiente omogeneo e coeso, il così detto cluster marittimo, inteso come filiera, come insieme di soggetti, pubblici e privati, dalla cui efficienza dipende la qualità e l'attrattività del porto. Nella logistica si è affermato il concetto di rete, con le necessarie connessioni degli scali alle aree produttive e distributive, attraverso adeguati collegamenti stradali e ferroviari con le grandi reti di comunicazione europee che impongono nuovi modelli di relazione fra porto e territorio.

Si va affermando l'idea dei green ports, ambiti portuali dove vengono applicate le buone pratiche ambientali, sia per la salvaguardia del “bene mare” che per evitare alle città inquinamento acustico o dell'aria. Il cold ironing, l'utilizzo di fonti di energia rinnovabile, il recupero dei monumenti, la cura degli spazi por-

Savona, il terminal Crociere Savona, the cruise terminal

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Vista panoramica del golfo di Napoli A panoramic view of the Gulf of Naples

tuali destinati al turismo e alle crociere, i nuovi regolamenti ambientali emanati dalle Autorità portuali, stanno trasformando i porti in luoghi dove ambiente, qualità e sicurezza vanno di pari passo.

Il ruolo delle Autorità Portuali A favorire questa nuova cultura portuale sono state senza dubbio le Autorità Portuali alle quali la Legge istitutiva n. 94 del 1984 attribuisce compiti di promozione tesi ad incrementare i traffici, anche quelli turistici, e a favorire le relazioni con il territorio. Basti pensare che i soli crocieristi sfioreranno nel 2011 i due milioni e mezzo a Civitavecchia, oltre 1 milione 700 mila a Venezia, un

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milione 200 mila a Napoli, a Livorno arriveranno al milione. Centinaia di migliaia a Savona e Genova. La ricerca di nuovi itinerari porta le navi da crociera nei porti che fino a ieri si dedicavano ad altre attività: La Spezia, Bari, Brindisi, Portoferraio, Olbia, Cagliari, i porti della splendida Sicilia. È l'Italia, culla di civiltà e arte, raggiungibile da ogni approdo, che si offre ai turisti che arrivano dal mare.

Gli eventi, la valorizzazione del patrimonio artistico e culturale, la comunicazione nelle sue varie forme, la partecipazione a fiere, la produzione di materiali promozionali, le attività didattiche, i percorsi museali, le occasioni ludiche, gli spettacoli, le mostre, le attività culturali e sociali sostenute, patrocinate e pro-

promoted by the Italian Port Authorities and by the Institutions, become opportunities to open up the port areas and invite the population, citizens and young people, to come in, and the chance to bring prestige to the city, raising it to the status of tourist destination, not just a throughway for cargo and people.

Best Practices: Genoa Genoa, the most important port in Italy, has been a pioneer, with the regeneration of the Ancient Port and its many new attractions, including the Aquarium. It wagered everything on its seafaring culture, on the sea as an asset, on its traditions, to create today's port with its terminals, avant-garde technologies, professions.

The Galata Museum of the Sea is the most important museum in the Liguria region in terms of attendance and multimedia attraction, and is ranked eighth in Italy in terms of approval. The “open air” Museum along the wharf in front of the MuMa features elements of industrial archaeology. The Genoa Port Center, nicknamed the “Terminal of Knowledge”, recently opened its doors to thousands of young people, over 5000 in just a few months, using the most modern multimedia tools to explain how a port works, using exhibition techniques that are original, exciting and interactive: from navigation simulators, to live radio connections with the control tower, to the large digital screens that provide images of the arrival and departure of ships and other activities. The museums in Genoa are the steps in an ambitious project which brought together institutions, experts, public and private subjects.

Also in Genoa, a totally private case is that of the Langer Heinrich, the “Eiffel tower of cranes”, floating, self-propelling, still used for recoveries in the sea and to lift heavy loads (it can lift up to 250 tonnes). Built in 1915, a technological jewel of the era, it has been a witness to the history of Europe, from the construction of the German military navy fleet, across two wars, to its arrival in Genoa in the Nineties. In 2002 it was declared a landmark by the Ministry for the Cultural Heritage and Activities as a “monument of industrial archaeology”. In 2005, under the supervision of the Soprintendenza dei Beni Culturali, the shipping company began an important and meticulous process of restoration and preservation on the Crane, assigning the job to the Gardella shipyards, who were responsible for the most important naval restoration ever completed in Italy.

La Spezia, not just a Waterfront The Langer Heinrich crane was the symbol of the 'Maritime Feast' in La Spezia, organized by the City for the first time in 2009. La Spezia is another port city that is reclaiming the quality of urban life by reconciling its port, civil and military activities thanks to the Waterfront project by Valencian architect Josè Maria Llavador, winner of the competition for ideas strongly sustained by the City Administration. It will be the dream and the “sign” of a more modern, more vibrant, vital and livable city that is changing and wants to change, highlighting its profile as a tourist city, offering green areas, pedestrian and bicycle trails, areas for sports, wellness and catering, swimming pools, parking, “people movers”, a thematic museum of the sea, a new wharf and a new cruise station.

The Museum of the Port of Livorno There is a port in Livorno, even where you can't see it.

It comes into the city through its canals, which the inhabitants of Livorno call “fossi”, ditches. You can still see the cantine, the warehouses that the boats could sail right into to unload the cargo for the port-emporium. You can smell the salt and the sweat in the air up to the hills crowned by the Sanctuary most venerated by the people of the sea, the Sanctuary of Montenero, whose walls are covered in ex voto that often tell the story not just of shipwrecks and pirates, but also of the tough and dangerous port work.

For three years, the project “Open Port Open Doors”, with a calendar that runs from October to May, has provided the opportunity for many Tuscan schools, from nursery to high school, to get to know the port city, so

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different from the academic and monumental cities of the mainland. Only Livorno could come up with the idea of a Museum of the Port and Port Occupations that will become part of a tourist itinerary intended for cruise passengers as well, and would include a visit to the Fortress, a tour of the commercial port, a boat tour in the so-called “Venice” district, thus named because it was made by Venetian laborers hired by the Grand Dukes in the seventeenth century to build a group of palaces and large warehouses facing the internal canals, to hold the merchandise that came in from all around the world because of Livorno's status as a free port.

The museum-laboratory, built in steps and located in the former port warehouses, wishes to preserve the memory of the labour of many generations of inhabitants of Livorno, gathered in a place dense with symbols. A temple of knowledge, an opportunity to rediscover one's own roots, and a “workshop” for young people who want to understand the opportunities for new port occupations by knowing the jobs of their fathers. The objectives of the Authority are clear: to connect the port and the territory, to improve the social image of the port and stimulate a cultural identity, cultivate the tangible heritage of the structures and the port processes and the intangible heritage of organizational, technical and professional skills; to tighten the relationship between schools and businesses, promoting port professions among the young people.

A Museum Hub for Trieste The cultivation of the “port asset” is the purpose of other initiatives such as that of Trieste where an institute of port and maritime culture has been founded.

The “Port Museum Hub”, thanks to a protocol between the Port Authority, the Friuli Venezia Giulia region and the Ministry for the Cultural Heritage, intends to regenerate the Hydrodynamic Plant and Electrical Substation, two masterpieces of industrial archaeology, the only ones of their kind in Europe… Suffice it to say that the Hydrodynamic Plant was built in 1890, just a few years after the presentation of the first alternators at the 1881 Paris Exposition and of the first motor that ran on electrical power created by Galileo Ferraris in 1885. Trieste was one of the first ports, along with

mosse dalle Autorità Portuali italiane e dalle istituzioni, diventano momenti di avvicinamento e di apertura delle aree portuali alla gente, ai cittadini, ai giovani, ma anche occasioni per dare lustro alle città, promuovendole a mete turistiche, non solo luogo di transito di merci e persone.

Le best practices: Genova Genova, il più importante porto italiano, ha fatto scuola con la riqualificazione del Porto Antico e le numerose attrazioni, a partire dall'Acquario. Ha puntato tutto sulla sua cultura marinara, sul bene “mare”, sulle tradizioni, per “approdare” al porto di oggi con i suoi terminal, le tecnologie all'avanguardia, le sue professioni.

Il Galata Museo del Mare è la principale realtà museale ligure per affluenza e attrattività multimediale ed è ottavo in Italia come gradimento. Il Museo “open air” lungo la darsena antistante il MuMa utilizza elementi di archeologia industriale. Il Genoa Port Center, soprannominato il “Terminal della conoscenza”, ha recentemente aperto i battenti a migliaia di giovani, oltre 5000 in pochi mesi, per mostrare, utilizzando i più moderni strumenti multimediali, come funziona un porto utilizzando tecniche espositive originali, coinvolgenti e interattive: dai simulatori di navigazione, ai collegamenti dal vivo in diretta radio dalla torre di controllo, ai grandi schermi digitali che raccontano per immagini l'arrivo e la partenza delle navi e tutte le attività. Queste realtà museali genovesi sono gli steps di un progetto di ampio respiro, al quale hanno collaborato istituzioni, esperti, soggetti pubblici e privati.

Sempre a Genova un caso tutto privato è quello della Langer Heinrich, la “Eif-

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fel delle gru”, galleggiante, autopropulsa, ancora in uso per recuperi navali e per attività di sollevamento di grossi carichi (solleva fino a 250 t). Costruita nel 1915, un gioiello di tecnologia per l'epoca, ha assistito alla storia d'Europa, dalla costruzione della flotta della marina militare tedesca, attraverso due guerre, fino al suo arrivo a Genova negli anni novanta. Nel 2002 è vincolata dal Ministero per i Beni e le attività culturali come “monumento di archeologia industriale”.

Nel 2005 la società armatrice ha iniziato, sotto la supervisione della Soprintendenza dei beni culturali, una importante e minuziosa attività di recupero e di conservazione della Gru, affidando i lavori ai cantieri Gardella che hanno realizzato il più importante restauro navale mai effettuato in Italia.

La Spezia, non solo waterfront La gru Langer Heinrich è stata il simbolo della Festa della Marineria di La Spezia organizzata per la prima volta dal Comune nel 2009. La Spezia è un'altra città portuale che sta recuperando la qualità della vita urbana riconciliandosi con le attività portuali, civili e militari grazie al progetto del waterfront curato dall'architetto valenciano Josè Maria Llavador, vincitore del concorso di idee, fortemente voluto dall'Autorità Portuale e dall'Amministrazione comunale. Sarà il sogno e il “segno” di una città più moderna, più viva, vitale e vivibile che sta cambiando e che vuole cambiare, accentuando il profilo di città turistica, offrendo aree verdi, percorsi pedonali e ciclabili, zone dedicate allo sport, al wellness e al ristoro, piscine, parcheggi, percorsi “people mover”, un museo tematico del mare, una nuova darsena e una nuova stazione crocieristica.

Il Museo del porto di Livorno A Livorno il porto c'è, anche dove non si vede. Entra dentro la città, attraverso i suoi canali, che i livornesi chiamano “fossi”. Si scorgono ancora le “cantine”, cioè i magazzini dove si poteva entrare direttamene con le barche per scaricare le merci del porto-emporio. Si respira il salmastro e la fatica nell'aria fino alle colline dove sorge il più venerato Santuario della gente di mare, quello di Montenero, dove sono appesi alle pareti ex voto che spesso narrano, non solo di naufragi e di pirati, ma anche del duro e pericoloso lavoro portuale.

Da tre anni il progetto “Porto Aperto Porte Aperte”, grazie a un calendario che va da ottobre a maggio, ha permesso a moltissime scuole toscane, dalle mater-

Hamburg, Buenos Aires, Calcutta and Genoa, to build a hydrodynamic plant that produced pressurized water to channel throughout the port area through 6500 meters of water pipes, to activate mechanical devices and dockside cranes. Between 1920 and 1930 it powered 170 plants. Another old building will contain a training centre. Warehouse 26 – the largest of ancient silos in Europe – will be the venue for training structures including the Nautical institute and the Accademia del Mare, in addition to the District for leisure yachting and naval shipyards.

Venice, Naples, Palermo, Civitavecchia: work in progress In Venice, among the many initiatives introduced to redesign the port, the Port Authority has created a new multi-purpose centre for conventions and exhibitions, Spazioporto, in the former church of Santa Marta, a fourteenth-century building completely restored as part of the program to regenerate the port “waterfront”. The former port warehouse now holds conferences, events, exhibitions of various kinds in addition to training sessions for the CFLI, the Training Center run by the Port Authority.

Naples is one of those cities where the monuments drive their foundations into the sea and more than any other the need is felt to rebuild the relationship between the districts and the port docks, restoring them to public use, and for the tourists that crowd the seafront promenade as they arrive on ferries or cruise ships. As a space of transition between the city and the sea, the Calata del Pilero will be redesigned in Naples.

Evocative materials such as water will be used along with symbolic elements such as the tower that represents an attempt to redesign a new urban identity.

The port of Civitavecchia may be described as an openair museum with the majestic remains of the port of Trajan, with the Renaissance-age Forte Michelangelo and the city walls by Urban VIII. The complex regeneration project has cultivated a priceless heritage and returned the Ancient Port to the city, to be used as well as a venue for celebrations and events. In Civitavecchia, the Command of the Capitanerie di Porto has opened its own Museum, to discover the hidden efforts of the thousands of people whose primary

Porto Antico a Genova Genova, il Galata Museo Open Air con il sommergibile Nazario Sauro (Merlofotografia) The Ancient Port of Genoa Genoa, the Galata Open Air Museum with the submarine Nazario Sauro (Merlofotografia)

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ne alle superiori, di conoscere la città portuale, così diversa dalle città dotte e paludate dell'entroterra. Non poteva che nascere a Livorno l'idea di un Museo del porto e dei mestieri portuali che farà parte di un percorso turistico, rivolto anche ai crocieristi, che comprende la visita alle Fortezze, un tour del porto commerciale, un giro in battello nel quartiere detto “della Venezia” perché costruito da maestranze venete chiamate dai Granduchi nel '600 per realizzare un agglomerato di palazzi e grandi magazzini che si affacciavano sulle vie d'acqua interne, dedicato alle mercanzie provenienti da tutto il mondo grazie al suo status di porto franco.

Il museo-laboratorio, realizzato a step e ospitato in ex magazzini portuali, si pone l'obiettivo di recuperare la memoria del lavoro di molte generazioni di livornesi, racchiuse in un luogo denso di simboli. Un tempio del sapere, un'occasione per ritrovare le proprie radici ma anche “palestra” per i giovani che vogliono conoscere, attraverso il mestiere dei padri, le opportunità delle nuove professioni portuali. Gli obiettivi dell'Autorità sono chiari: mettere in comunicazione il porto e il territorio, migliorare l'immagine sociale del porto stimolando un'identità culturale, valorizzare il patrimonio tangibile delle strutture e dei processi portuali e quello intangibile dei saperi organizzativi, tecnici e professionali; stringere i rapporti tra scuola e impresa; promuovendo tra i giovani i mestieri portuali.

responsibility is the preservation of the sea and the protection of our coastline.

In Palermo, the joint effort between the Port Authority and the City Administrations is working towards the restoration of a Museum Hub, that in addition to the Maritime Museum will also include an Aquarium, offering new opportunities for the encounter between the city, its port and its history.

History, tradition and innovation will coexist in a place, the ancient Arsenal, and in other more recent buildings, opening the “port front” to the city with the creation of a great agora near the wharf of the Quattroventi.

Ports of the World, the World of Ports Ports are a hidden wealth that are laboriously coming to light. Where they are successful, they bring significant results from an economic, cultural and social point of view, and as image too. Not to mention the “awe” felt by kids of all ages who experience it first-hand for the first time. The port is a place of arrivals and departures, of adventures and misfortunes, a launching pad towards distant lands where different people live together. Ships are an object of desire and mystery, cranes are the symbol of power and ingenuity, cargo leads us to imagine far-off places of origin and destinations: this is the world within a slice of the sea.

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Un Polo Museale per Trieste In un'ottica di valorizzazione del “bene porto” vanno altre iniziative come quella di Trieste dove è nato un Istituto di cultura marittimo portuale. Il “Polo Museale del Porto”, grazie ad un protocollo fra Autorità portuale, Regione Friuli Venezia Giulia e Ministero Beni Culturali, punta al recupero della Centrale idrodinamica e la Sottostazione elettrica, due capolavori di archeologia industriale, unici in Europa. Basti pensare che la Centrale idrodinamica fu realizzata nel 1890, pochissimi anni dopo la presentazione dei primi alternatori all'esposizione di Parigi nel 1881 e del primo motore elettrico a corrente ideato da Galileo Ferraris nel 1885. Trieste fu uno dei primi porti, assieme a quelli di Amburgo, Buenos Aires, Calcutta e Genova, a dotarsi di una Centrale idrodinamica che produceva acqua in pressione da distribuire in tutta l'area portuale, attraverso 6.500 metri di condotte idriche, per azionare mezzi meccanici e gru da banchina. Fra il 1920 e il 1930 azionava 170 impianti. Un altro vecchio fabbricato, ospiterà un centro per la formazione. Anche il Magazzino 26 – il più grande antico silos d'Europa – ospiterà strutture formative tra cui l'Istituto Nautico e l'Accademia del mare, oltre alla direzione del Distretto per la nautica da diporto e la navalmeccanica Venezia, Napoli, Palermo, Civitavecchia: work in progress A Venezia l'Autorità Portuale, fra le numerose iniziative messe in campo per ridisegnare il porto, ha realizzato una nuova area polivalente a vocazione congressuale-espositiva, Spazioporto, nella ex Chiesa di S. Marta. Un edificio trecentesco completamente restaurato nell'ambito del programma di riqualificazione del waterfront portuale. Ex magazzino portuale oggi ospita convegni, eventi, esposizioni e manifestazioni di vario tipo oltre ai corsi di formazione del CFLI, il Centro di Formazione che fa capo all'Autorità portuale.

Napoli è una di quelle città dove i monumenti affondano le fondamenta nel mare e più di altre sentono la necessità di ricostruire un legame fra in quartieri e le banchine portuali, destinandole a luoghi d'uso per tutti, a partire dai turisti che si affollano sul lungomare scendendo dai traghetti o dalle navi da crociera.

Un luogo intermedio fra la città e il mare, ridisegna a Napoli la Calata del Pilero. Saranno utilizzati materiali evocativi come l'acqua ed elementi simbolici come la torre che rappresenta il tentativo di ridisegnare una nuova identità urbana.

Il porto di Civitavecchia può essere definito un museo all'aperto con i maestosi resti del porto di Traiano, con il rinascimentale Forte Michelangelo e le mura di Urbano VIII. La complessa opera di riqualificazione ha valorizzato un patrimonio inestimabile restituendo il Porto Antico alla città, anche come luogo per manifestazioni ed eventi. A Civitavecchia il Comando delle Capitanerie di Porto ha allestito il proprio Museo, testimonianza del lavoro sommerso di migliaia di persone che hanno come primo compito quello della salvaguardia in mare e della tutela delle nostre coste.

A Palermo, lo sforzo congiunto di Autorità Portule e Amministrazioni punta a recuperare un Polo Museale che comprende oltre al Museo della Marineria anche un Acquario, offrendo nuove occasioni d'incontro tra la città, il suo porto e la sua storia.

Storia, tradizione e innovazione vivranno in un luogo, l'antico Arsenale, oltre che in alcuni manufatti più recenti aprendo il “fronte del porto” alla città con la creazione di una grande agorà presso la banchina Quattroventi.

Porti del mondo, mondo dei porti Una ricchezza sommersa, quella dei porti, che sta faticosamente venendo alla luce. Dove ci riesce porta grandi risultati, economici, culturali, sociali e d' immagine. Senza considerare l'effetto “meraviglia”, che provano i ragazzi di tutte le età che, per la prima volta, possono viverlo da vicino. Un porto è un luogo di arrivi e di partenze, di avventure e disavventure, trampolino verso le terre più lontane dove convivono genti diverse. Le navi sono oggetto di desiderio e di mistero, le gru sono simbolo di forza e di genialità, le merci lasciano immaginare lontani paesi di provenienza e di destino: è il mondo dentro uno spicchio di mare.

Velieri nel Golfo della Spezia in occasione della Festa della Marineria Sailing ships in the Gulf of La Spezia during the Festa della Marineria

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Las ciudades portuarias atlรกnticas: devolverles la mirada al mar The Atlantic Port Cities: Turning to Face the Sea again

The Atlantic Arc is the main European maritime front and has an unbroken urban network on the coast and inland. The uneven development on a European level, has led to most of the ports in this area being smaller ports, lying outside the world trading networks. Furthermore, the connections with the hinterland are still deficient, because ongoing accessibility is a question that has yet to be overcome (CAAC, 2010). However, one must not forget the importance of the Atlantic cities in European maritime policy, because Lisbon is host to the European Maritime Safety Agency, the Fishing Headquarters are in Vigo and the pioneer Atlantic Motorway links Gijon and Saint Nazaire.

Within this framework, the Conference of Atlantic Arc Cities (CAAC) came into existence in June 2000. Ever since, this network has made its concerns and initiatives known to the European Bodies. Recently, in June 2010, the European Council asked the Commission to give its reflections on this area from that point in time to 2011, within the context of an Integrated Maritime Policy, in which the cities must play an essential role.

With a view to this, the CAAC is working on an analysis of the current situation.

Green Awareness against the Blue Banana The Atlantic Area Port Cities are dependent upon the major markets and distant decision-making centres, so their leadership power is weakened (CAAC, 2003).

In view of the radial design of the communications channels, the relations with the hinterland are not efficient. Therefore, economic activity is conditioned not only by external macroeconomic factors but also by the Port Authorities' and Local Authorities' own strategies. The decline of zones where heavy industries once flourished also has an effect, and so do the restructuring of port land and the new developments in the fields of maritime transport and logistical developments. Furthermore, from an urban perspective, the fight against climate change and a defence of sustainable development affect the way that port-city relations are reoriented.

Along these lines, in 2008, the Atlantic cities gave their approval to the Charter of San Sebastian (CAAC, 2008) for sustainable urban development, which basis future development on the green economy. The Atlantic Area is defined as one of open, efficient and ambitious urban cooperation, striving to achieve an exemplary environment, sustainable and innovative economic development, social cohesion and placing value on shared identity and maritime heritage.

Individual Experiences: Recovering the Waterfront One key example is the case of Liverpool (Parkinson 1997). Its economic problems have been linked structurally to the port's historic role, whose demise brought about the demographic and economic decline of the city. Liverpool has refused to renounce its port identity and is devoting its efforts to restructuring the waterfront and the centre. Through collaboration between the different parties involved, Liverpool has

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El Arco Atlántico es la principal fachada marítima europea y cuenta con una red urbana continua en la costa y en el interior. El diferente desarrollo a nivel europeo, ha limitado la mayoría de los puertos de este espacio a puertos pequeños, fuera de las redes comerciales mundiales. Igualmente, las conexiones con el hinterland siguen siendo deficientes, ya que la accesibilidad continúa siendo una cuestión sin resolver (CCAA, 2010). Sin embargo, no se puede obviar la importancia de las ciudades atlánticas en la política marítima europea ya que Lisboa acoge la Agencia Europea de Seguridad Marítima, Vigo la de Pesca y la autopista del mar pionera es Gijón-Saint Nazaire.

En este contexto, en junio de 2000, nace la Conferencia de Ciudades del Arco Atlántico (CCAA). Desde entonces, esta red ha hecho llegar sus preocupaciones e iniciativas a las instituciones europeas. Recientemente, en junio de 2010, el Consejo Europeo ha solicitado a la Comisión que conduzca una reflexión sobre este espacio de aquí a 2011 en el marco de una Estrategia Marítima Integrada, en la que las ciudades deben jugar un papel esencial. Con este motivo, la CCAA está trabajando en el análisis de la situación actual.

Tamara Guirao Espineira María Montoiro Salvado

Vistas de la ciudad de Gijón (www.panoramio.com; www.croisiere.net; www.picasaweb.google.com) Ciudades Miembro de la Conferencia de Ciudades del Arco Atlántico 2010. Elaboración Propia Views of the city of Gijón (www.panoramio.com; www.croisiere.net; www.picasaweb.google.com) Member Cities of the Conference of Atlantic Arc Cities 2010.

Prepared by ourselves

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Conciencia verde frente a la Banana Azul Las Ciudades Portuarias del Espacio Atlántico son dependientes de los grandes mercados y de centros de decisión alejados, por lo que ven debilitado su poder de liderazgo (CCAA, 2003). Debido al diseño radial de las vías de comunicación, las relaciones con el hinterland no son eficientes. Así, la actividad económica está condicionada por factores macroeconómicos externos pero también por las estrategias de las propias Autoridades Portuarias y Locales. También inciden el declive en zonas donde antes florecían las industrias pesadas, la reordenación de los suelos portuarios y los nuevos desarrollos del transporte marítimo y la logística. Además, desde un punto de vista urbano, la lucha contra el cambio climático y la defensa del desarrollo sostenible determinan la reorientación de las relaciones puerto-ciudad.

En este sentido, en 2008, las ciudades atlánticas aprueban la Carta de San Sebastian (CCAA, 2008) por un desarrollo urbano sostenible, que basa el desarrollo futuro en la economía verde. Se define el Espacio Atlántico como un área de cooperación urbana abierta, eficaz y ambiciosa; buscando la ejemplaridad medioambiental, el desarrollo económico sostenible e innovador, la cohesión social y la puesta en valor de la identidad compartida y de la herencia marítima.

Experiencias individuales: recuperar el waterfront Un ejemplo clave es el caso de Liverpool (Parkinson 1997). Sus problemas económicos se han vinculado estructuralmente al papel histórico del puerto, cuyo ocaso entrañó en su momento la decadencia demográfica y económica de la ciudad.

Liverpool opta por no renegar su identidad portuaria y dedica sus esfuerzos a la reorganización del waterfront y del centro. A través de la colaboración entre los diferentes actores, Liverpool logra desarrollar las oportunidades de la ciudad a través del puerto; luchando contra la exclusión social y alcanzando la atractividad.

Durante la Jornada Marítima Europea 2010, Gijón y la CCAA organizaron un seminario sobre la reestructuración de las ciudades a través de los puertos, que puso en común las experiencias de cuatro ciudades atlánticas.

En palabras de Joel Batteux, alcalde de Saint Nazaire: “No se trata de darle la espalda al puerto. Hay que admitir que el puerto es nuestro centro, el corazón de la ciudad, y que la planificación de la misma debe partir de él”. La experiencia de Saint Nazaire demuestra que partiendo de infraestructuras muy deterioradas o muy específicas, como una base de submarino, se puede contribuir al desarrollo sostenible de la ciudad y construir ese retorno al mar.

El caso de Brest se reproduce a lo largo del Atlántico: antiguas infraestructuras militares cuyo sentido y uso se han perdido. Brest ha apostado por el enlace entre los diferentes actores, la diversificación de las actividades portuarias, el fortalecimiento de la dimensión metropolitana e internacional, con vistas a asegurar la continuidad de la ciudad portuaria. La recuperación se ha basado en el turismo sostenible, la diversificación económica, los centros de excelencia y la restitución para usos civiles de los sitios abandonados.

La autoridad portuaria de Leixoes resume en dos claves el éxito de la relación puerto-ciudad: “ser un buen vecino y ser un buen socio”. Por ser un buen vecino el puerto de Leixoes entiende el desarrollo de un plan estratégico que integre al puerto en la ciudad. Para ser un buen socio la estrategia se concentra sobre la promoción del emplazamiento del puerto para diferentes iniciativas (terminal de crucero, escuelas de surf, investigación marina, centro de negocios marítimos…); asegurando el futuro de ambos.

Gijón también ha optado por la concertación de los diversos agentes para permitir las costosas inversiones de la reconversión. Se busca la integración del puerto y una mejora común de la imagen. El puerto es promovido como lugar de vida y no sólo de trabajo, elemento fundamental de la innovación en la relación ciudad-puerto. Cabe destacar iniciativas como la rehabilitación de las playas, la creación de un acuario, de museos, de un centro de talasoterapia; todo ello acompañado de una promoción cultural específica y extensa.

Los proyectos sectoriales en el Arco Atlántico Tal y como se presentó en el seminario dedicado a las ciudades portuarias célticas celebrado en Lorient el pasado 12 de agosto, numerosos proyectos han tratado la cuestión de la ciudad-puerto atlántica.

managed to develop the opportunities open to the city through its port, fighting against social exclusion and making the city attractive.

During the European Maritime Day Conference 2010, Gijon and the CAAC organised a seminar on the restructuring of cities through the ports, which brought together the experiences of four Atlantic cities.

In the words of Joel Batteux, Mayor of Saint Nazaire: “It is not a question of turning one's back on the port.

It must be accepted that the port is our centre, the heart of the city, and that the city planning must begin from the port”. Saint Nazaire's own experience shows that starting from extremely deteriorated or very specific infrastructures, such as a base of submarines, one can contribute to the sustainable development of the city and construct its return to the sea.

The case of Brest is repeated throughout the Atlantic: old military infrastructures that ceased to serve a purpose some time ago. Brest has opted for establishing the link between the different parties concerned, allowing the port activities to branch out, strengthening the metropolitan and international aspects, with a view to ensuring the continuity of the port city. Its recovery has been based upon sustainable tourism, economic diversification, centres of excellence and making disused and abandoned sites suitable for use by the general public.

The Leixoes Port Authority sums up the success of the port-city relationship in the following ways: “being a good neighbour and being a good partner”. As a good neighbour, the Port of Leixoes understands the development of a strategic plan that integrates the port into the city. To be a good partner, the strategy concentrates on developing the port site for different initiatives (cruise terminal, surfing schools, marine research, maritime business centre, etc.), thereby guaranteeing the future of both.

Gijon has also opted for ensuring that the different parties reach a consensus that will allow for costly redevelopment investments. The integration of the port is sought, together with an overall improvement of the image. The port is promoted as a place not only for working but also for living, which is an essential and innovative aspect of the port-city relationship. Initiatives worth mentioning include beach replenishment and nourishment activities, the construction of an aquarium, museums and a thalassotherapy centre; all of these are backed up by specific and widespread cultural promotion.

The Sectorial Projects in the Atlantic Arc A variety of projects dealt with the subject of Atlantic port-cities at the seminar devoted to the Celtic port cities held in Lorient on 12th August 2010.

Where initiatives coming from the State are concerned, reference must be made to Grenelle de la Mer (France), which proposes an urban port, the “sustainable port of the future”, perfectly blended into the city.

The United Kingdom initiative «Delivering Marine Conservation Zones and European Marine Sites» is also well worth mentioning; its aim is to protect the marine biodiversity and to work on the impact of human activity.

The relationship with the hinterland is a key factor when it comes to firmly establishing the port-city partnership, and this is demonstrated by projects such as Proposse (which forges alliances between ports and cities and the private sector), the Plan Reindus for the Port of Bilbao (opening up towards Burgos), or the development actions for the seaboard motorways.

Two initiatives stand out in the area of safety and risk management: Ancorim and Safer Seas. The former puts forward the idea of a comprehensive management of the coasts that is conducive to risk prevention. The latter is an international conference on climate change and sea safety, which is due to be held for the next time from 10th to 13th May in Brest.

Along the same lines, Portonovo, Arcopol and Atlantox are all actions aimed to improve water quality, either from the perspective of governance or concerned with

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Como iniciativa a nivel estatal cabe destacar la Grenelle de la Mer francesa, que propone un puerto urbano, el “puerto sostenible del futuro”, perfectamente imbricado en la ciudad. También se debe subrayar la iniciativa del Reino Unido, «Delivering Marine Conservation Zones and European Marine Sites» destinada a proteger la biodiversidad marina y a trabajar sobre el impacto de la actividad humana.

La relación con el hinterland es clave para asentar el partenariado puerto-ciudad, y así lo demuestran proyectos como Proposse (que alía puertos y ciudades con el sector privado), el Plan Reindus del puerto de Bilbao (la apertura hacia Burgos), o las acciones promotoras de las autopistas del mar.

Sobre seguridad y gestión de riesgos destacan dos iniciativas: Ancorim y Safer Seas. El primero propone la gestión integrada de las costas de manera a favorecer la prevención de riesgos. La segunda es una conferencia internacional sobre cambio climático y seguridad marítima cuya próxima edición tendrá lugar del 10 al 13 de Mayo en Brest.

Igualmente, Portonovo, Arcopol y Atlantox son acciones que pretenden mejorar la calidad de las aguas, sea desde la perspectiva de la gobernanza, sea respecto de la prevención de vertidos o de toxinas. En el marco de Portonovo, Cherburgo ha organizado una conferencia sobre calidad de las aguas portuarias el 10 de febrero de 2011.

Por último, en referencia a la influencia del mar en la sociedad debemos mencionar NEA2, sobre la cultura náutica como medio de devolver a los ciudadanos su relación con el mar, y Dorna, sobre las embarcaciones artesanales y su papel en la cultura, la sociedad y la economía.

Análisis DAFO de la temática portuaria en el Arco Atlántico. Elaboración propia.

SWOT analysis of the port question in the Atlantic Arc. Prepared by ourselves.

Debilidades _ Fuera de las redes comerciales _ Mala comunicación por transporte terrestre y ferroviario _ Coste elevado la reconversión Weaknesses _ Beyond the commercial networks _ Poor communication by land and rail transport _ High cost of redevelopment

Fuerzas _ Herencia cultural común _ Diversidad de puertos (puertos comerciales, deportivos, de pesca, fiestas marinas, seguridad marítima, construcción naval) Strengths _ Common cultural heritage _ Port diversity (commercial, sport/leisure, fishing, marine festivals, maritime safety, ship building)

Amenazas _ La crisis económica _ Los grandes puertos: competitividad _ Desarollo desigual en la UE _ Riesgos Naturales Threats _ The economic crisis _ The major ports: competition _ Unequal development in the EU _ Natural risks

Oportunidades _ Flexibilidad de los puertos (diversificación de actividades y desarollo sostenible) _ Descentralización y la gestión de los puertos _ Desarollo logístico y de transporte interior _ Interconexión de los puertos marítimos: Servicios RoRo Opportunities _ Flexibility of the ports (diversification of activities and sustainable development) _ Decentralisation of port management _ Development of logistics and inland transport _ Interconnection between maritime ports (RoRo services)

the prevention of dumping harmful waste or toxins.

Within the framework of Portonovo, Cherbourg organised a conference on the quality of water in port and harbour areas, held on 10th February 2011.

Finally, with regard to the effects of the sea on society, we must mention NEA2, which is all about nautical culture as a means for getting the general public to turn to the sea again, and Dorna, which concerns itself with handcrafted vessels and their role in culture, society and the economy.

Structure of the Process: an Atlantic Strategy The diverse nature of the ports on the Atlantic seaboard offers great potential, fishing ports, commercial ports or the shipping industry all needing to project a new image and to put their flexibility to advantage. Most of them are ports with extensive abandoned industrial areas, ones that have to be revitalised and incorporated into the city so that the communal zones can be put to the best use and a bond can be established between them. As the economic driving force of the zone, activities also have to be diversified in order to make the most of the culture and ecology that the Atlantic offers us. Furthermore, their geographical position the gateway to Europe has to be positively exploited, so that exchanges with the Atlantic seaboard of the American continents can be resumed and enhanced.

By way of a conclusion, the examples in the Atlantic Arc show that the difficulties that its cities are going

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Estructurar el proceso: una estrategia atlántica La diversidad de los puertos de la fachada atlántica ofrece enormes posibilidades, puertos pesqueros, comerciales o de la industria naval, todos ellos con necesidad de ofrecer una nueva imagen y aprovechar su flexibilidad. La mayoría son puertos con enormes áreas industriales abandonadas, áreas que deben regenerarse e integrarse en la ciudad a fin de aprovechar espacios comunes y establecer un vínculo de unión entre ambos. Se debe además diversificar actividades, como motor económico de la zona, aprovechando la riqueza cultural y ecológica que nos ofrece el Atlántico. Igualmente, su situación geográfica, puerta de Europa ha de ser aprovechada para relanzar intercambios con la fachada atlántica americana.

En conclusión, los ejemplos en el Arco Atlántico demuestran que las dificultades que atraviesan sus ciudades son muy similares y que éstas comparten los mismos desafíos: la crisis económica que agrava su status periférico, el desarrollo portuario alejado del de la ciudad y las amenazas del cambio climático. Estos puertos que han crecido de espaldas a sus ciudades, hoy en día se encuentran ubicados fuera de las redes comerciales dedicándose a un mercado especializado de pequeño tamaño. Severamente azotados por la crisis económica necesitan buscar nuevas posibilidades, posibilidades que deben abrirse a partir de la conjunción de sinergias entre la ciudad y el puerto, una unión que les lleve a un desarrollo competitivo. No obstante, las ciudades afectadas también económicamente necesitan encontrar el apoyo en otras ciudades en aras a facilitar la obtención de sistemas innovadores que permitan obtener soluciones para desarrollar dichas áreas marítimas. El área atlántica debe aprovechar todas estas sinergias cooperativas entre diversos actores para así lograr un desarrollo de sus puertos y el relanzamiento global de este Espacio.

Pero el desarrollo no debe limitarse al eje económico sino dedicarse también al eje ecológico. Ciudades y puertos han de luchar conjuntamente para ganar la batalla a un cambio climático que trae enormes efectos negativos, especialmente en esta zona geográfica (inundaciones, fuertes corrientes marinas, huracanes…). Estos efectos negativos, no sólo suponen catástrofes sino que abren nuevas posibilidades, como las nuevas energías y el aprovechamiento de los centros de investigación y desarrollo, que pueden beneficiarse de los recursos de ciudades y puertos.

Así, estas ciudades han puesto o comienzan a poner en marcha planes estratégicos de integración de la ciudad con el puerto, buscando una diversificación económica basada en sus propias fortalezas. Y no sólo el puerto retorna a la ciudad, sino que se les devuelve el mar a los ciudadanos, con la incidencia consiguiente sobre su calidad de vida. Como segunda etapa y dado el tamaño mayoritariamente medio de las ciudades atlánticas, se impone un trabajo en común que a través de las sinergias produzca esa masa crítica que ponga en valor el Atlántico como puerta de entrada a Europa. Siguiendo la nota técnica que la CCAA ha redactado en conjunto con la Comisión Arco Atlántico (CCAA y CAA, 2010), una Estrategia macro-regional para el Espacio Atlántico debe basarse en tres instrumentos clave: ¬ Un conocimiento más preciso de los retos, mediante la puesta en común de los datos y métodos existentes y la observación basada en hipótesis prospectivas. ¬ Una amplia consulta de las partes interesadas con el fin de precisar los retos estructurantes para los territorios atlánticos. ¬ Una concertación entre las diferentes escalas de gobierno, UE, Estados miembros y autoridades regionales y locales Éstos deben ser ejes clave para planificar un desarrollo conjunto de las ciudades atlánticas; la crisis debe ser el punto de partida de la mejora colectiva. Las ciudades atlánticas ya han comenzado su movilización común a través del seminario de Mayo. Ya no se trata solamente de definir la influencia de los puertos en el desarrollo del Espacio Atlántico y de sus ciudades sino de ahondar igualmente en los vínculos con otros temas, como cambio climático o patrimonio.

Desde la CCAA se desarrolla una reflexión “de terreno” que sintetice y analice las lecciones aprendidas. Este trabajo transnacional se basará igualmente en un elemento que ha resultado esencial para la reconciliación del puerto con la ciudad en el Espacio Atlántico: incluir a los diferentes actores para encontrar sinergias, establecer buenas prácticas y acciones a futuro.

through are very similar and that they share the same challenges: the economic crisis that accentuates their peripheral status, the port development that is occurring far from the city development and the threats inherent to climate change. These ports that have grown with their backs to their cities, now find themselves far from the commercial networks devoted to a limited and specialised market. Severely affected by the economic crisis, they need to find new options, whose potential must be developed through combining the synergies between the city and the port, an alliance that will make them develop competitively.

However, the cities also affected economically need to seek support from other cities, with a view to obtaining innovative systems that will enable them to find solutions for developing those maritime areas. The Atlantic zone must make the most of all these cooperation synergies between the different parties so that they can develop their ports and globally recharge and revitalise this whole Area.

However, such development must not be limited to the economic aspects, it must also devote itself to ecological matters. Cities and ports have to fight together to win the battle against a climate change that is having and will have a major negative impact, especially in this geographical area (floods, strong marine currents, hurricanes, etc.). Although these negative effects cause major catastrophes, they also open up new possibilities, such as the new energies and making use of research and development centres, which can benefit from the resources provided by the cities and the ports.

These cities have thus put into operation or are starting to put into operation strategic plans for port and city integration, seeking an economic diversification based upon their own strengths. And not only is the port returning to the city, but it is also giving the sea back to the general public, with the corresponding positive effects on the quality of life. As a second stage, and in view of the fact that most of the Atlantic cities are medium sized, a communal task is set that through the synergies produces the critical mass that gives the Atlantic its status as a gateway to Europe.

Pursuing the technical note that the CAAC has prepared together with the Atlantic Arc Commission (CAAC and AAC, 2010), a macro-regional strategy for the Atlantic Area has to be based upon three key tools: ¬ A more in-depth working knowledge of the challenges, by sharing the available data and methods and observation based upon prospective hypotheses. ¬ An extensive consultation involving the interested parties in order to establish the challenges facing the Atlantic territories. ¬ An agreement between the different scales of government, EU, Member States and regional and local authorities These must be the key factors in planning the joint development of the Atlantic cities; the crisis must be the starting point for collective improvement. The Atlantic cities have already begun their joint mobilisation through the seminar held in May. It is no longer a question of merely establishing how the ports affect the development of the Atlantic Area and its cities, it is now necessary to go more deeply into the connections with other questions, such as climate change or heritage. A detailed reflection is being developed from the CAAC that is synthesising and analysing the lessons learned. This transnational task will likewise be based upon an aspect that has proved to be essential in reconciling ports with their cities in the Atlantic Area, i.e. including the different parties in order to find synergies, establish good codes of practice and actions for the future.

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Bibliografía Libros ¬ Beauchard J. (dir) Destins Atlantiques, entre mémoire et mobilité. Editions de l'Aube/DATAR. Poitiers. 1993 ¬ Parkinson M., “Liverpool, déclin et renaissance” en Espaces-Projets Atlantiques<, dirigido por Beauchard J. Editions de l'Aube/Institut Atlantique d'aménagement du territoire (IAAT).

Poitiers. 1995. ¬ Beauchard J. (dir) L'Europe des Mers. Editions de l'Aube/Institut Atlantique d'aménagement du territoire (IAAT). Poitiers.2000 Documentos de Trabajo ¬ Conferencia de Ciudades del Arco Atlántico. Ciudades Portuarias. Documento de Trabajo (no publicado) 2003. ¬ Conferencia de Ciudades del Arco Atlántico. Carta atlántica de San Sebastián por un desarrollo urbano sostenible. Unas ciudades verdes, atractivas y solidarias. 2008 (http://www.atlanticcities.eu) ¬ Conferencia de Ciudades del Arco Atlántico. Elementos para una cooperación urbana atlántica.

Documento de Trabajo (no publicado) 2009. ¬ Conferencia de Ciudades del Arco Atlántico. Les villes-ports atlantiques. Documento de Trabajo (no publicado) 2010. ¬ Conferencia de Ciudades del Arco Atlántico (CCAA) y Comisión Arco Atlántico (CAA).

Propuesta de orientaciones para una estrategia integrada para el Arco Atlántico. 2010. (http://www.arcatlantique.org) Seminarios ¬ “Restructuring coastal cities for sustainable growth”. Sesión plenaria de la Jornada Marítima Europea. 20/05/2010. Gijón. España. (https://webgate.ec.europa.eu/fpfis/iwt/node/815) ¬ “Encuentro portuario intercéltico” (en preparación). 12/08/2010. Lorient. Francia (http://www.audelor.com)

Liverpool y el río Mersey; www.picasaweb.google.com Brest, el festival de barcos antiguos; www.gallery.hd.org Vista de Brest; www.ispbrestgym.wifeo.com Liverpool, vista nocturna de Albert dock; www.news.pinkpaper.com Liverpool and the Mersey river; www.picasaweb.google.com Brest, Tall Ship festival Brittany; www.gallery.hd.org View of Brest; www.ispbrestgym.wifeo.com Liverpool, Albert dock at night; www.news.pinkpaper.com

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Sviluppo delle crociere e rigenerazione urbana: quali legami possibili?

Casi studio dal progetto URBACT-CTUR Cruise Traffic Development and Urban Regeneration: possible links?

Case Studies from the URBACT-CTUR Project

Una sezione del progetto per il nuovo terminal, che ospiterà in alcune sue parti delle aule e laboratori per il Maritime Research Centre (gestito dall'Università di Oporto) Schema concettuale per il piano di rigenerazione dell'area metropolitana: si vedono le aree di sviluppo strategico, i corridoi economici, il sistema di trasporto pubblico, e le reti verdi strategiche A section of the project for the new terminal, part of which will host classrooms and laboratories for the Maritime Research Centre (managed by the University of Oporto) Conceptual diagram of the regeneration plan for the metropolitan area: it shows the areas of strategic development, the economic corridors, the public transportation system, the strategic green networks

The URBACT-CTUR Project between the Development of Cruise Traffic and the Regeneration of the City In what measure and how does cruise ship tourism realistically, directly or indirectly, carry the potential for real urban regeneration? To what degree can a city rely on cruise ship traffic to orient the development of its infrastructure, and above all, what physical and economic factors can make the combination between regeneration and cruise traffic work in the long term?

As part of the URBACT program (European exchange and learning programme promoting sustainable urban development), the European Union has launched a project dedicated to maritime cities called CTUR – Cruise Traffic and Urban Regeneration.

The project, which began in 2009 and is expected to end in 2011, involves the cities of Naples (as “Lead Partner”), Alicante, Dublin, Helsinki, Istanbul, Matosinhos, Rhodes, Rostock, Valencia, Varna and Trieste. Its purpose is to generate projects with the double objective of supporting the development of cruise ship traffic in the city and intervening on the physical and social fabric of the city to achieve “urban regeneration” goals. The CTUR program includes the development of Local Action Plans and the constitution of a local network of interest-holders (Local Support Groups).

“Urban regeneration” involves many different spheres: economic, social, political and cultural, both on an urban and a regional scale, because it is a phenomenon that concerns the recovery of economic activities and the resolution of damaged or weakened social situations and relationships, to improve urban quality. Studies show that common components in “regeneration” processes are the factors relating to housing and living quality, economic factors, social factors involving urban communities and human capital, and the factors that relate to employment, education and professional training.

It is obvious that the “physical” factors are the first to contribute to the success of regeneration programs tied to cruise traffic and in particular: ¬ The attractiveness of the port city, for cruise ship companies and for tourists, with the creation of services and infrastructure for cruise ship traffic that could benefit the citizens as well; ¬ The systems for accessibility (transport connections at every scale and between the terminal and the city) and hence the possibility of tourist mobility; ¬ The functional mix in the interface between port and city; ¬ The preservation of the historic heritage of the port and the possibility of improving environmental conditions in the port area, which also means limiting the impact of cruise ship traffic on the environment.

The Potential for Regeneration in Projects involving Cruise Ship Traffic: Case Studies The case studies discussed below demonstrate that the characteristics of the site under consideration necessarily determine the results and success of the project itself in terms of “urban regeneration”.

The dominant principle seems to be, mainly, that the

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Il progetto URBACT-CTUR fra sviluppo della crocieristica e rigenerazione della città In quale misura e come la crocieristica porta con sé realisticamente, direttamente o indirettamente, potenziali di vera rigenerazione urbana? Quanto può una città prendere in considerazione la crocieristica per orientare i propri investimenti infrastrutturali e quali soprattutto sono i fattori fisici ed economici che possono far funzionare il legame rigenerazione-crocieristica nel lungo periodo?

L'Unione Europea, all'interno del programma URBACT (European exchange and learning programme promoting sustainable urban development), ha avviato un progetto dedicato alle città marittime denominato CTUR-Cruise Traffic and Urban Regeneration.

Il progetto, avviato nel 2009, previsto concludersi nel 2011 e al quale aderiscono le città di Napoli (Lead Partner), Alicante, Dublino, Helsinki, Istanbul, Matosinhos, Rodi, Rostock, Valencia, Varna e Trieste, mira a generare progetti che abbiano il duplice fine di supportare lo sviluppo del turismo crocieristico nelle città e allo stesso tempo, con interventi sul tessuto fisico e sociale, di raggiungere obiettivi di “rigenerazione urbana”. Lo schema del CTUR prevede l'elaborazione di Piani di Azione Locale e la costituzione di una rete locale di portatori di interesse (Gruppi di Supporto Locale).

Vittorio Torbianelli, Teresa Frausin

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La “rigenerazione urbana” richiama ambiti molteplici: economici, sociali, politici e culturali, e ovviamente urbanistici e di pianificazione, sia su scala urbana, sia a livello territoriale, trattandosi di un fenomeno connesso alla ripresa delle attività economiche, alla sistemazione di situazioni sociali e relazioni precedentemente danneggiate o degradate, con un incremento della qualità urbana.

Come rilevato dalla letteratura, sono solitamente componenti comuni della “rigenerazione” i fattori legati all'edilizia residenziale e alla qualità dell'abitare, i fattori economici, i fattori sociali, legati alle comunità urbane e al capitale umano e i fattori legati all'occupazione, all'istruzione e alla formazione professionale. È evidente che i fattori “fisici” sono i primi a contribuire alla buona riuscita di operazioni di rigenerazione legati alle crociere e in particolare: ¬ l'attrattiva della città portuale, sia per le compagnie di crociera che per i turisti, con la creazione di servizi e infrastrutture per la crocieristica, di cui possano beneficiare anche i cittadini; ¬ i sistemi dell'accessibilità (connessioni di trasporto su diverse scale e anche fra terminal e città) e quindi della possibilità di mobilità del turista; ¬ il mix funzionale nell'interfaccia fra porto e città; ¬ la salvaguardia del patrimonio storico del porto e la possibilità di miglioramento delle condizioni ambientali dell'area portuale, cercando anche di limitare l'impatto del traffico crocieristico sull'ambiente.

La possibilità di regeneration nei progetti collegati alle crociere: i casi studio I casi studio riportati di seguito dimostrano come le caratteristiche del luogo in cui si agisce determinano necessariamente gli esiti e il successo del progetto stesso in termini di “rigenerazione”.

Sembra tuttavia valere il principio per cui, in prevalenza, l'obiettivo della rigenerazione viene in generale giustamente ricercato attraverso una buona integrazione fra interventi sul tessuto urbano del centro storico e due fattori fondamentali per la crocieristica: il sistema dell'accessibilità e il terminal crociere con le aree per i servizi ai croceristi, in un quadro di interventi spaziali capaci di coinvolgere ma anche il singolo cittadino.

La mixitè d'uso è dunque ingrediente base del progetto senza che spazi e infrastrutture appaiano eccessivamente connotati, monofunzionali, e quindi sottoutilizzati.

Alicante A partire dal 1992, grazie alla collaborazione tra l'Amministrazione Comunale di Alicante e la Generalitat Valenciana, Alicante ha avviato nel Casco Antiguo (centro storico) una ben riuscita operazione di vera e profonda regeneration.

I punti-chiave alla base del convincente risultato dei programmi di riqualificazione sono stati i seguenti: mix sociale, recupero del patrimonio storico e culturale, riqualificazione degli spazi aperti del pubblico, social housing, ri-vitalizzazione delle attività commerciali puntuali (e in particolare quelle di ristorazione con un operazione di supporto all'imprenditorialità innovativa per la riscoperta della tradizione locale).

objective of regeneration is generally appropriately pursued by successfully integrating interventions on the urban fabric of the historic city centre and two fundamental factors for cruise ship traffic: the system of accessibility and the cruise ship terminals with cruise ship passenger service areas, within a context of interventions on the space that can offer something to the individual citizen as well.

Functional mixité is therefore a fundamental ingredient of the project so that spaces and infrastructure do not appear excessively specific, mono-functional, and therefore remain under-utilized.

Alicante Starting in 1992, thanks to the collaboration between the City Administration of Alicante and the Generalitat Valenciana, Alicante began a successful program of real in-depth regeneration of its historic district, Casco Antiguo.

The key factors underlying the convincing results of the regeneration programs were the following: social blend, restoration of the historic and cultural heritage, regeneration of public open spaces, social housing, revitalization of punctual commercial operations (catering services in particular, with actions to support innovative business that rediscovers local tradition).

Cruise ship traffic did not become part of the regeneration strategy until the final phase of the works, because it could attract significant user fluxes not only towards the docking areas on the seafront, but also into the nottoo-distant historic city centre, thanks to the new “routes” conceived for tourists, and cruise ship passengers in particular, for whom a specific information centre was set up right at the entrance to the historic area.

In the case of Alicante, it was the excellent physical and functional outcome of the regeneration project – totally independent and endogenous, with sustained participation by the local community and administration – that served to attract cruise ship tourism, for a positive and mutually beneficial advantage.

Matosinhos The project presented by the Portuguese city of Matosinhos is centred on a “regeneration” program to redesign the entire section of the waterfront, offering initiatives not only aimed at cruise ship tourism but also at the inhabitants of the urban area.

The plan encompasses cruise traffic: on the one hand, it creates services for tourists (that could also be used by other types of users), on the other it launches an urban renewal project for several unsafe and scarcely permeable neighborhoods suffering from urban blight, including the “Quadra Marittima” near the future disembarkation area for cruise ship passengers, centred on a new terminal. The new terminal, located along the breakwaters, is conceived as a catalyst for quality tourism but also for “urban” functions (research laboratories, lecture halls, etc.), guaranteeing an ongoing use of the structure even off-season for cruise traffic.

The terminal would be supported by a network of minute services (for cultural and social activities)

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La crocieristica è stata inserita nella strategia di riqualificazione solo nell'ultima fase dei lavori, in quanto capace di attirare importanti flussi di utenti non solo verso i punti di ormeggio sul fronte mare, ma anche all'interno del non lontano centro storico, grazie ai nuovi “percorsi” concepiti per i turisti, in particolare per i crocieristi, per i quali è stato dedicato un apposito “centro” informativo appena all'ingresso dell'area storica.

Nel caso di Alicante, è dunque lo stesso ottimo esito fisico e funzionale di una rigenerazione – totalmente autonoma ed endogena, oltre che fortemente partecipata dalla comunità locale e dall'amministrazione – a fungere da attrattore anche per il turismo crociere, con un positivo e reciproco vantaggio.

Matosinhos Il progetto presentato dalla città portoghese di Matosinhos agisce, con un programma di “rigenerazione” sul ridisegno dell'intero arco del waterfront, proponendo anche in questo caso iniziative orientate non solo per il turismo da crociera ma anche per gli abitanti dell'area urbana.

Il piano include la crocieristica agendo da un lato sulla creazione di servizi per i turisti (ma fruibili anche da altri tipi di utenza) e dall'altro sulla sistemazione urbanistica di alcuni quartieri poco sicuri e scarsamente permeabili anche perché in stato di degrado, fra i quali la “Quadra Marittima”, vicina al punto di sbarco previsto per i croceristi, consistente in un nuovo terminale. Il nuovo terminal, posto lungo il frangiflutti, è immaginato come un nuovo catalizzatore per un turismo di qualità, ma anche per funzioni di tipo “urbano” (laboratori di ricerca, sale per conferenze, ecc.), garantendo un uso continuato della struttura anche al di fuori della stagione crocieristica. A supporto del terminal è stata pianificata una rete di servizi più minuti (per attività culturali e sociali) per far vivere ai turisti il waterfront e per attirare i residenti, migliorando l'offerta abitativa.

Il progetto, centrato sull'investimento nel nuovo terminal, è certamente interessante; esso pone tuttavia alcune riserve: è possibile immaginare realmente che una serie di funzioni posizionate in una zona limitata della città (o addirittura, come nel caso del terminal, in una zona alquanto esterna rispetto ai flussi normali del sistema urbano) siano davvero in grado di ottenere un successo e di conferire a tutto il contesto urbano un arricchimento funzionale e sociale tipico di una vera e profonda regeneration?

planned to help tourists experience the waterfront and attract residents, improving the supply of housing.

The project, centred on the investment in the new terminal, is undoubtedly interesting; it does however give rise to several reservations: is it really possible to imagine that a series of functions located in a limited area of the city (or even, in the case of the terminal, in an area that is far outside the normal fluxes of the urban system) can be successful and can provide the entire urban context with a functional and social revitalization that is typical of a real profound regeneration?

Dublin The project presented by Dublin operates on a much larger scale than Alicante and Matosinhos. The core of the plan is the renovation of the Docklands, already underway, so that the economic revitalization is expected to be partly, though not exclusively, driven by cruise ship traffic, and includes the construction of residential and commercial services and the “extension” of the areas of tourist interest to include the entire city of Dublin. Out of the many different components, cruise traffic is viewed as the “activator” of a critical mass of tourists that can help promote urban regeneration, not just along the waterfront, but within the existing urban fabric. The projects for the Docklands are linked as a system with another series of projects located in the heart of the city, thanks to the required reinforcement of circulation routes and transportation (for example on the water) that connect the historic heart of the city to the port area, and for which the Docklands provide a new, exciting median polarity – featuring museums, office buildings, convention centres, commerce etc. – for both tourists and the local community.

In this project, the new cruise terminal becomes a long-term objective, because it is expected that its primary value will be created elsewhere.

Conclusions From the considerations and the planning experiences illustrated above, it may be stated that real urban regeneration based on cruise ship traffic is not easy to achieve, if it is not conceived within a larger planning framework that operates at a much higher level than the simple dependence on the “cruise ship” factor.

Dublino. L'area dove sorgerà il nuovo terminal crociere e verrà costruito il progetto di espansione residenziale e commerciale Dublino. Il progetto per il Convention Centre con sullo sfondo il nuovo ponte Samuel Beckett Alicante. Attività urbane messe a sistema con quelle posizionate sul waterfront completamente rinnovato Alicante. Il centro per visitatori e turisti ospiterà funzioni di tipo culturale e sociale oltre ad un info-point Alicante. Il nuovo terminal crociere, collegato con opportuni percorsi al centro storico Piazza del Carme ad Alicante: gli edifici, prima degradati sono stati risanati, creando alloggi di edilizia sociale Alicante. “Parque de la Ereta” sul Monte Benacantil Dublin. The site for the construction of the new cruise terminal and the project for residential and commercial expansion Dublin. Project for the Convention Centre, in the background, the new Samuel Beckett bridge Alicante. Connecting all the urban activities with the activities located on the completely renovated waterfront Alicante. The visitors and tourist centre will feature cultural and social functions as well as an info-point Alicante. The new cruise terminal, connected by circulation routes to the historic city centre Piazza del Carme at Alicante: the deteriorated buildings were restored to create social housing units Alicante. “Parque de la Ereta” on the Monte Benacanti

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Vista del waterfront di Matosinhos dopo l'intervento di sistemazione. In primo piano, l'area in cui verrà costruito il terminal crociere Dublino, i Docklands alle foci del fiumi Liffey.

Qui verrà costruito il nuovo terminal crociere Il Casco Antiguo di Alicante Il porto di Matosinhos, ove verrà posizionato il nuovo terminal crociere A view of the waterfront of Matosinhos after the renovation project. In the foreground, the area in which the cruise ship terminal will be built Dublin, the Docklands at the mouth of the Liffey rivers.

This is where the new cruise ship terminal will be built The Casco Antiguo district in Alicante The port of Matosinhos, where the new cruise ship terminal will be located

Dublino Il progetto presentato da Dublino gioca su una scala alquanto più ampia di quello di Alicante e Matosinhos. Punto nodale del piano è la sistemazione, già avviata, dei Docklands, per cui si prevede una rivitalizzazione economica legata in parte, ma non esclusivamente, alla crocieristica, costruendo servizi residenziali e commerciali e “allargando” le aree di interesse turistico a tutta la città di Dublino.

Fra numerose altre componenti, la crocieristica è vista come “attivatore” di massa critica di utenti utile a promuovere la rigenerazione urbana non tanto lungo il waterfront, ma all'interno del tessuto urbano preesistente. Gli interventi dei Docklands, infatti, sono messi a sistema con un'altra serie di progetti inseriti nel cuore della città grazie ad un opportuno adeguamento dei percorsi e dei trasporti (es. su acqua) che connettono il cuore storico della città all'area portuale e che trovano nei nuovi Docklands una nuova, vivace polarità mediana – con musei, torri per uffici, centri congressi, commercio ecc. – sia per i turisti che per la comunità locale. Un nuovo terminal crociere si delinea, nel progetto, solo come un obiettivo di lungo periodo, dal momento che il valore principale è ritenuto poter essere creato in altri punti.

Conclusioni Dalle considerazioni precedenti e dalle esperienze progettuali proposte si può affermare che una vera rigenerazione urbana legata alla crocieristica non è facilmente realizzabile, se non è pensata all'interno di una cornice di pianificazione piuttosto ampia, capace di porsi ad un livello ben superiore a quello della dipendenza dal fattore “crociere”.

Il mercato da crociera è fra l'altro un generatore di ricchezza alquanto vulnerabile e dipendente da dinamiche fragili, come per esempio il numero di visitatori, e la stagionalità del servizio, e le strategie economiche delle compagnie crocieristiche, che tendono a trarre ingenti profitti dalla vendita di prodotti a bordo della nave, con scarse ricadute sul contesto urbano (McCarthy, 2003).

Nella pianificazione, non può quindi essere da traino l'idea che possano essere le stesse infrastrutture per le crociere ad innescare il cambiamento: sono infatti rarissimi i casi nei quali un terminal – spesso decentrato rispetto ai flussi ordinari della città – possa davvero svolgere con facilità funzioni realmente attrattive per le normali funzioni urbane. Pare quindi molto più sensato puntare non tanto su costosi terminal, quanto su sistemi di servizio ai passeggeri e alle compagnie, riducendo al massimo (soprattutto nei casi di “porti di transito”) le risorse impiegate.

Saranno piuttosto la multifunzionalità del waterfront e un'accorta pianificazione dei servizi all'interno della città a permettere che l'area portuale si consolidi nel suo ruolo di “frangia attiva” (CTUR, 2009) anche nell'eventualità di una diminuzione del numero di visitatori e di un calo della popolarità dei servizi della crocieristica nei prossimi anni.

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Besides, the cruise market is a rather vulnerable generator of wealth, because it depends on fragile dynamics such as the number of visitors, the seasonal nature of the service, and the economic strategies of cruise ship companies that tend to derive significant profits from the sale of products on board, contributing little to the urban context (McCarthy, 2003). The planning process cannot therefore be steered by the idea that cruise traffic infrastructure in and of itself can be sufficient to trigger change: there are very few cases indeed in which the terminal – often decentralized with respect to the everyday fluxes of the city – effortlessly carries out functions that are really attractive for normal urban functions. It therefore seems much more reasonable to focus not on costly terminals, but on service systems for passengers and companies, reducing the allocation of resources (especially in the case of “transit ports”).

Only the multi-functionality of waterfronts, and a wise planning of services within the city will allow the port area to consolidate its role as an “active fringe” (CTUR, 2009), even if the number of visitors drops and the popularity of cruise ship services diminishes in years to come.

Nota The data concerning the case studies are taken from the partner presentations during CTUR project meetings. See: http://urbact.

Bibliografia ¬ Breen A., Rigby D., Waterfronts. Cities reclaim their edge, Mc Graw-Hill, USA, 1994 ¬ Bruttomesso R., Land-Water intermodal terminals, Marsilio, Venice, 1998 ¬ CTUR-Cruise Traffic and Urban Regeneration of City Port Heritage, URBACT Thematic Network, Baseline Study, 2009 ¬ Hoyle B., “Cities and Ports: Development Dynamics at the Port-City Interface”, in Bruttomesso R., Land-Water intermodal terminals, Marsilio, Venice, 1998 ¬ Lynch K., Il senso del territorio, The Massachussets Institute of Technology e il Saggiatore, Milano, 1981 ¬ Marshall R., Waterfronts in Post-Industrial Cities, Spon Press, London, 2001 ¬ McCarthy J., The Cruise Industry and Port City Regeneration: The Case of Valletta, European Planning Studies, vol. 11, issue 3, 2003 ¬ Millspaugh M.L., “Waterfronts as catalysts for city renewal”, in Marshall R., Waterfronts in Post-Industrial Cities, Spon Press, London, 2001 ¬ Torbianelli, V., Linking cruise tourism and urban regeneration: the CTUR project and beyond, The Urbact Tribune 2010, UE, Luxembourg, 2010, 58-62. ¬ URBACT - CTUR, “First Thematic Journal - Topics and Case studies on Physical and environmental Components”, Comune di Napoli (Lead Partner), 2010.

Nota Tutti i dati concernenti i casi studio presentati sono stati tratti dalle presentazioni dei partner CTUR durante i meeting CTUR. Vedi: http://urbact.

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Réaménagement portuaire et reconquête des jointures urbaines: regard sur le port de Kélibia (Tunisie) Port Regeneration and Reclaiming the Urban Junctures: a Look at the Port of Kélibia (Tunisia)

In the Tunisian context, ports are considered to be spaces for trade, often conceived as structuring facilities with economic and commercial functions; as an example we might mention the great ports of Radès-La Goulette, Sfax and Bizerte. Apart from the ports that have been artificially regenerated into marinas or leisure ports, very few Tunisian cities have developed or grown outwards starting from their old ports. Faced with the bewildering extension of urban sprawl, the ports and their connections to the cities have often been turned asunder by city planning projects. Within the context of liberalization with its pressing reliance on the privatization of port spaces and their activities, the port of Kélibia, located in northeastern Tunisia and open onto the Mediterranean, is no exception. This space which has attempted over the years to shape its connection to the city, has been transformed from an ancient fishing and leisure port into a closed port. The renovation projects undertaken after 1997 were based on a rationale that encouraged the appropriation of public spaces legitimated by the need to regulate fishing and ensure greater control and security in the port. The “regenerated” port announces its enclosure with walls that surround its space and block the traditional access routes, the arteries connecting the center of the city with the sea. In illustrating the different phases in the evolution of the port and its repercussions on the connections with the city of Kélibia, how did recycling the port functions contribute to the transformation of the relationship between the port and the city?

Despite the isolation of the port, did the logic of privatizing port uses contribute, on the contrary, to the emergence of new urban connections?

To answer the questions raised above, we have adopted a longitudinal observation plan of the “before-after” type, which consists in analyzing the evolution of the relationship between the port and the city of Kélibia before and after the regeneration project, which began in 1997. The tools of observation were based on interviews and questionnaires. Thirty port users were interviewed (leisure boaters, fishermen, labourers, management, local actors) making it possible to identify the themes and conceptual categories that we have used in this article. As for the questionnaire, it was submitted to all the 62 activities located, through the year 2009 when the survey was conducted, on the axis of the promenade that connects the city to the port.

The Evolution of Port Functions: from Heritage to Recycling Since it was founded by the Carthaginians in the Vth century B.C., the port of Kélibia played a role as a strategic place of control and exchange, guaranteeing a series of functions. As a commercial port of call and military gallery during the Punic era, the port evolved into a Roman basin harbouring a prosperous and dominating fishing industry. In the 19th century, under the Aghlabides, the port recovered its military function, relying on its vicinity to the fort to control and defend the area.

A shipyard was founded to service the Aghlabid ships.

These functions lasted through the reign of the bey hus-

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Dans le contexte tunisien, les ports sont considérés comme des espaces d'échange souvent conçus comme étant des équipements structurants à fonction économique et commerciale, citons à titre d'exemple les grands ports de Radès-La Goulette, de Sfax et de Bizerte. Outre les ports artificialisés par des aménagements en marina ou en ports de plaisance, rares sont les villes tunisiennes qui se sont développées et étalées à partir de leurs vieux ports. Face à l'ampleur de l'étalement déconcerté des villes, les ports ainsi que leurs liens avec les villes sont souvent mis en déshérence dans les projets d'urbanisme. Confronté au contexte de libéralisation marquée par le recours pressant à la privatisation des espaces portuaires et de leurs activités, le port de Kélibia, situé au Nord-Est Tunisien et ouvert sur la Méditerrané, n'en fait pas l'exception. Cet espace qui a tenté pendant plusieurs années de forger son lien avec la ville, s'est transformé d'un ancien port de pêche et de plaisance, en port enfermé. Les aménagements entrepris à partir de 1997, traduisent la logique d'appropriation des espaces publics légitimée par la nécessité de réguler l'activité de pêche et d'assurer plus de contrôle et de sécurité au port. Le port “réaménagé”, annonce son enclavement par des murs encerclant son ambiance et enclavant ses accès traditionnels qui constituaient les artères de liaison entre le centre ville et la mer. En restituant les différentes étapes de l'évolution du port et de ses répercussions sur les liaisons avec la ville de Kélibia, comment le recyclage des fonctions portuaires a-t-il contribué à la transformation des rapports entre le port et la ville? Malgré l'enfermement du port, les logiques de privatisation des usages du port ont-ils contribué, en revanche, à l'émergence de nouvelles jointures urbaines?

Afin d'apporter les réponses aux questions posées, nous avons adopté un plan d'observation longitudinal, de type “avant-après”, qui consiste à analyser l'évolution de la relation entre le port et la ville de Kélibia avant et après le projet de réaménagement, entrepris à partir de 1997. Les instruments d'observation ont été basés sur l'entretien et le questionnaire. Trente entretiens avec les usagers du port (plaisanciers, pêcheurs, ouvriers, responsables, acteurs locaux) ont été réalisés et qui ont permis de dégager des thèmes et des catégories conceptuelles, utilisés dans la présente contribution. En ce qui concerne le questionnaire, il a été réalisé d'une manière exhaustive sur les 62 activités localisées, jusqu'en 2009 date de l'administration du questionnaire, sur l'axe de la promenade qui relie la ville au port.

L'évolution des fonctions portuaires: de l'héritage au recyclage Dès sa fondation par les Carthaginois au 5ème siècle avant J.-C., le port de Kélibia avait joué son rôle de lieu stratégique de contrôle et d'échange, assurant différentes fonctions. Entre escale commerciale et galerie militaire durant l'ère punique, le port a évolué à un bassin romain abritant une activité de pêche prospère et dominante. Au 19ème siècle, avec les Aghlabides, le port regagna sa fonction militaire en profitant de la proximité du fort comme point de garde et de contrôle. Un chantier naval se développa au profit des navires aghlabides.

Toutes ces fonctions ont perduré jusqu'au règne des bey husseinites qui développèrent la fonction militaire héritée, à partir de 1881, par le protectorat fran-

Hatem Kahloun

Bateaux dans le Port Kélibia Boats in Port Kélibia

çais. C'est seulement à partir de 1960 que le port de Kélibia a perdu son rôle de contrôle et de garde militaire en faveur de développement des équipements et des résidences militaires qui ont accéléré, à partir de 1962, le rythme d'urbanisation de la zone portuaire et sa jonction avec la ville. Le recyclage fonctionnel qu'a connu le port de Kélibia dans le temps n'a pas été stoppé et l'exigence d'intervenir sur ses infrastructures, épuisées et amorties, explique les actions d'aménagement entreprises à différentes dates: le renforcement des infrastructures (extension de l'appontement et prolongement de l'épi) de 1963 à 1983 et le projet d'amélioration des capacités de production du port entrepris à partir de 1984.

Ces actions d'aménagement ont eu un effet intérieur sur le port et ne l'ont pas vidé de ses fonctions de pêche, de plaisance et d'échange. Ceci contrairement au dernier projet d'aménagement du port engagé depuis 1997. Ce projet s'inscrit dans une stratégie nationale et sectorielle qui consiste en l'amélioration et la modernisation des conditions et des moyens de production. Le programme d'aménagement a été engagé dans le cadre d'une action de mise à niveau du port qui devrait répondre aux exigences du marché européen. Ces nouveaux impératifs ont engendré la fermeture du port afin de pouvoir contrôler la commercialisation clandestine de la pêche ainsi que l'entrée-sortie de la production, des bateaux et des travailleurs. Le projet d'aménagement du port de Kélibia a été matérialisé par l'installation d'une clôture de béton et la construction des bâtiments à usage purement commercial. Le port local a été clôturé pour s'ouvrir sur le marché mondial. Un creux brutal dans une succession d'espaces attractifs se crée et engendre une rupture d'échelle qui modifie la continuité du paysage urbain allant de port jusqu'à la ville.

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Le port avant son aménagement: un espace public multifonctionnel Jusqu'en 1997, le port de Kélibia avait joué le rôle d'espace refuge pour les habitants, les visiteurs, les plaisanciers et les vacanciers. Il était un lieu multifonctionnel de travail, de production, de commerce, de passage et de plaisance. Le port fut un lieu repère de rencontre de contact et d'échange pour une population hétérogène venant respirer dans un espace considéré comme le poumon de la ville. L'image qu'on se fait du port dépendait de ses temporalités qui rythment le vécu quotidien et les pratiques des usagers. Le matin et au moment du débarquement des pêcheurs, cet espace constitue un lieu d'exposition et de commercialisation des poissons. Avec ses moyens et pratiques traditionnels, le port faisait vivre des familles et intégrait des petits pêcheurs qui trouvaient leurs parts dans le marché qui fut ouvert aux visiteurs. En fin de la journée, le port change de fonction et d'image. D'un espace de pêche et de commerce, il se transformait en un lieu d'accueil pour les plaisanciers, les vacanciers et les artistes. Le port était un lieu d'animation, d'exposition de tableaux et de manifestations culturelles. Cet espace littoral contribuait de support d'affichage d'une culture esthétique qui repose sur un nouveau vocabulaire d'expression artistique. Le long de la période estivale, le port se créait un vécu particulier autour d'une aire d'usages diversifiés où la dimension économique se greffait à la dimension socio-culturelle. Le port accueillait plusieurs activités commerciales occasionnelles qui participaient à l'amplification de la convoitise portuaire engendrée par la fabrication d'un espace nocturne d'interaction et d'échange avec la ville. Ces éléments qui furent véhiculés par une image à connotations positives sur le rôle du port comme espace repère d'intégration, ont disparu suite au projet d'aménagement et d'isolement.

seinites who expanded the military function, and left it after 1881 to the French protectorate. It was not until 1960 that the port of Kélibia lost its role as a military point of control and protection, replaced by the development of military facilities and living quarters which, after 1962, accelerated the pace of urbanization in the port area and its connection to the city. The recycling of functions in the port of Kélibia over time has not been halted, and the need to intervene on its worn-out infrastructure explains the regeneration projects undertaken at different times: reinforcement of the infrastructure (expansion of the wharf and extension of the jetty) from 1964 to 1973 and the project to improve the port's production capacity, begun in 1984. These regeneration operations affected the port internally, but did not abolish its functions relating to fishing, leisure boating and trading. Unlike the last regeneration project for the port which was launched in 1997. This project is part of a national and sectorial strategy the objective of which is to improve and modernize the conditions and instruments of production. The regeneration programme was undertaken within the framework of a project to upgrade the port to make it respond to the requirements of the European market. These new requirements led to the enclosure of the port with the purpose of checking illegal fishing and controlling the entrance and exit of production, boats and workers. The project to regenerate the port of Kélibia consisted in the installation of a concrete wall and the construction of exclusively commercial buildings. A brutal void is created within a series of attractive spaces and generates an interruption in scale that modifies the continuity of the urban landscape that lies between the port and the city.

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L'aménagement de la clôture et l'effondrement de l'image urbaine du port Le projet d'aménagement a entièrement isolé le port de la ville sans pouvoir l'aménager réellement. Un mur bordant la limite nord du port interdit tout accès libre à l'ancienne promenade imposant de la sorte la dégradation de l'image d'une ville portuaire communicant avec son port et jouissant de son ouverture sur la mer. Cette fermeture a créé une rupture entre le port et les éléments environnementaux avoisinants tels que la mer, la forteresse et la sebkha. La logique de bétonisation et d'enfermement qui s'imposait, fut argumentée par l'ouverture indispensable sur le marché européen. S'ouvrir sur l'extérieur et s'enfermer à l'intérieur semble avoir détruit la dimension urbaine du port. L'aménagement de l'enceinte constitue un obstacle physique à son environnement et une barrière face à l'image attribuée au port comme étant un espace approprié par les citadins.

Il en découle que le port de Kélibia a évolué d'un espace public ouvert et partagé à un espace isolé et contrôlé. Certes, l'installation de la barrière et des bâtiments commerciaux a eu des effets positifs sur le fonctionnement de l'activité de pêche par l'introduction de nouveaux procédés de sécurité, de maintenance et d'hygiène. La mise à niveau du port a permis l'organisation de la production et l'amélioration des conditions de travail. Mais en contrepartie, ce projet a engendré la coupure spatiale, matérielle et immatérielle, avec la ville et le port d'une part, et avec les usagers et leurs pratiques d'autre part. Le port a perdu ses visiteurs et plaisanciers locaux et étrangers. Son évolution à un espace monofonctionnel renseigne sur la disparition des fonctions traditionnelles de refuge, de récréation, de loisir et d'échange culturel en faveur d'un espace sous-pratiqué et peu accessible. L'aménagement du port a entraîné la disparition d'un espace animé par ses usagers et par ses activités de commerce occasionnel qui furent installées sur la promenade. L'image collective construite autour du port en tant qu'un marqueur de l'espace urbain a disparu avec la disparition des pratiques et

Les activités installées sur la zone d’étude avant et après la fermeture du port Situation du port de Kélibia dans la Méditerranée The activities installed in the case study area before and after the port was closed off.

Location of the port of Kélibia in the Mediterranean Sea

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The Port before Regeneration: a Multifunctional Public Space Through 1997, the port of Kélibia enjoyed its a role as a space where inhabitants, visitors, leisure boaters and vacationers could take shelter. It was a multifunctional place for work, production, trade, transit and leisure.

The port was a landmark for gathering, contact and exchange, for a heterogeneous population that sought a breath of fresh air in a space that was considered as the lungs of the city. The image that the port conveyed depended on the rhythm of the daily life and activities of its users. In the morning and when the fishermen returned from the sea, this space was a place for displaying and selling fish. With its traditional means and practices, the port provided a living for the families and integrated the small fishermen who found an outlet in a market open to visitors. At the end of the day, the port changed function and image. From a space for fishing and commerce, it turned into a place to harbour leisure boaters, vacationers and artists. The port was a place for entertainment, for art exhibitions and cultural events. This waterfront space served as a poster for a cultural aesthetic based on a new vocabulary for artistic expression. For the entire duration of the summer, the port created a particular life experience around a context of diversified uses where the economic dimension was grafted onto the social and cultural dimension. The port hosted several sporadic commercial activities that helped to increase the attractiveness of the port generated by the creation of a space for interaction and exchange with the city by night. These elements that were conveyed by an image with positive connotations about the role of the port as a key space for integration, disappeared after the regeneration and isolation project.

des représentations liées à l'identité de ce lieu qui fut approprié par ses usagers locaux. A la destruction de “l'imagibilité” (Lynch, 1976) du port vécu comme un lieu de construction identitaire et de diffusion, se substitue la visibilité de la clôture qui marque d'une manière aiguë et intense le changement des rapports au port qui passent de la coexistence et la dualité avec la ville aux conflits et rejets mutuels des pratiques urbaines.

Les transformations du port et de la ville: des évolutions désarticulées Le projet de privatisation du port par rapport à l'espace urbain s'inscrit dans l'action de régulation engagée par les structures centralisées de l'Etat et qui n'implique ni acteurs ni pouvoirs locaux. Cette action est l'une des formes les plus particulières de l'appropriation publique de l'espace qui s'expriment en la manière de réguler “stratégiquement” l'espace public en dehors d'une planification urbaine harmonieuse de la ville et de son port. Entrepris au sein du périmètre communal de Kélibia, le projet d'enfermement du port qui a démarré en 1997, ne figurait pas parmi les options du plan d'aménagement urbain de la ville, mais faisait l'objet d'une décision prise par les institutions extra-locales notamment l'Agence des Ports et des Installations de pêche. Cette décision malencontreuse trouve ses explications dans la logique des projets zonaux qui renvoie au pouvoir d'approprier brutalement, et de transformer d'une manière artificielle les fronts d'eau en vue de leur valorisation économique. Ces propos qui renvoient au caractère inopérant des outils de planification dans la maîtrise de l'étalement urbain des villes tunisiennes, renseignent sur les limites d'une telle conception paradoxale des liens entre la ville et son port dans les projets d'aménagement.

Ceci dit, l'évolution du port et de ses fonctions dans le temps n'étaient pas détachée de l'évolution de la ville. L'examen du zoning défini par le plan d'aménagement urbain de 2008, montrent que la zone portuaire ne représente que 10% du périmètre communal de la ville. Ce dernier s'étend sur 1100 hectares dont 67% de la superficie aménagée, soit 686 hectares, sont occupés par de l'habitat. Rappelons à juste titre que Kélibia est une ville moyenne de 45000

The Regeneration Project for the Enclosure and the Collapse of the Urban Image of the Port The regeneration project completely isolated the port from the city without really succeeding in its regeneration. A wall along the northern edge of the port prevents free access to the old promenade thereby degrading the image of a port city that communicates with its port and enjoys its opening out to the sea. This barrier created a fracture between the port and the surrounding environmental elements such as the sea, the fortress and the sebkha. The logic of cementification and enclosure that prevailed was explained by the absolute need to open up to the European market. The decision to open to the outside and close up inside seems to have destroyed the urban dimension of the port. The construction of the wall constitutes a physical obstacle to its environment and a barrier to the image of the port as a space that belongs to citizens.

The result is that the port of Kélibia has evolved from an open and shared public space to an isolated and controlled space. Of course, the installation of the barrier and the commercial buildings did have a positive influence on the management of the fishing industry by introducing new security, maintenance and sanitation procedures. The leveling of the port made it possible to organize production and improve working conditions. But on the other hand, the project created a spatial, material and immaterial gap with the city and the port on one side, and the users and their activities on the other. The port lost its visitors as well as the local and foreign leisure boaters. Its evolution into a monofunctional space is exemplary in terms of how the traditional functions of shelter, recreation, leisure and cultural exchange disappeared to create an under-used and scarcely accessible space. The regeneration of the port led to the destruction of a space enlivened by its users and by the informal commercial activities installed along the promenade. The collective image built around the port as a marker of urban space disappeared along with the practices and representations linked to the identity of the place that belonged to its local users. The destruction of the “imageability” (Lynch, 1976) of the port experienced as a place to build and diffuse identity, was replaced by the visibility of an enclosure that was a sharp and intense representation

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habitants répartis sur 12740 logements (INS, 2009) dont 80% sont situés dans des zones d'habitat individuel de type groupé ou en bande continue où la densité moyenne pourrait atteindre 60 logements à l'hectare. La ville s'est développée à partir d'un centre traditionnel (cité Ksiba) pour s'étaler sur les grandes voies et les réserves foncière et agricole avoisinantes notamment celles attenants au port. Cette extension spatiale vers le port a été encouragée par les nouveaux lotissements aménagés par les opérateurs publics et privés (essentiellement l'Agence Foncière de l'Habitation qui a aménagé à partir des années 1980, la cité résidentielle AFH au Nord-Est de la ville). Une lecture morphologique de l'avenue des Martyrs, axe qui relie la ville au port, fait apparaître une nette fragmentation de l'espace résidentiel dès que l'on se dirige vers le port.

Des logements pavillonnaires composés de villas isolées et de résidences secondaires se distinguent par le changement de style, de façade et par les traitements architectoniques qui constituent de nouveaux usages de la matière, affichant une nouvelle forme d'appropriation de l'espace. Ce marquage territorial qui a pris de l'ampleur à partir de 1995, prend l'axe principal qui relie la ville au port pour support spatial. En effet, sur l'avenue des Martyrs et au niveau du boulevard de l'Environnement se situent les quartiers aisés notamment la cité Ennour (La lumière) et la cité du Stade. Ces quartiers aisés se greffent sur les anciennes habitations traditionnelles situées à proximité du port.

Jusqu'aux années 1980, cette zone avait servi pour le logement des pêcheurs et des migrants qui venaient chercher des emplois soit dans le port et dans les quelques équipements touristiques induits, soit dans l'industrie manufacturière et agroalimentaire.

Si nous avons mis en exergue l'évolution du port d'une part et de la ville de l'autre, c'est pour montrer que ces transformations étaient à l'origine de l'émergence d'un espace jointif entre le port et la ville. Cet espace qui s'est développé d'une manière désarticulé et sans vision prospective, a accueilli dans une phase ultérieure les nouvelles activités de commerce et de service. Les pratiques urbaines qui ont accompagné ces activités et ont constitué une nouvelle forme d'appropriation de l'espace, contribuent à la reconquête des liaisons entre la ville et le port.

of the change in the relationship to the port, which shifted from the coexistence and duality with the city to a conflictual and mutual rejection of urban activities.

The Transformation of the Port and the City: Disconnected Evolutions The project to privatize the port with respect to the urban space is part of the regulation process enacted by the centralized structures of the State and does not involve local actors or powers. This action is one of the most peculiar forms of public appropriation of the space expressed as a “strategic” regulation of public space that does not take into consideration the harmonious urban planning of the city and its port. Initiated within the city limits of Kélibia, the project to enclose the port which began in 1997 was not one of the options in the city's development plan, but was a decision made by nonlocal institutions, in particular the Agence des Ports et des Installations de Pêche. This unfortunate decision can be explained by the logic of zonal projects based on the power to brutally seize and artificially transform waterfronts in order to develop their economic potential.

These propositions linked to the ineffectiveness of planning instruments in controlling the urban sprawl of Tunisian cities, speak volumes about the limits of this paradoxical conception of the connection between the city and its port in development projects.

This having been said, the evolution over time of the port and its functions was not disconnected from the evolution of the city. An examination of the zoning defined by the 2008 urban development plan, shows that the port zone represents only 10% of the perimeter of the city. The latter extends over a surface of 1100 hectares, of which 67%, or 686 hectares, is occupied by housing. It should be said that Kélibia is a mid-sized town with 45,000 inhabitants living in 12740 units (INS, 2009), 80% of which are located in zones of grouped-type individual or row housing where the median density reaches up to 60 units per hectare. The city developed from a traditional centre (Ksiba city) and spread along the major roads and adjacent land and

Bateaux dans le Port de Kélibia Boats in the Port of Kélibia

39

Table 1.

Répartition de l'évolution des activités sur les axes de liaison ville-port

Table 1.

Distribution of the evolution of activities along the axis connecting city and port

Date d'installation /Axe

Avenue Dr Mongi Ben Hmida (%)

Avenue des Martyrs (%)

Total (%)

Installation avant 1997

2,0

27,5

Installation à partir de 1997

11,8

Total

13,7

Date of installation Axis

Avenue Dr Mongi Ben Hmida (%)

Avenue des Martyrs (%)

Total (%)

29,4

Installation before 1997

2,0

27,5

29,4

58,8%

70,6

Installation after 1997

11,8

58,8%

70,6

86,3%

100,0

Total

13,7

86,3%

100,0

Source: enquête personnelle, 2009.

Source: personal survey, 2009.

Table 2.

Evolution de l'usage du sol par les activités

Table 2.

Evolution of land use by businesses

Date d'installation /Usage

Date of installation /Use

Ancien usage du sol

Habitat

Non-built Same Other land use: uses (%) business (%) (%)

Total (%)

Installation before 1997

3,9

13,7

11,8

0,0

29,4

70,6

Installation after 1997

25,5

15,7%

25,5

3,9

70,6

100,0

Total (%)

29,4

29,4

37,3

3,9

100,0

Habitat

Terrain non construit (%)

Même usage: activité (%)

Autres usages (%)

Total (%)

Installation Avant 1997

3,9

13,7

11,8

0,0

29,4

Installation à partir de 1997

25,5

15,7%

25,5

3,9

Total (%)

29,4

29,4

37,3

3,9

Source: enquête personnelle, 2009.

Former land use

Source: personal survey, 2009.

Les nouvelles alternatives à la clôture du port: effets des usages urbains sur la reconquête des jointures port-ville Isolé de la ville, le port de Kélibia continue à fonctionner en tant qu'espace spécialisé et privatisé. Ses aires d'usages traditionnelles qui abritaient les activités artistiques et commerciales (foires, kiosques, manifestations, expositions d'art, etc.) se sont délocalisées vers de nouveaux lieux d'accueil pour des visiteurs et plaisanciers chassés par les volumes muets des enceintes. Cette rupture qui a réduit la fonction portuaire à sa valeur marchande, a contribué, en revanche, à la reconfiguration de la relation entre la ville et le port. De nouvelles activités de commerce et de service se sont développées le long de l'axe reliant le port à la ville pour annoncer l'avènement de nouvelles pratiques de l'espace urbain. Les aires de jeux, les terrasses des nouveaux cafés et des restaurants constituent désormais de nouveaux lieux-refuge qui viennent remplacer la promenade du port.

L'enquête par questionnaire a permis de mettre en évidence l'évolution fonctionnelle qu'a connue cet axe de liaison. Sur l'avenue des Martyrs ou sur son embranchement avec l'avenue de Dr. Mongi Ben Hmida, la fonction urbaine de liaison et de circulation ainsi que les pratiques de promenade associées à cet espace, ont subi les répercussions de la prolifération des activités économiques.

En effet, sur deux kilomètres de liaison, cet espace accueille 62 activités de commerce et service installées avant ou après la fermeture du port. Il s'agit d'activités liées au tourisme local, à la consommation, à la restauration, au loisir et aux services de proximité. Comme le fait apparaître le tableau suivant, 70,6% des activités se sont installées après la fermeture du port contre 29,4% qui existaient depuis les années 1960. La répartition des activités sur l'axe principal de liaison et de promenade, plus particulièrement l'avenue des Martyrs, témoigne de la

agricultural reserves, in particular the ones near the port. This spatial extension towards the port was encouraged by the new public or private housing developments (primarily by the Agence Foncière de l'Habitation which developed the AFH residential district, starting in the 1980s, in the northeastern section of the city). A morphological interpretation of the Avenue des Martyrs, the axis that connects the city to the port, highlights a clear fragmentation of the residential space in proximity to the port. Pavilion-type housing composed of isolated villas and vacation homes is distinguished the change in style and façade, and by the architectural treatments that appear as new uses of the material, displaying a new form of space appropriation.

This territorial marking which grew after 1995, chose the principal axis connecting the city to the port as its spatial support. In fact, Avenue des Martyrs and the area of the Boulevard de l'Environnement are the site of the wealthier neighborhoods, especially the city of Ennour (The Light) and the city of Stade. These wealthier neighbourhoods were grafted onto the ancient traditional housing located near the port. Until the 1980's, this zone had served to house the fishermen and migrants who came looking for employment in the port and in the few tourist facilities located there, or in the manufacturing or food industries.

If we have highlighted the evolution of the port and of the city separately, it is to show that these transformations generated the development of a space connecting the port and the city. This space, which developed in a haphazard manner and without a long-term vision, subsequently integrated new commercial and service activities. The urban practices that came with

40 dossier

dynamique qu'a connue cette artère suite au réaménagement du port. En effet, sur les 86,3% des activités inventoriées sur cette liaison, 58,8% constituent de nouvelles installations qui ont contribué à sa transformation fonctionnelle.

Les effets de l'évolution des activités sur la reconfiguration spatiale de la jointure ville-port semblent remarquables. Ils s'expriment par les changements de vocations et d'usages qui ont concerné aussi bien le sol que les bâtiments et les façades urbaines. Ces effets peuvent être décernés dès que l'on étudie la transformation des modes d'usage et d'occupation des locaux enquêtés. En effet, si 37,3% des activités ont gardé le même suage, 25,5% d'entre elles ont bénéficié de l'ancien statut commercial des locaux pour installer une nouvelle active liée à la consommation ou à la restauration touristique. Après avoir été construites, les interstices ont accueilli de nouvelles activités qui représentent 25,5% des locaux. En agrégeant les données du tableau suivant (tout en écartant les activités ayant bénéficié du même usage), nous pouvons constater que les changements d'usages fonctionnels des propriétés qui ont accueilli les locaux ont concerné 62,7% des activités dont 45,1% se sont installées à partir de 1997. La profusion de la fonction résidentielle sur cet axe explique l'importance des changements d'usages qui ont concerné le tissu d'habitat. D'ailleurs, 29,4% des locaux enquêtés avaient partiellement changé leur vocation résidentielle en transformant les surfaces non bâties juxtaposant l'axe, en locaux de commerce ou de service. Au-delà de cet axe de liaison, certaines activités saisonnières qui étaient installées à l'intérieur du port ont migré vers les abords de la sebkha où elles profitent de la proximité du l'aire de jeux.

Conclusion En dépit de sa clôture, le port de Kélibia a contribué à l'émergence de nouvelles pratiques de l'espace urbain. La reconquête des espaces alternatifs par le regain de nouvelles activités, explique comment les ports déterminent leurs rapports avec les villes soit par l'évolution de leurs fonctions soit par l'évolution de leurs représentations par les usagers. Les jointures urbaines entre les villes et ports semblent évidentes si nous nous contentons d'une analyse inopérante de l'étalement urbain d'une part et de l'évolution des fonctions portuaires d'autre part. La complexité des rapports qui se nouent entre ces entités devrait être recherchée dans les différents modes d'occupation et d'usage des jointures encore peu étudiés par les milieux académiques. Les mécanismes d'appropriation matérielle et immatérielle de l'espace urbain sont au centre de cette problématique car ils permettent de poser de nouveaux enjeux à la définition conceptuelle et empiriques des relations entre les ports et les villes.

Bibliographie ¬ Abric J.-C., “Pratiques sociales, représentations sociales”, in Pratiques sociales et représentations, Abric J.-C. (s.dir.), PUF, Paris, 1994. ¬ Augoyard J.-F. et al., L'espace urbain et l'action artistique, CRESSON/PUCA,2000. ¬ Bassand M. Compagnon A., Joye D., Stein V., Vivre et créer l'espace public. Presses Polytechniques et Universitaires romandes, Lausanne, 2001. ¬ Baudouin Th. (s. dir. de), Urbanité des cités portuaires, L'Harmattan, Paris.1997. ¬ Bergel P., “Appropriation de l'espace et propriété du sol”, in Norois, 195-2, 2005. (http://norois.revues.org/index479.html) ¬ Bioteau E., “Usage et symboliques des représentations spatiales en Roumanie postcommuniste”, in Norois, 195-2, 2005. (http://norois.revues. org/index565.html) ¬ Birou A., “Appropriation de l'espace et pouvoirs dominants”, CIHEAM (Options Méditerranéennes), N. 23, Paris, 1973. ¬ Brossard S., “De quoi rêvent les citadins des ports?”, in Les Annales de la Recherche Urbaine, N. 55-56, 1992, ¬ Cain A., (s. dir. de), Espace(s) public(s) espace(s) privé(s), L'Harmattan, Paris, 2004. ¬ Chaline C., “Le réaménagement des espaces portuaires délaissés”, in Les Annales de la Recherche Urbaine, N. 55-56, 1992. ¬ Fournier J.-M., Chourio G., Echeverría A., “L'appropriation socialement différenciée de l'espace urbain de Maracaibo (Venezuela)”, in Norois, 195-2, 2005. (http://norois.revues.org/index501.html.) ¬ Jamin A., “La place de l'autre. Construction et manipulations des figures de l'autre à travers les usages de son espace. Politiques de patrimonialisation, stratégies d'appropriation et de dépossession, délocalisation symbolique des altérités : un regard écosociologique sur le cas mexicain”, in Esprit critique, Vol. 06, N. 01, 2004. (http://www.espritcritique.fr/0601/esp0601article04.html) ¬ Mathé A., “Le port, un seuil pour l'imaginaire”, in Les Annales de la Recherche Urbaine, N. 55-56, 1992. ¬ Simar M, Fortin M.-J., Tremblay M.-H., “L'appropriation de sites et paysages urbains requalifiés: regard sur le Vieux-Port de Chicoutimi”, in Environnement Urbain (EUE), V.3, 2009. ¬ Veschambre V., “Le recyclage urbain, entre démolition et patrimonialisation: enjeux d'appropriation symbolique de l'espace”, in Norois, 195-2, 2005. (http://norois.revues.org/index548.html

these activities and constituted a new form of appropriation of the space, helped to restore the relations between the city and the port.

The New Alternatives to the Enclosure of the Port: the effect of urban activities on the renewal of the port-city connections Isolated from the city, the port of Kélibia continues to function as a specialized and privatized space. Its traditional user areas that once held artistic and commercial activities (fairs, kiosks, event, art exhibitions, etc.) moved to new receptive areas for visitors and leisure boaters deterred by the mute mass of the perimeter wall. This fracture which reduced the function of the port to its mere business value, helped on the other hand to reconfigure the relationship between the city and its port. New commercial activities and services developed along the axis leading from the port to the city, announcing the establishment of new practices in the urban space. The playgrounds, the terraces of the new cafés and restaurants became the new places to escape, replacing the old port promenade.

A survey by questionnaire made it possible to highlight

Vue du port de Kélibia View of the port de Kélibia

41

the functional evolution along this connection axis. On the Avenue des Martyrs or along its bifurcation into the Avenue de Dr. Mongi Ben Hmida, the urban functions of connection and circulation as well as pedestrian activity associated with this space, were affected by this proliferation of economic activities. In fact, along the two kilometers of the connecting axis, 62 commercial and service businesses were established in this space before or after the port was closed off. These are businesses related to local tourism, to consumption, catering, leisure and proximity services. As shown in the table below, 70.6% of the activities were established after the port was enclosed against the 29.4% that have been in existence since the 1960's. The distribution of the activities along the main connection and promenade axis, in particular the Avenue des Martyrs, highlights the dynamics experienced by this artery after the redevelopment of the port. In fact, of the 86.3% of activities inventoried along this connection, 58.8% are newly installed activities that contributed to its functional transformation.

The effects of the evolution of these activities on the spatial reconfiguration of the city-port juncture are

remarkable. They are expressed in the change in vocation and use that involved both the land and the buildings and urban façades. These effects may be recognized by studying the transformation in the way the buildings under observation are used and occupied.

Whereas 37.3% of the activities have maintained the same use, 25.5% of them have taken advantage of the old commercial zoning of the buildings to install new commercial or catering activities for tourists. After they were built, the gap spaces were filled with new activities representing 25.5% of the public establishments. By summarizing the data in the following table (keeping the activities that maintained the same use separate) we observe that the functional change in the use of the properties that house the businesses concerned 62.7% of the activities, of which 45.1% were founded after 1997. The extensive residential function along this axis explains the new uses that have transformed the fabric of the habitat. Besides, 29.4% of the spaces in the survey had partially changed their residential vocation by transforming non-built areas along the axis into commercial or service spaces. Beyond this connecting axis, certain seasonal activities that had

been located inside the port migrated towards the edges of the sebkha where they benefited from the proximity to the playground.

Conclusion Despite its enclosure the port of KĂŠlibia contributed to the rise of new practices for the urban space. The appropriation of alternative spaces when new activities move in explains how ports determine their relationships with cities, either through the evolution of their functions, or the evolution of their representation by their users. The urban junctures between cities and ports seem obvious if we settle for an inoperative analysis of urban sprawl on the one hand and the evolution of port functions on the other. The complexity of the relationships that are woven between these entities should be sought in the different ways of occupying and using these junctures, which have rarely been examined by the academic world. The mechanisms of material and immaterial appropriation of the urban space are central to this issue, because they make it possible to consider new stakes in the conceptual and empirical definition of the relationship between ports and cities.

42 dossier

Málaga, el puerto industrial como paisaje urbano Malaga, Industrial Port as Urban Landscape

Puerto de Málaga principios s. XIX. Archivo Temboury.

Sig. 1295.

Port of Malaga at the beginning of the 19th Century.

Temboury Archives. Sig. 1295.

The City that used to be a Port Historical port cities have their own light, they are spellbound by the sea that has given them their wealth, rich in culture, assets and people, etc.

“Whatever their form or architecture is like, or the civilisation that they developed from, Mediterranean cities have always descended from their environment, and have been creators of routes, while at the same time being created by them”. (Braudel, 1976).

The relationships that these cities have with their ports has changed down through the centuries, conjuring up a variety of scenarios and circumstances, without losing that specific landscape or the sea life that still lives on in their inhabitants.

However, some cities would appear to have forgotten their port status, the major role that they played throughout history, forming a cog in that huge wheel that drove the world. This identity is the one that has to be unmasked to remind its inhabitants of the port function that the city has always had.

The past and present are closely linked phenomena, and so a knowledge of history is the best way of making an approach to understanding a particular reality, in this case, the port city of Malaga.

From its origins, around the 7th Century B.C., and throughout the successive cultures that have colonised it, Phoenician, Roman, Arab or Christian, the city's close relationship with the port has always been a constant feature, and the port has invariably played a decisive role in the city's development. The three inlets that make up its seafront have been advancing towards the sea for a variety of reasons, taking in the port activities of each era, transforming the relationships between the three realities: city, port and sea. Throughout history, the city has maintained two ports, albeit not always in the same place, one more commercial and the other for the general public, their ongoing transformation gradually being ingrained in the city's history.

It has been the sea that, through these seafaring people, has created a diverse and versatile place, where different cultures, landscapes and atmospheres have coexisted in different eras, constituting the essence of all things Mediterranean and ennobling the soul of this port city.

It is not the places themselves, but the memory of those places that has disappeared. The maritime status of the city is emblazoned in its history. The location not only of the tangible assets, the buildings that have been associated with the city and the port throughout its history, but also the intangible assets, the routes, the back streets and the plazas that have made this relationship possible, together with the atmosphere, the hustle and the bustle, and the diversity of the people who live there, remind us of the port's influence in forging the character, the quaintness and the charm of the city and its inhabitants.

Towards a Port City The separation that took place between the port and the city in the 19th Century caused its essential attributes to be completely forgotten. Tourism and the real estate business replaced the commercial and industrial activi-

43

La Ciudad que era Puerto Las ciudades portuarias históricas tienen una luz propia, están hechizadas por ese mar que las ha hecho ricas, ricas en cultura, en bienes, en gentes…

“Cualesquiera que sea su forma, su arquitectura o la civilización que la ilumine, la ciudad mediterránea es siempre hija del espacio, creadora de rutas y, al mismo tiempo creada por ellas.” (Braudel, 1976).

María José Andrade Marqués

44 dossier

La relación de estas ciudades con sus puertos ha ido cambiando a lo largo de la historia generando escenarios y circunstancias diversas, sin perder ese particular paisaje, ni la vida marítima que aún resuena en sus gentes.

Sin embargo, hay ciudades que parecen haber olvidado su condición portuaria, el importante papel que jugaron a lo largo de la historia formando parte de aquel inmenso engranaje que movía el mundo. Esta identidad es la que hay que desvelar recordando a sus habitantes la voluntad portuaria que siempre ha tenido la ciudad.

El pasado y el presente son fenómenos íntimamente trabados, y por ello, el conocimiento histórico es la mejor vía de aproximación a la comprensión de una realidad determinada, en este caso, la ciudad portuaria de Málaga.

Desde sus orígenes, allá por el siglo VII a. C., y a lo largo de las sucesivas culturas que la han colonizado, fenicia, romana, árabe o cristiana, la relación íntima con el puerto ha sido una de sus constantes históricas, jugando éste un papel determinante en el desarrollo de la ciudad. Las tres ensenadas que forman su frente marítimo han ido avanzando hacia el mar por diversas causas, acogiendo, en unas u otras, las actividades portuarias de cada época, transformando la rela-

S. VIII a XV. Ciudad – Puerto – Mar Época Musulmana.

Ciudad amurallada – puerto abierto.

Prácticamente toda la actividad de la ciudad se centraba en el puerto. El ambiente se concentraba en las múltiples puertas que abrían la ciudad al puerto, un puerto que era mar.

S. XVIII. Ciudad – Puerto – Mar La actividad portuaria se traslada al dique iniciado en el XVI, época en la que se trazó la calle Nueva que uniría la Plaza con la Puerta del Mar, la más importante de aquel período.

La muralla musulmana que había separado puerto y ciudad durante 10 siglos, es derribada, y ciudad y mar quedan unidos por un puerto abierto. Los antiguos terrenos portuarios son transformados e integrados en la ciudad creándose la Alameda.

S. XIX-XX Ciudad – Puerto – Mar Con la industrialización se moderniza el puerto avanzando la línea de muelles, lo que permitirá continuar la Alameda con un gran Parque. Pero el nuevo puerto conlleva construcciones que lo alejarían de la ciudad, y un estrechamiento de la bocana que lo separaría del mar, por lo que la ciudad y el mar quedan distanciados por un área portuaria autónoma.

8th to 15th Century. City – Port – Sea Muslim Period.

Walled city – open port.

Practically all the city activities revolved around the port.

The atmosphere was concentrated at the many gates through which the city opened out to the port, a port that was the sea.

18th Century. City – Port – Sea The port activity moved to the breakwater, whose construction commenced in the 16th Century, when the Calle Nueva joining the Plaza with the Seaport was laid out; it was the most important street at that time.

The Muslim wall that had separated the port from the city for 10 centuries was demolished, and the city and the sea were connected via an open gate. The land once occupied by the port was transformed and integrated into the city, creating the Tree-Lined Avenue (Alameda).

19th-20th Century. City – Port – Sea With industrialisation came the modernisation of the port, the line of wharfs advancing in the harbour, which made it possible to extend the Tree-Lined Avenue with a large Park.

However, the new port featured constructions that would make it distance itself from the city, while at the same time a narrowing of the harbour mouth would cut it off from the sea, so the city and the sea became separated by an autonomous port area.

1

3

4

7

6

5 1

2

3

3

6

4

7

8

5

ties in which the port had played a major role, concealing all traces. Although the port carried on operating and playing a major role in the city's development and its economy, the image that it conveyed to the citizens was different, and the opaqueness of its activities brought about a negative reaction in the face of the unknown.

Seafronts have been subjected to many transformations in the past 30 years, causing ports to move away from their cities and leaving behind old wharfs that are no longer of any use to current port activity. With varying degrees of success, these structures have been turned into urban areas incorporated into the old quarters of the city, enabling the city to embark on a reencounter with the sea, the old wharfs forming the point of union. This series of actions, most of which have proved highly successful, aroused the citizens of Malaga's interest in turning to face the sea once more, by transferring the port. However, the intensive tourist activity on the shoreline meant that this option was not feasible, so the port had to remain in the old city centre. The port was enlarged in a seaward direction so

9

1–2

45

ción de tres realidades: ciudad, puerto y mar. La ciudad, a lo largo de la historia, ha mantenido la existencia de dos puertos, aunque no exactamente su ubicación, uno más comercial y otro de carácter ciudadano, y la continua transformación de los mismos se ha ido grabando paulatinamente en la trama histórica.

Ha sido el mar, a través de estos pueblos navegantes, el que ha forjado un lugar plural y polivalente, donde coexisten diversas culturas, paisajes y ambientes de distintas épocas, constituyendo la esencia de su mediterraneidad y engrandeciendo el alma de esta ciudad portuaria.

No son los lugares, sino la memoria de esos lugares la que ha desaparecido. La historia de la ciudad está marcada por su condición marítima. La localización tanto del patrimonio material, aquellas edificaciones que han estado relacionadas con la ciudad y el puerto a lo largo de su historia, como del inmaterial, descubriendo los recorridos, las callejuelas y las plazas que hacían posible esta relación así como su ambiente, trasiego y aquellos personajes variopintos que las ocupaban, nos recuerda la influencia del puerto en la constitución del carácter y la solera de la ciudad y sus habitantes.

that it could adapt to its new requirements, thus making available some of the wharfs close to the urban area, whereas others, with their port functions, remained in the city centre.

The citizens of Malaga have rejected in no uncertain terms the continued presence of the productive port within the old quarter, and have insisted that they want to have the entire seafront area as a zone at their disposal. It is an opportunity to recover the city's real identity, to enable the city, the port and the sea to come close to each other through integration, not only where those wharfs released for urban use are concerned, but also with regard to the port activity itself, breaking down the physical and psychological barriers that have been erected throughout the last hundred years. The areas are areas, not because of their shape, size or colour, they acquire their absolute value because of the activities that take place in them. So, if the port is to carry on being a port, its activities must remain there. If a city is to be a port city it must keep the port working as such.

1 Puerto comercial Commercial Port 2 Puerto ciudadano Urban Port 3 Plaza de la constitución Plaza de la Constitución 4 Atarazanas (Mercado) Boatyards (Market) 5 Castillo de los genoveses Castillo de los genoveses 6 Mezquita/catedral Mosque/cathedral 7 Alcazaba Citadel 8 Alameda Tree-lined avenue 9 Aduana (Museo de Bellas Artes) Customs (Fine Arts Museum) 10 Parque Park

3

4

7

Puertas de la Muralla-Plazas City wall Gates-Plazas

6

Patrimonio histórico Historic heritage

8 5

Zonas verdes Green zones

9

Puerto fenicio Phoenician port

10

Puerto musulmán Muslim port Puerto en el XVIII Port in 18th Century Puerto finales del XIX Port at the end of 19th Century

2

1

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Hacia la Ciudad Puerto La separación sufrida desde el siglo XIX entre el puerto y la ciudad ha provocado el olvido absoluto de su esencia. El turismo y los negocios inmobiliarios sustituyeron las actividades comerciales e industriales en las que el puerto había jugado un papel primordial, ocultando su huella. Aunque el puerto seguía funcionando y desarrollando una función importante en el desarrollo de la ciudad y su economía, su imagen hacia los ciudadanos era distinta, la opacidad de la actividad provocaba una reacción negativa hacia lo desconocido.

Son numerosas las transformaciones que se están llevando a cabo a lo largo de los últimos treinta años en los frentes marítimos, donde los puertos se han alejado de las ciudades dejando atrás viejos muelles, inútiles ya para la actividad portuaria actual, que se han convertido en espacios urbanos, más o menos acertados, integrados en la ciudad histórica, permitiendo el reencuentro de la ciudad con el mar en estas infraestructuras heredadas. Esta serie de intervenciones, en su mayoría de gran éxito, despertó en Málaga el deseo ciudadano de acercarse de nuevo al mar con el consecuente traslado del puerto. Pero la intensa actividad turística del litoral no hacía viable esta opción, por lo que el puerto activo debía continuar en el centro histórico. Éste se amplió hacia el mar para adaptarse a sus nuevas necesidades, liberando así algunos de los muelles cercanos al tejido urbano, quedando otros, con sus funciones portuarias, en pleno centro de la ciudad.

La permanencia del puerto productivo en el casco antiguo ha sido víctima del rechazo absoluto por parte de los ciudadanos que reivindican la totalidad del frente marítimo como espacio urbano, sin embargo, supone la oportunidad de recuperar la verdadera identidad de la ciudad, de acercar ciudad, puerto y mar a través de la integración, no sólo de aquellos muelles liberados para uso urbano, sino de la propia actividad portuaria, traspasando las barreras físicas y psicológicas que se han establecido durante el último siglo. El puerto debe permanecer en la ciudad. Los espacios son espacios, no por su forma, dimensión o color, sino que adquieren su valor absoluto por la actividad que se desarrolla en ellos. Por lo que para que el puerto siga siendo puerto, su actividad debe permanecer. Para que una ciudad sea portuaria debe mantener un puerto activo.

Proceso de integración puerto-ciudad De esta forma, en una misma ciudad, en un mismo centro histórico conviven, como ya lo hiciera a lo largo de la historia, dos puertos distintos física y funcionalmente, el urbano y el comercial, que se relacionarán de manera diferente con la ciudad, pero con un objetivo común: el acercamiento del puerto y su actividad a la vida cotidiana de la ciudad.

A pesar de las dificultades que supone la situación central del puerto activo, en

Interfaz Puerto Productivo – Ciudad (M4) Productive Port Interface – City (M4)

Puerto Urbano (M1-2) Urban Port (M1-2)

cuanto a accesibilidad, seguridad y transporte de carga, la naturaleza de la actividad y el soterramiento del ferrocarril generan un insignificante tráfico de mercancías por la trama urbana. El mantenimiento de la actividad portuaria delante de la ciudad no debe suponer la continuidad de la segregación, sino la oportunidad de materializar, en esta franja compartida por el puerto y la ciudad (muelle 4), el encuentro entre ambos, coexistiendo espacios y usos urbanos con aquellos portuarios compatibles con la ciudad, como la lonja, un centro de interpretación de la actividad portuaria actual y actividades relacionadas con el comercio y los negocios vinculados fundamentalmente al puerto, entre otros, donde el ciudadano pase de ser un mero espectador a parte activa del puerto productivo. Este acercamiento es crucial para conseguir la convivencia y reincorporar las actividades portuarias a la vida cotidiana de los ciudadanos.

El puerto está en contacto directo con la trama histórica de la ciudad, por lo que debe integrarse con su carácter productivo, acercar ese paisaje cambiante de ferrys, cargueros, grúas y containers que recuerde a sus habitantes la vocación marítima de la ciudad.

El puerto urbano lo componen los muelles 1 y 2, que, tras sus correspondientes concursos y complicaciones, se están transformando en la actualidad, uno con carácter casi de centro comercial, y otro, el más cercano al espacio representa-

Imagen actuale de Málaga.

Fuente: OMAU Observatorio de Medio Ambiente Urbano, Málaga El Puerto de Málaga.

Fuente: Autoridad Portuaria.

Current view of Malaga.

Source: OMAU Observatorio de Medio Ambiente Urbano, Malaga.

The Port of Malaga.

Source: Port Authority.

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Juego de niĂąos Childrenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s playground area

Zona de varada Beaching zone

Containers, plataforma de apilamiento y grĂşas Containers, piling platforms and crane area

3

4 6 8

7

5 9 10

12 11

13

1

2

Port-City Integration Process It is thus the case that in one single city, in one single old quarter of that city, two ports coexist physically and functionally, the urban and the commercial port, as they have done down through the ages, and the relationship between these and the city will be different, but they have one single aim: to bring the port and its activity closer to the everyday life of the city.

In spite of the difficulties involved in having an active port in a central location, i.e. accessibility, safety and load transporting problems, the nature of the activity and putting the railway underground generate very little freight traffic through the urban section. The fact that port activity is still taking place right in front of the city should not necessarily mean that segregation must continue, this state of affairs ought to be regarded as an opportunity to establish in this strip shared by the port and city (Wharf 4), the meeting point between the two, with urban uses and areas coexisting with the port zones that are compatible with the city. Such zones include the fish market, a centre of interpretation for the current port activity and activities related to trade and the businesses associated basically with the port, amongst others, where citizens are no longer mere spectators and come to play an active role in the productive port. This approach is crucial in achieving a coexistence and bringing the port activities back into the citizens' everyday lives.

The port is in direct contact with the city's old quarter, so it must incorporate itself into the latter's production activities, bring closer this changing landscape of ferries, freighters, cranes and containers that remind its inhabitants of the seafaring and maritime function of the city.

The urban port is composed of Wharfs 1 and 2, which, after the tenders and complications, are now being redeveloped, one as a shopping centre, and the other, lying closer to the representative area in the city arising from the fill works in the 19th Century, and more open in the way it is being developed, with open spaces and cultural facilities. However, the main road through the city crosses this zone, clearly separating the wharfs and the city. Overcoming this major problem will have to be one of the main objectives in transforming the seafront, to ensure that isolated and unconnected actions are not taken.

Using the wharfs for activities other than the original ones should not mean that they lose their maritime nature, like the dock basin itself, they have to be regarded as an active part of the port heritage to be integrated.

Conclusion We are in a period in which alterations are being made in order to improve the quality of urban life. The old quarter of the city is being restored with a view to

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Transporte de containers Transport of containers

Actividad hostelera, chiringuito Catering activity, Refreshments kiosk

tivo de la ciudad resultado de las obras de relleno del XIX, con una intervención más abierta, de espacios libres y equipamientos culturales. Pero el gran eje viario de la ciudad atraviesa este espacio separando, de forma radical, los muelles y la ciudad. La solución de este enorme problema ha de ser uno de los objetivos principales de la transformación del frente marítimo, evitando que resulten actuaciones aisladas y desconectadas.

La liberación de los muelles de su actividad originaria no debe provocar la pérdida de su carácter marítimo, tienen que ser considerados junto con la propia dársena, como parte activa del patrimonio portuario a integrar.

Conclusión Nos encontramos en un período de reformas en busca de una mejor calidad de vida urbana. Se está rehabilitando el casco histórico para la recuperación de aquel entramado menudo, soporte de la vida mediterránea caracterizada por el mestizaje, la riqueza cultural, el disfrute de la calle, el trasiego, el comercio tradicional, etc., que se ha ido perdiendo a lo largo del último siglo con la invasión del automóvil y la aparición de los centros comerciales en la periferia, propios de otras culturas y ajenos al buen clima de la ciudad. Se están realizando actuaciones en los muelles portuarios adaptándolos al uso urbano, con la localización de aquellos equipamientos necesarios para la ciudad cuya escala rompería el tejido tradicional. Estas transformaciones se están llevando a cabo simultáneamente en el puerto y la ciudad, pero a pesar de la estrecha relación existente entre ambas realidades, donde gran parte del casco antiguo ha sido suelo portuario a lo largo de la historia, no existe un planeamiento que relacione y rehabilite conjuntamente el centro urbano y el puerto. Es necesario un proyecto de ordenación conjunta con una intención común que cuente con el respaldo y el apoyo de las distintas administraciones para conseguir una verdadera integración y recuperar el carácter portuario de la ciudad, incrementando el atractivo de la misma no sólo para los habitantes sino a nivel internacional. Una propuesta que, teniendo en cuenta aquellas edificaciones históricas portuarias que han quedado absorbidas por la trama urbana, ubique estratégicamente los nuevos equipamientos de forma que no sólo se recuperen los recorridos que han unido el puerto y la ciudad a lo largo de la historia, sino que además, generen otros nuevos articulando ambos tejidos y potenciando de esta manera la integración e inserción del puerto en la ciudad.

Recuperar la identidad portuaria de la ciudad integrando en la vida cotidiana de sus habitantes tanto los espacios portuarios a través de aquellos muelles liberados para uso urbano, como la actividad portuaria mediante la presencia del puerto activo en el casco histórico de la ciudad.

Toda intervención urbanística debe tener una voluntad, y en este caso la voluntad va más allá de la mera integración, es la convivencia de dos realidades autónomas, un puerto activo y una ciudad viva.

Puerto desde las playas. M.J. Andrade 2009. DEA Binomio Puerto/Ciudad. Reflexiones frente marítimo de Málaga Port from the beaches. M.J. Andrade 2009. DEA Port/City Dichotomy. Malaga seafront reflections

recovering that structure, support for Mediterranean life characterised by the mixing of races, cultural heritage, the enjoyment of the street, the hustle and bustle, traditional trade, etc., that has gradually been lost over the past century with the invasion of the automobile and the emergence of shopping centres on the outskirts, which may be inherent to other cultures but are alien to a good atmosphere in the city. Actions are being taken on the port wharfs to adapt them to urban use, by providing the equipment that is necessary for the city whose scale would make a break with the traditional fabric. These transformations are being carried out simultaneously in the port and the city, but in spite of the close relationship between the two, where most of the old quarter has been port land for most of its history, there is no joint planning that relates and restores the urban centre and the port together. A joint structuring project is required with one single intention that can rely on backing from and support of the different authorities in order to achieve a genuine integration and to restore the city's port character, thereby increasing its appeal not only to the city's inhabitants but also internationally. It is a proposal that, taking into account the historic port buildings that have been absorbed by the urban section, strategically arranges the new pieces of equipment in a way that does not limit itself to recovering the routes that traditionally connected the port and city, but also creates new routes to strengthen the bonds between the two and thus help to incorporate the port into the city.

The city's port identity must be recovered by integrating into the everyday life of its inhabitants, not only the port zones through the wharfs that have been made available for urban use, but also the port activity through the presence of an active port operating within the old quarter of the city.

All urban development activities must be wilful, and in this case the willingness goes beyond mere integration, it is endeavouring to achieve the harmonious coexistence of two independent realities, an active port and a living city.

S. XXI. Ciudad – Puerto – Mar (ver p. 45) 19th Century. City – Port – Sea (see p. 45) 11 Muelle 4 Wharf 4 12 Muelle 2 (palmeral de las sorpresas) Wharf 2 (palmeral de las sorpresas) 13 Muelle 1 Wharf 1 Puerto actual Current port

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Vista del Puerto de Mรกlaga. Fuente OMAU Observatorio de Medio Ambiente Urbano, Mรกlaga View of the Port of Malaga. Source OMAU Observatorio de Medio Ambiente Urbano, Malaga

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Messina. Il progetto per il waterfront: una sfida per il XXI secolo The Project for the Waterfront in Messina. A Challenge for the XXIst Century

Breaking a Centuries-old Relationship Messina has always had a very intense and direct relationship with the sea, and the port (one of the largest, safest and deepest in the Mediterranean) was the reason for its foundation, its development, its wealth and its re-foundation after the 1908 earthquake. From the first industrial settlement to the map of the new productive areas established by the post-earthquake reconstruction plan, the coastal strip which extends from the “sickle” towards the south was occupied by industrial plants the location of which were determined by the railroad tracks, a barrier between the city and the sea from the port to the outer edges of the city, and not just a physical one.

After World War I, the ferry service became increasingly important and soon became the almost exclusive activity for the port, but despite the industrial decline and the progressive tertiarization both the “sickle” and the areas south of the station remained occupied by industries that take up more than 10 km of the coastal strip, contributing to the depression of the southern zone of the city.

After the monumental waterfront was destroyed in 1908, and a continuous curtain of buildings sealed off the arch of the port – some of the most original buildings on the Mediterranean – and precluded a view onto the sea along the entire coast first to the south and then to the north, with the extension of the fairgrounds and the construction of the private docks for the ferries, a drastic fracture developed in Messina between the sea and the city, only partly mitigated by the beaches that run along the building front for a length of almost 15 km up to and beyond Capo Peloro.

The Will for Regeneration In a way that became fragmented and discontinuous (as a result of the entity and vicissitudes of public funding, the difficulty in involving private bodies, etc.), since the mid-Nineties the City Administration has been committed to a process of urban regeneration and a revitalization in the city, often relying on diverse and specific ministerial programs that did not bring the expected results but made it possible to define several clear objectives that could serve to coalesce consensus and investments; to make public and private, entrepreneurial and collective strategies converge; to mature the decision to concentrate public actions exclusively on a small number of large urban projects that could trigger regeneration processes to revitalize and radically change of the city.

The attention of the Administration finally focused on the waterfront south of the historic Port, on the southern coastal strip that runs up to the new ferry docks of Tremestieri for a length of 7.5 km, with an average width of 450 m, for an overall surface of 359 hectares, more than 10% of it occupied with railway infrastructure – that should be definitively cleared and “returned” to the city.

The first to contribute to the redefinition of the port front was undoubtedly the Port Master Plan, presented in 2004 and approved in 2008, which acknowledged

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La rottura di un rapporto plurisecolare Messina da sempre ha avuto con il mare un rapporto intenso e diretto e il porto – uno dei più ampi, sicuri e profondi del Mediterraneo – è stata ragione della sua nascita, del suo sviluppo, della sua floridezza e anche della sua rifondazione dopo il terremoto del 1908. Dai primi insediamenti industriali alla pianificazione delle nuove aree produttive sancite dal piano della ricostruzione successivo al sisma, la fascia costiera che dalla “falce” si estende verso sud viene impegnata da impianti industriali il cui insediamento è guidato dal tracciato ferroviario, una barriera, non solo fisica tra la città e il mare, dal porto sino alle estreme propaggini urbane.

Dopo il Primo conflitto mondiale, il traghettamento assume sempre maggiore rilevanza sino a divenire attività quasi esclusiva del porto, ma nonostante il declino delle attività industriali e la progressiva terziarizzazione sia la “falce” sia le aree a sud della stazione restano occupate da attività industriali che per più di 10 km lungo la fascia costiera contribuiscono al degrado della zona urbana meridionale.

Perso il waterfront monumentale nel 1908, la cortina edilizia continua che chiudeva l'arco del porto – realizzazioni tra le più originali del Mediterraneo –, interdetto l'affaccio al mare lungo tutto il fronte costiero a sud prima, e poi anche verso nord, con l'ampliamento della zona fieristica e con la costruzione dell'attracco privato dei traghetti, a Messina si crea progressivamente una drastica cesura tra mare e città, che le spiagge che lambiscono il fronte edilizio per quasi 15 km sino e oltre Capo Peloro solo in parte riescono a rimediare.

Volontà di riqualificazione In un modo alla fine risultato frammentato e discontinuo (per contenuti e vicissitudini dei finanziamenti pubblici, difficoltà di coinvolgimento dei privati, ecc.), sin dalla metà degli anni ‘90 l'Amministrazione comunale ha puntato a un processo di rigenerazione urbana e a un rilancio della città, spesso utilizzando diversi e specifici programmi ministeriali che, pur non avendo sortito gli esiti attesi, hanno permesso la definizione di alcuni chiari obiettivi intorno ai quali cercare di coagulare consenso e investimenti; far convergere strategie pubbliche e private, imprenditoriali e collettive; maturare la scelta di concentrare le azioni pubbliche solo su alcuni grandi progetti urbani in grado di innescare processi di riqualificazione per un rilancio della città e un suo radicale cambiamento.

L'attenzione dell'Amministrazione si è definitivamente focalizzata sul waterfront a sud del Porto storico, su quella fascia costiera meridionale che giunge sino al nuovo approdo dei traghetti di Tremestieri per 7,5 km, con una larghezza media di 450 m, per una superficie complessiva di 359 ettari, per il 10% interessato da infrastrutture ferroviarie – che andrebbe definitivamente liberata e “restituita” alla città.

Il primo a contribuire alla ridefinizione del fronte portuale è stato senza dubbio il Piano regolatore del Porto, presentato nel 2004 e approvato nel 2008 che, prendendo atto del decremento dei traffici commerciali ed anche del traghettamento, avanza la proposta di una riorganizzazione complessiva del porto, con-

Michelangelo Savino

the decrease in commercial traffic and ferry services, advancing the proposition for an overall reorganization of the port, concentrating cruise ship traffic exclusively on the historic Port (this is a strategic sector for the revitalization of the port), moving all the cargo handling and dock facilities (public and private) from the ferries into the new artificial port of Tremestieri. This would clear the areas of the Zona Falcata, the docks of the port nearest to the city, encouraging the urban regeneration of the port barrier, which would function as the “landside interface” for the new traffic flows coming into the port.

In the meantime, the development of the final project for the Bridge over the Strait and the groundworks anchoring the Bridge (after years of delay, political uncertainty and wavering consensus surrounding the project) make it urgent to define circulation through the region and access routes to the city and the bridge, to redesign the railroad routes, to move the central railroad station to the south.

The project for a New Urban Waterfront to the South The plan takes shape in the PIAU, which despite the meager funding by the Ministry, still represents an opportunity to intervene radically on the waterfront. The project also attempts to resolve other crucial aspects of the city plan: rapid connection between the historic Port and the highway access from the south (preventing lorry traffic from crossing the city); the historic barrier of the railway; the underutilization and blight of the industrial areas which have become incompatible with the city surrounding them; the new railway station; the integration of public functions and new facilities that cannot find venues in the densely built city.

Following a public competition, the preliminary project was commissioned to a group of consulting companies1 that can rely on an overall coherent short-tomedium term political and planning framework included in the “Messina 2020” Strategic Plan, which brings together city planning decisions and actions for the economic and social revitalization of the city, turning the PIAU into the engine for urban transformation, for the renascence of Messina in the competition between regional areas and cities of the Mediterranean.

The project thus proposes to stitch the urban fabric back together by eliminating the barriers created by the infrastructure and encouraging a reorganization of built areas that will integrate the waterfront area with the rest of the city; to return old railway areas that are no longer required for transportation to the city (the railway park, tracks, abandoned storage areas) and given their central location, to designate them to be used for

centrando nel Porto storico solo il traffico crocieristico (settore strategico su cui puntare per il rilancio dello scalo), spostando tutto il movimento merci e approdi (pubblico e privato) dei traghetti nel nuovo porto artificiale di Tremestieri. Si liberano così le aree della Zona falcata, le banchine del porto prossime alla città spingendo verso una riqualificazione urbana della cortina portuale, funzionale quale “interfaccia terrestre” dei nuovi flussi che interesseranno il porto.

Ne frattempo la redazione del progetto definitivo del Ponte sullo Stretto e delle opere a terra di adduzione al Ponte premono (dopo anni di attesa, di incertezze politiche e di oscillazioni di consenso sull'opera) per l'individuazione di una viabilità territoriale e di accessibilità alla città e al Ponte, il ridisegno dei tracciati ferroviari, lo spostamento della stazione centrale verso sud.

Il progetto per il nuovo waterfront urbano a sud Il disegno prende forma attraverso il PIAU, che nonostante il finanziamento esiguo da parte del Ministero, rappresenta comunque l'opportunità per intervenire in modo radicale sul waterfront. Il progetto tenta di risolvere altri aspetti urbanistici cruciali: il collegamento veloce tra il Porto storico e gli accessi autostradali a sud (evitando l'attraversamento della città da parte del traffico pesante);

Pianta della città di Messina, secolo XIX Il waterfront monumentale di Messina, dopo il terremoto del 1908 Il Piano Regolatore del Porto (2004) Map of the city of Messina, 19th century The monumental waterfront of Messina, after the 1908 earthquake The Port Master Plan (2004)

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la storica barriera ferroviaria; la sottoutilizzazione e il degrado delle aree industriali ormai incompatibili con la città circostante; la nuova stazione ferroviaria; l'inserimento di funzioni pubbliche e nuove attrezzature che non trovano spazio nella città densamente edificata.

Dopo pubblica gara, il progetto preliminare è affidato alla cordata di imprese di consultant1 che si avvale di un inquadramento politico e progettuale generale e coerente di breve e medio periodo contenuto nel Piano strategico “Messina 2020” il quale, intrecciando scelte urbanistiche e azioni di rilancio economico e sociale della città, fa del PIAU il volano della trasformazione urbana, del rilancio di Messina nella competizione tra aree territoriali e città nel Mediterraneo.

Il progetto così si propone di ricucire il tessuto urbano, eliminando le barriere infrastrutturali e favorendo un riordino edilizio che permetta l'integrazione dell'area del waterfront al resto della città; di recuperare alla città aree ferroviarie ormai divenute superflue per il trasporto (parco ferroviario, binari, aree di soste in disuso) da destinare (data la loro centralità) a funzioni prestigiose pubbliche e private, a verde, ad attrezzature ricettive, a porticcioli diportistici; di individuare la possibilità di insediare e promuovere attività di ricerca ed innovazione, con la creazione di polo tecnologico e della formazione (specializzato nello sviluppo di tecnologie innovative per le energie rinnovabili) e di un parco scientifico, di servizi di terziario avanzato per le imprese e centri di alta formazione; la realizzazione della “piastra logistica” così come indicata dai progetti di potenziamento del Corridoio I europeo; infine, di realizzare un parco urbano fronte mare, soluzione necessaria per recuperare, bonificare e valorizzare l'affaccio al mare, organizzare anche il sistema dei servizi balneari e di ristoro restituendo al luogo una sua naturale vocazione.

Le funzioni vengono distribuite nelle tre zone funzionali che da nord a sud suddividono il nuovo waterfront La testata a nord, l'ambito urbano centrale, più prestigioso (nelle funzioni e nell'assetto) intorno alla storica Stazione centrale (opera tra le più originali di A. Mazzoni, del 1934-40 di cui è incerta la destinazione) presenta un assetto dirompente la morfologia urbana: la linea di costa viene rimodellata con la creazione di un canale artificiale (da scavare dove oggi corre il fascio di binari) originando un'isola artificiale – la “Marina” – di quasi 12 ha, collegata alla terraferma da due ponti, che accoglie le attrezzature ricettivo-turistiche sull'affaccio a mare e le attrezzature diportistiche sviluppate lungo il canale artificiale. Un lungomare alberato costituisce l'asse ordinatore del nuovo settore urbano assolvendo al collegamento del Porto storico con gli accessi autostradali a sud della città (priorità per il Comune che ha reso tale soluzione vincolante nel bando di gara per il progetto definitivo) nonostante esso possa costituire una

prestigious public and private functions, such as green spaces, reception facilities, leisure ports; to identify opportunities to install and promote activities that foster research and innovation, with the creation of a technological and educational hub (specialized in the development of innovative technologies for renewable energy) and a scientific park, of advanced tertiary services for businesses and higher education centres; the construction of a “logistical plate” as indicated in the projects for reinforcing the European Corridor I; finally, to create an urban park on the sea, to organize its system of beach services and catering facilities, to restore the place to its natural vocation.

The functions will be distributed throughout the three functional zones that divide the new waterfront from north to south.

The end section to the north, the most prestigious (in terms of function and disposition), the central urban area surrrounding the historic Central Station (one of the most original architectural works by A.Mazzoni, built between 1934 and 1940, its destination is still uncertain) revolutionizes the urban morphology: the coastline is reshaped with the construction of an artificial canal (to be dug where the railway tracks currently run) that creates an artificial island – the “Marina” – on a surface of almost 12 hectares, connected to the mainland by two bridges, that will host all the reception and tourist facilities along the seafront and the yachting facilities developed along the artificial canal. A tree-lined promenade along the sea constitutes the ordering axis for this new urban sector that functions as a connection to the historic Port with highway access to the south of the city (a priority for the City that has made this solution a constraint in the competition for the definitive project) despite the fact that it could constitute a new barrier for the new coastal strip of the city. The urban Park – almost 35 hectares – serves as a link between the existing city and the new waterfront, and inside and along its edges it must contain buildings that will host functions of excellence (for art, culture, tourism, leisure and sports) at the metropolitan scale.

Then comes the sector occupied today by the most deteriorated industrial zone: it will be designated for office buildings near the new central station (almost 40 hectares) followed by the “logistic plate” (on circa 55 hectares), the commercial area (almost 13 hectares, in continuity with the area that is currently made of little shopping malls and commercial activities) and finally the new port of Tremestieri.

This is a “draft” of a first possible set of objectives which will serve as the basis – in the second planning phase (a new competition and new commission cur-

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nuova barriera per il nuovo affaccio costiero della città. Il Parco urbano – di quasi 35 ha – funge da elemento di raccordo tra la città esistente e il nuovo waterfront, accogliendo al suo interno e al suo contorno edifici destinati a ospitare funzioni di eccellenza (per l'arte, la cultura, il turismo, il tempo libero e lo sport) a scala metropolitana.

Segue, quindi, il settore oggi occupato dalla zona industriale più degradata che verrà destinato alle funzioni direzionali nei pressi della nuova stazione centrale (quasi 40 ettari), cui seguiranno la “piastra logistica” (su circa 55 ettari), l'area commerciale (di quasi 13 ettari, in continuità con quella oggi composta da piccoli mall e attività commerciali) e infine l'area del nuovo approdo portuale di Tremestieri.

Si tratta di una “bozza”, di un primo possibile quadro di obiettivi sul quale impostare – nella seconda fase di progettazione (nuovo bando e nuovo incarico in fase di svolgimento) – il definitivo palinsesto infra-strutturale, l'assetto complessivo dell'area, precise destinazioni d'uso, e poi i costi, possibili investimenti, costruzioni di alleanze ed accordi inter-istituzionali, partnership pubblico-privati. Il documento non poteva che essere puramente indicativo, rimandando al progetto definitivo le debite verifiche e l'individuazione delle soluzioni più fattibili anche per i notevoli vincoli idro-geo-morfologici che l'area presenta.

rently underway) – for the definitive infrastructural palimpsest, the overall configuration of the area, precise zoning destinations, and then the costs, possible investments, building alliances and inter-institutional public-private partnerships. The document could also be purely indicative, postponing the necessary verification and the definition of more feasible solutions until the final project, given the significant hydro-geo-morphological constraints in the area.

What are the Perspectives for the New Waterfront?

The proposal advanced for the new waterfront is truly innovative, compared to the ideas and projects that have been presented for the area over time.

On the one hand, the PIAU does in fact include – as does the Strategic Plan – many of the ideas that have animated the political debate in the city over time and may be said to have become consolidated in the collective imagination, though the same cannot be said for the technical solutions that have been advanced or the necessary inter-institutional agreements. On the other hand, several of the proposals (the artificial canal replacing the tracks or the Marina) create new planning premises for the debate which has become progressively crystallized over the years.

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Quali prospettive per il nuovo waterfront?

La proposta avanzata per il nuovo waterfront è davvero innovativa, ri-spetto alle idee e ai progetti che numerosi nel tempo sono stati avanzati per l'area.

Da un lato, infatti, si ritrovano nel PIAU – come d'altro canto nel Piano strategico – molte delle idee che nel tempo si sono depositate nel dibattito politico della città e che si possono dire consolidate nell'immaginario collettivo, per quanto non si possa dire altrettanto delle soluzioni tecniche avanzate o degli accordi interistituzionali necessari. Dall'altro alcune delle proposte (canale artificiale al posto del fascio dei binari o la Marina) creano nuovi presupposti progettuali al dibattito che negli anni è andato però cristallizzandosi.

Il riassetto del “cuore” della città e il grande parco urbano rappresentano una novità in una città in cui gli spazi pubblici sono esigui e spesso degradati; il canale e l'isola artificiale (che rimediano anche alla forte esposizione della costa alle “sciroccate” e permettono la realizzazione di un sicuro approdo) con le sue torri rompono uno skyline e un'immagine della città consolidata, proponendo una soluzione fuori dagli schemi che dà adito a nuovi discorsi progettuali ma contemporaneamente innesca notevoli resistenze.

Inutile dire che le perplessità sono date da alcune debolezze del progetto urbano e proprio dalle soluzioni più originali proposte, di cui da più parti si nega una

Tavola progettuale per il nuovo waterfront urbano a sud Project plan for a new urban waterfront to the south

fattibilità tecnica oltre che eco-nomica, in assenza di grandi operatori privati locali (e non solo) e l'esiguità delle risorse pubbliche da mettere in gioco.

Inutile accennare al fatto che, forse, per un riassetto così radicale di un intero settore della città si rende più che necessario una profonda rivisitazione del PRG e di tutte le previsioni urbanistiche della città, cosa della quale l'Amministrazione comunale deve essersi, infine, resa conto, dato che a fine giugno 2010 ha annunciato – non senza tensioni politiche – la decisione di avviare le procedure di redazione del nuovo PRG. Indubbiamente, a prescindere dalla sua attuazione, la provocatoria e originale proposta del nuovo waterfront è riuscita a spingere le forze politiche della città ad affrontare il disegno del nuovo scenario urbano, dopo anni di discussioni e dibattiti che non avevano partorito sino ad oggi che progetti parziali e frammentari.

In un modo o in un altro, dal waterfront è partito il processo di rinascita della città e il progetto definitivo probabilmente riuscirà a cogliere la sfida urbana per il XXI secolo.

Nota 1. Cordata composta da Rti Apri, ApriAmbiente, Apri Sviluppo, Consorzio Leonardo, Politecnica, U.P. Studio MBM Arquitectes.

Veduta della linea di costa del porto, occupata da impianti industriali, barriera non solo fisica tra il mare e la città Dettaglio della testata a nord, intorno alla storica Stazione centrale Tavola progettuale per il nuovo waterfront urbano a sud View of the coastal strip in the port, occupied by industrial plants, a barrier between the city and the sea Detail of the end section to the north, surrrounding the historic Central Station Project plan for a new urban waterfront to the south

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The reconfiguration of the “heart” of the city and the large urban park are new elements in a city where the public spaces are few and often blighted; the canal and the artificial island (which resolve the significant exposition of the coast to the “scirocco” winds and allow the realization of a safe harbour) break the skyline and the consolidated image of the city with the towers, offering an unusual solution that can fuel new planning discourses yet at the same time cause a great deal of resistance.

It is useless to say that doubts have been raised by some of the weaker factors in the urban plan and specifically by the most original solutions that have been proposed, considered by many to be technically and economically unfeasible, given the lack of local private operators (and not only) and the scarcity of public resources to allocate.

It is useless to mention the fact that, perhaps, such a radical reconfiguration of an entire section of the city makes it even more important to profoundly reconsider the city master plan and everything in the city's

future planning projects, which is something the City Administration must have finally realized: at the end of June 2010, it announced – causing some political tension – the decision to begin drafting the new Master plan.

Undoubtedly, whether or not it is carried out, the original and provocative proposal of the new waterfront has been successful in driving the political forces of the city to deal with the design of a new urban scenario, after years of discussions and debate that until now had never led to anything but partial and fragmentary projects. In one way or another, the waterfront launched a process for the renaissance of the city and the final project will probably be successful in addressing the urban challenge for the XXIst century.

Note 1. The group was composed of Rti Apri, ApriAmbiente, Apri Sviluppo, Consorzio Leonardo, Politecnica, U.P. Studio MBM Arquitectes.

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Maghreb Port Cities in Transition: the case of Tangier Las ciudades portuarias del Magreb en transición: el caso de Tánger

Hinterland structure of Tangier Med (source: TMSA, Port Tangier Med) Estructura del hinterland de Tangier Med (Fuente: TMSA, Puerto de Tangier Med)

En las últimas décadas se han visto cambios importantes en las relaciones entre los puertos y sus ciudades, tales como la separación funcional y espacial entre las actividades portuarias y las urbanas. A pesar de que muchos estudios de casos y modelos indican que existe una incompatibilidad entre el desarrollo urbano/regional y el portuario, el desarrollo actual de Tánger (Marruecos) pone de manifiesto la aparición de hubes integrados y de naturaleza multicapa igual que en otras partes del mundo, como en Asia (Lee et al., 2008). El objetivo del muy ambiciosos proyecto de Tangier Med, que entró en funcionamiento en 2007, es el de explotar las economías de escala para los grandes buques portacontenedores (hubes de transbordo) a nivel regional a la vez de atraer valor añadido y obreros especializados a nivel local y nacional mediante la creación de los polígonos industriales y parques logísticos. A pesar de la falta de investigación en este campo, un análisis de los estudios recientes de la historia portuaria de Tánger (Cherfaoui y Doghmi, 2005) y de proyectos (Mohamed-Chérif, 2010) resulta muy útil.

Antecedentes históricos de la ciudad portuaria de Tánger (Tingis) La Península de Tánger se refiere a la extensa zona de Marruecos de forma trapezoidal que se extiende hacia España unos 50 km de largo en el lado norte (Estrecho de Gibraltar) y 120 km de largo en su base, con una anchura de 60 km (norte a sur). A lo largo de la historia, Tánger se ha visto sometido a diversas influencias desde los fenicios hasta los británicos (siglo V a XVII), y ha sido el objetivo tanto de amenazas e invasiones como de resistencia y la rivalidad entre aspirantes al poder. Su dinamismo durante el siglo XIV, fue puesto de manifiesto por sus numerosas conexiones con otras ciudades mediterráneas. Asimismo fue el lugar de nacimiento del explorador y geógrafo Ibn Batouta (1304), que viajó desde Tánger a Beijing, Samarcanda, y Tombuctú. Durante el siglo XIV, Tánger era una ciudad portuaria dinámica intercambiando numerosos productos con Marsella, Génova, Venecia y Barcelona.

La función de Tánger como hub de mercancías surgió bajo el dominio británico en el siglo XIX. La expansión de la zona portuaria comenzó bajo el dominio francés en 1914, pero no se consolidó hasta 1925 debido a la Primera Guerra Mundial, cuando se mejoraron las conexiones por ferrocarril y carretera con las zonas de influencia Fez, Tetuán, Larache y otras ciudades grandes del norte (1927)1.

No obstante, desde principios del siglo XX Casablanca desbancó a Tánger debido a la distancia de éste respecto de las regiones económicas más importantes y a su falta de adecuadas infraestructuras portuarias y en el interior. A nivel local, el efecto de la frontera causó un crecimiento urbano rápido dando lugar a la concentración de viviendas, presiones sobre el terreno y a una congestión generalizada. Durante mucho tiempo la frontera de Marruecos se consideraba como una barrera más que un punto de entrada/salida o posible corredor, la situación privilegiada de Tánger (una

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Recent decades have witnessed important changes in port-city relationships such as the widely known functional and spatial separation between port and urban activities. Although many case studies and models point at the growing incompatibility of port and urban/regional development, the current development of Tangier (Morocco) better illustrates the emergence of integrated and multilayered hubs as in other parts of the world such as Asia (Lee et al., 2008). The very ambitious project of Tangier Med, which started to operate in 2007 aims at exploiting economies of scale for large container ships (transhipment hub) regionally while attracting added value and skills locally and nationally through industrial and logistics parks. Despite the scarcity of existing research, exploring such issues benefits from recent studies of Tangier's port history (Cherfaoui and Doghmi, 2005) and projects (Mohamed-ChĂŠrif, 2010).

Historical background on the Port City of Tangier (Tingis) The Tangier peninsula refers to a large area of Morocco prolonged towards Spain forming a trapezoid measuring of 50 kilometers on the North side (Gibraltar Straits) and 120 kilometres at its base, running North-South across 60 kilometres. Throughout its history and due to its peculiar situation between two continents, Tangier has been under various influences from the Phoenicians to the British (5th-17th centuries), and was the target of external threats, invasions, resistance and continuous rivalries among powers. Its dynamism during the 14th

CĂŠsar Ducruet Fatima Zohra Mohamed-ChĂŠrif Najib Cherfaoui

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encrucijada entre las rutas marítimas más concurridas del mundo) teniendo una importancia secundaria. Sólo se concedió importancia a la modernización y la globalización a finales de los años '90, cuando llegaron a formar una parte esencial de la política nacional (Piermay, 2009). El emplazamiento del nuevo proyecto Tangier Med se seleccionó en 2002, con un ambicioso plan para atraer los flujos de comercio transitorios y aliviar la presión urbana sobre Tánger. La intención es la de dar más oportunidades económicas a la zona franca de Tánger-Boukhalef creada en 1997, donde ya en 2006 había 18.000 personas empleadas en el sector manufacturero (Bost, 2010).

Tangier Med: infraestructura de transportes y herramienta para la planificación regional

century is demonstrated by numerous trading links with other Mediterranean cities. It was also the birthplace of explorer and geographer Ibn Batouta (1304), who left from here to travel during 28 years to Beijing, Samarqand, and Timbuktu. During the 14th century, Tangier was a dynamic port city trading various commodities with Marseilles, Genoa, Venice and Barcelona. Tangier's cargo hub function arose under British rule and further developed under Arab rule in the 19th century. The expansion of the port area started under French rule in 1914 but was effectively completed in 1925 due to World War I, together with the improvement of hinterland connections by rail and road with Fes, Tetouan, Larache, and other large northern cities (1927)1.

From the early 1900s however, Casablanca superseded Tangier due to the latter's remoteness from core economic regions, and the lack of adequate port and hinterland infrastructures. Locally, the border effect resulted in fast urban growth thus causing housing concentration, land pressure, and congestion. Nationally, the border was long considered as a barrier rather than a gateway or potential corridor, the exceptional location of Tangier (a crossroads between the world's

Tánger en los sistemas portuarios del Mediterráneo y Marruecos Existen muchos estudios que explican bien cómo el sistema portuario del Mediterráneo Occidental se ha ido concentrando desde los años ‘90 a raíz de la llegada de los puertos hub de transbordo (Ducruet, 2010). Los puertos del norte de Europa logran conservar sus ventajas (es decir, accesibilidad a sus zonas de influencia, ventaja de costo), mientras que los puertos del sur de Europa suelen servir zonas de influencia más estrechas debido a un acceso ferroviario limitado (Gouvernal et al., 2005), a pesar de la estrategia de crear centros de logística alrededor de las zonas portuarias (Ferrari et al., 2006) y valorando la cooperación de forma positiva (Notteboom, 2009).

Los datos sobre el tráfico de los últimos tiempos confirman que Tánger sigue jugando un papel secundario tanto a nivel nacional como regional, pero dichos valores se ven sesgados por la importancia del tráfico al granel en otros puertos de Marruecos (p.ej. los fosfatos). A pesar del impacto global de la crisis financiera en 2008 y 2009, la cuota de Tánger aumentó sin interrupción desde un 4% hasta un 7%. Los efectos del proyecto Tangier Med no se pueden apreciar todavía.

Tánger, junto con Casablanca y Safi se encuentra entre los puertos de crecimiento más estable durante el período 1995-2001. El tráfico ha fluctuado más en el conjunto del sistema portuario en el período 2002-2008, a consecuencia de una política que favorece la transparencia.

En la Cuenca Mediterránea, Marsaxlokk (Malta) es el puerto del Mediterráneo Occidental con el índice de crecimiento más alto. Es de destacar que un 13% del tráfico de contenedores del Magreb dependía de Marsaxlokk en 2006 (Ducruet, 2009). Los hubes de transbordo tienen que enfrentarse a un aumento de costes y un incremento en los niveles de congestión, por tanto ofrecen una oportunidad a la competición. Por otra parte, los hubes de Argelia y Túnez (Djen Djen y Enfidha, respectivamente) ofrecen instalaciones de logística e intermodalidad limitadas, se encuentran bajo el control de gobiernos centrales y se ven afectados negativamente por la ralentización de su inversor Dubai Ports World (DPW). Asimismo, Marruecos ha implantado una serie de reformas portuarias, descentralizando la toma de decisiones, otorgando las competencias a las autoridades portuarias y abriendo la puerta a las partes europeas globales con intereses, tales como CMA-CGM, MSC, y Maersk Line.

El proyecto Tangier Med Tangier Med es un puerto de aguas profundas cuya construcción empezó en 2004 y que entró en funcionamiento en julio 2007. Situado hacia el este de Tánger a 40 kilómetros de la ciudad, se encuentra cerca de la colonia española de Ceuta. Un 85% de su tráfico se destina al transbordo de mercancías y el 15% restante a la demanda interior (importación-exportación). Los objetivos del proyecto son los de mejorar la economía regional y combatir las actividades comerciales ilícitas (Planel, 2009), fomentando la creación de puestos de trabajo como manera de solucionar los problemas de la zona, “poner fin a la miseria, el tráfico de drogas, aliviar la situación en las infraviviendas de Beni Makada y aca-

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busiest maritime routes) remaining secondary. It was not until the late 1990s that modernisation and globalisation become central goals of the national policy (Piermay, 2009). The site of the new project of Tangier Med was chosen in 2002, with the intention of attracting transitory trade flows and alleviating the urban pressure on Tangiers. It was supposed to boost the existing TangierBoukhalef duty free zone launched in 1997 having about 18,000 employees in manufacturing activities in 2006 (Bost, 2010).

Tangier Med: transport infrastructure and tool for regional planning Tangier in the Mediterranean and Moroccan Port Systems Numerous studies have documented how the West Mediterranean port system has become concentrated since the 1990s with the emergence of transhipment hub ports (Ducruet, 2010). While the North European range kept its advantages (i.e. hinterland accessibility, cost advantage), Southern ports tend to serve narrower hinterlands due to limited railway accessibility (Gouvernal et al., 2005), despite strategies developing logistics centres around port areas (Ferrari et al., 2006) and valuing cooperation (Notteboom, 2009).

A look at recent traffic figures confirms that Tangier still plays a secondary role nationally and regionally. Results are biased by the weight of bulk traffic in other Moroccan ports (e.g. phosphates). In spite of the global impact of the financial crisis visible in 2008 and 2009, Tangier's share progressed continuously from 4% to 7%. The impact of the Tangier Med project is not yet visible.

Tangier is with the ports one of the most stable growth rates during the period 1995-2001, together with Casablanca and Safi. For the period 2002-2008, traffic has fluctuated more in the port system as a whole following a policy towards openness.

Where the Mediterranean Basin is concerned, Marsaxlokk (Malta) has the highest growth rate among West Mediterranean ports. Notably, 13% of Maghreb container traffic depended on Marsaxlokk in 2006 (Ducruet, 2009). Transshipment hubs face growing costs and congestion thus offering opportunities to competitors. Algeria and Tunisia's respective hubs (Djen Djen and Enfidha) however offer limited logistics and intermodal facilities while being heavily controlled by central governments and suffering from the slowdown of their investor Dubai Ports World (DPW). Conversely, Morocco has implemented port reforms by decentralising decision-making and giving these powers to port authorities, while at the same time opening the door to European global players such as CMA-CGM, MSC, and Maersk Line.

The Tangier Med Project Tangier Med is a deep-sea port whose construction started in 2004 and which started its operations in July 2007. Situated 40 kilometres East of Tangier city it also lies near the Spanish enclave of Ceuta. 85% of its traffic involves transshipment and 15% caters to domestic demand (import-export). One of the goals of the project is to strengthen the regional economy while countering illicit trade activities (Planel, 2009), fostering job creation as a means for relieving the region from “misery, drug traffic, slums of Beni Makada and the pateras which led thousands of young people to death” (Troin, 2006). The project should create about 120,000 new jobs in the region of which about 20,000 for the port itself and the rest in the free-trade zones, counting on the project's attractiveness towards multinational firms thanks to shorter transit time and low cost workforce.

This port is able to accommodate latest generation container vessels, with a water depth of 16 metres, a total quay length of 1,600 metres, and a capacity of about three million TEUs. The first development phase (Port 1) costs one billion euros, while the second phase (Port 2) should be operational in 2012 with a capacity of five million TEUs, reaching a total capacity of eight million TEUs on a yearly basis. Between the two terminals of Tangier I and Tangier II lies the passenger port that is planned to start its operations in July 2010, focusing on seven million passengers and two million vehicles a year. Its position makes it possible to reduce the crossing time to and from Algeciras to one hour only, while

Aerial views of the port and the city of Tanger Vistas aéreas del puerto y de la ciudad de Tánger

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Overall land use of Tangier Med project (Source: adapted from Port Authority) Uso global del terreno en el Proyecto Tangier Med (Fuente: adaptado a partir de los datos de la Autoridad Portuaria)

Total traffic (metric tons)

Traffic share (%)

80000000

8

70000000

7

60000000

6

50000000

5

40000000

4

30000000

3

20000000

2

10000000

1

0

0 1981 Marocco

1983

1985 Tangier

1987

1989 Tangier (%)

1991

1993

1995

1997

1999

2001

2003

2005

2007

2009

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the ships should realise five rotations a day instead of only three when connecting Tangier city. The first links of the passenger port are planned to connect firstly Algeciras, and to reach by ferry several other destinations such as Sete, Barcelona and Genoa.

Free-zones and the new city Tangier's territorial impact was defined with reference to the model of free-trade zones relying on foreign capital. Overall, the project is expected to create a total of 24,000 jobs. Commercial and industrial zones are supplemented by additional hinterland connections and the creation of a new city. The logistics free-zone covers 100 hectares and includes assembly, packaging, and distribution activities. One industrial zone will be occupied by a Renault factory that plans to produce up to 400,000 vehicles a year from 2012, with a green policy in partnership with Veolia. It is planned to locate another free zone in Fnideq city (Tetouan province) covering 20 ha of office space for 500 companies. Since Fnideq boasts a long tradition as a commercial depot for fresh Moroccan products and trade from Spain, it can compete with Tangier Med. The new city of Charafate is projected to relieve congestion from Tangier city2 by hosting 150,000 inhabitants (i.e. free-zone workers) in an area covering 1,300 hectares and 30,000 housing units.

Four additional free zones are planned in the region (2012) as well as the extension of Tangier Med itself, thus totalling 925 ha requiring 1.2 billion dirhams over three years. These zones are Tetouanshore and the industrial free zone of Charafate+ (300 ha) near the Renault Tangier Med zone, specialised in the automobile sector (parts, logistics operations, subcontracting, related services). Other zones include the Souq Lakdim industrial zone (150 ha) near Tetouan (industry and logistics), the extension of Tangier Free Zone (100 ha), and the Fnideq commercial zone (140 ha) for wholesale and retail activities.

Integration of logistical aspects The hinterland connections for the new port complex are improved through new highways (Rabat-Tangier 61 km, Asilah-Tangier 35 km), expressways (with Tetouan and Fnideq), and railways (45 km). Such developments may threaten Casablanca's dominance in the country's port system (Chouiki, 2009), although the natural hinterland of Tangier will remain local. Perhaps, traffic with Europe and the North Atlantic will remain bound to Casablanca due to the Moroccan shippers reluctance to use Tangier.

A likely scenario is the increasing role of Tangier as a domestic hub to Moroccan ports, due to the higher cost of land transport: maritime transport for one TEU costs 400 dirhams between Tangier and Casablanca but reaches 4,000 dirhams by road or rail. Such realities might encourage collaboration rather than rivalry among the main Moroccan ports, with Casablanca keeping its gateway function and Tangier strengthening its hub function.

The reconversion of Tangier port city The port of Tangier city is about to be reconverted into a marina, while the extension of existing quays would enable large cruise ships 200 m long to dock.

The city expects to increase local benefits (taxes, visitors, jobs) and improve its image and reputation. An international contest has been launched and the project is currently under study. A large public area is planned as an extension to the jetty recuperating 30 ha, and this will also give support to traditional fishing activities.

This project is part of a wider national policy favouring cruise tourism, profiting from the high growth of this sector in European markets. Indeed, the country is a privileged destination for European tourists: it is the first destination among North African countries in terms of tourist attractiveness. Nevertheless, competition is fierce, notably from neighbouring ports such as the Canary Islands and Andalusia. All in all, Tangier city wishes to value its historical role as the first destination city in the 1960s, since its position is nowadays only fourth after Marrakech, Agadir and Casablanca. Several other factors have contributed to this state of affairs, such as the limited domestic and international flight connections, the high pollution of the bay of Tangier, and the downgrading of the city's hotel sector.

bar con las pateras, que causaron la muerte de miles de jóvenes” (Troin, 2006). El proyecto debería crear alrededor de 120.000 nuevos puestos de trabajo en la región, de los cuales habrá aproximadamente 20.000 en el mismo puerto y el resto en las zonas francas, debido a la capacidad del proyecto para atraer las empresas multinacionales para tiempos de tránsito más cortos y a una mano de obra barata.

El puerto puede acomodar la última generación de buques portacontenedores, porque el calado es de 16 metros, la longitud del muelle es de 1.600 metros, y tiene una capacidad de alrededor de 3 millones de TEUs. La primera fase de desarrollo (Puerto 1) cuesta un billón de Euros, y está previsto que la segunda fase (Puerto 2) entre en funcionamiento en 2012, dicha fase teniendo una capacidad de 5 millones de TEUs, que supone un total de 8 TEUs al año. El puerto de pasajeros se encuentra entre los dos terminales de Tánger I y Tánger II, y está prevista que entre en funcionamiento en julio 2010, llevando unos 7 millones de pasajeros y 2 millones de vehículos al año. Su ubicación permite limitar a una sola hora, el tiempo que se tarda en cruzar hasta y desde Algeciras, así que los buques han de realizar 5 idas y vueltas en vez de 3, cuando conectan con la ciudad de Tánger. Está previsto que las primeras fases del puerto de pasajeros vayan a conectar con Algeciras, y luego a alcanzar por transbordador, varios otros destinos, tales como Sete, Barcelona y Génova.

Zonas francas y la nueva ciudad El impacto territorial de Tánger se definió con referencia al modelo de las zonas francas dependientes del capital extranjero. Globalmente, se calcula que el proyecto cree un total de 24.000 puestos de trabajo. Las zonas comerciales e industriales se ven complementadas por conexiones adicionales con el hinterland y la construcción de una nueva ciudad. La libre zona de logística ocupa 100 hectáreas dedicadas al montaje, al embalaje y la distribución. Una zona industrial se dedica a la construcción de automóviles de la marca Renault, donde está previsto que la fábrica produzca hasta 400.000 vehículos al año a partir del 2012, en conjunción con Veolia, implantando una política verde.

Otra zona franca se va a ubicar en Fnideq city (Provincia de Tetuán) con 20 hectáreas de oficinas para 500 empresas. Puesto que Fnideq tiene una antigua tradición como un entrepôt comercial para los productos marroquíes frescos y contrabando de España, puede competir con Tangier Med. Se preveé que la nueva ciudad de Charafate alivie la congestión en la Ciudad de Tánger2, dando hogares a 150.000 habitantes (es decir trabajadores de la zona franca) en una zona de más de 1.300 hectáreas y 30.000 viviendas.

Está previsto crear otras cuatro zonas francas en la región (2012) y ampliar Tangier Med, que habrá unas 925 hectáreas, que van a necesitar una inversión de unos 1.2 billones de dírhams durante 3 años. Dichas zonas son Tetouanshore y la zona franca industrial de Charafate (300 Ha.) cerca de la zona Renault Tangier Med, dedicada al sector de automoción (repuestos, operaciones de logística, subcontratación y los servicios asociados, más la zona industrial de Souq Lakdim (150 Ha.) cerca de Tetuán (industria y logística), la ampliación de la Zona Franca de Tánger (100 Ha.), y la zona comercial de Fnideq (140 Ha.) para actividades al por mayor y al por menor.

Integración de los aspectos logísticos Las conexiones entre el nuevo complejo portuario y el hinterland se van a ver mejoradas gracias a las nuevas autopistas (Rabat-Tánger 61 km y Asilah-Tánger 35 km), autovías (con Tetuán y Fnideq), y ferrocarriles (45 km). Dichas infraestructuras podrían suponer una amenaza a la hegemonía de Casablanca en el sistema portuario del país (Chouiki, 2009), pero el hinterland natural de Tánger permanecerá local. Puede que el tráfico con Europa y el Atlántico Norte siga utilizando Casablanca, porque los importadores y exportadores marroquíes prefieren no utilizar Tánger.

Un escenario probable es que Tánger tenga un papel cada vez más importante como hub interno hacia los puertos marroquíes, debido al aumento en el coste del transporte terrestre: el transporte marítimo para un TEU

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Conclusion The Tangier Med project has been planned to respond to global demand (transhipment hub functions) but this does not exclude local dynamics of economic growth and employment creation, while paving the way towards a better regional balance within the country as a whole. Three main directions define the project: competitiveness, territorial balance, and local development. Recalling South European growth pole projects of the 1970s and Asian free-zones, whether the Tangier Med project will be truly successful remains to be seen. Externally, it faces limited competition from other Maghreb hub port projects. Internally, its socio-economic impact is so far relatively important, judging by job creation so far and the current diversification of the local and regional economy in an area traditionally affected by low productivity in agriculture and social exclusion.

Notes 1. The idea of a fixed link (bridge, tunnel) across the Gibraltar Straits led to numerous feasibility studies but has ceased since the 1990s.

2. 60% of the immigrants come from areas outside the province, raising the pressure and demand for services and housing.

Bibliography ¬ Bost, F. (2010) Atlas mondial des zones franches, Paris: La Documentación Française. ¬ Cherfaoui, N., Doghmi, H. (2005) Ports du Maroc des origines à 2020, Sciences de l'Ingénieur, Casablanca, Maroc. ¬ Chouiki, M. (2009) “Le port de Tanger Med: un tournant dans les dynamiques de restructuración des littoraux au Maroc”, in: Semmoud, B. (ed.), Mers, Détroits et Littoraux: Charnières ou Frontières des Territoires, L'Harmattan, Paris. ¬ Ducruet, C., Mohamed-Chérif, F.Z. (2011) La façade maritime du Maghreb: les ports, outils de son intégración régionale et mondiale, Mappemonde (forthcoming). ¬ Ducruet, C. (2010) “Reti marittime e gerarchie portuali in Europa: un confronto tra Nord e Sud”, in L'Ingegnere, 30-34, pp. 18-35. ¬ Ferrari, C., Parola, F., Morchio, E. (2006) Southern European ports and the spatial distribución of EDCs, Maritime Economics and Logistics, 8(1), 60-81. ¬ Gouvernal, E., Debrie, J., Slack, B. (2005) Dynamics of change in the port system of the Western Mediterranean, Maritime Policy and Management 32(2), 107-121. ¬ Hadrami, A. (2005) Port de Tanger, images d'une évolución, manuscript. ¬ Lee, S.W., Song, D.W., Ducruet, C. (2008) A tale of Asia's world ports: the spatial evolución in global hub port cities, Geoforum, 39(1), 372-385. ¬ Mohamed-Chérif, F.Z. (2010) L'inserción territoriale du nouveau port Tanger Méditerranée, Colloque internaciónal, “Les ports du Maghreb: entre volonté et réalité”, Ecole Naciónale Supérieure Maritime, Algérie. ¬ Piermay, J.L. (2009) La frontière, un outil de projección au monde. Les mutacións de Tanger (Maroc), Espaces et Sociétés, 138(3), 69-83. ¬ Planel, S. (2009) “Transformacións de l'Etat et politiques territoriales dans le Maroc contemporain”, in: Bouquet, C. (Ed.), L'Etat en Afrique, Espace Politique, n°7.

Troin, J.F. (2006) Le Grand Maghreb, Armand Colin, Paris.

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cuesta 400 dírhams entre Tánger y Casablanca, pero supone 4.000 dírhams por carretera o ferrocarril. Estas realidades podrían fomentar cooperación más que competición entre los principales puertos de Marruecos, con Casablanca conservando su función como punto de acceso y Tánger fortaleciendo su función de hub.

La reconversión de la ciudad portuaria de Tánger El puerto de la ciudad de Tánger está a punto de convertirse en un puerto deportivo, y la ampliación de los muelles existentes permitirá la acomodación de buques transatlánticos de hasta 200 m de eslora. La ciudad espera aumentar sus ingresos y beneficios (impuestos, turistas, puestos de trabajo) y mejorar su imagen y reputación. Se ha lanzado un concurso internacional y el proyecto ya se está estudiando. Está previsto un espacio público amplio en la zona de extensión del embarcadero, donde se van a recuperar unas 30 hectáreas. Asimismo, la extensión va a facilitar el apoyo a las actividades pesqueras tradicionales.

Este proyecto forma parte de una política nacional más amplia con vistas a fomentar el turismo de cruceros, aprovechando el crecimiento de este sector en los mercados europeos. De hecho, el país es un destino preferido de los turistas europeos, siendo el destino norteafricano predilecto de los turistas de dicho continente.

No obstante, existe mucha competición de otros puertos de la zona, tales como los de las Islas Canarias y Andalucía. En el fondo, la Ciudad de Tánger prefiere recordar su papel histórico como ciudad predilecta en los años ‘60, porque en la actualidad sólo se encuentra en el cuarto lugar después de Marrakech, Agadir y Casablanca. Son varios los factores que han contribuido a esta situación, tales como la falta de vuelos nacionales e internacionales suficientes, el alto nivel de contaminación en la Bahía de Tánger y la bajada de categoría del sector hotelero.

Conclusión El proyecto Tangier Med se ha planificado para dar respuesta a la demanda global (funciones de hub de transbordo) pero ésto no quiere decir que se va a olvidar la dinámica local de crecimiento económico y la creación de empleo. Asimismo, el proyecto va a abrir el camino para conseguir un mejor equilibrio dentro del país en conjunto. Existen tres ejes principales que definen el proyecto: la competitividad, el equilibrio territorial y el desarrollo local. Puesto que el éxito de los proyectos de crecimiento en las zonas francas del Sur de Europa y Asia fue limitado, queda por ver si el proyecto Tangier Med corra la misma suerte. Parece ser que la competencia es limitada si se tienen en cuenta los otros proyectos de hub de transbordo en el Magreb. Su impacto socioeconómico ha sido relativamente importante hasta ahora, a juzgar por la cantidad de puestos de trabajo creados y la diversificación de la economía regional y local en una zona que suele destacar por su baja producción agrícola y la exclusión social.

Notas 1. La idea de una conexión permanente (puente, túnel) a través del Estrecho de Gibraltar dio lugar a numerosos estudios de viabilidad, pero desde los años ‘90 no se ha vuelto a realizar ninguno.

2. Un 60% de los inmigrantes provienen de fuera de la provincial, aumentando la presión y incrementando la demanda para más viviendas y servicios.

Location of the port of Tangier Planned reconversion of Tangier port city (Source: Port Authority) Aerial views of the port and the city of Tanger Ubicación del puerto de Tánger Reconversión prevista para la ciudad portuaria de Tánger (Fuente: Autoridad Portuaria) Vistas aéreas del puerto y de la ciudad de Tánger

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Istanbul tra globale e locale.

Waterfronts e nuove immagini urbane Istanbul between Global and Local.

Waterfronts and new Urban Images

Multiform Relationships between the City of Istanbul and its Port Areas The nature of Istanbul resides in its particular rapport with the Bosphorus, the Golden Horn and the Sea of Marmara. It is therefore difficult to fit the city-port relationship into the categories deriving from the geographically oriented studies developed since the Eighties, when the waterfront emerged as a planning issue.

Its geographical location makes this relationship multiform, the entire range of evolutionary phases is present here: from the “paleomorphological” formal and functional interdependence to the nineteenth-century division; from the port-oriented industrialization of the Fifties and Sixties to the final spatial separation of the Maritime Industrial Development Areas in the Seventies, with its consequent impact in terms of congestion.

The port functions are divided between the two banks of the Bosphorus and united into a single system, which also includes the 11 port areas of the Greater Istanbul Area, and the Sea of Marmara and a series of smaller docks used daily for urban transportation.

This extraneous relationship with the city of the great docks on the Sea of Marmara – the port complex of Ambarli (containers, ro-ro system) and the Zeyport (cargo and passengers) – is the result of exogenous (foreland) and “global” factors, but also of the specific characteristics of a hinterland in which the “rational” polycentric design of its planning instruments was literally submerged by a marginal city that, as early as the Sixties, counted 120,000 illegal buildings, which grew up around the construction of the infrastructural network.

The “port-city interface areas” of the port complexes on the Sea of Marmara therefore consist in the spaces between the docks and the E-5 coastal highway, a “noman's land” that has progressively become overcrowded, and whose intrinsic congestion is worsened by the traffic generated by the ports' transportation needs.

City plans for the Waterfronts in the Strategic Plan for the Metropolitan Area The case of the port complexes on the Sea of Marmara shows how the problematic aspects of the port-city relationship are, in fact, questions that concern the entire metropolis. It is no coincidence, therefore, that the most significant urban projects in the new Strategic Plan for the metropolitan area of Istanbul focus on the urban regeneration of several port areas – Galata Port and Haydarpasa Port – which bear the burden of the urban renewal objectives for the area.

In a parallel process, two new logistical areas will be built, and the port system reorganized as a whole, to achieve greater integration with railway transportation thanks to the Marmaray Project, a rapid railway line connecting Ankara and the European bank and running under the Bosphorus.

Currently the port of Haydarpasa, at the entrance to the Bosphorus on the Anatolian bank, is the most important of the container-ports in the Marmara region (along with the port of Ambarli) and a hub for railway, sea and highway transportation.

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Interrelazioni multiformi tra la città di Istanbul e le sue aree portuali La natura di Istanbul risiede nel peculiare rapporto con il Bosforo, il Corno d'Oro e il mar di Marmara. È quindi difficile inquadrare la relazione città-porto all'interno delle tipizzazioni derivanti dagli studi, di matrice geografica, sviluppati a partire dagli anni ‘80 con l'emergere del waterfront come tema progettuale.

Per la collocazione geografica, tale rapporto è multiforme, con la compresenza dell'intera gamma degli stadi evolutivi: dalla “paleomorfologica” interdipendenza formale e funzionale alla separazione ottocentesca; dall'industrializzazione port-oriented degli anni ‘50-‘60 alla definitiva estraneità spaziale delle Maritime Industrial Development Areas dei ‘70, con i relativi impatti in termini di congestione.

Le funzioni portuali sono sparse sulle due sponde del Bosforo e combinate in un unico sistema, comprendente anche le 11 aree portuali dell'area della Grande Istanbul e del mar di Marmara e una serie di piccoli approdi utilizzati quotidianamente per il trasporto urbano.

Il rapporto di estraneità con la città dei grandi docks sul mar di Marmara – il complesso portuale di Ambarli (container, ro-ro system) e lo Zeyport (merci e passeggeri) – è dato da fattori esogeni (foreland) e di natura “globale”, ma anche dai caratteri specifici di un hinterland in cui il “razionale” disegno policentrico degli strumenti di pianificazione è stato letteralmente sommerso da una città marginale che, già agli inizi degli anni ‘60, era composta da 120.000 costruzioni illegali, sorte in rapporto al procedere della realizzazione della rete infrastrutturale.

Le “aree di interfaccia porto-città” dei complessi portuali del mar di Marmara consistono, quindi, negli spazi tra docks e autostrada costiera E-5, cioè una “terra di nessuno” che si è andata man mano sovraffollando, alla cui congestione intrinseca si aggiunge quella dovuta alle necessità di trasporto delle aree portuali.

Progetti urbani per i waterfront nel Piano Strategico per l'area metropolitana Il caso dei complessi portuali del mar di Marmara evidenzia come gli aspetti problematici dell'interrelazione città-porto siano, in realtà, que-stioni che riguardano l'intera metropoli. Non è un caso, quindi, che i progetti urbani più rilevanti del nuovo Piano Strategico per l'area metropolitana di Istanbul siano centrati sull'urban regeneration di alcune aree portuali – Galata Port e Haydarpasa Port – alle quali vengono affidati gli obiettivi di rilancio urbano.

Parallelamente, oltre alla realizzazione di due nuove aree logistiche, si prevede una riorganizzazione complessiva del sistema portuale, basata su una maggiore integrazione con il trasporto su ferro anche mediante il Marmaray Project, cioè una linea ferroviaria veloce di connessione tra Ankara e la sponda europea, con il passaggio sotto il Bosforo.

Attualmente il porto di Haydarpasa, all'entrata del Bosforo, sulla sponda anatolica, è, insieme a quello di Ambarli, il più importante porto-containers della regione di Marmara e nodo della rete ferroviaria, marittima e autostradale.

Recentemente, l'area dell'adiacente vecchio porto industriale di Kartal è stata

Cecilia Scoppetta

Uno degli edifici storici compresi nell'area interessata dal contestato progetto del Galata Port One of the historic buildings included in the site of the disputed project for the Galata Port

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oggetto di un'operazione di riconversione volta a creare un grande centro per turismo e tempo libero.

Le potenzialità di quest'area portuale di proprietà pubblica di 350.000 m2 risiedono nella collocazione rispetto al centro storico e, quindi, nell'elevato valore dei suoli. Il progetto complessivo riguarda la cessione per 49 anni di 1,3 milioni di m2 e la vendita di 340.000 m2, con un investimento di 5 miliardi di dollari, per realizzare un porto per navi da crociera e uno per yacht, diversi shopping malls, 5 hotel, residenze e uffici.

Il progetto ha suscitato molte polemiche: alcune, anche da parte dall'UNESCO, per l'alterazione del profilo della città dovuto ai 7 grattacieli previsti, per la privatizzazione dell'area e le conseguenti limitazioni nell'accesso al waterfront, per la scarsa trasparenza dell'intera operazione, l'assenza di partecipazione democratica e la mancanza di relazioni con le aree urbanizzate circostanti. Il progetto è stato ritirato dopo il parere negativo della Commissione regionale per i beni culturali, che ha dichiarato l'area di valore storico, ma anche il nuovo progetto non è esente da critiche, peraltro analoghe alle precedenti.

Proposto dalla Turkish Maritime Organization sin dal 1998, il progetto urbano del Galata Port, porto passeggeri dal 1986, si estende su un'area di 1,2 km e prevede 100.000 m2 di aree libere e 151.665 m2 di costruito destinato a funzioni analoghe a quelle previste per l'Haydarpasa. Obiettivo dell'ambizioso progetto è la realizzazione del “migliore porto per navi da crociera del mondo”.

La Penisola storica e il Corno d'Oro L'inter-relazione mare-città: visione notturna dell'attracco della Penisola storica The historic Peninsula and the Golden Horn The relationship between the sea and the city: nighttime view of the dock on the historical Peninsula

Recently the area adjacent to the old industrial port of Kartal was the object of an urban renewal project to turn it into a major tourist and leisure centre.

The potential of this 350 000 square-meter publiclyowned port area is based on its location with respect to the historic city centre, and therefore in the significant value of the land. The overall project involved the concession of 1 300 000 square meters for 49 years and the sale of 340 000 square meters, for a 5 billion dollar investment in the construction of a port for cruise ships and one for yachts, a series of shopping malls, 5 hotels, residences and offices.

The project was hotly disputed: UNESCO raised objections about the alteration of the city's skyline as a consequence of the 7 skyscrapers in the project, about the privatization of the area and as a result the limitation to waterfront access, about the lack of transparency of the entire operation, the lack of democratic participation and the absence of connections with the surrounding urban areas. The project was withdrawn after the rejection by the Regional Commission for the Cultural Heritage, which declared the area to be of historic value; but even the new project is being criticized for reasons similar to the preceding one.

Presented by the Turkish Maritime Organization as early as 1998, the city plan for the Galata port, a passenger port since 1986, covers an area of 1.2 km and includes 100 000 square meters of open areas and 151 665 square meters of built areas for functions similar to those planned for the Haydarpasa. The objective of this ambitious project is to build the “best cruise ship port in the world”.

Unlike the project for the Haydarpasa – on which the State intervenes through the Ministry of Transportation with the Marmaray Project (the largest public investment in Turkey in the past 10 years) – in the case of the Galata Port, public involvement is channeled through a company controlled in partnership with the Port Authority, the Turkish State Railways and the Turkish Sea Lines Organization. The project has been disputed just like the project for the Haydarpasa, and in this case too, a new competition has been launched.

Diversamente dall'intervento dell'Haydarpasa – nel quale lo Stato interviene attraverso il Ministero dei Trasporti in relazione al Marmaray Project (il maggiore investimento pubblico in Turchia degli ultimi 10 anni) – nel caso del Galata Port il coinvolgimento statale avviene attraverso una compagnia controllata in partnership con le Autorità portuali, la Turkish State Railways e la Turkish Sea Lines Organization.

Il progetto ha suscitato polemiche analoghe a quelle per l'Haydarpasa e, anche in questo caso, è stata bandita una nuova gara.

I progetti per i waterfront come esito della spazializzazione di rappresentazioni diverse ma in qualche modo convergenti Il motivo di interesse per il caso di Istanbul risiede nell'evidenziazione delle città-porto quale osservatorio privilegiato del fenomeno della globalizzazione, in cui istanze “globali” e “locali” si incontrano, interagiscono e in alcuni casi confliggono. Infatti, i due progetti urbani vanno collocati sullo sfondo dei processi di “(ri)costruzione di immagine”, in atto a livello globale, volti ad attrarre risorse attraverso l'utilizzazione dei valori storico-culturali (locali) come fattori competitivi nel contesto dei flussi turistici internazionali.

The Waterfront Projects as the result of the Spatialization of representations that are different but partly Converging The interest in the case of Istanbul lies in the way it highlights the port-city as a privileged observatory for the globalization phenomenon, where “global” and “local” requirements meet, interact and sometimes come into conflict. In fact, the two urban projects must be seen within the framework of the “image (re)construction” processes currently taking place at the global level, with the purpose of attracting resources by emphasizing (local) historical and cultural values as competitive factors in the context of international tourist flows.

In this sense, the designation of Istanbul as the 2010 “European Capital of Culture” highlights the social and spatial tensions that characterize the “stage city”, in which the tendency to consider the citizens as consumers of “culture” appears to contrast with a metropolitan dimension primarily constituted by a marginal city of illegal buildings.

Unlike European conversion projects for abandoned areas, what characterizes the projects in Istanbul is the backdrop of a complex intersection of narrations finalized towards the construction (re-invention?) of the image of the city.

The first narrative level relies on a set of written and visual “materials”: from the descriptions by Italian and French XVIth century travelers and missionaries, to those of Orhan Pamuk and poet Yahya Kemal. The recourse to such a varied range of narrations clarifies its nature as a reinvention, the spatial result of which is the impressive regeneration project (7 million euro) and the enhancement of the cultural heritage concentrated in the historic peninsula and in the areas of Galata and Üskudar, as per legislative decree 6848/95 and the relative framework protection plan, based on UNESCO's principles of preservation.

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In questo senso, la designazione di Istanbul quale “Capitale della Cultura Europea” del 2010 evidenzia le tensioni sociali e spaziali che caratterizzano le “città palcoscenico”, in cui la tendenza a considerare i cittadini quali consumatori di “cultura” appare contrastante rispetto a una dimensione metropolitana costituita in larga parte da una città marginale di costruzioni illegali.

In modo differente rispetto agli interventi europei di riconversione di aree dismesse, a caratterizzare i progetti di Istanbul è il loro collocarsi sullo sfondo di un complesso intreccio di narrazioni finalizzate alla costruzione (re-invenzione?) dell'immagine della città.

Il primo livello narrativo utilizza un insieme di “materiali” testuali e visuali: dalle descrizioni dei viaggiatori e missionari italiani e francesi del XVI secolo, a quelle di Orhan Pamuk e del poeta Yahya Kemal. Il ricorso a un tale variegato insieme di narrazioni ne evidenzia il carattere di re-invenzione, il cui esito spaziale è l'imponente operazione (7 milioni di euro) di recupero e valorizzazione del patrimonio culturale concentrato nella penisola storica e nelle aree di Galata e Üskudar, basata sul decreto 6848/95 e sul relativo piano quadro di protezione, aderente ai principi di conservazione dell'UNESCO. Si tratta di aree in cui l'altissima concentrazione di edifici storici (in cattive condizioni) convive con la presenza di una popolazione a basso reddito, con lavori precari, scarsamente scolarizzata e in larga parte immigrata dalle province anatoliche (come nel caso del quartiere di Tarlabas¸ı, originariamente abitato da greci, armeni ed ebrei).

Alcuni degli interventi di riqualificazione – ad esempio, l'area di Suleymaniye – sono stati duramente criticati anche dall'UNESCO per i fenomeni di gentrification in atto, con l'espulsione dei residenti verso le zone periferiche dell'area metropolitana attraverso la vendita forzata degli immobili, favorita dalle misure di “esproprio urgente” della legge n. 5366.

Il quartiere di Sulukule è divenuto un simbolo all'interno del dibattito suscitato dagli interventi di “cristallizzazione turistica”, interpretabili come spazializzazione della disuguaglianza e dell'esclusione, espressione delle politiche urbane neo-liberiste legate al fenomeno della globalizzazione.

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Edifici residenziali sulla sponda europea del Bosforo, nei pressi dell'area interessata dal progetto del Galata Port La sponda anatolica del Bosforo, con le torri residenziali sullo sfondo Residential buildings on the European bank of the Bosphorus, near the site of the Galata Port project The Anatolian bank of the Bosphorus, with the residential towers in the background

Le strategie messe in campo per valorizzare il patrimonio culturale quale fattore competitivo non sono che il presupposto necessario per una spazializzazione di narrazioni di diversa natura, all'origine dei progetti urbani descritti e riconducibile all'idea di “modernità” (occidentale) che è alla base della strutturazione dell'identità nazionale.

Dapprima declinata attraverso l'immagine della “città borghese”, disegnata da progettisti europei sul modello francese e, poi, secondo i principi “razionali” del decentramento e del policentrismo, l'idea della “modernità” si esprime, a partire dagli anni ‘80, con l'emergere di una élite sociale, i cui nuovi bisogni per una migliore qualità della vita hanno sostenuto l'investimento in progetti di larga scala per la realizzazione di gated communities dapprima “orizzontali” (seconde case nelle zone turistiche costiere) e, poi, “verticali” (gated towers), situate nei pressi delle aree interessate dai due progetti del Galata e dell'Haydarpasa Port.

Si tratta di aree residenziali integrate con uno shopping mall o con edifici per uffici e torri di circa 10 piani, spesso case-hotel con una serie di facilities aggiuntive (servizio di pulizie e di baby-sitter, terme, ambulatori, fitness centres, ecc…) e nel cui canone d'affitto sono compresi la security, la raccolta dei rifiuti, la connessione a banda larga, l'uso degli spazi per il relax.

La gestione privata contribuisce alla finalità di isolare la torre e la comunità che la abita dal resto della città: isolamento e “sicurezza” costituiscono, infatti, i temi centrali delle rappresentazioni utilizzate nelle tecniche di marketing rivolte sia ai possibili affittuari sia, indirettamente, alle Municipalità locali, ponendo l'accento sui benefici apportati da tali insediamenti alle aree circostanti, in termini di miglioramenti infrastrutturali, trasporti pubblici e sicurezza.

Ciò costituisce il presupposto per l'avvio dei processi di gentrification nei quartieri storici adiacenti e per il sedimentarsi di immagini funzionali alla formulazione di progetti urbani del tutto estranei al secolare rapporto tra mare e città.

These are areas with an intensive concentration of historic buildings (in poor condition) that coexist with a low-income population with a scarcity of steady jobs and a low level of education, largely immigrated from the provinces of Anatolia (as in the case of the Tarlabas¸ı district, originally populated by Greeks, Armenians and Jews).

Some of the regeneration projects – for example, the Suleymaniye area – were harshly criticized by UNESCO for the progressive gentrification they caused, which expelled former residents to the more peripheral zones of the metropolitan area as the buildings were forcibly sold off, to comply with the “urgent expropriation” measures contained in Law 5366.

The Slukule district has become a symbol of the debate triggered by the projects for “tourist crystallization”, which could be interpreted as the spatialization of inequality and exclusion, an expression of the neo-liberal urban policies deriving from the phenomenon of globalization.

The strategies adopted to enhance the cultural heritage as a competitive factor are but the necessary premise for a spatialization of the diverse kinds of narrative that underlie the urban projects described above, associated with the idea of (western) “modernity” that underlies the process of structuring the national identity.

Originally developed to match the image of a “bourgeois city” designed by European planners on the French model, and later according to the rational principles of decentralization and polycentrism, after the Eighties the idea of “modernity” was expressed in the rise of a social elite, whose demand for a better quality of life sustained the investment in large-scale projects for the construction of gated communities, first “horizontal” (second homes in coastal tourist zones) and later “vertical” (gated towers), located near the areas concerned by the two projects of Galata and Haydarpasa Port.

Bibliography ¬ Cinà G., “Identità e innovazione, crescita incontrollata e protezione dei centri storici”, in Urbanistica pvs, n. 50. 2008 ¬ Erba_ E., “Galata and Haydarpasa Port. Port regeneration and sustainable development after 2000”, in Urbanistica pvs, n. 50. 2008 ¬ Hoyle B.S. (ed.), Port cities in context: the im-pact of waterfront regeneration, University of Southampton, 1990. ¬ Hoyle B.S., Pinder D.A (eds.), Cityport industrialization, Pergamon, Oxford, 1981. ¬ Hoyle B.S., Pinder D.A., Husain M.S., Aree portuali e trasformazioni urbane, Mursia, Milano, 1994. ¬ Kalkan S., Cetiz S., Istanbul Metropolitan Area and the Structural Change Experienced within this Area, 28th Colloquium of World Town Planning Day, Middle East Technical University, Ankara, November 8-10, 2004 (http://www.kentli.org/makale/yapisal.htm) ¬ Karaman A., Ozgur E.F., “Urban projects in Istanbul. A critical assessment on critical development”, in Urbanistica pvs, n. 50. 2008 ¬ Malusardi F., Luigi Piccinato e l'urbanistica moderna, Officina, Roma, 1993 ¬ Oral M., Assessments and Suggestions on Sea Transportation in Istanbul, Master of Science Dissertation, Istanbul Technical University Institute of Science and Technology, Istanbul. ¬ Özgencil Yildirim S. (ed.), Istanbul ports. Cradle of civilizations, Municipalité métropolitaine d'Istanbul, Contribution à la Biennale d'architecture de Venise, 2006 ¬ Prescott J.R.V., I confini politici del mare, Mursia ed., Milano, 1980 ¬ Scoppetta C., “Salvador de Bahia. Ambiguità dei processi di «costruzione dell'immagine» negli interventi di sviluppo del «turismo culturale»”, in Urbanistica pvs, N.42/43. 2006 ¬ Scoppetta C., “Approcci innovativi alla mobilità urbana. Il caso di Istanbul”, in TeMA – Territorio Mobilità Ambiente, n. 4, 2009 ¬ Scoppetta C., “Waterfronts e immagini urbane tra globale e locale. Il caso di Istanbul”, in Portusplus, N. 1, 2010 ¬ Ustunda K., “Rethinking Istanbul transportation system. Mobility trends, aimed solutions”, in Urbanistica pvs, N.50. 2008 ¬ Vallega A., Dai porti al sistema portuale. Teoria generale e caso ligure, Grafiche F.lli Spirito, Savona, 1985. ¬ Vallega A., Per una geografia del mare. Trasporti marittimi e rivoluzioni economiche, Mursia ed., Milano, 1984 ¬ Vallega A., The changing waterfront in the coastal area management, F. Angeli, Milano, 1992; ¬ Vigaré A., Economia marittima e geostrategia degli oceani, Mursia Ed., Milano, 1992 ¬ Vigaré A., Ports de commerce et vie littorale, Hachette, Paris, 1979

These are integrated residential areas with a shopping mall or with office buildings and towers 10 stories tall, often residential-hotels with a series of additional facilities (cleaning and baby-sitting services, baths, health centres, fitness centres, etcâ&#x20AC;Ś) where the rent includes security services, waste collection, broadband connections and relaxation areas.

The private management services contribute to the isolation from the rest of the city of the tower and the community living in it: isolation and â&#x20AC;&#x153;securityâ&#x20AC;? are in fact the central issues in the representations used for marketing them to possible tenants and indirectly to the local Municipalities, placing the accent on the benefits provided by these complexes to the surrounding areas, in terms of improvements in the infrastructure, public transportation and security.

This constitutes the premise for the beginning of gentrification in the adjacent historic districts and for the sedimentation of images functional to the formulation of urban projects that are totally alien to the centuries-old relationship between the sea and the city.

La sponda europea del Bosforo all'altezza della torre di Galata, nei pressi dell'area interessata dal progetto del Galata Port Uno dei due ponti sul Bosforo, connessi ai sistemi di arterie di cintura The European bank of the Bosphorus at the tower of Galata, near the area concerned by the project of the Galata Port One of the two bridges on the Bosphorus, connected to the beltway system

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El puerto y la ciudad de A Coruña The Port and the City of A Coruña

Hundimiento del Urquiola, en 1976 The sinking of the Urquiola, in 1976

From a historic perspective, port cities emerged and were established around their ports, which were infrastructures that have been the main source of wealth and the economic driving force of the metropolitan and regional economies in their respective environments. However, this parallel development affecting port and city has not always occurred peacefully, the reasons for this being twofold. Firstly, all available port space was used up to develop new types of traffic while since the 20th century the port cities themselves have been demanding greater areas as leisure zones for their citizens. And secondly, there was a need to transport certain goods whose presence in residential areas is not advisable. All of this has led to situations of conflict affecting port cities that, in the case of A Coruña, have been accentuated by a series of accidents occurring in the nearby coastal waters that have made it necessary to develop a new approach to port-city relations.

The Port of A Coruña The City of A Coruña lies on the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, in North-West Spain. Although its location on the Iberian Peninsula appears to be relatively far-flung, it lies in an exceptional position where the main international maritime trade routes are concerned.

The city, which dates back to the early Middle Ages, has been closely associated with port activity since the very outset. So, once America had been discovered, it was granted exclusive rights over the spice trade via the western routes. Charles V set sail from its harbour on his voyage to be crowned Holy Roman Emperor in the 16th century. In the 17th and 18th centuries the seafront was subjected to major redevelopment and many maritime works were constructed beyond the city walls. All in all, the City of A Coruña has been developing alongside its port and one cannot be fully understood without the other.

Although the construction of the Marine Dock at the beginning of the 20th century laid the foundations for the modernisation of the harbour area, it was the building of the Barrié de la Maza Breakwater that was to afford sufficient shelter to allow the commercial vessels approaching and mooring in A Coruña to move in safety. The presence of the breakwater made it possible for the current Repsol-YPF oil refinery to move to A Coruña in 1965. The refinery and port terminal were connected up by 14 pipelines for oil and oil-related products, which run for 6.5 km under the City of A Coruña. The port thus came to specialise in moving bulk liquids. At present, the Port of A Coruña is a modern and versatile port that specialises in the movement of energy supplies – both hydrocarbons and thermal coal –, which accounts for an annual turnover ranging from 12 to 14 million tonnes.

However, this modernisation process and the decision to permit the presence of different types of fuels in the heart of the city was partly curtailed after a series of accidents took place at the entrance to A Coruña Harbour: in 1976, the oil tanker Urquiola collided with an

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Históricamente las ciudades portuarias surgieron y se establecieron en torno a su puerto, una infraestructura que ha sido la principal fuente de riqueza y motor económico de las economías metropolitana y regional de su entorno. No obstante, este desarrollo paralelo entre el puerto y la ciudad no ha sido siempre pacífico; por un lado, debido al agotamiento de espacios portuarios para el desarrollo de nuevos tráficos, ya que desde el siglo XX las ciudades portuarias han ido demandando mayores espacios para nuevos usos ciudadanos o lúdico-recreativos y, por otro, por el movimiento de determinadas mercancías de difícil compatibilidad con los entornos habitados. Ello se ha traducido en las ciudades portuarias en situaciones de tensión que, en el caso del puerto de A Coruña, se han visto acrecentadas tras los diversos accidentes acaecidos en las aguas próximas, y que hicieron necesario replantearse las relaciones puerto-ciudad.

Enrique Maciñeira Alonso, Irene Souto Blázquez

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El puerto de A Coruña La ciudad de A Coruña está situada a orillas del Océano Atlántico, en el noroeste español. Aunque su situación es relativamente excéntrica con respecto a la Península Ibérica, se ubica en un lugar privilegiado con respecto a las principales rutas del tráfico marítimo internacional.

La ciudad, cuyos orígenes se remontan a la baja edad media, ha tenido desde sus comienzos, una intensa relación con la actividad portuaria. Así, una vez descubierta América, le fue otorgada la exclusiva del comercio de las especias a través de las rutas occidentales, desde su fondeadero salió Carlos I a coronarse emperador de Alemania en el siglo XVI, en los siglos XVII y XVIII tuvo una gran transformación del frente litoral y diversas obras portuarias fuera de murallas.

En definitiva, la ciudad de A Coruña se ha ido desarrollando con su puerto y no puede entenderse el uno sin el otro.

Aunque la construcción de la Dársena de la Marina a comienzos del siglo XX sienta las bases para la modernización del puerto, es la construcción del dique de abrigo Barrié de la Maza el que ha permitido generar el abrigo suficiente para el movimiento y recalada de buques comerciales en la rada coruñesa. Gracias a dicho abrigo fue posible la instalación en la ciudad de la actual refinería de Repsol-YPF, inaugurada en 1965. La refinería y terminal portuaria quedaron conectadas por catorce oleoductos, de crudo y productos, que atraviesan el subsuelo de la ciudad de A Coruña en su recorrido de 6,5 km. El puerto se especializó así en el movimiento de graneles líquidos. Actualmente, el puerto de A Coruña es un moderno puerto polivalente especializado en el movimiento de tráficos energéticos – tanto de hidrocarburos como de carbón térmico –, con un movimiento anual total del entorno de los 12-14 millones de toneladas.

uncharted ridge that had escaped the bathymetric surveys; in 1992, the Mar Egeo ran aground on the coast while attempting to enter the harbour, causing two major oil slicks.

From that point on, it was decided that bulk fuel operations, basically hydrocarbons and coal, had to be moved away from the City of A Coruña if repetitions of such disasters were to be prevented on the Coruña Coast, and this was to be achieved by constructing an off-shore port.

This new infrastructure will inevitably bring about changes in the relationship between the port and the city, giving rise to a new and contemporary port city, where the top priority is given to environmental matters and where the areas that will no longer be used by the port will serve not only to obtain some of the financial resources needed to construct the new offshore port, but also to create new zones to be used by the residents, thereby enabling the city to open up to the sea.

Therefore, a substantial modification is taking place that affects the port-city relations, which is conducive to the development of new urban models that will have to guarantee both the continuity of the port activities and a harmonious coexistence between port and city.

How Port-City Relations have Evolved Since the 1980s, the A Coruña Port Authority, in its awareness of the effects of its activity on the city, has been modifying the uses of certain zones and taking measures that will enable the citizens to enjoy the port area to a greater extent.

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No obstante, esta modernización y apuesta por tráficos energéticos en el corazón de la ciudad se vio en cierto modo truncada con los diversos accidentes acaecidos en la entrada al puerto de A Coruña: en 1976, el buque tanque Urquiola chocó contra un bajo no contemplado en los levantamientos batimétricos; en 1992, el buque Mar Egeo, en su aproximación al puerto, se precipitó contra la costa, provocando sendas mareas negras.

Es desde este momento cuando se plantea la necesidad de trasladar de la ciudad de A Coruña el movimiento de las operaciones portuarias de graneles energéticos, fundamentalmente de hidrocarburos y carbones, para evitar otros desastres similares a los acaecidos en las costas coruñesas, mediante la construcción de un puerto exterior. Esta nueva infraestructura conlleva aparejada inevitablemente la modificación de las actuales relaciones entre el puerto y la ciudad, dando lugar así a una nueva ciudad portuaria contemporánea, donde prima el respeto a los aspectos ambientales y donde los espacios que se verán liberados del uso portuario servirán, no sólo para obtener parte de las necesidades financieras para la construcción del nuevo puerto exterior, sino también para generar nuevos espacios para usos ciudadanos, permitiendo así la apertura de la ciudad hacia el mar.

Se produce por tanto un cambio sustancial en las relaciones puerto-ciudad, permitiendo el desarrollo de nuevos modelos urbanos que deberán asegurar el mantenimiento de la actividad portuaria y la convivencia armónica de ambas.

Evolución de las relaciones puerto-ciudad Desde la década de los años ochenta, la Autoridad Portuaria de A Coruña, siendo consciente de la afección que su actividad creaba en la ciudad, ha ido modificando los usos de determinados ámbitos espaciales y desarrollando actuaciones que permitieran un mayor disfrute de la ciudadanía del entorno portuario.

Estas actuaciones, inicialmente inconexas, – la rehabilitación del entorno del muelle de las Ánimas, la apertura del dique de abrigo Barrié de la Maza al uso ciudadano, la adecuación de la dársena de la Marina con la eliminación de las actividades industriales, como la construcción y reparación naval en astilleros que en ella se realizaban, – fueron conectadas y “cosidas” mediante la adecuación del borde marítimo con la construcción del paseo del Parrote convirtiéndose en la primera piedra de lo que actualmente es el paseo marítimo de mayor longitud existente en España, con unos siete kilómetros de desarrollo.

Ubicación del puerto de A Coruña en la Península Ibérica Vista aérea del puerto de A Coruña Position of the Port of A Coruña on the Iberian Peninsula Aerial view of the Port of A Coruña

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Such initially unrelated actions, – rehabilitating the Ánimas Quay, opening the Barrié de la Maza Breakwater to the general public, adapting the Marina Dock after relocating the industrial activities such as constructing and repairing vessels in the dockyards that formerly took place there –, were subsequently linked to each other by adapting the water's edge through the construction of the Parrote Promenade, this being the first phase of what has now become the longest esplanade in Spain, running a total of 7 km along the seafront.

Furthermore, as a result of the restructuring of the space converted to fishing and the construction of the new fishing quays at Oza for repairs, provisioning and the mooring of trawlers in the early nineties, it was possible to transform and modify the Marina Dock, which is now occupied by sports and leisure craft, although a small area is still reserved for fishing activities, by way of a tribute to the past.

All this has led to a restructuring of the space given over to the general public, with the creation of new leisure environments that are compatible with current harbour activities, both tourist, – the ocean liner dock is in this zone –, and sports, constituting a new city centre. The new conference hall and its commercial facilities, constructed in the harbour zone, have also helped to create this new centrality.

A new leisure area was created at the same time as the new Oza fishing quay was constructed. It has now become the focal point in a zone that was long neglected in the past. Along these lines, the creation of the Playa de Oza, its promenade and the granting of licences for nautical and sports facilities, have created a new zone that is particularly appealing in the summer months.

The Port Authority's decision to establish new facilities in the harbour area that are closely linked to the city has been more marked since the 1980s. The drawing up of the new Harbour Spaces Utilisation Plan and the New Special Plan for the Port Services Zone have brought this to fruition. The 2,000 moorings for leisure craft, the building of the new dock for ocean liners in the old quarter of the city, the new shopping centres nearby and the opening up of much of the old harbour waterfront to the general public, have given the city a total facelift, making it port-orientated and open to the use of its sea waters.

The Future of Coruña's Port The relationship between the port and the City of A Coruña will undergo a major change of direction as soon as the New Port Facilities at Punta Langosteira – off-shore port – come into operation and can accommodate the traffic that is intended to be transferred from the inner harbour. This is because it will allow the traffic that causes the most pollution to be moved away from the city and enable the freed spaces to be converted to new uses for the general public.

After a long process that involved analysing and studying different options, the Port Authority began to construct the off-shore port in 2005, and will transfer to that location all the solid and liquid bulk operations that currently take place in the inner harbour, thereby solving the port-city conflict. This means that there will be enough surface area to develop the 21st century Port, which will have no space restrictions to prevent it from coping with the new traffic, so the goods that cause the most pollution and nuisance will cease to be a problem for the city environment.

The first construction phase for these works will be completed in September 2011, by which time it will be able to cope with some of the activities that are to be transferred from the Inner Harbour, basically those concerning energy products.

The construction of this infrastructure will enable the port and the City of A Coruña to live in harmony, by removing such negative environmental aspects as those caused by the unloading of solid bulk goods in an urban environment – basically agricultural, foodstuffs and coal –, as well as preventing the risks involved in the movement of hydrocarbons, which

Asimismo, como consecuencia de la ordenación de los espacios pesqueros y la construcción de la nueva dársena pesquera de Oza para reparación, avituallamiento y estancia de este tipo de flotas a principio de los noventa, fue posible la transformación y modificación de los usos de la dársena de la Marina, actualmente dedicada a las embarcaciones deportivas y en la que se mantiene un residual uso pesquero como un guiño a tiempos pretéritos.

Todo ello ha dado lugar a una recomposición del espacio ciudadano con la creación de nuevos entornos lúdicos compatibles con los usos portuarios existentes, tanto turísticos, – en la zona se encuentra el muelle de trasatlánticos, – como deportivos, conformando un nuevo centro de la ciudad. El nuevo palacio de congresos y su complemento comercial, construidos en el espacio portuario, han sido, también, elementos conformadores de esta nueva centralidad.

Paralelamente, la construcción de la nueva dársena pesquera de Oza fue complementada con la creación de una nueva área recreativa que se ha convertido en foco de atracción para una zona tradicionalmente deprimida. Así, la construcción de la playa de Oza, su paseo marítimo y la concesión de sendas insta-

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laciones náutico-deportivas, ha creado un nuevo espacio atractivo, fundamentalmente en la época estival.

La apuesta de la Autoridad Portuaria por los nuevos usos portuarios más vinculados con la ciudad ha sido clara desde los años ochenta. La redacción del nuevo Plan de Usos de los Espacios Portuarios y del nuevo Plan Especial de la Zona de Servicio del Puerto han supuesto la concreción de la misma. Así, con 2.000 plazas de amarre para embarcaciones deportivas, la construcción del nuevo muelle de trasatlánticos en el centro histórico de la ciudad y sus nuevos espacios comerciales cercanos y la apertura al uso ciudadano de gran parte de la línea de agua del puerto, han supuesto un revulsivo de la ciudad, ahora portuaria y abierta al uso marítimo de sus aguas.

El futuro del puerto coruñés Las relaciones entre el puerto y de la ciudad de A Coruña sufrirán un importante cambio de rumbo tan pronto como las Nuevas Instalaciones Portuarias en Punta Langosteira – Puerto Exterior – sean operativas para albergar los tráficos

Area Trasatlánticos y La Marina Ocean Liner Area and the Marina

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Fotografía aérea, castillo San Antón y ciudad Estado de las obras de construcción del puerto exterior.

Diciembre 2010 El puerto interior de A Coruña, a la derecha y el futuro puerto exterior, a la izquierda La transformación de los muelles de Batería y Calvo Sotelo, Busquets 2009 Aerial view of the Castillo San Anton and the City State of the off-shore port construction works. December 2010 The inner harbour at A Coruña, to the right, and the future off-shore port, to the left The transformation of the Bateria and Calvo Sotelo Wharves, Busquets 2009

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que está previsto trasladar desde el puerto interior. De esta manera, se permitirá alejar de la ciudad los tráficos más contaminantes y reutilizar los espacios liberados para nuevos usos ciudadanos.

Tras un largo proceso de análisis y estudio de alternativas, la Autoridad Portuaria inició en 2005 la construcción del Puerto Exterior, adonde se trasladarán las operaciones de graneles sólidos y líquidos que actualmente se realizan desde la dársena interior, lo que permitirá resolver el conflicto puerto-ciudad. De esta manera, se contará con superficies aptas para el desarrollo del puerto del s. XXI, donde ya no existirán limitaciones de espacio para dar cabida a nuevos tráficos y donde las mercancías más contaminantes o molestas dejarán de ser un problema para el entorno de la ciudad.

La primera fase de construcción de estas obras estará finalizada en Septiembre de 2011 y permitirá albergar parte de los traslados previstos desde la Dársena Interior, fundamentalmente los energéticos.

La construcción de esta infraestructura permitirá armonizar las relaciones entre el puerto y la ciudad de A Coruña al eliminar tanto los aspectos ambientales negativos generados por las descargas de graneles sólidos en el entorno urbano – de agroalimentarios y carbones, fundamentalmente –, así como los riesgos derivados del movimiento de hidrocarburos que tantos recuerdos amargos ha dejado en la ciudad. Asimismo, permitirá dinamizar un entorno con vocación industrial – el de Punta Langosteira –, al erigirse el puerto exterior en el gran motor industrial y económico a nivel metropolitano y regional.

Además, el nuevo puerto exterior permitirá abordar la transformación de la fachada marítima de A Coruña, al disponer de nuevos espacios para usos ciudadanos que serán integrados en la ciudad. Esta operación urbanística permitirá obtener parte de los fondos necesarios para sufragar el coste de construcción del puerto exterior.

Así, se podrán reconvertir viejos espacios portuarios inaccesibles para los ciudadanos en nuevas zonas urbanas donde predominarán los usos residenciales y terciarios – comercial, oficinas y otros aprovechamientos lucrativos –, que mejorarán la calidad de vida de la población de los barrios más próximos, y de la ciudadanía en general.

Esta transformación requiere de la reorganización y replanificación de los espacios portuarios que continuarán afectados al movimiento de mercancías y/o pasajeros, de manera que se garantice la pervivencia y permanencia de estos tráficos portuarios, así como de los usos ciudadanos.

Conclusiones Los puertos, que durante buena parte del siglo XX se han dedicado a dar soporte al crecimiento económico de su entorno y han modificado de una forma sustancial el borde marítimo, están sufriendo, en el final de siglo y en el principio del nuevo siglo XXI, una fortísima transformación y un cambio de vocación.

Así, los puertos históricos retornan a sus orígenes y se convierten en nuevos centros de las ciudades, como lo eran antes de la construcción de los ensanches ciudadanos de finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX. Los usos ciudadanos se adueñan de los espacios y muelles obsoletos y se establece un nuevo diálogo entre la ciudad y el puerto.

Los puertos se trasladan y buscan nuevos horizontes más amplios y se planifican sus entornos para convertirse, con vocación de permanencia, en grandes nodos logísticos e industriales que sirvan de generación de riqueza y crecimiento de las ciudades, ya conformadas físicamente y liberadas de los éxodos de poblaciones de la segunda mitad del siglo XX.

have left such bitter memories in the city. It will also give a major boost to an environment with an industrial vocation – Punta Langosteira –, by erecting the off-shore port in the great industrial and economic heart on a metropolitan and regional scale.

Furthermore, the creation of the new off-shore port will make it possible to transform the entire seafront of A Coruña, by making room for new zones integrated into the city for the general public to use. This urban planning operation will provide some of the funding required to pay for the cost of constructing the off-shore port.

It will thus be possible to redevelop former port zones hitherto inaccessible to the general public, turning them into new urban areas mainly for residential use and for the service sector – commercial, offices and for profitable enterprises –, which will improve the quality of life of the inhabitants of the nearest districts, and the inhabitants of A Coruña in general.

This transformation can only be achieved by reorganising and redeveloping the remaining port areas so that they will carry on handling goods and/or passengers, in such a way that the continuity of these port traffic operations is guaranteed, the same applying to the facilities that will be made available to the general public.

Conclusions The ports that for most of the 20th century specialised in lending support to the economic growth of their environments and made substantial modifications to their seafronts, found themselves undergoing major transformations and vocational changes at the end of that century and the beginning of the 21st century.

Historical ports are going back to their origins and are becoming the new city centres, which is what they were before the urban expansion and the construction of the suburbs at the turn of the previous century. Citizen-orientated activities have taken over the zones and the obsolete quays, a new dialogue being established between cities and their ports.

Ports are moving away and seeking new and broader horizons and their environments are being planned to permanently become major logistical and industrial nodes that serve to generate wealth and enable their cities to grow; these cities have now acquired their physical shape and have been freed from the population flights that took place in the second half of the 20th century.

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La Valutazione Ambientale Strategica delle aree portuali: il caso di porto isola a Salerno The Strategic Environmental Assessment of Port Areas: the case of the port isoland in Salerno

Il progetto Salerno Porta Ovest (Fonte: AP di Salerno) Il progetto Salerno Porta Ovest (Fonte: AP di Salerno) I progetti per l'area di Santa Teresa: Il Crescent di Bofil (sx) e il nuovo terminal crociere di Zaha Hadid (dx); Fonte: AP di Salerno The Salerno Porta Ovest project (Source: Port Authority of Salerno) The Salerno Porta Ovest project (Source: Port Authority of Salerno) The project for the area of Santa Teresa: the Crescent by Bofil (left) and the new cruise terminal by Zaha Hadid (right); Source: Port Authority of Salerno

The Strategic role of Port Areas in the Sustainable Development of the Territory The Evolution of the Port-City Relationship over time Until the end of the seventeenth century, areas on the water have always been distinguished by a significant presence of man and his activities, and chosen as places for both living and producing; the prevalence of productive activities has for decades made it impossible to even access the water.

The innovations that have taken place in recent decades, applied to maritime transportation (i.e. containers) and their consequent growth, have modified the functional requirements of port spaces (often located in the heart of urban organisms), requiring them to be transferred into more suburban areas.

This “cleared” all the areas close to the water located near the city centres, leading the cities to rediscover their waterfronts, enhanced by virtue of a renewed social awareness of the marine environment.

The evolution described here of the relationship between port and city has been synthesized in the Anyport (Bird, 1963) model, theorized in three distinct phases: Setting, Expansion and Specialization.

The major international port cities have shown how the proper management of this coexistence can be advantageous in economic, social and environmental terms, becoming examples to promote policies of sustainability.

Social and Economic Aspects and Ideas for Recovery offered by the Sector If the code word for the regeneration of waterfronts is simplification, delocalized port functions on the contrary require efficient planning and the infrastructurization of inter-modal transportation.

To build new infrastructure to service a port terminal adjacent to urbanized areas is inappropriate and inefficient, because what today's maritime traffic really needs is the construction of areas of infrastructural completion (the so-called retro-port areas) such as the Distriparks.

A Distripark is an advanced logistical platform, complete with an inter-modal hub, where it is possible to give added value to simple operations such as loading and unloading the containers thanks to operations on incoming products, generating employment and development.

An estimate of the economic benefits, which is helpful to compare the situation with and without the distriparks, is provided by the following data (Forte, 2007): ¬ Simple container transit creates a direct added value of approximately 150 euro/TEU; ¬ The logistic-manufacturing activities of the distriparks, located adjacent to ports, generate an added value of approximately 1,000 euro/TEU; ¬ The direct added value of a distripark is approximately 1,500,000 euro/ha/year; ¬ It employs 20-30 direct operators/ha for handling containerized cargo (one employee for every 70-80 TEUs/handled per year).

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Il ruolo strategico delle aree portuali nello sviluppo sostenibile del territorio L'evoluzione nel tempo del rapporto porto-città Fino alla fine del XVII secolo, le aree a contatto con l'acqua si sono sempre distinte per una forte presenza dell'uomo e delle sue attività, venendo scelte come luoghi sia dell'abitare che del produrre. Il prevalere, però, di quest'ultimi ha reso impossibile, per lunghi decenni, anche il semplice accesso all'acqua.

Le innovazioni intercorse negli ultimi decenni applicate ai trasporti marittimi (cfr. container) e la loro conseguente crescita, hanno modificato le esigenze funzionali degli spazi portuali (spesso ubicati nel cuore degli organismi urbani), richiedendone il trasferimento in aree periferiche rispetto al nucleo urbano.

Ciò ha “liberato” tutte quelle aree a stretto contatto con l'acqua, site nei pressi dei centri urbani, spingendo le città alla riscoperta dei propri waterfront, valorizzati anche in virtù di una rinata sensibilità sociale verso l'ambiente marino.

L'evoluzione qui descritta nel rapporto città-porto è stata sintetizzata dal modello Anyport (Bird, 1963), teorizzata in tre fasi distinte: Posizionamento, Espansione e Specializzazione. Le maggiori città portuali internazionali hanno dato prova di come, la corretta gestione di tale coesistenza, possa essere benefica sia per gli aspetti economici, che sociali che per quelli ambientali, diventando esempi promotori di politiche di sostenibilità.

Aspetti socio-economici e spunti di ripresa offerti dal settore Se la parola d'ordine nella riqualificazione dei waterfront è semplificazione, le funzioni portuali delocalizzate richiedono, di contro, un'efficiente programmazione e infrastrutturazione dei trasporti intermodali.

Realizzare nuove infrastrutture a servizio di un terminal portuale a ridosso di aree urbanizzate è inopportuno e inefficace, in quanto la vera necessità per i traffici marittimi odierni è la realizzazione di aree di completamento infrastrutturale (le cosiddette aree retro-portuali) come i distripark.

Un distripark è una piattaforma logistica avanzata, integrata a un hub intermodale, dove è possibile dare valore aggiunto alle semplici operazioni di carico e scarico dei container mediante operazioni sui prodotti in ingresso, generando occupazione e sviluppo.

Una stima dei benefici economici, utile per operare un confronto con o senza i distripark, è fornita dai seguenti dati (Forte, 2007): ¬ il puro transito container crea un valore aggiunto diretto di circa 150 euro/TEU; ¬ le attività manifatturiero-logistiche di distripark, localizzate contigue al porto, generano valore aggiunto nell'ordine di 1.000 euro/TEU; ¬ il valore aggiunto diretto di un distripark è circa 1.500.000 euro/ha/anno; ¬ impiega 20-30 addetti/ha diretti per le lavorazioni delle merci containerizzate (un addetto ogni 70-80 TEUs/anno “lavorati”).

L'esperienza derivata dallo studio dei principali porti europei dimostra come, a nuovi terminal portuali, corrispondano sempre realizzazioni di nuovi distripark.

Barcellona ne è esempio significativo quando nel 1994, attraverso il Piano Stra-

Marco Scerbo

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Tabella 1.

Destinazioni d'uso relative al progetto Santa Teresa (Fonte: Comune di Salerno) Destinazioni d'uso Usi residenziali Usi commerciali Servizi di supporto al porto turistico di Santa Teresa Uffici Aree verdi Area parcheggio (interrato) Superficie pedonale

Table 1.

Zoning of the Santa Teresa project (Source: City of Salerno) Superfici 14.800 m2 13.100 m2 1.020 m2 21.900 m2 10.900 m2 126.900 m2 26.400 m2

Zoning Residential buildings Commercial activities Support services for the tourist port of Santa Teresa Offices Green spaces Parking area (underground) Pedestrian surface

tegico Delta1, ipotizzò la deviazione di 2,5 km della foce del fiume Llobregat, allo scopo di poter recuperare un porzione degradata del litorale e contemporaneamente realizzare l'ampliamento del porto e la costruzione del distripark.

L'area liberata ha consentito anche la realizzazione di un nuovo impianto di depurazione delle acque reflue urbane a servizio della città e di recuperare, per fini naturalistici, l'altra sponda fluviale dell'adiacente fascia costiera.

Ciò dimostra come un intervento di recupero possa diventare, contemporaneamente, occasione di riqualificazione ambientale e di rilancio economico, particolarmente interessante in periodi di stagnazione economica come l'attuale, ove efficienza ed innovazione sono l'unico volano di ripresa.

Salerno e i progetti relativi al porto e al waterfront urbano Gli interventi sul waterfront urbano Come per altre realtà italiane, Salerno si trova ad affrontare la sfida dello sviluppo sostenibile allo scopo di armonizzare le necessità derivanti dall'esplicitarsi delle funzioni socio-economiche presenti sul territorio e la conservazione dei valori ambientali e storico-culturali posseduti dalla città.

A tale scopo l'Autorità Portuale di Salerno (AP) ha ipotizzato, per migliorare l'efficienza del terminal e, contemporaneamente, innalzare la qualità e la vivibilità dell'area circostante l'attuale porto, la realizzazione di un porto isola nei pressi della costa compresa fra il fiume Sele e il Tusciano.

La coerenza di tale opera con gli strumenti urbanistici vigenti è verificata dal fatto che il Piano Urbanistico Comunale di Salerno prevede la riconversione del porto attuale ad una destinazione d'uso turistica e che il nuovo Piano Territoriale di Coordinamento Provinciale di Salerno, in fase di approvazione, ne prevede la realizzazione fra le opere invarianti previste dal piano.

Tra gli interventi previsti per la riqualificazione del waterfront urbano, in vista della futura delocalizzazione del porto, l'AP è attualmente impegnata con il Comune di Salerno su di un importante progetto di riorganizzazione complessiva dei percorsi di collegamento tra il porto e la rete autostradale: il progetto Salerno Porta Ovest.

Scopo del progetto è risolvere il problema dell'accessibilità dell'area portuale e del centro antico mediante una separazione, sin dall'accesso alla città dai varchi autostradali, dei flussi di traffico diretti al porto piuttosto che al quartiere portuale stesso. Le nuove infrastrutture consentiranno un globale riassetto della mobilità urbana liberando le vie di comunicazione adiacenti l'area portuale dal traffico dei tir, migliorando la qualità paesaggistica e la vivibilità del quartiere.

Altro importante progetto di riqualificazione che ha visto l'impegno dell'AP insieme al Comune è la riqualificazione del molo di Santa Teresa mediante il progetto denominato Piazza della Libertà.

L'area, mediante il Crescent opera dell'architetto Bofil, diventerà una piazza sul mare, ove saranno realizzate residenze, uffici e numerose attività commerciali e turistiche (Tabella 1).

Per completare la trasformazione dell'area, l'AP ha affidato alla mano dell'architetto Zaha Hadid, nel 2007, la progettazione (di cui sono già in corso i lavo-

Area 14.800m2 13.100 m2 1.020 m2 21.900 m2 10.900 m2 126.900 m2 26.400 m2

The experience derived from the study of the major European ports demonstrates that new port terminals are always accompanied by the construction of new Distriparks.

Barcelona offers a significant example: in 1994, the Delta Strategic Plan1 posited rerouting 2.5 km of the mouth of the Llobregat river, in order to reclaim a blighted section of the coast and at the same time to expand the port and build the Distripark.

The cleared area made it possible to build a new urban waste water purification plant to service the city, and to restore the other bank of the river on the adjacent coastal strip as a natural park.

This goes to show how a renovation project can also become an opportunity for environmental regeneration and economic revitalization, which becomes particularly interesting during periods of economic stagnation like the present, when efficiency and innovation are the only engines for recovery.

Salerno and the Projects involving the Port and the Urban Waterfront Projects for the Urban Waterfront Like other Italian cities, Salerno is forced to address the challenge of sustainable development in order to harmonize the needs that arise from the social and economic functions taking place on the territory and the preservation of the environmental, historical and cultural values of the city.

For this purpose, to improve the efficiency of the terminal, and at the same time, raise the quality and livability of the area surrounding the port today, the Port Authority of Salerno postulated the construction of a port island near the coast between the Sele and the Tusciano rivers.

The coherence of this work with current city planning tools is demonstrated by the fact that the City Master Plan of Salerno includes the conversion of the current port into a tourist area and that the new Provincial Coordination Regional Master Plan of Salerno, currently in the process of approval, includes its construction as one of the non-negotiable works in the plan.

One of the projects for the regeneration of the urban waterfront that the Port Authority is currently working on with the City of Salerno in view of the future delocalization of the port, is an important project for the total reorganization of the routes that connect the port to the highway network: the Salerno Porta Ovest project.

The purpose of the project is to solve the problem of access to the port area and the ancient city centre by separating the traffic flow towards the port and the port district itself starting at the very entrance to the city from the highway exits.

The new infrastructure will make it possible to reorganize urban mobility as a whole, freeing the roads adjacent to the port area of lorry traffic, and improving the quality of the landscape and the quality of life in the district.

Another important regeneration project that the Port

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ri) del nuovo terminal crociere, al fine di poter gestire all'interno del porto esistente la (crescente) domanda di crocieristi.

Il quadro degli interventi proposti mette a sistema mobilità, spazi aperti, nuove architetture e rilancio del turismo, in un mix di interventi che mette Salerno sulla scia della grandi città portuali europee.

La Valutazione Ambientale Strategica della proposta di Porto Isola La VAS e l'Analisi Multi-Crterio delle alternative L'applicazione della VAS ad aree portuali annovera pochi esempi tra le esperienze europee e internazionali (sviluppo portuale di Città del Capo; Dalal-Clayton e Sander, 2005) e anche la letteratura sull'impatto ambientale dei porti è decisamente scarsa e pochi contributi fanno da riferimento nel settore (Bateman, 1996; Bailey e Solomon, 2004; Gupta et al., 2005; Peris-Mora et al., 2005; Peterlin et al, 2005; Alba, 2006).

Trovandoci in un contesto decisionale incerto, la scelta della metodologia è ricaduta sulla strutturazione di un percorso valutativo “multicriterio-partecipativo”, al fine di ampliare la conoscenza sia delle amministrazioni locali che dei cittadini in merito agli effetti prodotti dal nuovo porto e di strutturare un percorso in grado di costituire un supporto alle decisioni delle scelte pianificatorie future. Il percorso si è concluso con la definizione di una graduatoria di preferibilità fra le alternative possibili proposte dall'AP: Pontecagnano-Faiano, Battipaglia ed Eboli. Le tre alternative discendono dall'ipotesi di non poter localizzare l'infrastruttura al di là della foce del fiume Sele, per questioni connesse alla stabilità del litorale influenzata dal trasporto solido di sedimenti, massimo in prossimità della foce del fiume.

Gli effetti delle tre proposte sono stati valutati simulando la realizzazione dell'opera in tutte e tre le localizzazioni al fine di pervenire a una quantificazione, il più possibile accurata, di tutti gli impatti quali-quanitativi presenti.

Successivamente alla fase di analisi è stato realizzato un forum con le popolazioni interessate all'intervento, elemento necessario a garantire la partecipazione di chi il territorio lo vive, valore posto alle primissime posizioni dal paradigma della sostenibilità. L'evento ha costituito un momento di confronto fra popolazione, tecnici e amministratori politici.

Il programma si è articolato nelle seguenti fasi: 1. creazione di una base scientifica condivisa sui benefici, opportunità, costi e rischi connessi al progetto; 2. confronto sui temi della fase precedente fra esperti e partecipanti (popolazione locale, imprenditori del settore, società civile, maestranze portuali, …); 3. l'analisi BOCR2 delle alternative mediante il metodo multicriterio dell'Analytic Network Process (Saaty, 2006) implementato con i criteri scaturiti dal confronto.

Il metodo multi-critierio scelto consente di pervenire a una graduatoria fra le alternative sulla base del confronto a coppie tra gli elementi del modello.

L'ANP consente di emulare in maniera verisimile i ragionamenti della mente umana, che ragiona per livelli e mette in relazione tra loro gli elementi di ogni singola rete (Lombardi et al., 2008). Per costruire il modello decisionale è necessario identificare, nominandoli: ¬ il goal che si intende raggiungere; ¬ i cluster di criteri che sono i sotto-livelli di raggiungimento del goal; ¬ i cluster di alternative, che sono le possibili opzioni del processo decisionale.

I criteri adoperati sono il risultato del parere degli esperti e del confronto fra questi e i partecipanti del forum descritto (Tabella 2): Costruito il modello, viene realizzato il confronto a coppie degli elementi di ciascun cluster nei confronti di un nodo genitore. Due nodi del cluster ambientale, ad esempio, possono essere confrontati a coppie rispetto al nodo genitore alternativa (ad es. Eboli), per verificare quale dei due nodi abbia un peso maggiore rispetto all'altro. I confronti a coppie vengono effettuati adoperando una trasformazione numerica di un giudizio verbale, mediante la cosiddetta “Scala di Saaty” (ibid.). Il modello è stato implementato sottoponendo tali quesiti agli esperti di ciascun settore per quel che riguarda i BOCR; Per pervenire alla graduatoria finale, infine, è stato necessario aggregare con opportune formule combinatorie i risultati delle singole reti; Saaty propone alcune formule, in particolare:

Authority is working on with the City is the regeneration of the wharf of Santa Teresa with the project known as Piazza della Libertà.

Thanks to the Crescent project by the architect Bofil, the area will become a “piazza” on the sea, with the construction of residential buildings, offices and a large number of commercial and tourist activities (Table 1).

To complete the transformation of the area, the Port Authority commissioned architect Zaha Hadid, in 2007, to design the new cruise terminal (now under construction), in order to manage the (growing) demands of cruise ship passengers within the existing port.

The overall context of the proposed works organizes mobility, open spaces, new architecture and tourist revitalization into a system, with a blend of projects that puts Salerno right behind the great European port cities.

The Strategic Environmental Assessment for the proposal of Porto Isola The SEA and the Multi-Factor Analysis of the alternatives The application of the SEA to port areas has few precedents in European and international experiences (port development of Cape Town; Dalal Clayton and Sander, 2005) and even the literature on the environmental impact of ports is decidedly scarce and very few articles make reference to this field (Bateman, 1996, Bailey and Solomon, 2004; Gupta et al., 2005; Peris-Mora et al. 2005; Peterlin et al., 2005; Alba, 2006).

Being the decision-making context rather uncertain, the choice of methodology was to structure a “multicriteria-participative” assessment process, in order to increase the understanding by local administrations and citizens of the impact produced by the new port, and to build a process that would become a support for the decisions regarding future planning choices.

The process ended with a ranking of preferences regarding possible alternatives proposed by the Port Authority: Pontecagnano-Faiano, Battipaglia and Eboli.

The three alternatives derive from the idea that the infrastructure cannot be sited beyond the mouth of the Sele river, because of issues connected to the stability of the coast as influenced by the solid transportation of sediments, which is most intense in proximity to the mouth of the river.

The effects of the three proposals were assessed by simulating the construction of the work in all three possible locations in order to achieve the most accurate quantification possible of the quali-quantitative impacts.

Following the analysis phase, a forum was held with the populations involved in the project, an element necessary to guarantee the participation of the people whose lives take place in the territory, a value held in prime consideration by the paradigm of sustainability. The event was an opportunity for discussion between the population, the technicians and political administrators.

The program was divided into the following phases: 1. Creation of a shared scientific base regarding the benefits, opportunities, costs and risks connected to the project; 2. Discussion on themes relevant to the previous phase between experts and participants (local population, entrepreneurs in the field, society, port workers…); 3. the BOCR2 analysis of the alternatives using the multi-criteria method of the Analytic Network Process (Saaty, 2006) implemented with criteria resulting from the discussion.

The chosen multi-criteria method makes it possible to create a ranking of alternatives on the basis of a pairwise comparison of the elements of the model.

The ANP makes it possible to plausibly emulate the thinking of the human mind, that reasons per levels and relates the elements of each single network to the others (Lombardi et al., 2008). To build the decisionmaking model it is necessary to identify and to name: ¬ the goal to be achieved; ¬ the cluster of criteria that are the sub-levels of goal achievement;

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Tabella 2 Cluster e nodi del modello BOCR adoperato nell'ANP

Table 2 Clusters and nodes of the BOCR model adopted by the ANP

Bocr

Clusters

Bocr

Clusters

Nodes

Benefici

Aspetti Creazione di occupazione Economico-Finanziari diretta all'interno dell'infrastruttura portuale.

Riduzione dei costi di trasporto per il sistema produttivo locale.

Finanziamenti.

Benefits

Economic-Financial Factors

Creation of direct employment inside the port infrastructure.

Reduction of transportation costs for the local production system.

Funding.

Transportation Factors

Creation of an internationally significant plurimodal transportation hub.

Governance Factors

Birth of processes of participation.

Land occupation Factors

Limitation of uncontrolled urbanization.

Regeneration of blighted coasts.

Availability of areas on which to establish retro-port activities (for ex. Distripark).

Economic-Financial Factors

Creation of indirect employment in retro-port activities.

Positive external factors for the local production system.

Transportation Factors

Increase in the capacity to transport people/cargo.

Creation of a new transportation mode useful to the territory.

Environmental Factors

Ecological fragmentation of the territory.

Pollution of environmental components (earth, air, water).

Economic-Financial Factors

Construction costs.

Construction of works to minimize the erosion of the coast.

Construction of infrastructural projects with the purpose of avoiding heavy traffic on existing roads and railways.

Land Occupation Factors

Correspondence of the project to the City Master Plan.

Land Occupation Factors

Non-utilization of the part of the coast for beach and tourist activities.

Aspetti Esternalità negative per il Economico-Finanziari turismo e l'agro-alimentare.

Consumo di suolo adoperato dal sistema agro-alimentare locale.

Economic-Financial Factors

Negative external factors for tourism and the agriculture-food industry.

Occupation of the soil by the local agriculture-food industry.

Aspetti Ambientali

Environmental Factors

Visual impact from valuable cones of vision (for ex. the Amalfi Coast).

Visual impact of the works on land.

Impact on the areas of historical-architectural interest.

Noise and vibration making.

Land occupation, landscape and eco-systems.

Governance Factors

NIMBY syndrome.

Aspetti Trasportistici

Nodi

Creazione di un polo trasportistico plurimodale di rilevanza internazionale.

Aspetti di Governance Nascita di processi partecipativi.

Opportunità Aspetti Limitazione insediativo-territoriali dell'urbanizzazione selvaggia.

Riqualificazione dei litorali degradati.

Disponibilità di aree per insediare attività retro portuali (es. Distripark).

Opportunities

Aspetti Creazioni di occupazione Economico-Finanziari indiretta nelle attività retro-portuali.

Esternalità positive per il sistema produttivo locale.

Costi

Aspetti Trasportistici

Aumento capacità trasporto merci/persone.

Creazione di una nuova modalità di trasporto utile al territorio.

Aspetti Ambientali

Frammentazione ecologica del territorio.

Inquinamento componenti ambientali (suolo, aria, acqua).

Costs

Aspetti Costi di realizzazione Economico-Finanziari dell'opera.

Realizzazione di opere atte a minimizzare l'erosione costiera.

Realizzazione di opere infrastrutturali atte a non congestionare le arterie stradali e ferroviarie esistenti.

Aspetti Insediativo-Territoriali Rischi

Corrispondenza dell'intervento al P.U. Comunale.

Aspetti Non utilizzo di parte Insediativo-Territoriali della costa per fini uristico-balneari.

Impatto visivo da coni ottici di pregio (es. Costiera amalfitana).

Impatto visivo delle opere a terra.

Impatto sulle aree ad interesse storico-architettonico.

Produzione di rumore e vibrazioni.

Consumo di suolo, paesaggio ed ecosistemi.

Aspetti di Governance Sindrome NIMBY.

Risks

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Tabella 3 Vettori prioritĂ delle sottoreti del modello BOCR

Table 3 Priority vectors for the sub-networks of the BOCR models

Benefici Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 0.524332 1 0.491004

Normals 0.260171 0.496195 0.243634

Raw 0.130085 0.248098 0.121817

Benefits Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 0.524332 1 0.491004

Normals 0.260171 0.496195 0.243634

Raw 0.130085 0.248098 0.121817

OpportunitĂ Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 0.775436 1 0.150226

Normals 0.402686 0.519302 0.078012

Raw 0,201343 0,259651 0,039006

Opportunities Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 0.775436 1 0.150226

Normals 0.402686 0.519302 0.078012

Raw 0,201343 0,259651 0,039006

Costi Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 1 0,928185 0,246879

Normals 0,459756 0,426739 0,113504

Raw 0,229878 0,21337 0,056752

Costs Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 1 0,928185 0,246879

Normals 0,459756 0,426739 0,113504

Raw 0,229878 0,21337 0,056752

Rischi Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 1 0.454680 0.443622

Normals 0.526787 0.239519 0.233694

Raw 0.263393 0.119760 0.116847

Risks Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 1 0.454680 0.443622

Normals 0.526787 0.239519 0.233694

Raw 0.263393 0.119760 0.116847

Visuale simulata del Porto Isola dalla Costiera Amalfitana Identificazione del porto di Salerno Il modello Anyport Simulated view of the island port from the Amalfi Coast Location of the port of Salerno The Anyport model

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¬ Additiva = B + O + (1/C) + (1/R); ¬ Additiva Probabilistica = B + O + (1-C) + (1-R); ¬ Moltiplicativa = (B*O)/(C*R).

Le formule sono così strutturate in quanto, il primo posto nella sottorete costi o rischi, significa essere l'alternativa meno preferibile perché più costosa o più rischiosa, e viceversa per i benefici e le opportunità (Tabella 3).

L'aggregazione delle prestazioni delle singole alternative relativamente ai BOCR mediante analisi multi-critierio, consente di pervenire alla definizione dell'alternativa preferibile (nel nostro caso Eboli), come quella in grado di ottimizzare la necessità di massima efficacia economica e sufficienti garanzie socio-ambientali. Tale prerogativa è particolarmente efficace in caso di attuazione della metodologia valutativa a step pianificatori preliminari e/o caratterizzati da elevata incertezza, al fine di definire, fra più alternative, un'ipotesi da cui partire per aggregare consenso e costruire il percorso progettuale definitivo (Tabella 4).

Nota 1.www.acturban.org/biennial/ElectronicCatalogue/Catalonia/generalitat_delta.htm 2. Benefici, Opportunità, Costi e Rischi Bibliografia ¬ Alba J., La huella ecològica del Puerto de Gijòn, Estudio financiado por Puertos del estado, Ministero dei Lavori Pubblici Spagnolo, Madrid, 2003 ¬ Bailey D., Solomon G., Pollution prevention at ports: clearing the air, Environmental Impact Assessment Review n°24, Elsevier Publishing, Amsterdam, 2004 ¬ Bateman S., Environmental issues with Australian ports, Ocean & Coastal Management n°33, Elsevier Publishing , Amsterdam, 1996 ¬ Bird J.H., The Major Seaports of the United Kingdom, Hutchinson Publishing, Londra, 1963 ¬ Dalal-Clayton B., Sadler B., Strategic Environmental Assessment: A source book and reference guide to international experience, Earthscan Publishing, London, 2005 ¬ Forte E., Logistica economica ed aree dismesse, IX Riunione Scientifica SIET, Napoli 3-5 Ottobre 2007 ¬ Gupta A.K., Gupta S.K., Rashmi S.P., Environmental management plan for port and harbour projects, Clean Technologies and Environmental Policies n°7, Springer Publishing, Heidelberg, 2005 ¬ Lombardi P., Bottero M., Lami I.M., Analytic Network Process, la valutazione di scenari di trasformazione urbana e territoriale, Ed. Alinea, Firenze, 2008 ¬ Peris-Mora E., Diez Orejas J.M., Subirats A., Ibanez S., Alvarez P., Development of a system of indicators for sustainable port managements, Marine Pollution Bulletin n°50, Elsevier Publishing, Amsterdam, 2005 ¬ Peterlin M., Kontic B., Kross B. C., Public perception of environmental pressures within the Slovene coastal zone, Ocean & Coastal Management n°48, Elsevier Publishing, Amsterdam, 2005 ¬ Saaty T.L., Vargas L.G., Decision making with the Analytic Network Process, Springer Science Publisher, New York, 2006

¬ the cluster of alternatives, which are the possible options of the decision-making process.

The adopted criteria are the result of the opinions of experts and of the discussion between them and the participants of the forum described below (Table 2): Once the model is built, a pairwise comparison is made between the elements of each cluster in reference to a parent node. Two nodes of the environmental cluster, for example, may be compared pairwise to an alternative parent node (Eboli, for example), to check which of the two nodes exercises greater influence than the other. The pairwise comparison takes place by means of a numerical transformation of a verbal assessment, using the so-called “Saaty Scale” (ibid.). The model was implemented by submitting these questions to experts in each field as far as the BOCR are concerned. To draft the final ranking, it was necessary to aggregate the results of each single network with the appropriate formulas of combination; Saaty proposes several formulas, in particular: ¬ Additive = B + O + (1/C) + (1/R); ¬ Additive Probabilistic = B + O + (1-C) + (1-R); ¬ Multiplicative = (B*O)/(C*R).

The formulas are structured this way in that taking first place in the sub-network of costs or risks, means being the least preferable alternative because it is the most costly or most risky, and vice-versa for benefits and opportunities (Table 3).

Using multi-criteria analysis to aggregate the performance of each alternative in terms of BOCR, makes it possible to identify the preferable alternative (in our case Eboli) as the one that optimizes the requirement of maximum economic efficiency and sufficient social and environmental guarantees. This prerogative is particularly effective in those cases when the assessment methodology is applied to planning phases that are preliminary and/or characterized by deep uncertainty, so that among a series of alternatives a starting point may be chosen with which to create consensus and build the definitive planning process (Table 4).

Notes 1. www.acturban.org/biennial/ElectronicCatalogue/ Catalonia/generalitat_delta.htm 2. Benefits, Opportunities, Costs and Risks

I progetti per l'area di Santa Teresa: Il Crescent di Bofil (sx) e il nuovo terminal crociere di Zaha Hadid (dx); Fonte: AP di Salerno Deviazione foce del fiume Llobregat, a Barcellona, per dare vita al nuovo Distripark The project for the area of Santa Teresa: the Crescent

by Bofil (left) and the new cruise terminal by Zaha Hadid (right); Source: Port Authority of Salerno Barcelona, re-routing of the mouth of the Llobregat river to create the new Distripark Comparazione tra le tre ipotesi esaminate: Pontecagnano-Faiano, Battipaglia ed Eboli Comparison between the three alternative locations: Pontecagnano-Faiano, Battipaglia and Eboli

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Tabella 4 Aggregazione e risultati finali

Table 4 Aggregation and final results

Additiva Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 0,85 1,00 0,55

Normals 0,35 0,42 0,23

Raw 0,32 0,38 0,21

Additive Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 0,85 1,00 0,55

Normals 0,35 0,42 0,23

Raw 0,32 0,38 0,21

Additiva probabilistica Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 0,91 1,00 0,73

Normals 0,35 0,38 0,28

Raw 0,57 0,63 0,46

Additive Probabilistic Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 0,91 1,00 0,73

Normals 0,35 0,38 0,28

Raw 0,57 0,63 0,46

Moltiplicativa Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 0,83 1,00 0,27

Normals 0,40 0,48 0,13

Raw 0,41 0,49 0,13

Multiplicative Battipaglia Eboli Pontecagnano

Ideals 0,83 1,00 0,27

Normals 0,40 0,48 0,13

Raw 0,41 0,49 0,13

92 dossier

Restoring Life in the City: Regenerating the Valletta Grand Harbour Area Devolviendo la vida a la ciudad: regenerando la zona portuaria de Valeta

Map of the Maltese islands A Lateen sail boat (source unknown) View of the Grand Harbour, Valletta, ca 1900 Plano de las Islas Maltesas Barco con vela latina (fuente desconocida) Vista del Grand Harbour, Valeta, en 1900

Las Islas Maltesas Las Islas Maltesas prosperaron gracias a sus puertos naturales. Los puertos, ubicados dentro de la región de la capital han sido fundamentales para el comercio y los negocios en las Islas Maltesas, a menudo servían de enlace entre Europa, Asia y el Norte de África. Después de varios siglos de intensas actividades, la importancia de la región de las ciudades portuarias entró en declive, debido a cambios en la naturaleza de la economía maltesa y al hecho de que las actividades culturales y recreativas de los habitantes se desplazaron a otras zonas de la isla.

Desarrollo del Grand Harbour Malta La zona del Grand Harbour es una red compuesta por 6 ciudades, Valeta, Floriana, Marsa, Vitoriosa, Senglea, Cospicua y Kalkara. Comparten la misma orilla, una historia con muchos altibajos y un puerto que ha determinado sus actividades sociales, culturales y económicas durante siglos.

A partir de la mitad del siglo XVI, Malta y sus puertos se consideraban de gran importancia estratégica. Después del Gran Sitio de 1565, los Caballeros fortalecieron los puertos y fortificaron las ciudades, construyendo una flota muy fuerte que dominaba el Mediterráneo. Las ciudades portuarias se convirtieron en un centro cosmopolita atrayendo a gente de varios países con distintas creencias, profesiones y oficios (Cassar, 2000). La próxima inversión en la zona portuaria sucedió en la época bajo dominio británico (1800 1964). Con su base naval en Malta, los británicos consideraban que el Grand Harbour era el núcleo de sus actividades marítimas. Las actividades comerciales de la isla aumentaron y Malta ya tenía fama de ser el “Foco del Mediterráneo”. Los británicos desarrollaron y fortalecieron la construcción naval, una tradición que se remonta a los Caballeros, convirtiendo el puerto en un hub de actividad comercial, que dio lugar tanto a un aumento en el número de habitantes como a un crecimiento en el comercio de la zona (Debono, 2000).

El destino del puerto y las ciudades circundantes cambió después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. La zona sufrió intensos bombardeos que destrozaron el tejido urbano. Se prepararon proyectos para regenerar las ciudades, con el fin de integrar el ambiente local y los elementos contemporáneos para poder revitalizar las ciudades, sobre todo en cuanto a las viviendas se refiere (Harrison y Hubbard, 1945). Los proyectos plantearon nuevas ideas para el urbanismo y viviendas sociales (Borg 2003) que resultaron en una parcial repoblación y reactivación de las ciudades dentro la zona del Grand Harbour. Las obstrucciones principales a una revitalización completa eran la reubicación de los negocios y la decadencia de la construcción naval y los astilleros. El turismo y la industria manufacturera sustituyeron las actividades portuarias, a la vez que los pueblos nuevos y las nuevas zonas de ocio obligaron a los focos de recreo a desplazarse a zonas alejadas del Grand Harbour. Las zonas donde antes había mucha actividad dejaron de tener vida, y se percibía que Valeta ya era “una ciudad con vida durante el día pero sin vida por la

The Maltese Islands The Maltese Islands prospered thanks to their natural harbours. The harbours, located within the region of the capital city have been crucial for trade and business to the Maltese Islands, which often served as a link between Europe, Asia and North Africa. Following centuries of intense activity, the harbour city region declined in its importance due to changes in the nature of the Maltese economy and a shift of focus of the cultural activities and leisure habits of the population away from the harbour area to other areas of the island.

Historical Development of the Grand Harbours of Malta The Grand Harbour area is a network of six cities Valletta, Floriana, Marsa, Vittoriosa, Senglea, Cospicua, Kalkara. They are bound by a common shoreline, a chequered history and a harbour that has shaped their social, cultural and economic activities for centuries. From the mid-16th century onwards, Malta and its harbours were considered a strategic asset. Following the Great Siege of 1565, the Knights strengthened the harbours, fortified the cities and built a strong fleet that dominated the Mediterranean sea. The harbour cities became a cosmopolitan centre attracting various people from different nations and professing diverse creeds as well as trades and skills (Cassar, 2000). The next major investment in the harbour area occurred during the British era (1800-1964). With their naval base in Malta, the British saw the Grand Harbour as the pivot of their maritime activity. Trade activity of the island increased and Malta became renowned as the “Hub of the Mediterranean”. Ship building, a tradition commenced by the Knights was developed and strengthened by the British, rendering the port a hub of commercial activity. This led to further expansion of population and trade in the area (Debono, 2000).

The fate of the harbour and the surrounding cities changed after World War II. The area was heavily bombed causing severe damage to the urban fabric. Plans were drawn up to regenerate the Cities. These sought to integrate the local feel, contemporary elements and regenerate the cities, in particular addressing accommodation (Harrison and Hubbard, 1945). The plans led to new ideas of town planning and social housing plans (Borg 2003) resulting in a partial re-population and revival of the cities within the Grand Harbour area. The main hurdles to full revival were the relocation of businesses and the decline of ship building and dockyard works. Tourism and manufacture replaced port activity whilst new towns and leisure areas forced the entertainment nodes to shift away from the Grand Harbour. Zones that were previously active became lifeless leading to an observation that (Valletta) is ‘a city alive by day and dead by night' (in Theuma, 2004). Sea transport links – so important in the previous decades for keeping the city fabric alive – were replaced by internal road networks thus substituting an efficient sea link with a slow moving and congested road networks.

For 30 years (1960s-1990s) the Grand Harbour area was ignored. Attempts to revive the area were sporadic and ineffective. In 1996 a newly elected government started to address the issue. However the proposed changes were not approved and what started as a very innovative idea (the building of a yacht marina in the heart of the harbour) became a controversial issue costing the

Nadia Theuma Anthony Theuma

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newly elected Labour Government (1996-1998) its election. In hindsight, one could also argue that this incident led to a chain of events that led Grand Harbour to regain its role as a major hub of economic and social activity in Malta as well as becoming a hub of Mediterranean activity, linking not only the cities sharing the harbour but also other European cities.

Rehabilitation of the Grand Harbour Area: the Past Fifteen Years The regeneration of the harbour area became central to the new government's policy (post 1998). Of note are three capital projects, namely 1. the building of the Valletta Cruise Liner Terminal, 2. the Cottonera Waterfront Redevelopment, and 3.

Dock 1 Project. The main focus of these projects was to regenerate the cities, conserve the existing urban heritage and prevent further deterioration, restore economic activity and revive community development by attracting new residents to the area. In addition, these activities aimed to promote the Harbour area as a thriving community attracting discerning residents; economic activity; artisan and specialist trades, social regeneration, mercantile activity and tourism activity. The projects have triggered the economic activity within the harbour area leading the area to become once again a contributor to the Maltese economy.

Economic Activity in relation to Grand Harbour area The investment in the harbours led to an increase in the maritime related activity. Yachting activities have grown substantially over the past years with potential for further expansion. Malta is in a strategic location to reap the benefits from the stopover traffic cruising the Mediterranean. Language, the social environment and the availability of good quality chandlery and yard services in Malta are perceived as advantageous qualities to promote Malta on the international yachting scene. Shipping is another growth area. During the period 1999-2007, the number of ships calling in Maltese ports increased by 18.5% reaching almost 6,500 ships, while the corresponding gross tonnage has increased by over 40%.

The cruise liner industry has experienced continuous expansions in recent years.

Investment in the Valletta Cruise Terminal, coupled with a strategic location at the centre of the Mediterranean proved instrumental in generating the volume increases to make Valletta one of Europe's top cruise harbours. The growth of the cruise-passenger industry in the Grand Harbour has grown steadily earning it the 7th place in visitor numbers in 2007 (Wild et al. 2009).

The economic impact of visitors to the islands through cruise liner activity is significant. It is estimated that the average spending of a cruise passenger is 29.70 whilst ashore, excluding the costs of pre-booked excursions. In 2006, this contributed to 7.89 million to the economy (Bongailas, 2007). It is however argued, that this expenditure could be increased if good quality products, such as high level crafts items, and alternative tourist routes are created (Theuma, in print).

Regeneration: the Social and Cultural Dimensions Regeneration is incomplete without the human dimension. Various papers and position documents have been written about the regeneration of the Grand Harbour area (Borg, 2003; Piano; 2008 and Theuma, 2004 among others). How have these projects affected people and the businesses in the area â&#x20AC;&#x201C; and who is benefitting in terms of the social regeneration?

The revival of Grand Harbour area brought with it an influx of new communities, namely young educated couples and foreigners. This is injecting a new feel to the cities â&#x20AC;&#x201C; as well as generating a sense of well being. The cultural activity in the area of the Grand Harbour, through invented food and historical festivals, art exhibitions, concerts and new cultural attractions have led to an increase in visitors for leisure purposes. Direct positive impacts on the community resulting from regeneration, are still being studied. Initial research on the community of Vittoriosa indicates positive feedback from residents, and a sense of improved quality of life. However, the employment data of residents, working in businesses and establishments in the Grand Harbour city area is still low. Studies also indicate an increase in independent visitors to the area. These factors indicate that the socio-economic level of the area is increasing as a result of the regeneration projects. Ongoing research will continue to shed more light.

Views of Valletta, Malta (www.ufficiodelturismo.it; www.panoramio.com) View of the Grand Harbour (www.commons.wikimedia.org) Vistas de la ciudad the Valeta (www.ufficiodelturismo.it; www.panoramio.com) Vista del Grand Harbour (www.commons.wikimedia.org)

noche” (Theuma, 2004). Las conexiones de transporte marítimas – tan importantes en las décadas anteriores a la hora de mantener vivo el tejido de las ciudades – se veían sustituidas por las redes viarias internas, cambiando así unas conexiones marítimas eficaces por unas redes de carreteras lentas y congestionadas.

Durante 30 años (años ‘60 hasta los ‘90) se hizo caso omiso al Grand Harbour. Los intentos de reanimar la zona eran esporádicos e ineficaces. En 1996 el Gobierno recién elegido intentó solucionar el problema. No obstante, no se logró aprobar los cambios propuestos y lo que empezó como un planteamiento muy innovador (la construcción de un puerto deportivo en pleno puerto) se volvió muy polémico, provocando la derrota del nuevo Gobierno Laborista (1996-1998) en las próximas elecciones. En retrospectiva, se podría decir que este suceso desencadenó una serie de acontecimientos que permitieron al Grand Harbour recuperar su papel como núcleo importante para las actividades económicas y sociales en Malta, además de convertirse en un hub de actividad en el Mediterráneo, sirviendo de enlace no solamente para las ciudades que compartían el puerto sino también para otras ciudades europeas.

Re-establishing the link with Europe and Beyond - Developmed Project1 As a result of the projects and investments in the area, the Grand Harbour is once again at the centre of maritime activity. The port and its surroundings are one of the priority areas of national growth. For this aim, Malta is participating in a transnational project – DEVELOPMED – funded through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) in the framework of the MED Programme2.

The DEVELOPMED Project aims at promoting the strategic integration of Mediterranean ports. Through this project, the partners are to evaluate, define and agree upon a common development strategy for improving the competitiveness of the MED maritime system, developing the connections between the main regional ports and the Trans-European Network of Transport (TEN-T).

The project will promote the strategic positioning of the Mediterranean space by strengthening maritime accessibility and the empowerment of Mediterranean ports in modality and intermodality transport systems. This is particularly important in promoting accessibility to insular Mediterranean states and their connection with mainland Europe.

A SWOT analysis of the Grand Harbour area (Busuttil, 2010), shows that the harbour has many strengths and further potential for growth in the activities conducted by the harbour itself. The strengths of the harbour region will need the added internal support of the local industry as well as further input from the government to meet the challenges of the future, in particular the use of efficient energy, better logistics to manage appropriately the various activities of the area and tapping all opportunities available in order to minimize the adverse impacts brought about by threats including the continued competition from other harbours.

Rehabilitación de la zona del Grand Harbour: los últimos 15 años La regeneración del puerto llegó a ser el factor clave en la política del nuevo Gobierno a partir de 1998. Existían 3 proyectos importantes: 1. la construcción del Terminal para Buques Transatlánticos en Valeta; 2. el Proyecto de Desarrollo del Frente Marítimo de Cottonera; y 3. el Proyecto Dock 1. El planteamiento principal de dichos proyectos era el de regenerar las ciudades, conservar el patrimonio urbano existente e impedir más deterioro, restableciendo la actividad económica y reactivando la comunidad atrayendo nuevos vecinos a la zona. Además, el propósito de dichas actividades era el de presentar la zona portuaria como una comunidad próspera que atrajera a residentes exigentes, actividad económica, la artesanía y obreros especializados, la regeneración social, actividades mercantiles y el turismo. Dichos proyectos han dado un impulso a la actividad económica dentro de la zona portuaria, que ya ha vuelto a contribuir a la economía maltesa.

Actividad económica en la zona del Grand Harbour Las inversiones en los puertos dieron lugar a un incremento en las actividades asociadas con el mar. En los últimos años la navegación a vela ha experimentado un aumento y podría seguir creciendo en popularidad. Malta se encuentra ubicada estratégicamente para aprovechar la presencia del tráfico navegando en el Mediterráneo que necesita hacer escala. El idioma, el entorno social y la disponibilidad de objetos productos náuticos de buena calidad y de astilleros en Malta se perciben como cualidades positivas que pueden potenciar el papel de Malta en el escenario internacional de vela. El transporte marítimo es otro sector con posibilidades de crecimiento.

Entre 1999 y 2007, la cantidad de buques que hicieron escala en los puertos de Malta incrementó en un 18.5%, que suponía casi 6.500 barcos, y el tonelaje bruto durante el mismo período subió en más de un 40%.

El sector de los cruceros ha experimentado aumentos constantes en los últimos años. Las inversiones en el Terminal de Valeta, junto con su ubicación estratégica en el centro del Mediterráneo, resultaron decisivas en la generación de un incremento en volumen que ha convertido a Valeta en uno de los primeros puertos de Europa en cuanto a escalas de cruceros se refiere. La industria de los pasajeros de cruceros en el Grand Har-

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Conclusion This paper has outlined the historical development of the Grand Harbour city region up to today. It has shown that regeneration and revival in the harbour areas is linked directly to developments on land as well as development of sea and trade links. The projects have resulted in enhanced maritime links and economic input. The last remaining link namely the impact of the regeneration on the community is less visible so far and further research will continue to shed light on how the rebirth of the Grand Harbour is leading to the revival of internal city life – an element that would make the regeneration complete.

References ¬ Bongailas, J. (2007), Cruise Experience in Malta, Paper presented at The Passenger Traffic Trends in the EU - Especially Cruises within the Baltic Region Port-Net Workshop 22-25th May 2007, Klaipeda available from (http://www.port-net.net/activities/pdf/Cruise%20Experience%20in%20 Malta.PPT#339,1). Accessed 23rd May 2010. ¬ Borg, M. (2003), Valletta: An Integrated Conservation and Rehabilitation of housing Stock [online] http://www.arcchip.cz/w03/w03_borg.pdf ¬ Busuttil, P.E. (2010), Mediterranean Potential: Malta Maritime Sector, Report prepared on behalf of Paragon Europe as part of the Deliverables of the DEVELOPMED Project. ¬ Cassar, Carmel (2000), A Concise History of Malta: Mireva: Malta ¬ Debono, J. (2000), Trade and Port Activity in Malta 1750-1800. PEG: Malta ¬ Harrison, AP and Hubbard, RP (1945), A Report Accompanying the Outline Plan for the Regeneration of Valletta and the Three Cities. Valletta ¬ Piano, R. (2008), Valletta: A Way forward in ME Design [online] http://www.medesignmag.com/ renzo-piano/452/valletta-a-way-forward/ August 2008 accessed on 25th June 2010. ¬ Theuma, N. (2004), “Tourism, Culture and Coastal Tourism” in Malta: The Revival of Valletta in Bill Bramwell (ed.), Coastal Mass Tourism: Diversification and Sustainable Development in Southern Europe. London: Channel View Publication (pgs 292-306) ¬ Theuma (in print), The economic impact of the cruise liner passenger activity in Malta: the perspective of tourism-related SMEs ¬ Wild, G.P and The Business Research and Economic Advisors (2009) Contribution of Cruise Tourism to the Economies of Europe [online] available from ¬ http://www.europeancruisecouncil.com/downloads/contribution_of_cruise_tourism _to_the_economies_of_europe_2008.pdf accessed on 1st June 2010.

Notes 1. The DevelopMed Project (www.developmed.eu) is an Interreg Project. It is led by the Marche Region, Italy with Paragon Europe, representing Malta together with 8 other partners – Ente Autonomo Volturno Srl (Italy), Hellenic Small Islands Network (Greece), Larnaca District Development Agency (Cyprus), Region of Ionian Island (Greece), AFT (France), Lazio Region – Regional Transport Management Department (Italy), Valenciaport Foundation – Foundation for Research, Promotion and Commercial Studies of the Valencian Region (Spain) and Port of Bar (Montenegro). This project, which is co-financed by the EU, focuses on the revival of the Mediterranean harbour areas by addressing different aspects of harbour and city activity.

2. The MED programme is a transnational programme of European territorial cooperation.

It is financed by the European Union as an instrument of its regional policy and of its new programming period (2007-2013). The priorities of the Programme are (1) To improve the area's competitiveness in a way that guarantees growth and employment for the next generations (Lisbon Strategy) (2) To promote territorial cohesion and environmental protection, according to the logic of sustainable development (Goteborg Strategy).

bour ha crecido a un ritmo constante, y en 2007 ocupaba el séptimo lugar en el ranking de número de visitantes (Wild et al. 2009).

El impacto económico que ha tenido la presencia de los pasajeros de los cruceros sobre las islas es considerable. Se calcula que cada visitante gasta una media de 29.70 en las ciudades, sin incluir lo que se gasta en las excursiones reservadas de antemano. En 2006, dichas cantidades aportaron otros 7.89 millones de Euros a la economía (Bongailas, 2007). No obstante, se considera que los turistas podrían gastar más si se crean otras rutas turísticas y si se mejora la calidad de los productos de artesanía en venta (Theuma, publicado).

Regeneración: Los Aspectos Sociales y Culturales La regeneración es incompleta sin la dimensión humana. Se han escrito varios artículos y documentos sobre la regeneración de la zona del Grand Harbour (Borg, 2003; Piano; 2008 y Theuma, 2004 entre otros). ¿Cómo se ha visto afectada la gente y cuál es el impacto en los negocios de la zona? ¿Quiénes han prosperado en cuanto a la regeneración social se refiere?

Con la reactivación de la zona del Grand Harbour llegó una afluencia de nuevos colectivos, sobre todo jóvenes profesionales y extranjeros, creando un nuevo ambiente en las ciudades y generando un sentido de bienestar. Mediante los festivales culinarios e históricos, las exposiciones de arte, los conciertos y las nuevas atracciones culturales en la zona del Grand Harbour, se ha conseguido aumentar el número de visitantes. Todavía se están estudiando los impactos directos de la regeneración sobre la comunidad. Las investigaciones iniciales sobre la comunidad de Vitoriosa indican que los habitantes han reaccionado de manera positiva y creen que su calidad de vida se ha mejorado. No obstante, hasta el momento existen pocos datos sobre el empleo de los habitantes en los negocios y establecimientos de

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la zona del Grand Harbour. Los estudios asimismo indican que se ha aumentado el número de visitantes independientes en la zona. Dichos factores indican que se ha incrementado el nivel socioeconómico como consecuencia de los proyectos de regeneración. Las investigaciones en curso arrojarán más luz sobre esta cuestión.

Restableciendo la conexión con Europa y Más Allá – Proyecto DevelopMed1 Gracias a los proyectos y las inversiones en la zona, el Grand Harbour ha vuelto a ser en centro de las actividades marítimas. El puerto y sus alrededores constituyen una de las zonas prioritarias para el crecimiento nacional. Con este fin, Malta está participando en un proyecto transnacional – DevelopMed – financiado por el Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) dentro del marco del Programa MED2. El Proyecto DevelopMed procura promocionar la integración estratégica de los puertos mediterráneos. Mediante este proyecto, los socios han de evaluar y definir una estrategia de desarrollo común y ponerse de acuerdo sobre cómo mejorar la competitividad del sistema marítimo de MED, desarrollando las conexiones entre los puertos principales de la región y la Red Transeuropea de Transporte (TEN-T).

El proyecto promocionará el posicionamiento estratégico del espacio mediterráneo, mejorando la accesibilidad marítima y proporcionando los puertos del Mediterráneo con sistemas de transporte modales e intermodales. Tiene una importancia especial a la hora de mejorar tanto la accesibilidad a los estados mediterráneo insulares como sus enlaces con la Europa continental.

Un análisis del Grand Harbour llevado a cabo por SWOT (Busuttil, 2010), demuestra que el puerto tiene muchos puntos fuertes y que las actividades efectuados por el mismo puerto podrían crecer aun más. Los puntos

fuertes de dicha región necesitarán el apoyo interno de la industria de la zona y más aportaciones del Gobierno para hacer frente a los desafíos del futuro, sobre todo respecto a la eficiente utilización de la energía, una mejora en la logística para gestionar adecuadamente las diversas actividades de la zona y la necesidad de explotar todas las oportunidades disponibles, con el fin de minimizar los impactos negativos de la competencia de otros puertos.

Conclusiones Este artículo ha explicado resumidamente el desarrollo histórico de la región de las ciudades del Grand Harbour hasta el presente. Ha puesto de manifiesto que la regeneración y reactivación de las zonas portuarias se ven directamente asociadas no solamente con las actividades en tierra firme, sino también con el desarrollo de los enlaces marítimos y del comercio. Los proyectos han logrado mejorar los enlaces marítimos y la aportación económica. El último enlace, es decir, el impacto de la regeneración sobre la comunidad, se ha notado menos hasta ahora, y se necesitan más estudios para poder arrojar luz sobre cómo el renacimiento del Grand Harbour está ayudando a revitalizar la vida interna de la ciudad – un aspecto que supondría un éxito rotundo para el proceso de regeneración.

Notas 1. El proyecto DevelopMed (www.developmed.eu) es un Proyecto Interregional. Lo dirige Marche Region, Italia con Paragon Europe, representando Malta junto con 8 socios - Ente Autonomo Volturno Srl (Italia), Hellenic Small Islands Network (Grecia), Larnaca District Development Agency (Chipre), Region of Ionian Island (Grecia), AFT (Francia), Lazio Region - Regional Transport Management Department (Italia), Fundación Valenciaport - Fundación de la Comunidad Valenciana para la

Investigación, Promoción y Estudios Comerciales (España) y Port of Bar (Montenegro). Este proyecto, cofinanciado por la UE, se centra en la reactivación de las zonas portuarias mediterráneas dedicándose a distintos aspectos de la actividad portuaria y de la ciudad.

2. El programa MED es un programa europeo transnacional de cooperación territorial. Lo financia la UE como una herramienta de su política regional y de su nuevo período de programación (2007-2013). Las prioridades del Programa son: 1. Mejorar la competitividad de la zona de una manera que asegure el crecimiento y empleo para las próximas generaciones (Estrategia de Lisboa); 2. Promocionar la cohesión territorial y la protección del medio ambiente, dentro del marco de desarrollo sostenible (Estrategia de Goteburgo).

The city of Valletta (www.picasaweb.google.com) The Grand Harbour, from Upper Barraka Gardens, Valletta The cruise liner terminal, Valletta Waterfront The Grand Harbour, Valletta La ciudad de Valeta (www.picasaweb.google.com) El Grand Harbour desde Upper Barraka Gardens, Valeta El terminal de cruceros en el waterfront de Valeta El Grand Harbour, Valeta

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Enzo Signorelli

Nacido en Italia en 1958, fotógrafo profesional desde 1982 y periodista desde 1987, se dedica al periodismo fotográfico y la fotografía industrial. Ha colaborado con varias agencias fotográficas: Ansa, Reuters, Associated Press, Gamma Paris and Liaison Agency in Nueva York.

Asimismo ha trabajado con algunas empresas y con revistas italianas e internacionales, fotografiando noticias, celebridades, moda, reportajes, arquitectura, viajes, deporte, televisión y cine, además de política y economía, empleo e industria.

Ha realizado muchas portadas y cientos de artículos en periódicos y revistas internacionales, en los medios corporativos e informes anuales. Ha trabajado para muchas empresas italianos y otras compañías importantes, como Indesit (2006-2009), como su fotógrafo oficial. Ha colaborado (1990-2007) con la revista semanal “Anna” (Rizzoli Group). Es socio de NEOSTravel Journalist Association y en la actualidad colabora con Getty Images. Ha montado cuatro exposiciones de sus propias obras: “Los Jóvenes de Palermo (Palermo, Italia, 1993), “Dentro de la Fábrica” (Milano, Italia, 1996), “Marina di Melilli 1982-1995” (Melilli, Italia 2006) y “Lodz, una Tierra Prometida en la Nueva Europa” (Lodz, Polonia, 2009).

Born in Italy in 1958, professional photographer since 1982, journalist since 1987, he works in the field of photojournalism and industrial photography. He has collaborated with many photo agencies: Ansa, Reuters, Associated Press, Gamma Paris and Liaison Agency in New York. He has also worked with businesses and with Italian and international magazines, covering news, reportage, architecture, travel, cinema, fashion, celebrities, politics and economy, labour and industry. He has contributed to many magazine covers and hundreds of publications in international newspapers and magazines, in corporate media and annual reports. He has worked for important Italian companies, such as Indesit (2006-2009), as corporate photographer. He collaborated (1990-2007) with the weekly magazine “Anna” (Rizzoli Group). He is a member of NEOS-Travel Journalist Association and he currently contributes to Getty Images.

He has held four personal exhibitions: “The Youth of Palermo (Palermo, Italy, 1993), “Inside the Factory” (Milan, Italy, 1996), “Marina di Melilli 1982-1995” (Melilli, Italy 2006), “Lodz, a promised land in the new Europe” (Lodz, Poland, 2009). [www.enzosignorelli.net]

100 palabras words

En cautividad

Joseph Conrad The Mirror of the Sea El espejo del mar

XXXIII Un barco en una dársena, rodeado de muelles y de los muros de los almacenes, tiene el aspecto de un preso meditando sobre la libertad con la tristeza propia de un espíritu libre en reclusión. Cables de cadena y sólidas estachas lo mantienen atado a postes de piedra al borde de una orilla pavimentada, y un amarrador, con una chaqueta con botones de latón, se pasea como un carcelero curtido y rubicundo, lanzando celosas, vigilantes miradas a las amarras que engrillan el barco inmóvil, pasivo y silencioso y firme, como perdido en la honda nostalgia de sus días de libertad y peligro en el mar.

El enjambre de renegados -capitanes de muelle, amarradores, escluseros y gente por el estilo- parece abrigar una desconfianza enorme hacia la resignación del barco cautivo. Nunca parece haber cadenas y estachas suficientes para satisfacer sus espíritus, preocupados por la segura sumisión de barcos libres a la resistente, cenagosa, esclavizada tierra. «Más vale que le dé usted otra vuelta de guindaleza a popa, señor Piloto», es una frase corriente en sus labios. Los tildo de renegados porque la mayoría de ellos han sido marineros en su día. Como si los achaques de la vejez -las canas, las patas de gallo y las nudosas venas de las manos- fueran los síntomas de un envenenamiento moral, merodean por los muelles con un aire de estarse recreando bajo cuerda en el quebrantado espíritu de nobles cautivos. Quieren más defensas, más amarras de través; quieren más esprines, más largos, más grilletes; quieren dejar a barcos de alma volátil tan inmóviles como cuadrados bloques de piedra. Se apostan sobre el barro de los enlosados, estos lobos de mar degradados, con largas filas de vagonetas haciendo resonar sus enganches a sus espaldas, y con mirada malévola recorren el barco desde el botalón de foque hasta el coronamiento, con el solo deseo de tiranizar a la pobre criatura bajo el velo hipócrita de la benevolencia y la solicitud. Aquí y allá grúas de carga, que parecen instrumentos de tortura para barcos, blanden crueles garfios al final de largas cadenas. Cuadrillas de obreros portuarios pululan por las planchas con sus embarrados pies. Es éste un espectáculo desgarrador, el de tantos hombres de tierra, terrosos, a los que jamás les ha importado nada un barco, pisoteando, despreocupados, brutales, y con sus botas claveteadas, el desvalido cuerpo.

Por fortuna, nada puede desfigurar la belleza de un barco. Esa sensación de mazmorra, esa sensación de horrible y degradante infortunio abatiéndose sobre una criatura de hermoso aspecto y digna de toda confianza, está tan sólo vinculada a los barcos amarrados en las dársenas de los grandes puertos europeos. Siente uno que se los ha encerrado poco honradamente, para hostigarlos de muelle en muelle a través de una oscura, grasienta, cuadrada charca de agua negra, como brutal recompensa al término de un leal viaje.

Un barco anclado en una rada abierta, con gabarras de carga al lado y su propio aparejo de fuerza columpiando el cargamento sobre la regala, está cumpliendo, en libertad, una de sus funciones vitales. No hay reclusión; hay espacio: agua clara alrededor, y un cielo despejado por encima de sus topes, con un paisaje de verdes colinas y encantadoras bahías extendiéndose en torno a su ancladero. No ha sido abandonado por sus propios hombres a las frágiles mercedes de la gente de tierra. Aún ampara a su pequeña banda de devotos, que cuidan de él, y uno siente que de un momento a otro va a deslizarse por entre los promontorios y desaparecer.

Es sólo en casa, en la dársena, donde yace abandonado, apartado de la libertad por todos los artificios de los hombres que sólo piensan en una rápida expedición y en fletes lucrativos. Es sólo entonces cuando las odiosas sombras rectangulares de muros y tejados caen sobre sus cubiertas con lluvias de hollín.

Traducción española de Javier Marías. Ediciones Hiperión, Madrid, 1986.

101

In Captivity XXXIII A ship in dock, surrounded by quays and the walls of warehouses, has the appearance of a prisoner meditating upon freedom in the sadness of a free spirit put under restraint. Chain cables and stout ropes keep her bound to stone posts at the edge of a paved shore, and a berthing-master, with brass buttons on his coat, walks about like a weather-beaten and ruddy gaoler, casting jealous, watchful glances upon the moorings that fetter a ship lying passive and still and safe, as if lost in deep regrets of her days of liberty and danger on the sea.

The swarm of renegades – dock-masters, berthingmasters, gatemen, and such like – appear to nurse an immense distrust of the captive ship`s resignation.

There never seem chains and ropes enough to satisfy their minds concerned with the safe binding of free ships to the strong, muddy, enslaved earth. “You had better put another bight of a hawser astern, Mr. Mate," is the usual phrase in their mouth. I brand them for renegades, because most of them have been sailors in their time. As if the infirmities of old age – the gray hair, the wrinkles at the corners of the eyes, and the knotted veins of the hands – were the symptoms of moral poison, they prowl about the quays with an underhand air of gloating over the broken spirit of noble captives. They want more fenders, more breasting-ropes; they want more springs, more shackles, more fetters; they want to make ships with volatile souls as motionless as square blocks of stone. They stand on the mud of pavements, these degraded seadogs, with long lines of railway-trucks clanking their couplings behind their backs, and run malevolent glances over your ship from headgear to taffrail, only wishing to tyrannize over the poor creature under the hypocritical cloak of benevolence and care. Here and there cargo cranes looking like instruments of torture for ships swing cruel hooks at the end of long chains.

Gangs of dock- labourers swarm with muddy feet over the gangways. It is a moving sight this, of so many men of the earth, earthy, who never cared anything for a ship, trampling unconcerned, brutal and hobnailed upon her helpless body.

Fortunately, nothing can deface the beauty of a ship.

That sense of a dungeon, that sense of a horrible and degrading misfortune overtaking a creature fair to see and safe to trust, attaches only to ships moored in the docks of great European ports. You feel that they are dishonestly locked up, to be hunted about from wharf to wharf on a dark, greasy, square pool of black water as a brutal reward at the end of a faithful voyage.

A ship anchored in an open roadstead, with cargolighters alongside and her own tackle swinging the burden over the rail, is accomplishing in freedom a function of her life. There is no restraint; there is space: clear water around her, and a clear sky above her mastheads, with a landscape of green hills and charming bays opening around her anchorage. She is not abandoned by her own men to the tender mercies of shore people. She still shelters, and is looked after by, her own little devoted band, and you feel that presently she will glide between the headlands and disappear. It is only at home, in dock, that she lies abandoned, shut off from freedom by all the artifices of men that think of quick despatch and profitable freights. It is only then that the odious, rectangular shadows of walls and roofs fall upon her decks, with showers of soot.

102 biografías biographies

Maria José Andrade Marqués

Hatem Kahloun

Enrique Maciñeira Alonso

Arquitecta por la Universidad de Sevilla, especialista en Urbanismo y Edificación.

En 2003 crea su estudio de arquitectura siendo sus obras publicadas en diversas revistas internacionales.

Desde 2008 es profesora de Proyectos de la Escuela de Arquitectura de la Universidad de Málaga. Está realizando la Tesis Doctoral “Las transformaciones del puerto de Málaga en el debate de los Waterfronts”, e interviene regularmente como ponente en congresos y cursos internacionales de contenido portuario. mjandrade@uma.es

Es profesor-investigador de urbanismo y planeamiento en el Instituto Superior de Tecnologías del Medio Ambiente, Planeamiento y Construcción de Túnez. Su investigación se centra en las pequeñas ciudades, la planificación portuaria y los usos de espacios urbanos, las mutaciones de las estructuras y de los sistemas residenciales, como así también la evolución de las figuras del Estado con respecto a las diferentes lógicas de proyectos urbanos.

Como experto-consultor, ha colaborado hasta 2011 en varios estudios sectoriales y de planificación estratégica, como el "Estudio para la evaluación de los planes de ordenación urbana", "Balance de la urbanización del Gran Túnez" y el "Estudio de las infraestructuras colectivas en el Gran Túnez".

Entre 2008 y 2010, fue secretario general de la Asociación de Urbanistas de Túnez. hatem.kahloun@laposte.net hatemkahloun@hotmail.fr

Nacido en 1964, es Doctor Ingeniero de Caminos, Canales y Puertos. Ha sido, entre otros cargos en la Administración General del Estado, Jefe de Costas de la provincia de Pontevedra, y lleva trabajando en la Autoridad Portuaria de La Coruña desde 1997 en la que ha ocupado diferentes cargos, entre ellos la Dirección General. Actualmente es el Jefe de Área de Desarrollo y Estrategia Portuaria.

Es autor de diferentes publicaciones y ha presentado numerosas ponencias en Congresos. direccion@puertocoruna.com

Najib Cherfaoui Ponts et Chaussées, Casablanca, Morocco cherfaoui122005@yahoo.fr

Gene Desfor Gene Desfor es Profesor Emérito y Profesor Adjunto de la Universidad de York, donde lleva más de 30 años impartiendo clases a universitarios en la Facultad de Estudios Ambientales. Es Doctor de Ciencias Regionales de la Universidad de Pensilvania. Desde el año 1978 participa activamente en la investigación sobre los frentes portuarios y lleva 5 años trabajando de Investigador Principal en el proyecto de investigación del Consejo Canadiense de Ciencias Sociales e Investigación de Humanidades “Changing Urban Waterfronts” (Frentes Portuarios Urbanos en Transición). Ha sido Asesor de la Comisión Real sobre el Futuro del Frente Portuario de Toronto. Ha escrito muchos documentos y libros sobre los procesos de desarrollo urbano, la creación de la política ambiental urbana y la historia del Frente Portuario de Toronto.

En el 2011 se van a publicar los siguientes libros de dicho autor: Transforming Urban Waterfronts: Fixity and Flow (La Transformación de los Frentes Portuarios Urbanos: Fijación y Flujo) (co-editor con J. Laidley, Q. Stevens y D. Schubert), New York: Routledge; Changing Toronto’s Waterfront (Cambiando el Frente Portuario de Toronto) (co-editor con J. Laidley), Toronto: University of Toronto Press; y con R. Keil, Nature and the City: Making Urban Environmental Policy in Toronto and Los Angeles (La Naturaleza y la Ciudad: la Creación de una Política Ambiental Urbana en Toronto y Los Ángeles), Tucson: University of Arizona Press; y (co-editor con D. Barndt y R. Rahder) Just Doing It: Collective: Popular Collective Action in the Americas (Haciéndolo: Colectiva: Acción Colectiva Popular en las Américas), Montreal: Black Rose Press. desfor@yorku.ca

César Ducruet Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS) - UMR 8504 Géographie-Cités - University of Paris-I Sorbonne, 13 rue du Four, F-75006 - Paris ducruet@parisgeo.cnrs.fr

Teresa Frausin Teresa Frausin obtuvo en 2009 el título de Arquitecta en la Universidad de Trieste con una tesis en Diseño Urbano. Actualmente, colabora con Vittorio Torbianelli estudiando la relación entre políticas urbanísticas y turismo de cruceros, como así también en investigación a nivel nacional sobre sistemas infraestructurales de transporte de mercaderías y logística. teresa.frausin@gmail.com

Tamara Guirao Espiñeira Licenciada en Ciencias Políticas, está especializada en Asuntos Europeos, en Economía y en Cooperación Internacional. Desde hace cuatro años trabaja sobre el alcance internacional de las acciones locales y regionales en varios organismos públicos y privados, entre ellos en la CCAA como coordinadora desde 2009.

Conferencia de Ciudades del Arco Atlántico Saint Martin n° 6 35000 Rennes Francia aacities@gmail.com

Jennefer Laidley Jennefer Laidley tiene un Máster en Urbanismo de la Facultad de Estudios Ambientales (Universidad de York, Toronto, Canadá, y fue Directora de Proyecto del proyecto de investigación quinquenal multidisciplinario y multi-institucional “Changing Urban Waterfronts” (Frentes Portuarios Urbanos en Transición) en la Universidad de York. Su tesis examinó las políticas de micro-nivel implicadas en los procesos de planificación del Frente Portuario Principal de Toronto entre mediados de la década de los 80 y principios del nuevo milenio. Entre sus obras más recientes se encuentran “The ecosystem approach and the global imperative on Toronto’s Central Waterfront” (El enfoque ecosistémico y el imperativo global en el Frente Portuario Principal de Toronto) en la revista especializada Cities y “Old megaprojects newly packaged? Waterfront development in Toronto” (¿Viejos Megaproyectos Disfrazados de Jovencitos? (con U. Lehrer) en el International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. Asimismo es co-editora deTransforming Urban Waterfronts: Fixity and Flow (La Transformación de los Frentes Portuarios Urbanos: Fijación y Flujo) con Desfor, Q. Stevens, y D. Schubert, (Routledge, New York, 2011) y Changing Toronto’s Waterfront (Cambiando el Frente Portuario de Toronto) con Gene Desfor (University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 2011). jlaidley@yorku.ca

Patrizia Lupi Periodista, experta en economía portuaria y logística, ha fundado en 1993 el periódico Portonuovo y en 2008 la publicación mensual POLO. Desde 1992 ha colaborado con numerosas revistas de sector y actualmente cura algunas columnas para periódicos especializados entre los cuales Le Strade, Logistica Management, Porto&Diporto, l'Avvisatore Marittimo, TTM, logisticamente.it. En 2010 ganó el premio periodístico Mare Nostrum Awards.

En su vida profesional, como consultora de marketing y comunicación, ha trabajado para algunas autoridades portuarias y para otras empresas públicas y privadas del sector portuario. En 2007 ha formado parte de la Secretaría Técnica del Plan General de la Movilidad del Ministerio de Transporte.

Desde 2003 es dirigente de la Autoridad Portuaria de Civitavecchia. patlupi@gmail.com

Maria Montoiro Salvado Tras una colaboración a través del Programa Argo Global con la Conferencia de Ciudades del Arco Atlántico en el análisis de temáticas específicamente urbanas, actualmente trabaja con el Eixo Atlántico en el área de Proyectos Europeos.

Conferencia de Ciudades del Arco Atlántico Saint Martin n° 6 35000 Rennes Francia aacities@gmail.com

Michelangelo Savino Es profesor de Técnica y Planificación urbanística en la Facultad de Ingeniería de la Universidad de Mesina y se dedica a los procesos de recalificación urbana y de los relativos procesos de innovación normativa que ha acompañado, sobre todo en Italia, la última temporada de proyectos e intervenciones de regeneración urbana. savino@ingegneria.unime.it

Marco Scerbo Nació en Nápoles el 18/09/1981. Ingeniero civil desde 2006; Investigador en la Universidad de Florencia, Departamento de Arquitectura y Diseño “Pierluigi Spadolini”, es Doctor en Investigación en “Métodos de Evaluación para la conservación del patrimonio Arquitectónico, Urbano y Ambiental” desde febrero de 2010, título obtenido en la Facultad de Arquitectura de Nápoles “Federico II”. Socio de la Sociedad Italia Estimación y Evaluaciones (SIEV) y del Instituto Nacional de Urbanismo (INU) desde 2008, es miembro de la comisión VAS del INU por la Sección Campania. marco.scerbo@taed.unifi.it

Cecilia Scoppetta Doctora en Planeamiento Territorial y Urbano, desarrolla actividad de investigación en la Universidad La Sapienza de Roma, donde dirige la redacción de la publicación internacional “urbanistica pvs”. Ha colaborado en la elaboración de diversos instrumentos de planificación a escala municipal y provincial y fue consultora de organismos internacionales (Icomos, Unesco, WB).

A partir del estudio del paisaje y del patrimonio cultural, su actual campo de investigación es el de las transformaciones de la ciudad contemporánea en relación al fenómeno de la globalización. ceciliascoppetta@tiscali.it

Irene Souto Blázquez Nacida en 1981, es Ingeniera de Caminos, Canales y Puertos por la Universidad de A Coruña (19992004) y Master en Administración Marítima y Gestión Portuaria por la misma Universidad (2007-2008).

Espera concluir sus estudios de Licenciatura en Derecho por la UNED durante el año 2011.

Desde el año 2007 es Jefa de División de Desarrollo Portuario de la Autoridad Portuaria de A Coruña, con responsabilidades en planificación física y estratégica.

Anteriormente, trabajó como ingeniera en una consultora de ingeniería civil (2005-2007).

Ha participado en diversos congresos con varias ponencias publicadas. isouto@puertocoruna.com

103

Anthony Theuma

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Ecole Nationale Supérieure Maritime, Bou Ismail, Algeria medcherif.fz@gmail.com

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Fatima Zohra Mohamed-Chérif

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Es profesor asociado en Economía Aplicada en la Universidad de Trieste, donde enseña Economía urbana y Economía marítima. Desde 2010 es “Lead Expert” del proyecto europeo CTUR (Cruise Traffic and Urban Regeneration), incluido en el ámbito de los proyectos URBACT. vittoriot@econ.units. .it

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Vittorio Torbianelli

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Directora del Instituto de Turismo y Cultura de la Universidad de Malta, se licenció en Antropología y Turismo. Lleva más de 14 años enseñando en la Universidad de Malta y realizando trabajos administrativos y de investigación en la Facultad de Turismo y el Departamento de Gestión de dicha institución.

Ha dirigido seminarios e impartido conferencias en Malta, el Reino Unido, Finlandia, Nueva Orleáns y Rumania. En el año 2002, terminó su Doctorado en Turismo y en el 2008 fue nombrada Directora del Departamento de Turismo. Ha sido asesora del Ministerio de Turismo, Recursos y Competitividad y Comunicaciones, siendo asimismo Directora de la Junta en el Ministerio de Turismo y Miembro de la Junta Directiva del Instituto de Turismo (Malta).

Es autora y co-autora de ponencias sobre el turismo cultural, el desarrollo local mediante el turismo y el impacto del turismo sobre las comunidades locales. nadia.theuma@um.edu.mt

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Nadia Theuma

Enviar por fax al Centro Internacional Città d’Acqua Fax it to the International Centre Cities on Water fax +39.041.5286103

Dr. Anton Theuma es licenciado en Farmacia, Didáctica y Ciencias Sociales. Hizo su Doctorado en la economía basada en el conocimiento y la creación de capacidades, trabajando asimismo de asesor principal para varias agencias estatales, órganos constituidos y entidades privadas. Durante muchos años, Dr. Theuma ha participado como director en varios proyectos co-financiados por la UE y en numerosos programas financiados por la UE, entre ellos FP6, FP7, CIP, COST y Interreg.

Asimismo Dr. Theuma es Director Ejecutivo de Paragon Europe, siendo el responsable del desarrollo e implantación de la estrategia global de la empresa.

Dr. Theuma es Asesor Comercial aprobado por Malta Enterprise. Es miembro activo de los comités de E-foresee, COST, Euro-Med Access, Biotechnology y del Comité Nacional de RTDI (IDTI).

Es conferenciante y ponente principal sobre la Agenda de Lisboa. anton@paragoneurope.eu

104 biografías biographies

Portusplus - Call for paper 2011 Portusplus es la magazine-online de RETE, Asociación para la colaboración entre puertos y ciudades, dedicadas a la profundización de los temas de la relación ciudad-puerto y de la recalificación de los waterfront urbanos. Portusplus desde 2011 acompaña la revista impresa Portus, edición semestral de RETE, que desde 2001 se dedica a las cuestiones que interesan a la Asociación. Portusplus se propone utilizar las ventajas de las comunicaciones via Internet como medio para hacer conocer trabajos originales, estudios teóricos o resultados de experiencias prácticas, llevados a cabo en diversos países del mundo y en los campos de interés ya citados, reservando una atención específica a las obras de jóvenes estudiosos. Los trabajos enviados serán evaluados por un “Comité de Evaluación”, compuesto por prestigiosos expertos internacionales del sector y, si son considerados de valor, serán publicados en la revista digital Portusplus. A los artículos de particular interés será reservada además la publicación en versión reducida sobre la revista impresa Portus. Portusplus será consultable en el sitio de Rete: www.reteonline.org.

A todos los paper que serán seleccionados por el Comité de Evaluación para ser publicados sobre Portusplus, será atribuido el código ISSN, (International Standard Serial Number) el número internacional que identifica las publicaciones en serie. Se podrá participar a la selección de los trabajos, respondiendo al “Call for paper”, con las modalidades previstas para el concurso.

3. de un artículo en file .DOC de máximo 20.000 caracteres – incluidos los espacios – con imágenes, gráficos, tablas y relativas leyendas, según el Formato Predefinito.

4. de imágenes de alta definición, 300 dpi, file .JPG/file .TIFF. 5. de un breve perfil del autor en file .DOC. Los Anexos se pueden descargar a continuación o en el sitio web de RETE (www.reteonline.org) en la sección Portusplus - “Call for paper”.

Las propuestas de paper, subordinadas a la revisión del Comité de Evaluación, deberán ser enviadas a la Secretaría Científica de Portusplus antes del 15 de Julio 2011. Los resultados de la selección del Comité de Evaluación serán comunicados mediante e-mail a cada autor. Los paper seleccionados serán publicados en la específica sección Portusplus del sitio web de RETE prevista para enero de 2012.

Los paper enviados serán sujetos a un “Comité de Evaluación”, constituido por los miembros del Comité Científico de RETE y por un Comité de Expertos Internacionales en las temáticas indicadas.

Call for paper El “Call for paper” para Portusplus tiene como finalidad la recolección y la difusión en la web de documentos científicos de carácter interdisciplinario, focalizados sobre diversas temáticas de interés relacionadas con las ciudades portuarias y los waterfront urbanos. El objetivo es satisfacer la demanda de conocimiento y difusión relativa a nuevas investigaciones, políticas y procesos y acciones capaces de animar el debate interdisciplinario. El “Call for paper” está abierto a los trabajos del mundo científico, universitario y cultural, expertos y técnicos, los operadores de instituciones y centros de investigación, y en general a todos aquéllos que poseen conocimientos y experiencias en las diversas disciplinas relacionadas con las siguientes temáticas: A. La ciudad portuaria contemporánea y nuevos modelos de relación puerto-ciudad.

B. La recalificación de los waterfornt urbano-portuarios.

C. La didáctica de la ciudad portuaria.

D. La ciudad portuaria latino-americana.

Los paper podrán ser enviados exclusivamente en los siguientes idiomas: inglés, español, francés, portugés, italiano.

Las modalidades de participación al “Call for paper” prevén, como mínimo para su aceptación, el envío: 1. de la Declaración de Responsabilidad y del Formulario de Adhesión, rellenados y firmados por cada autor (file .DOC con firma digital, o bien file .PDF/file .JPG con escansión de la firma original).

2. de un “Abstract” en file .DOC de máximo 1.500 caracteres - incluidos los espacios - en el idioma original y con su traducción en idioma inglés, según el Formato Predefinito.

Portusplus - Call for papers 2011 Portusplus is the online-magazine of RETE, the Association for the Collaboration between Ports and Cities, dedicated to the study of themes involving the relationship between port and city and the regeneration of urban waterfronts. Since 2011, Portusplus has been a supplement to Portus, the bi-yearly printed magazine published by RETE dealing with issues of interest to the Association since 2001. Exploiting the advantages of communicating on the Internet, Portusplus will become an opportunity to present original works, theoretical studies or the results of practical experiences, conducted in many countries around the world and concerning the fields of interest described above, reserving specific attention to the works of young scholars. The papers submitted will be evaluated by a “Review Committee”, composed of prestigious international experts in the field, and, if they are considered worthy, will be published in the Portusplus digital magazine. The articles which are considered to be of particular interest will also published in an abridged version in the printed magazine Portus. Portusplus may be consulted on the website of RETE: www.reteonline.org.

All the papers selected by the Review Committee to be published by Portusplus, will be given an ISSN code (International Standard Serial Number), the international number that identifies standard publications.

Participation in the selection of articles may be requested by responding to the “Call for papers”, following the instructions for submission.

Para el envío de los paper y para ulteriores informaciones es posible dirigirse a la Secretaría Científica de Portusplus: Arch. Oriana Giovinazzi Centro Internazionale Città d'Acqua San Polo, 2605 – 30125 Venezia Dirección mail: portusplus@reteonline.org

Call for papers The “Call for papers” for Portusplus is finalized towards the collection and diffusion on the web of interdisciplinary scientific documents, focused on the many themes of interest concerning port cities and urban

waterfronts. The objective is to satisfy the demand for knowledge and for the diffusion of new research studies, policies, processes and actions in order to stimulate the interdisciplinary debate. The call for papers is open to articles from the world of science, academics and culture, from experts and technicians, from contributors who operate within institutions and research centers and in general from anyone who in any position has knowledge and experience in the various disciplines that deal with the following themes: A. The contemporary port city and the new models of port-city relationships.

B. The regeneration of urban-port waterfronts.

C. Teaching the port city.

D. The Latin-American port city.

The papers may be submitted exclusively in the following languages: English, Spanish, French, Portuguese, Italian.

The rules for participating in the “Call for papers” require, under penalty of exclusion, that the following documents be submitted: 1. the Declaration of Responsibility and the Registration Form filled out and signed by each author (.DOC file format with digital signature, or .PDF or .JPG file format with scan of the original signature).

2. an “Abstract” in the .DOC file format with a maximum of 1.500 characters - spaces included - in the original language and a translation into English, in the Required Format.

3. a “Report” in .DOC file format maximum 20,000 characters – spaces included – with images, charts, tables and relative captions, in the Required Format.

4. images in high definition, 300 dpi, files in format .JPG/.TIFF. 5. a brief Profile of the Author (Attachment D) in the .DOC file format.

The Attachments may be downloaded below or on the website of RETE (www.reteonline.org) in the section Portusplus - “Call for papers”.

The papers submitted for the evaluation of the Review Committee must be sent to the Scientific Secretariat of Portusplus before July 15, 2010. The results of the selection by the Review Committee will be communicated by e-mail to the individual authors. The selected papers will be published in the Portusplus section of the RETE website presumably in January 2012.

The papers sent in will be submitted to a “Review Committee” composed of members of the RETE Scientific Committee and a Committee of International Experts in these specific issues. Its role will be to select the articles that respond to the requirements and satisfy the following criteria: originality of approach and methodology, clarity and order of contents, quality and completeness of presentation, scientific-academic level, scope of application of the results. Each paper will be submitted anonymously to the evaluation of at least two members of the Review Committee and the opinion they express will be final. In case of disagreement in the evaluations by the experts, the final decision on whether or not to publish the article will be made by the Director of the Scientific Committee of RETE. For the submission of the papers and any further information, please address questions to the Scientific Secretariat of Portusplus: Arch. Oriana Giovinazzi International Centre for Cities on Water San Polo, 2605 – 30125 Venezia e-mail address: portusplus@reteonline.org

ISSN 1825-9561

21

associazione per la collaborazione tra porti e città

Porti italiani Ciudades portuarias atlánticas Progetto URBACT-CTUR Kélibia Málaga Messina Tánger Istanbul A Coruña Salerno Valletta

21

Socios de Honor Honorary Members José Luis Estrada Llaquet, Barcelona João Figueira de Sousa, Lisboa Manuel Frasquilho, Lisboa Brian Hoyle, Southampton Julián Maganto López, Madrid Natercia Rego Cabral, Lisboa Luís Carlos Antunes Barroso, Lisboa

Socios Colaboradores Collaborating Members Administração do Porto de Aveiro, S.A. Administração dos Portos da Região Autónoma da Madeira, S.A. Administração do Porto de Viana do Castelo, S.A. A.I.P.P.Y.C - Asociación Internacional de Profesionales de Puertos y Costas, Buenos Aires Ajuntament de Maó, Menorca Arup, Madrid Ayuntamiento de Málaga Ayuntamiento de Palma Autoridad Portuaria de A Coruña Autoridad Portuaria de Alicante Autoridad Portuaria de Avilés Autoridad Portuaria de Baleares Autoridad Portuaria de Castellón Autoridad Portuaria de Gijón Autoridad Portuaria de Melilla Autoridad Portuaria de S/C de Tenerife Autoridad Portuaria de Sevilla Autoridad Portuaria de Tarragona Autoridad Portuaria de Valencia Autorità Portuale di Genova Autorità Portuale di Palermo Cabildo Insular de Gran Canaria, Las Palmas C^amara Municipal de Viana do Castelo Consorzio del Porto di Alghero ENAPOR S.A. - Empresa Nacional de Administração dos Portos, Cabo Verde Fundación Valenciaport, Valencia Malagaport A.I.E., Málaga Portos dos Açores S.A. Stazioni Marittime Spa, Genova Miembros Adheridos Participating Members Colegio Oficial Arquitectos de Cádiz Tore Frulio, Firenze Alessandro Gebbia, Napoli Iberport Consulting S.A., Valencia Junquera Arquitectos S.L., Madrid Juan Manuel Palerm Salazar, Las Palmas Pedro Romera García, Las Palmas TEAM, Ports & Maritime S. L., Barcelona TJMa José Ma Tomás Arquitectos Giglio & Partners, Alghero Associação Cultural Saber Global, Rio de Janeiro Escuela de Ingenieros de Caminos, Canales y Puertos – Universidad Politecnica de Valencia Maria José Andrade, Malaga

Portus La relación puerto-ciudad y la reorganización de las zonas urbano-portuarias The Port-City Relationship and Urban Waterfront Redevelopment

Portus Ciudades-puerto y nuevos proyectos para el waterfront: Portusplus Port-cities and New Waterfront Projects: Portusplus

Presidente President Christian Manrique Valdor, Autoridad Portuaria de Santander Vice Presidentes Vice Presidents Emilio Brogueira Dias, Administração dos Portos do Douro e Leixões Edoardo Monzani, Stazioni Marittime Spa, Genova Junta de Gobierno Board of Directors Miguel Villalobos Carlos Dias Teixeira Francesc Triay Manuel Matoses Rebollo Rinio Bruttomesso (Director Comité Científico Director Scientific Committee) José Ramón Ruiz Manso (Secretario Secretary) Secretaría Secretariat Federica Marafante Socios Ordinarios Ordinary Members Puertos del Estado, Madrid Área Metropolitana de Lisboa Administração do Porto de Lisboa Administração dos Portos do Douro e Leixões, S.A. Autoridad Portuaria de la Bahía de Algeciras Autoridad Portuaria de Las Palmas Autoridad Portuaria de Santander Comune di Olbia Port 2000, Barcelona Centro Internazionale Città d’Acqua, Venezia

La relación puerto-ciudad y la reorganización de las zonas urbano-portuarias The Port-City Relationship and Urban Waterfront Redevelopment

2001–2011

Revista semestral de Six-monthly review of RETE Año Year 11, n. 21 Avril April 2011 Directores Editors Joan Alemany, Rinio Bruttomesso Director responsable Managing Editor Franco Miracco Responsable de la Redacción Editor in Chief Marta Moretti

Ciudades-puerto y nuevos proyectos para el waterfront.

El aporte de Portusplus Port-cities and New Waterfront Projects.

The contribution of Portusplus

Comité Científico Scientific Committee Rinio Bruttomesso (Director Director), Ana Cristina Dos Reis e Cunha, Vicent Esteban Chapapría, Manuel Matoses Rebollo, Joan Alemany Llovera, José Luis Estrada, Flavio Tejada Gorráiz, Carlos Adalberto B. Silva, José Ramón Ruiz Manso Administración Administration Federica Marafante Dirección y Redacción Editorial Office RETE-Associazione per la collaborazione tra porti e città San Polo, 2605 I - 30125 Venezia tel. 39-041-5230428 fax 39-041-5286103 mail@rete2001.org www.reteonline.org Traducción Translations Olga Barmine, Ivan Wynford Herring, Cintia Prieto Editor Publisher RETE-Associazione per la collaborazione tra porti e città San Polo, 2605 I - 30125 Venezia Diseño gráfico Graphic Design Peppe Clemente, studio Cheste, Venezia Imprenta Printer Grafiche Veneziane srl, Venezia Registrazione del Tribunale di Venezia n. 1502 del 7-03-2005