http://vinnies.org.au/files/NSW/SocialJustice/Year%20in%20Review/residents%20at%20risk_forweb

ST VINCENT DE PAUL SOCIETY

socialjusticeresearch Residents at risk

Stories of ‘last resort’ caravan park residency in NSW

By Dr Andy Marks

May 2008 RESIDENTS AT RISK - May 2008

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Residents at risk Stories of ‘last resort’ caravan park residency in NSW

By Dr Andy Marks

BA (Hons 1), PhD (NE)

© 2008 St Vincent de Paul Society NSW This work is copyright. Apart from any use as permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part of this work may be reproduced by any process without prior written permission from the St Vincent de Paul Society NSW State Council.

In all other cases the St Vincent de Paul Society NSW must be acknowledged as the source when reproducing or quoting any part of this publication.

Cover image: Mute* © 2007

Media enquiries: Amanda Ireland Communications Officer St Vincent de Paul Society NSW Telephone: (02) 9568 0298 Mobile: 0417 446 430 Email: amanda.ireland@vinnies.org.au

PRIVACY STATEMENT Because the St Vincent de Paul Society respects the privacy of the people it serves, the names of all of the people featured in this report have been changed and pictorial models used. Caravan park names and specific details of caravan park locations have also been withheld to protect the privacy of residents.

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“Charity is the oil being poured on the wounded traveller.

But it is the role of justice to prevent the attack.”

BLESSED FREDERIC OZANAM Principal founder of the St Vincent de Paul Society

The mission of the St Vincent de Paul Society The mission of the St Vincent de Paul Society is to deepen the Catholic faith of its members - to go out into our nation to heighten the awareness of Jesus Christ.

We do this by sharing ourselves - who we are and what we have - with the poor on a person to person basis.

We seek to co-operate in shaping a more just and compassionate Australian community, and to share our resources with our twinned countries.

Our preferred option in this mission is to work with the poor in development, by respecting their dignity, sharing our hope, and encouraging them to take control of their own destiny.

About the St Vincent de Paul Society The St Vincent de Paul Society is a lay Catholic organisation that has almost 18,700 members and volunteers carrying out ‘good works’ on behalf of the Society in NSW alone. The Society is one of the largest charitable providers in Australia today, helping people in every area of human need.

The Society’s first NSW conference was aggregated by the International Confederation of the St Vincent de Paul Society in July 1881. Today, in NSW there are 510 conferences, with dedicated members and volunteers who conduct visits as required bringing comfort, dignity and hope to disadvantaged and marginalised people.

The St Vincent de Paul Society in NSW operates a number of Special Works including homeless facilities, over 240 Vinnies Centres (shops) and a range of other special programmes dedicated to assisting marginalised and disadvantaged families, children, women and men.

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Acknowledgements Thank you to the St Vincent de Paul Society members who related their observations of the predicament of disadvantaged caravan park residents in an ethical, non-judgemental and compassionate manner, at all times sensitive to the dignity and courage of the people they serve and respectful of their privacy.

The following Society members, employees and volunteers warrant special mention for their support in the preparation of this report: Koos Andrichem, Brian Burns, Jonathan Campton, Cath Carmichael, Paul Cook, Vince Dever, Gavin Dufty, Dr John Falzon, Mary Hadchiti, John Hakes, Don Hewitt, Dane Hiser, Amanda Ireland, Rachel Irvine, Raymond James, Paul Kearney, Julie McDonald, Jey Natkunaratnam, Brian Peacock, John Picot, Ray Reynolds, Michael Sakowicz, Margaret Tipper, Ben Tonge and Emma Zimmer.

Thank you also to Craig Johnson of Shelter NSW, and John MacKenzie and Sean Ferns from the Park and Village Service, for their consultation and advice.

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Contents

ST VINCENT DE PAUL SOCIETY

St Vincent de Paul Society

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Acknowledgements

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Contents

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Executive summary

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1 Introduction

1.1 Review of existing research 1.2 Rationale and methodology 1.3 Research ethics 1.4 Structure

2 Background perspectives

2.1 Housing affordability 2.2 The impact of declining housing affordability 2.3 Income inequality and housing affordability 2.4 The fluctuating scales of homelessness

3 Data analysis and review

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5 Special case study

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6 Conclusion

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7 Bibliography

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3.1 Australian Bureau of Statistics 3.2 State-wide data 3.3 Regional data 3.4 Overview 3.5 Classification review 3.6 ‘Social Trends’ analysis: homelessness

4 Case studies

4.1 “Where else can we go?”

4.2 “The feeling of community has vanished.”

4.3 “These sort of people.”

4.4 “People look out for one another.”

4.5 “A hopeless situation?”

4.6 “People feel they’ve been forgotten.”

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37 41 44 45 48 53

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executive summary Focus

This St Vincent de Paul Society social justice research report examines the predicament of disadvantaged caravan park residents in selected parks across urban and rural areas of New South Wales. Primarily drawing on interviews with Society members who regularly visit residents on a person-to-person basis, this report also incorporates a special case study, and targeted statistical and qualitative analysis to, first, build an account of marginalised caravan park residency and associated challenges; and secondly, present a series of informed recommendations.

Findings

With housing affordability at record lows, and social housing utterly failing to meet demand, people are increasingly turning to caravan parks as a ‘last resort’ form of housing. Many people are unable to secure even this type of inadequate accommodation as the number of parks drastically declines and site rents increase at a rapid rate. The number of caravan parks in the Sydney region alone has halved in the last seven years from 164 establishments in 2000 to 74 in 2007, and many regional areas have experienced similarly marked declines in supply. One Western Sydney caravan park runs at fullcapacity, with some people waiting to secure a site resorting to sleeping in their cars alongside a creek bordering the park. In response to increased demand, average ‘takings from accomodation’ per caravan park in the Sydney region alone rose from $143,071 in the June quarter 2006, to $256,320 in the corresponding 2007 quarter.

Average takings per caravan park in the Sydney region alone rose from $143,071 in the June quarter 2006, to $256,320 in the corresponding 2007 quarter.

For many socio-economically disadvantaged people, what was initially intended as a temporary or transitional housing option - just until they ‘get back on their feet’ - turns into a long-term cycle of deprivation and marginalisation, as the means to make choices and secure better housing options evaporates.

The living conditions reported across the caravan parks comprising this report’s case studies range from inadequate to extremely poor. In one regional park a family of six – including a baby and an elderly woman – are living in a secondhand canvass tent. Conditions in another park in metropolitan Sydney are so poor, and support services so inadequate, that a girl in her early

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twenties with a mental illness resorted to prostitution within the park to pay the rent on her van and site, and fund her drug addiction.

Violence is an ever present threat in the majority of caravan parks studied.

Reports of violence towards women and children are common. Furthermore, Society members are simply unable to visit some parks at night due to threatening behaviour. Many residents, especially those with children, consider their environment to be particularly dangerous; despair among these groups is understandably high and avenues of protection and recourse are either ineffective or non-existent.

Caravan parks are a common form of accommodation for women fleeing domestic violence. The threatening and abusive behaviour prevalent in many parks exacerbates already fragile levels of stress and anxiety. Against the advice of prisoner support groups, a significant proportion of parks act as transitional housing for ex-prisoners. Coping behaviours developed in prison are often transposed to comparably brutalising park environments, further complicating and heightening existing patterns of violence and abuse. That children, families, the elderly and people with special needs are forced to contend with these conditions is utterly unacceptable.

Levels of substance abuse and addiction are high in the majority of caravan parks studied. Alcohol is a commonly adopted mode of dealing with the feelings of hopelessness and despair that pervade day-to-day cycles of ‘last resort’ existence. Many people who initially enter parks as a form of ‘stopgap’ accommodation turn to drugs and alcohol when their ability to make choices and extricate themselves from this mode of life disappears. Without the financial means and social support networks to exercise control over their lives, many residents slide into damaging behavioural patterns, further eroding already precariously low self-esteem levels.

Caravan parks are a common form of accommodation for women fleeing domestic violence.

Problem gambling is also an issue for some caravan park residents, particularly so when park location provides ready access to clubs and pubs. As is the case with the broader community, the density of electronic gaming machines – or ‘pokies’ – is concentrated in socio-economically disadvantaged areas.

It follows that caravan parks accommodating significant proportions of marginalised residents are also typically located in these areas.

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Residents struggling with problem gambling or substance abuse issues typically do so in a completely unsupported environment. In the absence of constructive assistance, the only government response many of these residents encounter comes in the form of crippling welfare penalties.

Punitive measures, such as Centrelink payment breaches, in which welfare payments are cut-off for eight weeks (in most cases without financial case management), are incredibly damaging. Indeed, welfare penalties only add to the complex and ongoing array of challenges disadvantaged caravan park residents face. Most disturbingly, payment breaches place already vulnerable people at a heightened risk of primary homelessness. St Vincent de Paul Society members report that successful recovery and rehabilitation from addiction is most commonly achieved by people given the assistance required to secure better housing options.

Violence, abuse and addiction place additional pressures on caravan park residents living with a mental illness.

Violence, abuse and addiction place additional pressures on caravan park residents living with a mental illness. While not sufficiently confirmed by existing modes of data collection, Society members anecdotally report the incidence of depression, anxiety and other conditions such as schizophrenia is markedly high among the disadvantaged residents they serve.

Co-morbidity is extremely common among disadvantaged caravan park residents. Addiction and mental illness are often accompanied by physical health problems. The sheer range and volume of medical conditions addressed by a volunteer physician and community health nurse at a mobile health clinic established ‘on-site’ at one regional caravan park confirms that many residents have poor levels of access to basic health care, and virtually no access to specialist and ongoing care.

In addition to the characteristics of caravan park residency detailed above, disadvantaged park residents also report difficulties relating to their tenancy.

Most are unaware of their rights. Those who have a rudimentary understanding of the regulatory environment feel unable to exercise those rights. A culture of fear pervades relations between many tenants and park operators, inhibiting the ability of residents to secure fair and reasonable outcomes.

This report’s broad findings indicate that despite often common challenges and triggers, the problems faced by disadvantaged caravan park residents are

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manifest in many ways. One factor that is, however, common to nearly all residents covered in this report is their often desperate feelings of loneliness.

“They feel as though they’ve been abandoned, as if nobody cares about them”, is a refrain closely approximated by nearly all Society members asked to surmise the general feelings of the people they assist.

A culture of fear pervades relations between many tenants and park operators, inhibiting the ability of residents to secure fair and reasonable outcomes.

Current levels of assistance to disadvantaged caravan park residents are at best ad hoc and at worst, non existent. It is difficult to point to a lack of commitment on behalf of governments, as there is very little in the way of a formalised approach to assisting marginalised park residents. Much of the deficiency in support stems from a lack of understanding and an absence of reliable reporting of the predicament of these residents.

Recommendations

On the basis of this report’s findings, the St Vincent de Paul Society NSW makes the following recommendations: (1) That Housing NSW [formerly the NSW Department of Housing] in cooperation with the Department of Community Services conduct (or commission an appropriate independent agency to undertake) an immediate assessment of caravan parks to gauge the incidence of need and the circumstances of disadvantaged caravan park residents. Such an assessment would require agreed right of entry on the part of park operators and include stringent privacy protections and tenure assurances for residents. Transparency of operations, objectivity and open communication are imperative on the part of the nominated assessment agency.

(2) That meetings of all stakeholders (foregrounding the views of residents) be convened to formulate, guide and coordinate timely action and evaluation of caravan park assessment findings. Informal communication strategies should be incorporated into any consultation process involving disadvantaged caravan park residents. A ‘one-size-fits-all’ communication model will not work.

(3) That federal and state government housing and social service agencies directly consult with residents assessed as disadvantaged to respond to pressing needs and indentify achievable pathways out of caravan park residency for those wishing to secure better affordable accommodation. ix

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(4) That COAG (Council of Australian Governments) commit adequate funding and resources towards meeting the demand for affordable housing, and subsequently monitor and maintain a level of affordable housing supply sufficient to ensure caravan park residency becomes solely a ‘lifestyle’ choice, not a ‘last resort’ form of accommodation.

(5) That the NSW Government provide increased support to Housing NSW’s, Centre for Affordable Housing to ensure it is able to honour its stated commitment to “increase affordable housing in the private and community housing sectors, and to provide for the retention and sound management of existing low-cost accommodation”. The circumstances of disadvantaged caravan park residents confirm that current strategies are either ineffective, misdirected or under resourced.

(6) That Housing NSW ensure people placed in caravan parks under the criterion of Temporary Accommodation receive adequate immediate and long-term support. Furthermore, improved departmental resources, funding and operational practices are required to guarantee ‘temporary’ stays do not exceed the Housing NSW’s own proviso of ‘one, or a small number of nights’.

(7) That regulatory framework for people who choose caravan park residency be strengthened to provide better consumer rights and protections. To preserve basic rights and prevent arbitrary evictions, all residents should be covered by the Residential Parks Act 1998 from day-one.

(8) That greater measures to inform disadvantaged caravan park residents of their rights, and operators of their obligations be undertaken. Better funding of resident support and outreach services would assist in providing reliable information to residents, while the business practices of all park operators could be guided by common licensing provisions backed by an enforceable code of conduct.

(9) That a thorough review of the Australian Bureau of Statistics’ current ‘Tourist Accommodation’ classification practices regarding caravan parks and the socio-economic profiles of park residents be conducted is required. Such a review may consider incorporating various count criteria drawn from the Counting the Homeless 2001 report.

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introduction Responding to the threatened closure of a coastal caravan park, the head of the park’s residents’ group offered the following defence: “It’s just part of the Aussie tradition to spend your holidays at a caravan park down on the coast.”1 The park is important to residents, he added, “generations of families have been coming here for many, many years.”2 Evidently the holiday atmosphere of the park in question is highly valued; in this cultural context, it may indeed be described as “part of the Aussie tradition”.

Is it also part of the “Aussie tradition” to leave extraordinarily disadvantaged and marginalised men, women, children and families with no option but to reside indefinitely in caravan parks across NSW, one step away from homelessness? For them, the threat of park closure is but one of many pressing, often desperate, concerns impacting on virtually every facet of their existence. These people are not “spending their holidays” in a caravan park, nor are they residing in parks as a result of, what is often called, a lifestyle choice. For an increasing amount of people, caravan parks are a ‘last resort’ form of stop-gap housing – an improvised form of crisis accommodation with none of the network of services considered basic requirements for recognised forms of supported accommodation.

Faithful to its mission, the St Vincent de Paul Society [‘the Society’] is concerned for the welfare of people immersed in this unjust situation. Many Society members throughout the state have regular person-to-person contact through the core Vincentian activity of visitation - with caravan park residents experiencing adversity.3 As is indicative of the Society’s profile, much of this contact entails addressing pressing areas of need not met by existing service providers and support structures. In the course of their ‘good works’, Society members anecdotally report an escalation in the level, and complexity of need experienced by disadvantaged caravan park residents.

As the title suggests, this report examines caravan park residents in the context of the ‘at risk’ of homelessness category. While the quantitative factors that constitute ‘risk’ are considered, the premise that a family or an individual’s housing, economic, social and personal circumstances can be clinically

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defined on the basis of a rigid and highly-impersonal criterion is not central to the aims of this project. Rather, this report utilises the ‘at risk’ category as a starting point from which to build a more holistic and, by extension, realistic profile of the circumstances of people within caravan parks who are at risk of homelessness and an array of related socio-economic crises, all of which perpetuate damaging cycles of marginalisation and exclusion.

This report gives a voice to existing statistical data concerning caravan parks and, most importantly, caravan park residents. The case studies and conversations that constitute the bulk of this study tell the stories of otherwise voiceless people, the disadvantaged and marginalised people the Society serves.

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1.1 Review of existing research

Particular elements of the social services sector and certain charitable organisations have an understanding of the circumstances of (and often an involvement in supporting) disadvantaged people in marginalised housing such as caravan parks. Additionally, many social and housing focussed research entities have conducted studies in this area. It follows then, that an array of data and targeted research concerning, both the predicament of people in ‘last resort’ caravan park accommodation, and the operational profiles of caravan parks exists. The following is a brief review of materials that to varying degrees informed particular aspects of this St Vincent de Paul Society report.

(i) On the Margins?

The Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI) produced a comprehensive report on disadvantaged caravan park residents in 2003.

Entitled, On the Margins? Housing risk among caravan park residents, the report examined three “distinct sub-groups” of long-term caravan park residents: the elderly; itinerant workers; and people without other housing options.4 Reviewing caravan park residency in the context of either “lifestyle choice” or “last resort” housing, the report noted that “most people living in caravan parks... live in very basic conditions with minimal facilities and locational amenity compared to conventional forms of housing”.5 Primarily, the report sought to: build a “typology” of caravan parks and resident populations; identify vulnerability to homelessness; and, determine “homelessness risk factors associated with caravan park living”.6 On the basis of analysis of existing data sources, a jurisdictional audit of parks, focus group discussions, and stakeholder interviews, the report’s authors determined that “a range of early policy interventions are required to assist low-income and unemployed households to avoid having to meet their housing needs by living in a caravan park.”7 On the Margins? is a detailed and well-considered report that fills in several

glaring gaps in research concerning disadvantaged caravan park residents.8 Not least of all, the report’s description of caravan park residency – as experienced by low-income groups – as a “last resort” option succinctly captures the economic, social and personal factors that lead to this precarious form of housing.9 The report’s findings comprehensively confirm the suitability of the ‘last resort’ descriptor.

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(ii) No Place for Home

In cooperation with a cluster of research and advocacy agencies, the Park and Village Service (PAVS) prepared a report in 2002 entitled, No Place for Home: The loss of permanent accommodation on NSW residential parks 2002.

As the title suggests, this report identifies the reasons behind a marked rise in the rate of caravan park closures and discusses the social and personal implications of this trend on disadvantaged park residents. The report’s authors, Joy Connor and Sean Ferns, suggest the closures are the result of a number of factors, including: rises in land prices (particularly across the Sydney basin); demographic changes (i.e. increasing numbers of retiree holiday makers preferring short-term stays); and, changing motivations and priorities in state government and local council regulatory policies regarding zoning and redevelopment.

The report employs case studies and draws on “information from residents’ groups and tenants’ advice services” to highlight the many problems associated with park closures.10 Regarding the “disadvantaged residents” most adversely affected by the closures, it is argued the following two groups are most at risk:

Residents who own their dwelling and rent the site.

Owners of dwellings (who are often elderly), face the loss of their investment in their housing and the prospect of homelessness, unless they can find a park to which to relocate and the upfront resources to do this.

Residents who rent both dwelling and site. Permanent renters from parks which are being closed or upgraded (frequently families and those with disabilities who have failed to maintain tenancies in the rental market), face the loss of their housing of last resort.11

The report estimates that around 2,000 people in the year 2002 alone would be affected by park closures. In the short-term, the authors recommend “a well resourced government and community response to managing both housing and rehousing of all residents.” Recommended long term strategies include “legislative change, to minimise adverse consequences for both renters and owners of dwellings”. Lastly, the authors urged “an inquiry into the role of parks in the housing system” be undertaken.12 Two additional points of note to emerge from the report were: the need for improved data collection on the part of the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS); and better education and advocacy regarding tenancy rights for disadvantaged caravan park residents.

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(iii) Getting to Residents of Inland Parks

In 2000 PAVS produced a paper entitled, Getting to Residents of Inland Parks. Prepared in association with Gunyah Aboriginal Tenancy Service and funded by the Department of Fair Trading, the paper sought to clarify and address reports of “poor living conditions, isolation, ignorance of rights and intimidation” of inland NSW caravan park residents.13 The methodology of directly engaging rural communities through direct consultation and interviews conducted in-person, by phone, letter, or via the first-hand insights of “participant” researchers combined to produce an original and extraordinarily incisive report.

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Based on consultation, the report included the following profiles of inland caravan park residents: Inland caravan parks are home to: • • • •

• • • • • •

Young men coming to the towns for work People with intellectual disabilities who once lived in institutions People exiting prison People who had been unable to sustain tenancies and cannot find a house to rent People who are unemployed People on age pensions Women and children escaping domestic violence Itinerant workers People suffering from mental illness People suffering from substance abuse14

While it is unwise to rigidly apply these one dimensional classifications broadly to groups or individuals (also, rarely do these experiences typically occur in isolation), these profiles do offer a useful overview of the many challenges confronting inland caravan park residents. Indeed, these experiences are also comparable, if not closely aligned, to those of many disadvantaged urban and coastal caravan park residents.

Lack of knowledge of tenancy rights was identified as a matter of significant concern to both residents and relevant tenants advisory agencies. The report’s authors discussed a range of “barriers to residents seeking information”:

‘Fear’ was a frequently used word to describe barriers residents faced in seeking information. Residents were fearful of the legal system, (which they wanted to avoid at all costs), of losing the social acceptance of other residents if they were seen as troublemakers, of bad feelings between themselves and the park manager and ultimately fearful of homelessness...

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The majority of residents had nowhere to go in the town if they were no longer welcome in the park. [Participant] researchers reported that they and their friends were unlikely to take action, or even to seek information about their rights, if this might upset the park manager. Many would rather put up with intimidation and poor living conditions rather than ‘make waves’.15

The first-hand accounts offered in the report also provided some penetrating insights into perceptions of the social status of park residents. The following anecdotal reading of the social chasm between ‘town’ and ‘park’ residents suggests that significant attention is needed to work towards building parity and sustainability in social relations.

Residents of parks were often seen as the bottom of the pile in country towns. This negative attitude towards park residents in country towns was felt to be particularly problematic. Researchers reported that residents’ low self-esteem undermined their ability to act to improve their living conditions.

‘There’s a different mentality amongst people living in parks out here. People just don’t want to live on a caravan park. To them it’s the last straw. In that situation you just don’t have the emotional resources to do anything.’ One ex-resident pointed out.16

The above extract is indicative of the manner in which the report’s authors excel in articulating facets of caravan park residency difficult to render within the paradigms of quantitative research.

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Among a series of recommendations, the report advocated a “cooperative, non-adversarial approach” to furthering consultation with residents.

Additional suggestions included: a “broad public community education approach”; “ongoing education of... frontline” government and community workers; education resources for park owners; “phone linkages” with residents to combat isolation; “culturally appropriate... promotion/information resources”; “community education outreach”; and, the development of “residents groups”.17 The St Vincent de Paul Society’s work with people and communities devastated by drought, confirms the problems discussed in the PAVS report have, in many areas worsened since its publication.

1.2 Rationale and methodology

The rationale for, and methodology of this St Vincent de Paul Society report is guided by three key principles:

(i) The Mission of the St Vincent de Paul Society

As an articulation of the Society’s Mission, The Rule of the St Vincent de Paul Society in Australia [The Rule] codifies the Society’s social justice and advocacy ideals and objectives. The Rule states: “The Society is concerned not only with alleviating need but also with identifying the unjust structures that cause it. The Society is, therefore, committed to identifying the root causes of poverty and contributing to their elimination.”18 In the context of the above statement, the predicament of disadvantaged residents of caravan parks is one of many “unjust” social structures of concern to the Society. The Society’s interpretation of the distinguishing aspects of this particular social justice issue can again be explained with reference to the practical Vincentian expression of social justice detailed in The Rule. “The distinctive approach of Vincentians to issues of social justice is to see them from the perspective of those we visit who suffer from injustice... The Society helps the poor and disadvantaged speak for themselves. When they cannot, the Society must speak on behalf of those who are ignored.”19 This is the imperative driving the preparation and dissemination of this social justice research report.

(ii) Visitation and the first-hand perspectives of Vincentians

Given the previously discussed apprehension and “fear” many residents feel regarding their alibility to advocate for their own welfare, Vincentians exemplify the dictates of The Rule and their broader Vincentian vocation by speaking “on behalf of those who are ignored.” In determining how to best make this voice heard, it is pertinent to draw on the fundamental strengths of the Society; specifically, draw on that which the Society does best, that which distinguishes it from other organisations with comparable goals: visitation.

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and disadvantage. This is a core aspect of the Vincentian vocation; it is the foundation upon which the Society’s ‘good works’ are built. As The Rule states, visitation embodies the principle of offering “any form of personal help... to anyone in need”.20 A pivotal feature of visitation is its realisation of the Society’s commitment to “seek out” and serve those in need, wherever that need is experienced, and offer non-judgemental support and assistance “regardless of creed, ethnic or social background, health, gender, or political opinions.”21 Regarding the practicalities of visitation, it is typically conducted by pairs of Vincentians (Society members), and is usually organised at the conference level following receipt of a request from a client for assistance or referral of a client by an appropriate authority. As official Society documentation states:

Vincentians gather in groups which are traditionally called ‘conferences’ and which meet regularly and frequently.

The conference is the basic unit – the grass roots of Vincentian organisation.

It constitutes the hub and heart of the Vincentian charitable service. It is at the conference level that most Vincentians engage in person-to-person service of the poor.

The conferences are linked together by regional/diocesan/state/national councils, and the international Council-General.22

Conferences form the basis of the Society’s contact with disadvantaged caravan park residents. This distinctive aspect of the Society also constitutes the third and final guiding principle of this research project.

(iii) Stories: diversity and balance in research practices

As evidenced by the brief review of existing research provided earlier in this chapter, a range of positive and progressive avenues of analysis have been produced in recent years. However, it is also apparent that some gaps and perceived weaknesses in existing research risk impeding efforts to comprehend, advocate for, and assist disadvantaged caravan park residents. In addressing these issues, the St Vincent de Paul Society, by way of its structure, reach and operational profile, is well placed to make an important contribution to research in this challenging area.

With over 40,000 members and volunteers in Australia and more than 18,700 across NSW, the Society has unparalleled access to, and interaction with people experiencing disadvantage and marginalisation. In a structural context, the more than 500 conferences operating across NSW alone, and the 240-plus Vinnies Centres (shops) located state-wide in every major urban and rural

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centre and many remote areas, ensure the Society is instantly recognisable and has the coverage necessary to access (and be accessed by) people in need of assistance.

While the Society maintains comprehensive records and statistics of the rate, level and types of support it provides to people in need, the most important indicator of need and support is found in the stories of the people Vincentians serve. Visitation affords Society members the treasured and deeply respected opportunity to listen to the stories of people experiencing disadvantage and marginalisation.

The importance of stories as analytical devices cannot be underestimated.

Stories are a fundamental expression of an individual’s identity. As sociologist Madan Sarup says: “If you ask someone about their identity, a story soon appears”.23 He explains the significance of personal stories, adding that they are part of the many “processes by which identity is constructed.”24 Personal stories may present an incomplete and imperfect picture – one person’s version of events is undoubtedly different from another’s – yet stories are an integral part of the picture. Indeed, as Sarup points out, the “identities” we seek to affirm through narratives, like our stories themselves, “are fragmented, full of contradictions and ambiguities”.25 “We tend to emphasise what happened and what we did”, observes Sarup; “we focus on the concrete effects, rather than the possible ‘theoretical’ causes. Nevertheless,” he argues, “these issues are implied in the story”.26 This is the precisely the intent behind the incorporation of stories – case studies and conversations – in this Society report. The “theoretical causes” to which Sarup refers have been discussed at length in innumerable research reports; however, the stories of the people affected by these “theoretical” factors are rarely told.

1.3 Research Ethics

Assessing the personal circumstances of the people they serve and understanding the broader social conditions influencing these circumstances is a vital component of the ‘grassroots’ work conducted by St Vincent de Paul Society members. These assessments significantly influence the manner in which the Society plans, allocates and evaluates the provision of assistance.

The assessments of members also inform the Society’s advocacy work; indeed, this is a factor that distinguishes the Society’s advocacy profile from that of comparable non-government social service entities.

The stories that constitute the case-studies in this report are formed solely through the observations of Society members. As observations, they should not be construed as the first-hand accounts of disadvantaged caravan park

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residents; nor should residents featured in this report be viewed as research participants. The privacy and dignity of the people members assist – including those anonymously featured in this report – is a matter of utmost importance to the Society. This consideration is at the forefront of every aspect of the Society’s work and it underpins all research and advocacy initiatives undertaken by the Society.

1.4 Structure Chapter 1

As evidenced thus far, this introductory chapter covers the conceptual, practical and structural aspects of this report. It provides an overview of the report’s aims, objectives and methodology, incorporating a brief review of existing research and a foregrounding of the contribution offered by the St Vincent de Paul Society. This chapter is prefaced by an executive summary.

Chapter 2

A series of background issues necessary to inform and contextualise the research offered in this report are included in chapter 2. These issues include: housing, relevant social dynamics, homelessness, and current modes of St Vincent de Paul Society support and assistance.

Chapter 3

This chapter comprises an analysis and critique of Australian Bureau of Statistics data applicable to the case studies and conversations presented in the main body of this Society report.

Chapter 4

For the purposes of the case-studies presented in this chapter, a selection of six conference presidents and one diocesan president (from a mixture of urban and rural areas) were interviewed. Interviewees were asked to describe the situations – the stories – their conferences encountered in the course of their visitation with disadvantaged residents of caravan parks.

Chapter 5

The ‘special case study’ detailed in chapter 5 of this report is an in-depth account of the St Vincent de Paul Society’s supporting role in an outreach programme in place at a caravan park in the NSW, Hunter region.

Chapter 6

This report’s concluding chapter reviews, evaluates and consolidates the discussion promoted throughout.

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References Chapter 1 1

M. Russell, “Developers eye prized caravan park”, The Age, 8 January 2006.

2

ibid.

3

For a definition of ‘visitation’ and details of other relevant aspects of the Vincentian vocation and the structure and operational profile of the St Vincent de Paul Society, refer to section 1.2 of this report.

4

E. Holloway, et al., On the Margins? Housing risk among caravan park residents, Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI Final Report No. 50), UNSW-UWS Research Centre, August 2003, p. iv.

5

“Housing risk among caravan park residents”, AHURI Research and Policy Bulletin, Issue 40, March 2004.

6

ibid.

7

ibid.

8

The report’s analysis and critique of ABS data (Holloway, op. cit., pp. 13-33) is incisive. The St Vincent de Paul Society joins AHURI in calling for “better and more in-depth data on what is actually happening in the [caravan park] sector over the longer term”.

9

Given the suitability of the term ‘last resort’, it is used periodically throughout this St Vincent de Paul Society report.

10

J. Connor & S. Ferns, No Place for Home: The loss of permanent accommodation on NSW residential parks 2002, Park and Village Service, Combined Pensioners and Superannuants NSW Inc, Sydney, 2002, p. 30.

11

ibid., p. 2.

12

ibid.

13

Getting to Residents of NSW Inland Parks: Consultation on NSW inland residential parks, Park and Village Service, Combined Pensioners and Superannuants NSW Inc, Sydney, 2000, p. 2.

14

ibid., p. 7.

15

ibid., p. 11.

16

ibid., p. 12.

17

ibid., pp. 22-27.

18

The Rule of the St Vincent de Paul Society in Australia, Fifth Edition, The National Council of Australia, August 2005, p. 20.

19

ibid., p. 21.

20

ibid., p. 10.

21

ibid., pp. 10-11.

22

Manual of the Society of St Vincent de Paul, Australia, The Society of St Vincent de Paul National Council of Australia, Darlinghurst, 1991, p. 14.

23

M. Sarup, Identity, Culture and the Postmodern World, Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh, 1996, p. 15.

24

ibid., p. 14.

25

ibid.

26

ibid.

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2

3

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2

background perspectives Broader issues encompassing housing, homelessness and social exclusion pervade the circumstances of disadvantaged caravan park residents. The challenges these people face must be understood in the context of the factors that contribute to, and influence, their predicament.

2.1 Housing affordability

Housing affordability has featured prominently on the media agenda in recent years. The 2007 federal election saw a considerable spike in the level of political interest in the issue. While there is relative consensus among commentators, politicians and the social services sector regarding the incidence of a major decline in affordable housing options across NSW, assessments as to the extent of the problem and possible solutions have proved contentious. The question of housing affordability, particularly in relation to rental properties, is paramount for many disadvantaged people who turn to residential parks as ‘last resort’ housing.

Speaking at the St Vincent de Paul Society, Breaking the Cycle conference in October 2007, Professor Julian Disney, Director of the University of NSW Social Justice Project commented: “There is a tendency for the media to focus on housing affordability as it affects buyers; however, the people worst affected are renters.”1 Discussing rent increases in relation to shrinking supply, Prof. Disney predicted “low rent properties will increasingly go to high income earners as landlords are able to exercise greater choice.”2 Prof. Disney’s observations are confirmed by current and emerging trends in housing affordability. Factors influencing current pressures on the NSW housing system include, but are not limited to the following issues.

2.1.1 Rent affordability

Reviewing early indicators of the current rental crisis, NSW Department of Housing figures for the June 2006 quarter signaled annual rent increases of over 20 per cent for many renters in middle-to-low income areas of metropolitan Sydney. For example, median rent for a one bedroom flat rose by 20.9 per cent in Strathfield and by 15.5 per cent in Auburn.3 Elsewhere in

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the Sydney region, median rent for a two bedroom house increased by 11.1 per cent in Penrith and by 10.5 per cent in Leichhardt. Newcastle, with an increase of 8.2 per cent, recorded the biggest annual rent rise for the Sydney greater metropolitan region.4 These figures alone are cause for concern; further comparisons reveal additional reasons for unease.

2

Figures brought forward to the September 2007 quarter indicate a sustained increase in median rent for all dwellings in the Sydney region. Comparing data from the previous year, the report reveals that “median rents increased by $25 in total.”5 Steep increases continued in the inner west and south west areas of Sydney in particular, with median rent for a one bedroom flat in Auburn increasing by 38.1 per cent from the previous year and Canterbury registering an increase of 18.8 per cent over the same period.6 Average rent for inner city Sydney dwellings hit $400 for the first time in June 2007.

Rural NSW and the Sydney greater metropolitan area continued to experience record rates of rent increase. Wollongong recorded an annual increase of 15.8 per cent, while Newcastle posted an increase of 7.9 per cent.7 A comparison of September 2007 rent figures with those of five years previous reveals an increase of 29 per cent in median rent levels across NSW.8 The rise in rent experienced across NSW in the last five years alone is alarming. Were this trend to continue (or worsen as figures for the last two years indicate), then a growing proportion of private renters would be forced into ‘last resort’ accommodation, or, worse still, homelessness.

2.1.2 Housing stress

In July 2007, the St Vincent de Paul Society National Council released a research paper concerning housing stress in Australia’s private rental market.

The report entitled, Don’t Dream It’s Over, revealed that an estimated 345,000 low income Australian households are paying greater than thirty per cent of their meagre incomes on housing costs, placing these households in the “housing stress” category.9 Persons in housing stress were determined to be either currently experiencing, or at immediate risk of experiencing, poor physical and mental health, social exclusion, instability, inadequate and interrupted access to education, and related problems of abuse, violence and crime. Through data analysis and the presentation of relevant case studies, the report detailed how “high housing costs significantly lower the standard of living and life-chances of parents and children in low-income households.”10 Homelessness was identified as being “the worst and increasingly common outcome of housing stress”.11 The report’s targeted recommendations were based on the overarching demand for “decisive government action to increase the supply of low-income public and social housing”.12 The widespread coverage and discussion of the report’s findings confirm that the issue of housing stress remains a matter of critical importance for all stakeholders.

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2.1.3 Rental premises availability

The Real Estate Institute of New South Wales (REINSW) conducts monthly private rental vacancy rate surveys across NSW. The residential rental vacancy rates recorded during 2007 were, according to the REINSW, “the lowest levels seen” since they began collecting data in June 2000.13 As TABLE 2.1.3 indicates, the situation for renters remains extraordinarily bleak. Dipping at 0.9% in the Sydney region in October 2007, figures for January 2008 (barring New England) are lower than comparable data from January 2007.

TABLE 2.1.3 Residential vacancy rates in NSW 14 Region

Jan 08

Oct 07

Jul 07

Apr 07

Jan 07

Sydney

1.2%

0.9%

1.4%

1.4%

1.6%

Hunter

1.7%

1.7%

1.9%

2.0%

2.2%

New England

3.3%

4.0%

3.5%

3.5%

3.0%

Commenting on the unprecedented vacancy rates, REINSW President Cristine Castle said, “Sydney needs more rental accommodation and it needs it now.”15 REINSW spokesman Wayne Stewart added, the situation is “horrendous”.

The private rental market is, in Stewart’s opinion, at “a real crisis point... For renters there is nowhere to move to”, and those already renting, he concluded, “can expect to see their weekly rents continue to rise.”16

The overall March 2008 rental vacancy rate for the Sydney metropolitan area was 0.8%, falling to 0.7% in suburbs more than 10 kilometres out from the CBD. Vacancy rate figures released 6 April 2008 by REINSW reveal the crisis has deepened. “In March [2008]”, said a spokesperson, “the overall vacancy rate for the Sydney metropolitan area was 0.8%, falling to 0.7% in suburbs more than 10 kilometres out from the CBD... in other words, just seven out of every 1,000 rental properties is available for rent.” Seeking to predict rental market outcomes, the REINSW cite a recent report by BIS Shrapnel suggesting “the situation would continue to worsen with Sydney’s rents forecast to rise another 50% over the next four years.” 17

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2.1.4 Home loan affordability

2

In August 2007, Fujitsu Consulting estimated “70,000 households” were “experiencing mortgage stress across Australia – a 52 per cent rise” from the previous year..18 By February 2008, worsening conditions prompted Fujitsu to predict, “aproximately 300,000 Australian households face losing their homes within six months if mortgage rates continue to rise.”19

2.1.5 Mortgage defaults and arrears

The current housing situation has seen a substantial increase in the number of mortgage holders facing eviction. Figures released by the NSW Sheriff ’s Office in January 2008 reveal, “nearly 4,000 writs of possession” were issued to lenders in 2007, “a 67 per cent jump on the previous year.”20 Research conducted in mid-2007 by Fujitsu Consulting and JPMorgan shows this 67 per cent surge comes on the back of longer term upward trends in the number of mortgage repossessions. For example, 1,611 writs were issued in 2003 compared with 3,642 in 2006. The researchers astutely note that writs of possession figures “do not take into account the number of people who sell their homes to avoid repossession.”21 While home loan affordability and mortgage default rates may be matters outside the immediate concerns of disadvantaged caravan park residents, pressures on home buyers/owners further exacerbate the current crisis in the rental market. With home purchase beyond the reach of an increasing amount of middle-income earners, the rental market is flooded with people delaying home ownership. This decreases supply of affordable rental accommodation for people on low incomes.

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2.2 The impact of declining housing affordability

These housing figures and associated socio-economic trends have led Shelter NSW to predict that in the coming decades we will see “continued housing unaffordability for low-income and first-buyer home purchasers in Sydney” and “greater pressure on housing assistance schemes in private housing markets”.22 Housing affordability pressures significantly reduce the housing options of many middle-to-low-income Australians. In a highly competitive and oversaturated market, many people are simply unable to secure affordable rental accommodation. The plight of people within the welfare system is, of course, even worse. People without the economic means to anticipate and cope with escalating pressures on the rental housing market are typically left little option but to pursue avenues such as public/community housing or moderate-cost (non-secure) sources of accommodation like caravan parks.

St Vincent de Paul Society researcher John Wicks comments:

There are currently 230,000 households on waiting lists for public housing and increasing numbers are living in caravans, even tents, and often two or three families are sharing cramped and inadequate accommodation.23

In addition to the circumstances Wicks describes, lack of adequate housing services, extraneous waiting-lists for public housing, funding short-falls and insufficient investment in affordable housing infrastructure continue to place many people in immediate risk of homelessness.

2.3 Income inequality and housing affordability

In May 2005 the St Vincent de Paul Society released the first in its series of Social Policy Issues Papers entitled, The Reality of Income Inequality in Australia. Based on scrutiny of ABS data and relevant sociological research, the report’s author, Wicks, determined that “contrary to recent assertions made by the [federal] government and certain researchers, income inequality in Australia is growing.”24 Wicks provided substantial evidence to refute former prime minister John Howard’s 2005 claim that “low income households have enjoyed the strongest growth in private incomes over the period from 1997-98 to 2004-05.”25 According to Wicks, the then federal government appropriated selected aspects of the ABS data in a manner designed to advance their own political agenda and suit their economic projections. Indeed, as Wicks explains, when the same data is analysed on the basis of a broader set of objective criteria, the actual state of income parity in Australia is egregious.

The Society’s research attracted some criticism.26 Most notably, the report’s rationale and findings were challenged on the basis of a what may be perceived as a neoclassical economic view of inequality; a view that renders social considerations and personal circumstances to impersonal paradigms and crude rationales concerning the clinical dictates of supply, demand and RESIDENTS AT RISK - May 2008

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growth-based economic modeling. This approach offers no account of the personal experience of inequality; the concrete reality of diminishing spending capacity and its impact on an individual or family’s well-being, their sense of worth and their ability to make positive choices. The economic view is utterly incompatible with the unquantifiable behavioural fluxes and social experience of humanity. As political economist Denis Chong observes:

2

In the economic view individuals show no sentiment in discarding existing norms and practices when they cease to serve their interests, whereas in the sociological view, changing behaviour requires changing underlying values and dispositions.27

Chong’s thesis is confirmed by sociologist Richard Sennett, who argues, a person’s “character” – their sense of self, their “ethical value” – is devalued by the dominant culture of economically themed values.28 Political scientists Richard Wolff and Stephen Resnick also abide by Chang and Sennett’s sentiments, stating that the economic view is beholden to the notion that “all individuals seek to maximise their satisfaction from consuming goods and services.”29 Clearly, the economic view is severely limited when it comes to accounting for behavioural, sociological and personal factors beyond the rationale of the market.

Accounts of the person-to-person interaction between thousands of Vincentians and people experiencing the reality of income inequality confirm that the “values and dispositions” of marginalised and disadvantaged people are influenced by their economic circumstances, yet not economic circumstances alone. Values and dispositions extend beyond the paradigm of economics. These behavioural considerations cannot be translated by indicators on a graph.

The experience of inequality provokes a range of questions concerning often irreconcilable matters such as the ability to put food on the table, pay bills, meet rental payments, cover basic medical and education costs, and cope with constant instability and the pervading threat of eviction. This is precisely the range of experiences that punctuate the stories of disadvantaged caravan park residents contained within this St Vincent de Paul Society report.

2.4 The fluctuating scales of homelessness

Given that homelessness is such a diverse and complex problem, it is understandable that the definition of homelessness is often a matter of contention. In their report entitled Counting the Homeless 2001, the ABS dedicated a total of five pages to providing a cultural definition of homelessness.30 By placing homelessness in a cultural context, the ABS promotes a definition of homelessness that is relative to the circumstances of

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the greater community. Put simply, as researcher Sophie Watson explains; “in a society where the vast majority of people live in mud huts, the community standard will be that these dwellings constitute adequate accommodation”.31

If we apply Watson’s cultural perspective of housing to contemporary Australia, it certainly cannot be said that the majority of the nation’s inhabitants live in mud huts. With record levels of economic growth, it follows that the standard of housing should be relatively high.32 Equally, rates of housing affordability and availability should also reflect this level of economic prosperity. Unfortunately, this is not the case. It seems that, to date, Australia’s experience of economic growth has been accompanied by an exponential growth in income inequality and social inequity.

To contend with the many levels of homelessness apparent throughout Australia, researchers David MacKenzie and Chris Chamberlain devised a set of “cultural” categories describing various stages of homelessness.33 These categories have since been widely adopted by government and nongovernmental agencies responding to homelessness.

2.4.1 Primary homelessness

MacKenzie and Chamberlain describe people living on the streets, those who seek shelter in “deserted buildings, improvised dwellings, under bridges and in parks” as experiencing “Primary Homelessness”.34 This category is perhaps the most commonly recognised (and stereotypically understood) form of homelessness.

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2.4.2 Secondary homelessness

2

The category of “Secondary Homelessness” encompasses “people moving between various forms of temporary shelter: including friends houses, emergency accommodation, youth refuges, hostels and boarding houses.”35 The Society’s thirty-seven homeless services and facilities operating under Matthew Talbot Homeless Services offer crisis accommodation and longterm support and assistance to many people in this category.

2.4.3 Tertiary homelessness

“Tertiary Homelessness” applies to “people living in single rooms in private boarding houses – without their own bathroom, kitchen or security of tenure.”36 These people are defined as homeless because their accommodation does not meet the minimum community standard of housing. Through the fundamental Vincentian activity of visitation and additional services such as Outreach, the Society plays an active role in assisting people in these circumstances, helping them to develop the life skills and access the services they require to gain a sustainable sense of independence and dignity.

2.4.4 Marginally housed

The final category of homelessness applies to people defined as marginally housed. This is perhaps the most contentious category, as the circumstances of people in these marginalised situations are many and varied. Men, women and families in this situation are often described as being “at risk” of homelessness.37 Many of them are in desperate situations, facing eviction, unable to pay bills or purchase food and other necessities.

Like the Tertiary Homeless, marginally housed people exist at the edge of society. Many people in this category are forgotten, such as those living in caravan parks or other forms of accommodation without security of tenure or access to adequate services. Through visitation, Society members across NSW work in a support capacity, ensuring that people “at risk” do not face the many challenges with which they are confronted alone.

2.4.5 The SAAP definition of homelessness

The Supported Accommodation Assistance Act (1994) is another widely adopted definition of homelessness. The SAAP definition is formed on the basis of the following subjective criteria:

20

“A person is homeless if, and only if he/she has inadequate access to safe and secure housing. A person is taken to have inadequate access to safe and secure housing if the only housing to which a person has access: (a) damages or is likely to damage a person’s health; or (b) threatens a person’s safety; or

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(c) marginalises the person by failing to provide:

(i) adequate personal amenities; or

(ii) economic and social support that a home normally affords; or

(d) places the person in circumstances which threaten or adversely affect

the adequacy, safety, security and affordability of that housing.�38

While individual experiences of homelessness may not fit neatly into categories, the cultural definition of homelessness and the SAAP subjective definition are useful as guides for the provision of resources and assistance to homeless people. They are two of many ways to approach the crisis of homelessness. Of course, statistical analysis of homelessness and housing, guided by progressive recommendations of the type detailed in the Counting the Homeless 2001 report, can also act as a useful companion to a qualitative study of these issues. The following chapter engages aspects of ABS data relevant to the subject matter of this St Vincent de Paul Society report.

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References

2

Chapter 2 1

J. Disney, “Affordable housing”, Breaking the Cycle: Facing the challenge of homelessness and mental health in Australia, St Vincent de Paul Society conference, Sydney, October 18-19.

2

ibid.

3

“Rent and Sales Report – September Quarter 2006”, No. 77, NSW Department of Housing (online), http://www.housing.nsw.gov.au/Rent+and+Sales+Reports/Back+Issues/2006/ September.htm, 2006 (accessed 2 May 2007).

4

ibid.

5

“Rent and Sales Report – September Quarter 2007”, No. 81, NSW Department of Housing (online), http://www.housing.nsw.gov.au/Rent+and+Sales+Reports/Back+Issues/2006/ September.htm, 2007 (accessed 4 December 2007).

6

ibid.

7

ibid.

8

“Rent and Sales Report – September Quarter 2002”, No. 61, NSW Department of Housing (online), http://www.housing.nsw.gov.au/Rent+and+Sales+Reports/Back+Issues/2006/ September.htm, 2007 (accessed 4 December 2007).

9

Don’t Dream It’s Over: Housing Stress in Australia’s Private Rental Market, National Council of the St Vincent de Paul Society, Canberra, 2007, p. i.

10

ibid., p. 2.

11

ibid., p. 3.

12

ibid., p. 11.

13

“Rental Crisis a Bigger Problem than Interest Rates”, Real Estate Institute of New South Wales (online), http://www.reinsw.com.au/Sydney-s-vacancy-rates-continue-to-plummet/ default.aspx, 7 March 2007 (accessed 2 May 2007).

14

Table prepared using data sourced from: “Miserable outlook for Sydney tenants”, Real Estate Institute of New South Wales (online), http://www.reinsw.com.au/Miserable-outlook-for Sydney-tenants/default.aspx, 16 October 2007 (accessed 2 May 2007). Note: The regions extracted from the REINSW data were selected to cover the areas sampled in the case studies and conversations included in this St Vincent de Paul Society report.

15

ibid.

16

“Rental situation at crisis point”, Real Estate Institute of New South Wales (online), http://www. reinsw.com.au/Rental-situation-at-crisis-point/default.aspx, 12 November 2007 (accessed 5 December 2007).

17

“ Vacancy rates leave Sydney renters out in the cold”, Real Estate Institute of New South Wales (online), http://www.reinsw.com.au/Vacancy-rates-leave-Sydney-renters-out-in-the-cold/ default.aspx, 6 April 2008 (accessed 9 April 2008).

18

‘Fujitsu Consulting launches Mortgage ‘Stress-O-Meter’, Fujitsu Consulting Australia (online), http://www.fujitsu.com/au/news/pr/archives/2007/20070809-01.html, 8 August 2007 (accessed: 25 February 2008).

19

“Ongoing rate rises could see 300,000 forced to sell: Fujitsu Consulting Australian Mortgage Stress-O-Meter”, Fujitsu Consulting Australia (online), http://www.fujitsu.com/au/news/pr/ archives/2008/20080105-01.html, 5 February 2008 (accessed: 25 February 2008).

20

“NSW evictions up 67pc”, ABC News (online), www.abc.net.au/news/stories/2008/01/23/21443 68.htm, 23 January 2008 (accessed: 25 February 2008).

22

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21

“Mortgage Stress: Are Australian households in a pickle?”, Australian Mortgage Industry Volume 6, Asia Pacific Equity Research, JPMorgan and Fujitsu Consulting, p. 27.

22

Housing Directions 2007: An Options Paper, Shelter NSW Incorporated, Sydney, 2006.

23

J. Wicks, “Maximising future prospects”, The Record, Summer 2007-2008, St Vincent de Paul Society, National Council, December 2007, p. 17.

24

J. Wicks, The Reality of Income Inequality in Australia, St Vincent de Paul Society, National Council, May 2005.

25

J. Howard, Australian Families: Prosperity, Choice and Fairness, Transcript of the prime minister’s address to the Menzies Research Centre, Weston Hotel, Sydney, 3 May 2005; as cited in: Wicks, op. cit., p. 1.

The most detailed criticism came from Professor Peter Saunders of the Centre for Independent Studies (CIS) who disputed the Society’s interpretation of both ABS and OECD figures.

Among many criticisms, Prof. Saunders dismissed both the ABS commentary referring to “statistically significant movements” in inequality and, the Society’s discussion of the sociological and economic impact of these “movements”. He went on to question the fidelity of report’s agenda to the Society’s mission. “If the [Society’s] concern is to help the poor get more control of their lives why did the Vinnies [sic] write a report about inequality? Why are they so concerned with what is happening to those who are affluent? Why the preoccupation with reducing inequality if the focus is supposedly on eliminating poverty?” The Society’s National CEO, Dr John Falzon refuted Prof. Saunders’ criticisms using clearly cited, objective evidence.

Prof. Saunders replied, labelling the Society’s researchers “1970s bed-sit revolutionaries.” For a detailed reading of this debate, see: P. Saunders, “Clearing muddy waters: why Vinnies are wrong on inequality”, The Centre for Independent Studies, Issue Paper No. 60, 21 June 2005; and J. Falzon, “Stats and stones: Vinnies’ report from the trenches of the poverty war”, St Vincent de Paul Society (online), www.vinnies.org.au, 3 July 2005 (accessed 21 August 2007).

26

D. Chong, Rational Lives: Norms and Values in Politics and Society, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 2000, p. 3.

27

R. Sennett, The Corrosion of Character: The Personal Consequences of Work in the New Capitalism, W. W. Norton & Company, New York, 1998, p. 10.

28

R. Wolff & S. Resnick, Economics: Marxian versus Neoclassical, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1987, p. 7.

29

C. Chamberlain & D. MacKenzie, Counting the Homeless 2001, Australian Census Analytic Program, Australian Bureau of Statistics, Belconnen, 2003.

30

S. Watson & H. Austerberry, Housing and Homelessness: A Feminist Perspective, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1988, p. 10, as cited in: Chamberlain & MacKenzie, op. cit., p. 8.

31

On 21 August 2001 the former federal treasurer announced an Australian record “cash surplus of $17.3 billion (1.7 per cent of GDP)”. The treasurer attributed the surplus to a number of factors, choosing in particular to highlight how “lower spending” on “social and welfare programmes” helped to secure the “higher than expected” result. See: “Preliminary 2006-07 Budget outcome and surplus”, The Office of the Treasurer of the Commonwealth of Australia (online), Press Release: The Hon Peter Costello MP, http://www.treasurer.gov.au/tsr/content/ pressreleases/2007/079.asp?pf=1 21, August 2007 (accessed 28 August 2007)

32

Chamberlain & MacKenzie, op. cit., p. 10.

33

ibid., p. 12.

34

ibid.

35

ibid.

36

ibid., p. 13.

37

“Definition of Homelessness”, Supported Accommodation Assistance Act (1994) Section 4, Commonwealth Consolidated Acts, Canberra, 1994.

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3

data analysis and review 3.1 Australian Bureau of Statistics

The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) collects particular data on caravan parks and park residents. Under the classification of ‘Tourist Accommodation’, the ABS collates and prepares figures on a quarterly basis detailing:

• the number of caravan parks (‘establishments’); • residential time-frames (i.e. ‘long-term’ and ‘short-term’ parks); • types of establishments (e.g. ‘powered sites’, ‘unpowered’, ‘cabins’ etc.); • total capacity (i.e. number of persons the park can accommodate); • persons employed (i.e. caravan park employees); • ‘short... long-term... and permanently reserved’ site occupancy rates; &, • ‘takings from accommodation’

3

ABS definition of terms

ABS figures are collated in accordance with data paradigms and terminology defined by supporting glossaries.

The ABS currently defines caravan parks as “establishments with 40 or more powered sites and cabins, flats, units and villas which provide either shortterm or long-term accommodation to the general public and which provide powered sites for caravans and toilet, shower and laundry facilities for guests.”1 This definition was adopted in 2000.

Long-term caravan parks are defined by the ABS as “caravan parks where the majority of paying guests occupied sites for periods of two months or more.”2

3.2 State-wide data

The following selection of ABS data covers: firstly, state-wide caravan parks; and secondly, the regions from which the case studies included in chapters 4, 5 and 6 of this St Vincent de Paul Society report have been drawn. Data fields have been extracted and comparisons conducted to support and inform reoccurring themes and issues emerging from the report.

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TABLE 3.2 Caravan parks: NSW 3

3

June quarter 2000 Establishments (No.) Site occupancy rate (%) Takings from accommodation ($,000) Average takings per establishment ($)

164 58.9 14 189 86 519

June quarter 2005 Establishments (No.) Site occupancy rate (%) Takings from accommodation ($,000) Average takings per establishment ($)

82 72.9 11 263 137 350

June quarter 2006 Establishments (No.) Site occupancy rate (%) Takings from accommodation ($,000) Average takings per establishment ($)

78 70.8 10 659 136 650

June quarter 2007 Establishments (No.) Site occupancy rates (%) Takings from accommodation ($,000) Average takings per establishment ($)

74 70.3 12 107 163 608

Comments and trends

Sydney Region 2000 & 2005-2007 Figures indicate a halving of ‘establishments’ in the seven years since the “40 or more... short-term or long-term accommodation” ABS definition was adopted. A notable increase in ‘takings from accommodation’ (relative to ‘establishment’ numbers and ‘site occupancy’ rates) is also apparent in the seven-year timeframe. Between 2006 and 2007, average takings per establishment increased by 19%. Regarding the period 2005-2007, steady declines in all criteria bar ‘takings from accommodation’ are evident.

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3.3 Regional data

The following ABS samples have been selected to encompass caravan parks incorporated in the case studies provided in chapters 4 and 6 of this report.

No regional or ‘small area’ comparative data was available for 2000 or other periods prior to 2005.

TABLE 3.3a Caravan parks: Sydney region June quarter figures for 2005-2007 4

3

Establishments (No.) Type Short-term Long-term All

2005 17 12 29

2006 17 11 28

2007 15 10 25

2006 59.5 69.7 63.8

2007 69.5 74.4 71.5

Site occupancy rate (%) Type Short-term Long-term All

2005 59.7 79.6 68.7

Takings from accommodation ($,000) Type Short-term Long-term All

2005 2 095 2 532 4 627

2006 2 256 1 750 4 006

2007 3 745 2 663 6 408

Average per est. ($) 159 551

143 071

256 320

Comments and trends

Sydney Region 2005-2007 Figures indicate a yearly decline across all ‘establishment’ criteria. ‘Site occupancy’ experienced a slight dip in 2006, followed by a significant rise in 2007. The most discernable trend in ‘takings from accommodation’ is the major increase in the 2007 ‘all’ sub-category; the 2006 dip in ‘long-term’ takings is also of note.

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TABLE 3.3b Caravan parks: Hunter region June quarter figures for 2005-2007 5 Establishments (No.) Type Short-term Long-term All

3

2005 16 10 26

2006 16 10 26

2007 15 10 25

2006 56.6 76.5 63.0

2007 59.8 75.6 65.3

Site occupancy rate (%) Type Short-term Long-term All

2005 52.5 70.5 58.2

Takings from accommodation ($,000) Type Short-term Long-term All

2005 1 638 1 103 2 741

2006 1 672 1 274 2 946

2007 1 691 1 539 3 230

Average per est. ($) 105 423

113 307

129 200

Comments and trends

Hunter Region 2005-2007 ‘Establishments’ figures were relatively stable for the period; however, ‘site occupancy’ rates increased by greater than 5 per cent across all ‘establishments’ criteria. While ‘takings from accommodation’ held firm on the ‘short-term’ criterion, an increase of 17.8 per cent occurred across the ‘all’ criterion, due mostly to a marked increase in ‘long-term’ takings.

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TABLE 3.3c Caravan parks: New England region June quarter figures for 2005-2007 6 Establishments (No.) Type Short-term Long-term All

2005 25 0 25

2006 24 0 24

2007 24 0 24

2006 30.1 0 30.1

2007 36.5 0 36.5

3

Site occupancy rate (%) Type Short-term Long-term All

2005 30.0 0 30.0

Takings from accommodation ($,000) Type Short-term Long-term All

2005 1 610 0 1 610

2006 1 773 0 1 773

2007 2 025 0 2 025

Average per est. ($) 64 400

73 875

84 375

Comments and trends

New England Region 2005-2007 ‘Establishments’ figures were relatively stable for the period. A significant rise in ‘site occupancy’ rates occurred in the 2007 June quarter. A similarly marked increase occurred during the same period in ‘accommodation takings’.

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3.4 Overview

Three notable points emerge from the ABS data concerning supply, affordability and classification:

3.4.1 Supply

The past three years have seen a pronounced decline in the total number of parks across NSW and cited regions (15% in Sydney). The decline apparent in the 2000-2007 comparison is particularly alarming. In many ways this reflects diminishing supply in the broader private rental market; however, the ABS data on ‘occupancy rates’ does not indicate an exponential increase in demand, at least not an increase of significant levels. Of course, this could be little more than an indication that people are choosing to holiday or live elsewhere, yet it could also mean that many people are simply unable to afford caravan park accommodation and have sought other ‘last resort’ options. The latter of these outcomes is the more likely as is confirmed in a selection of the case studies presented in this St Vincent de Paul Society report.

3

3.4.2 Affordability

Diminishing supply of ‘establishments’ has been accompanied by a converse trend; namely, a marked increase in ‘takings from accommodation’. Indeed, this increase is particularly steep in the year leading up to the 2007 June quarter. If this trend were to continue, even over the next 12 months alone, then the impact on affordability for disadvantaged long-term residents will be devastating with primary homelessness being one of the most drastic outcomes. Case studies included in this report again confirm that affordability is a pressing issue for those at, what may be described as, the lowest rung of the private rental market.

3.4.3 Classification

The ABS has made a concerted effort in recent years to revise the manner in which it accounts for the marginalised and disadvantaged members of the community. For example, the 2001 ABS research paper, Counting the Homeless acknowledged the need to secure “reliable information” to aid in improving “programs to assist homeless people.”7

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3.5 Classification review

There are problems apparent in the ABS’s current classification practices regarding caravan parks and the residential profiles of park residents. The following issues would benefit from a comprehensive review:

3.5.1 Small parks

The practice of not counting caravan parks with less than 40 sites disenfranchises many residents and operators from ABS data. Smaller caravan parks are required to operate in accordance with legislation governing tourist accommodation; similarly, residents in these parks are accorded the same tenancy rights and obligations as residents in 40-plus site parks. Returning to the rationale that prompted the Counting the Homeless report, surely caravan park residents in smaller parks – all parks – are entitled to comparable levels of representation.

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3.5.2 Occupancy rates

The aggregation of ‘occupancy rate’ data across state-wide, regional and ‘small area’ parameters cannot account for the fact that some caravan parks have extraordinarily high (sometimes full) levels of long-term site occupancy, while other parks within a particular area do not. In most instances, these fluxes can be attributed to considerable variations in rent charges between parks with differing levels of services, location, access and site quality.

Furthermore, many park operators set aside a particular proportion of sites for long-term occupants at ratios close to, yet less than 50% of the total site proportions the ABS deem necessary to define and count a park as ‘longterm’. For operators to viably operate with this level of long-term residents, such sites require high (typically full) occupancy rates; rates that are simply not counted by current modes of data collection.

Also, residents who move from park-to-park as a consequence of eviction or other upheavals are not counted as ‘long-term’; despite the fact that in most cases they continue in a cycle of long-term caravan park residency for periods greater than the two-months stipulated by the ABS definition.

Additional problematic aspects of the ‘long-term’ criteria emerge from the regional data presented in TABLES 3.3a, 3.3b and 3.3c. Given that the Hunter region reported a total of 25 caravan parks in 2007 (incl. 10 ‘long-term’), it is not unreasonable to expect that the New England region (comprising 24 parks in total in 2007) does not have a comparable ratio of ‘long-term’ and ‘short-term’ establishments. Again, this disparity calls into question the suitability of the ‘40-plus’ definition.

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3.5.3 Park changes and community impact

In the previously cited No Place for Home report, the 40-plus definition was criticised as inadequate. The report’s authors added that the NSW Government (Planning NSW) was impeding the ability of the ABS and other agencies to “get a clear picture of changes in the provision of accommodation on parks and their effects on communities.”8 Delays in registering caravan park site approvals were cited as a matter of additional concern. The report was also critical of the manner in which the ABS “uses park managers as census collectors and has unclear definitions and census questions which lead to under recording of the numbers of owners of manufactured homes.”9

3

3.5.4 Tourist accommodation classification

The blanket classification of all caravan parks as ‘tourist accommodation’ is outmoded. This may seem a minor question of semantics; however, classification guides the manner in which data is collected, collated and disseminated. Clearly, caravan parks are not, nor have they always been, solely sources of ‘tourist accommodation’.

The increasing proportion of people residing in caravan parks as a means of ‘last resort’ accommodation can hardly be described as tourists. Similarly, the sub-category of ‘long-term’ residents presents further complications. Can people who choose caravan park residency for reasons of work, lifestyle or retirement be accurately accounted for as tourists?

Of course the ABS does not solely determine the manner in which caravan parks are registered and defined. This is ultimately a matter for governments.

However, a more accurate system of classification and reportage on the part of the ABS would provide legislators with the much of the supporting information necessary to meaningfully address this issue.

The longer the ‘tourist accommodation’ classification stands, the greater the level of injustice for disadvantaged non-‘tourist’ residents of caravan parks. Without an accurate representation and acknowledgement of their predicament, these people remain marginalised and ignored.

3.6 ‘Social Trends’ analysis: homelessness

In contrast to the problems apparent in the ‘Tourist Accommodation’ data, the ABS has made significant advances in its analysis of homelessness. Again, the adoption of recommendations put forward in the Counting the Homeless report significantly enhanced data processing and analysis in this area post 2001.

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The most recent ABS accounts of homelessness were released in 2004, primarily drawn from 2001 census figures. The following Table provides an overview of caravan park residency as applicable to the “marginal residents” definition proffered by Chamberlain and Mackenzie.

TABLE 3.6 Homeless and marginally housed people - census night 2001 10 no.

50,000

Homeless Marginally housed

40,000 30,000 20,000 10,000 0

Sleeping rough

Stop-gap housing SAAP (a)

Stop-gap housing staying with another household

Boarding house residents

Marginal residents of caravan parks

(a) Also includes some people in institutions

In their ‘Australian Social Trends’ commentary, the ABS drew special attention to the plight of marginal residents of caravan parks:

In 2001, a further group of concern were identified from census data: 22,900 people living in caravan parks who were ‘marginally housed’. These people did not have anyone employed full-time in their household, and did not own their caravan. They made up 16% of all people in caravan parks on census night. The well-being of marginalised caravan park residents has been a focus of concern since the 1970s.11

Drawing on a selection of published case-studies and reviews,12 the ABS offered the following summation of the historical background, current and emerging challenges of marginalised caravan park residency:

Caravan park residents began to attract the attention of Australian social policy analysts towards the end of the 1970s, when mobile home living was

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3

a topical subject in the United States, and caravan sales increased in Australia.

Caravan park living was seen as a form of housing which had the potential to socially marginalise the residents. It was argued that, as a very low cost form of housing, caravan parks would tend to attract disadvantaged people, many of whom had special needs. Their problems might then be compounded by living in a caravan park, even though it was probably their least expensive housing option.

In Australia, caravan parks had been regulated mainly as tourist accommodation, which for various reasons, it was thought, made them unsuitable for permanent residence. Zoning restrictions meant they were located away from residential areas and associated services. Residents lacked tenancy and other consumer rights. Caravans were not covered by residential building codes and, furthermore, the amenities of parks were not necessarily designed for long-term residence. In addition, there was a degree of social stigma attached to caravan park living. Residents reported difficulty in obtaining goods and services on credit, and in using local community services, such as libraries, through being seen as itinerant and lacking in assets.13

The 2000 account of the social dimension of marginalised caravan park residency in Australia presented above, and the 2004 assemblage of data and social analysis detailed earlier are useful in building an understanding of the predicament of marginalised caravan park residents. Analysis that combines the best aspects of these approaches and incorporates a greater degree of qualitative research would no doubt bring additional clarity.

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References Chapter 3 1

“Tourist Accommodation: June Quarter 2007”, Australian Bureau of Statistics, ABS cat. no.

8635.0.

2

ibid.

3

“Tourist Accommodation: June Quarter [2000, 2005, 2006 & 2007]”, Australian Bureau of Statistics, ABS cat. no. 8635.0.

4

“Tourist Accommodation: June Quarter [2005, 2006 & 2007]”, Australian Bureau of Statistics, ABS cat. no. 8635.0.

5

ibid.

6

ibid.

7

C. Chamberlain & D. MacKenzie, Counting the Homeless 2001, Australian Census Analytic Program, ABS cat. no. 2050.0, Australian Bureau of Statistics, Belconnen, 2001, p. v.

8

No Place for Home: The loss of permanent accommodation on NSW residential parks 2002, Park and Village Service, and Combined Pensioners and Superannuants NSW Inc, Sydney, 2002, pp. 4-5.

9

ibid.

10

“Australian Social Trends, 2004”, Australian Bureau of Statistics, ABS cat. no. 4102.0.

11

“Australian Social Trends, 2000”, Australian Bureau of Statistics, ABS cat. no. 4102.0.

12

Long term caravan residents in Melbourne: a case study of housing marginality, Centre for Urban Research and Action (CURA), Fitzroy, 1978; & Long-term caravan park residency; a summary compiled from reports and studies in Australia 1978–1991, Department of Health, Housing and Community Services 1991, Canberra, 1991.

13

“Australian Social Trends, 2004”, Australian Bureau of Statistics, ABS cat. no. 4102.0.

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case studies 4.1

Case study

“Where else can we go?”

Frank, President of a St Vincent de Paul Society conference in the southern Sydney metropolitan area reports that he and fellow local Vinnies members visit several people at a local caravan park. The park is situated in an urban area and has approximately 60 powered sites comprising a mix of poorly maintained cabins and caravans.

As part of a range of varied support and assistance measures, Frank and his colleagues visit between 1 to 6 park residents on a fortnightly basis or more frequently when required. Assistance mainly comes in the form of food parcels, help with bills and occasional support with rent. So great is the extent of the problems experienced by park residents, Frank says that his conference is only able to provide “band-aid solutions”.

Most people view their stay in the park as transitional; a temporary option they have to endure until they can find decent accommodation.

Vinnies members attend the park as a male pair or a male-female pair, as it has been determined that it is unsafe for female members to attend as pairs.

This decision was primarily made because of the level of violence in the park.

Frank attributes this apprehension of threatening behavioural problems and violent incidents in the park. Visits after sunset are also not advisable.

Frank comments that one of the park’s more abusive residents was a protagonist in a local civil commotion. According to Frank, this man’s drug addiction exacerbated his violence towards other park residents. He has since left the park.

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The risk of violence in caravan parks to which Frank refers – particularly violence towards women – is illustrated by a 2005 survey of 125 residents of 8 Lower Hunter region caravan parks conducted by Graeme Stuart of the Caravan Family Action Centre, University of Newcastle. Stuart found that “80% of female participants under 24... had been physically assaulted” in the 12 months leading up to the survey. “Over half the women”, Stuart surveyed, “had experienced verbal or physical abuse” during the same period.1

If caravan parks are labelled as ‘precarious’ housing for an ex-prisoner, then what must it be like for a family or a young child to live this way?

Frank says, “most people view their stay in the park as transitional; a temporary option they have to endure until they can find decent accommodation”.

However, he explained that most people end up staying long term, unable to find the “decent”, yet affordable housing options they seek.

4

Until recently, conference members regularly visited, Joyce and Robert a couple in their late 50s, on welfare payments, forced to reside in the park for an extended period until they were able to secure a more suitable residence with security of tenure. Housing NSW has since found more appropriate accommodation for the couple, placing them in a nearby unit.

Many of the residents conference members visit have been placed in Temporary Accommodation in the park by Housing NSW. As mentioned earlier, Frank reported that quite a few of the residents placed in the park via the Temporary Accommodation process are “just out of jail” or fleeing a domestic violence situation.

A report by the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (August 2003) found that caravan parks are a common option for prisoners who, upon release, tried “to find accommodation” away from areas where they felt they would be prone re-offending, yet inevitably found that they “could not afford the rental costs” nor meet increasingly stringent tenancy requirements.

The report labelled caravan parks as “very precarious housing”, typically trapping ex-prisoners in “disadvantaged areas” and further hindering social reintegration.2 Frank and his conference members back this finding.

If caravan parks are labelled as “precarious” housing for an ex-prisoner - an indivdual who has experienced and perhaps developed the coping skills to endure the institutionalised and often brutal environment of prison - then what must it be like for a family or a young child to live this way?

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Several of the residents the conference assists are not only contending with less than satisfactory living arrangements, but also dealing with additional pressures. Ian, a man in his mid-30s had moved to the caravan park specifically because his ex-wife lived in the area and he wanted better access to his kids.

Ian has been unable to find any other form of affordable accommodation.

Her situation drastically deteriorated and, out of desperation, she turned to prostitution within the park.

Given the previously discussed risk of violence and the prevalence of residents with addictions, Ian finds the park an unsuitable environment into which to bring his visiting kids, yet he currently has no other option.

Not only is Ian attempting to cope with a difficult family situation, he is also schizophrenic. While Ian has medication for his condition, the combined pressures of his personal circumstances, the instability of his environment and his ongoing efforts to gain reasonable access to his children makes managing his condition very difficult. It is a situation that leaves him feeling constantly on edge.

One of Frank’s fellow conference members, Martin, reports how Emma, a resident in her early 20s, reached crisis point. Emma initially came to the park to escape a violent relationship. Battling depression, schizophrenia and a drug addiction, Emma was unable to cover basic living costs. Her situation drastically deteriorated and, out of desperation, she turned to prostitution within the park. Martin explains that

4 emma’s family tried but in the end they gave up on her

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this only exacerbated her problems, leading to erratic, inappropriate and sometimes indecent behaviour in front of the park’s other residents, some of them children. Emma’s parents came to the park in an attempt to assist her.

Her judgement impaired by her psychological state, Emma strongly rejected her parents. After a heated exchange, their relationship irreparably broke down. As Martin explains, “they tried but in the end they gave up on her”.

As expected, Emma’s situation worsened. Eventually police were called and steps were taken, with the assistance of the appropriate social services, to help Emma and remove her from the park. Martin adds that Emma’s current circumstances are unknown.

The situations of many of the park’s residents are desperate, with Frank telling of how one man, Gary – a severe alcoholic in his late 40s – has basically given up on life, seeing himself as a lost cause and resigned to feeling that he is beyond help.

4

Gary recently approached conference members telling them that he had heard the park was to be closed and the land sold for re-development.

Gary was extremely distressed about how the mooted closure would affect him and his fellow residents. Unsure of what the future holds, Gary said, “Where else can we go?”

gary

has nowhere else to go

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4.2

Case study

“The feeling of community has vanished.”

Geoff is President of a St Vincent de Paul Society conference in the outer Sydney metropolitan area. The Society’s work with caravan park residents in the area encompasses assisting people in a local park that currently consists of between 80 and 90 caravans. The conference’s service to the park’s residents extends over a considerable period of time. Doug, a member of the Society for over 40 years, recalls how the conference attended to disadvantaged residents in the park when it accommodated over 600 sites, predominately consisting of a dilapidated array of vans and tents.

Many residents have acquiesced to eviction notices despite the often tenuous and unsubstantiated basis of many of these notices.

Three years ago, the situation altered considerably when the park’s former managers departed and new operators leased the premises from its longstanding corporate owners. With rents abruptly pushed upwards of $280 per week, the majority of residents were forced to move on. Many of the park’s older vans were destroyed. Residents unable to afford the rent on a newer van were squeezed out. This particularly disadvantaged the park’s longstanding Indigenous residents, whose typically sound behaviour as “dependable tenants” was overlooked ahead of the operators’ desire to secure increased rental income from holiday makers and middle income groups.

Doug adds that the new operators are completely intolerant of alcohol and drug use by certain park residents. As Doug observes, minor infringements of this apparently selective zero tolerance stance have been used as an excuse to “turf out undesirable residents”. However, comparable behaviour on the part of those able to pay (without assistance) goes on without scrutiny. With limited understanding of their tenancy rights, many residents have acquiesced to eviction notices despite the often tenuous and unsubstantiated basis of many of these notices.3 Doug explains that many former residents turned to Housing NSW for assistance and were placed in public housing in nearby areas. Others remained marginally housed, moving on to other caravan parks; some entered secondary homelessness, staying with family and friends; while the remainder are thought to have joined the ranks of the primary homeless.

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Doug recalls the camaraderie among former residents. People cared about what happened to each other. “They would look in on their neighbours and make sure they were okay.” Of his many visits to the park, Doug remembers one occasion when a baby was delivered at the park. With the majority of the park’s economically marginalised and disadvantaged residents being forced to move on, Doug comments, “the feeling of community has vanished”.

The few former park residents Doug remains in contact with feel isolated and unsupported in their current living arrangements. Clearly the communal/ social currency of the park is neither easily replicated nor transferable to other forms of housing. Although difficult to quantify, it is clear that the importance of informal social support networks cannot be underestimated. As Doug observes, people are generally good at “looking out for one another.” Indeed, a significant amount of the conference’s contact with residents experiencing disadvantage came about through the recommendations of fellow residents.

sonya

4

came to the park fleeing domestic violence

Even with the changes that have occurred, Frank and fellow Society members still see a few of the park’s remaining low-income residents on a regular basis. Visits generally stem from referrals from the local Vinnies Centre (retail shop) or from a stall at the Parish church. Currently, local Society members are assisting three park residents.

Vera, an elderly lady living on her own in the park, approached the Society – through the Vinnies Centre – desperately in need of food. The Society built up a store of food stuffs to manage precisely this type of inquiry. The Society have since supplied Vera with the essential provisions she required.

They now maintain regular contact with her to ensure that she is able to cope with the pressures of the park’s exorbitant rent and other expenses.

Another recent call for assistance was received from Sonya, a young woman living on her own in the park. Sonya came to the park after fleeing a domestic violence situation. Without the support of her partner’s income, she was unable to spare enough money after rent to purchase food.

Of course, conference members helped her in this regard. Although willing to talk about

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her circumstances as a victim of abuse, she would not accept any additional offers of help.

Sonya explained that she was hoping for reconciliation with her partner and did not want to act in a manner she judged could jeopardise that.

vera

couldn’t afford to buy food after paying the rent

The conference has also recently assisted Darren, a man aged in his early 30s, renting a van at the park after his recent release from prison.

Unable to secure more than intermittent, unskilled work, Darren has occasionally needed assistance with food.

As Frank explains, Darren, like many of the park’s residents, has also received help in the form of rent and other park fees to avoid eviction.

Darren, like many of the park’s residents, has also received help in the form of rent and other park fees to avoid eviction.

The park in question is bordered by a railway line (with a heavy overnight freight schedule) and a busy highway. Despite these drawbacks, demand dictates that the park is nearly always full. The decreasing availability of affordable housing options has seen a marked increase in competition among low income groups for housing – any from of housing.

Regardless of the park’s high rental costs, many residents struggle to maintain their tenancy; not because of the desirability of their accommodation, but simply because of the fear that should they be evicted they will be unable to find alternative accommodation. The ultimate fear is that they will become homeless. This is one of the factors that leaves many residents trapped in a cycle in which the money (if any) left over from rent does not stretch to cover food, clothing, bills and other essentials. It is a cruel cycle that effectively leaves people contending with an unabated struggle from one crisis to another.

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4.3

Case study

“These sort of people.”

Kumar and his wife Padma live in a small caravan park in an outer Sydney metropolitan costal area. Twenty-eight year old Kumar is an itinerant worker, finding employment where he can, usually picking fruit on a seasonal basis or working at the snow fields during winter. His work regularly takes him

kumar works hard but his wife and he can barely cover the rent on their van

4

away from Padma and the park for extended periods of time. Naturally these periods of separation are difficult for the couple, but regular unskilled employment is difficult to find in the local area.

Although Kumar sends nearly all his meagre earnings home to Padma when he is away, it is often barely enough to cover the rent. As is increasingly common across the broader rental market, demand has increased considerably while the availability of affordable rental premises steadily declines. Caravan parks are not immune from this disturbing rental trend. Indeed, the van and site that Kumar and Padma rent costs upwards of $290 per week.

Local St Vincent de Paul Society members have helped Kumar and Padma with food vouchers and occasional rent assistance. The Society also provides hampers to the couple and the park’s other disadvantaged residents at Christmas.

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The park’s owner is utterly inflexible with late rental payments, often looking for any excuse to evict tenants who occasionally experience financial difficulty, despite their otherwise reliable and compliant behaviour. Mick reveals the grim reality of the situation, stating, “the park owner doesn’t want these sort of people in the place”.

With the cost of renting a van and site spiralling beyond the reach of disadvantaged families and individuals, Mick is unsure of where these people will go and what will happen to them.

In recent years, Mick and fellow Society members have assisted many more of the park’s residents, including two unemployed couples with young children.

Another of the park’s residents the Society helped was struggling for some time with alcohol addiction.

The rise in rental costs and a tightening of the park’s tenancy conditions has since forced the majority of these people to move on. With the cost of renting a van and site spiralling beyond the reach of disadvantaged families and individuals, Mick is unsure of where these people will go and what will happen to them. For many of the park’s marginalised residents, the park was a “last resort” option.

4.4

Case study

“People look out for one another.”

Keith is a St Vincent de Paul Society member in a rural area of northern NSW. In discussing the visitation three conferences in his Diocese conduct with local caravan park residents, Keith offers a range of insightful perspectives of the challenges members encounter in the course of their vocation.

Keith, who describes himself as a recreational caravan enthusiast, prefaces his observations about the Society’s work with an overview of the criteria typical of most rural caravan parks. ‘Transit parks’, he explains, accommodate people for a few nights at the most; ‘destination parks’ encompass extended stays of up to two or three weeks; and, ‘permanent parks’ are the domain of long term residents, many of whom reside in the same location for years.

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katie is a recovering drug addict living in a caravan park in rural nsw

4

Of course, Keith adds, some parks constitute a mixture of these criteria.

For instance, one park in his area is predominately a destination park yet also has a row of dilapidated vans at the rear of the site which are classifiable as permanent.

As Keith explains, the criteria and condition of vans are factors of considerable importance when working towards achieving viable accommodation outcomes for people in crisis. Years of experience has taught Keith and fellow Society members in the region that tenant behaviour is directly relative to the quality of accommodation within which they are placed. For example, Keith notes that people placed in poor quality permanent van accommodation typically slip into undesirable tenancy behavioural patterns, usually manifest by a lack of care and respect for vans and facilities, late or non-payment of rent, and anti-social behaviour. This invariably leads to a serious deterioration in the relationship between tenants and park operators that in most instances results in eviction. As a consequence, many park operators are sometimes reluctant to admit people the Society identifies as being in need of crisis accommodation.

The anxiety caused by rundown vans and poor quality park facilities to which Keith refers is reflected in a 2001 study of inland parks conducted by the Park

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and Village Service-Combined Pensioners and Superannuants Association.

Of 12 issues of concern raised by survey participants (predominately park residents, with additional input from tenancy workers and Department of Fair Trading employees), the criterion of “rundown facilities” rated the highest, closely followed by “evictions without notice” and poor “roads and drainage”.4

“There’s five beautiful kids and the parents have serious drug addictions”, says Keith. “It’s very sad.”

Keith observes that people placed in alternative non-van accommodation such as inexpensive yet well-maintained hotel rooms or cabins generally adopt more appropriate behaviour. Perhaps unsurprisingly, it is evident that the quality of accommodation directly correlates with a tenant’s self-esteem, and by extension, the manner in which they treat their lodgings.

Some of the people in caravan park accommodation Society members are assisting are from a local St Vincent de Paul Society homeless persons’ accommodation and support service. One of 32 facilities that constitute Matthew Talbot Homeless Services, this regional Special Work provides supported accommodation for single men and women, including a drug and alcohol recovery and rehabilitation unit and a range of integrated services. A relocation assistance and referral service also operates out of the facility. Keith reports that several people who have successfully completed rehabilitation have gone on to make the subsequent three-step transition from rehab, to temporary caravan park residency, and finally on to independent living in more conventional housing with security of tenure.

Fiercely independent, twenty-one year-old Katie has worked hard at rehabilitation after a harrowing period of drug addiction triggered in part by the death of her mother and younger sister two years ago in a car accident.

She is temporarily residing in a caravan park until she can find suitable rental accomodation for her and her dog Robbie who is currently being minded by friends. A talented writer, Katie’s ability to express her experiences through poetry and short stories have helped her to process her feelings in a constructive and positive way. She hopes to enrol in university next year.

Others who have worked through the Special Work’s programs and, as Keith explains, made “the break”, have become long-term caravan park residents – many of them by choice. Keith observes that there is a preference among

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some people for the lifestyle park living affords them. As he suggests, this type of residency can suit people who enjoy the independence and the convenience of all inclusive rent, power and facilities payments. The sense of community that exists in many parks, in which as Keith puts it, “people look out for one another”, can also be an attraction. The closeness of van sites obviously helps to foster this sense community, as does the cooperation and interaction required to use shared facilities. Of course, this closeness can also be a source of friction when relationships break down.

There is a preference among some people for the lifestyle park living affords them.

Discussing the changes he has witnessed over years of serving disadvantaged caravan park residents, Keith comments that although the numbers of people in need have remained relatively stable, those people he does visit are getting younger. “It used to be the case that we would see a lot of elderly males.

Nowadays”, Keith adds, “it is young people.” He cites the example of a young family the Society has been assisting. “There’s five beautiful kids and the parents have serious drug addictions”, says Keith. “It’s very sad.”

4

4.5

Case study

“A hopeless situation?”

Johan is President of a St Vincent de Paul Society conference in the outer suburbs of Sydney. The conference has 8 members, 4 of whom are active in visitation. Active members comprise him and his wife, and another recently joined couple who Johan emphasises are aged in their late 70s.

The conference visits people in two local caravan parks and a motel. The problems encountered in all three of these sources of accommodation are naturally of concern to Society members.5 However, Johan notes that conditions in one of the parks are particularly alarming – in fact, he says, “it is one of the worst parks I’ve seen.” Almost without exception, Johan senses that the people in this park feel trapped in “a hopeless situation.”

The park to which Johan refers is situated in a broad strip of land bordered by a main road on one side and a creek on the other. It is located midway between

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two suburbs experiencing relative levels of socio-economic disadvantage, a fact evidenced by the dire absence of affordable housing options.

A pub is situated next to the park. Excess drinking, drug use and violence on the part patrons and some park residents regularly reaches problematic levels and Johan reports that “the police come to the park very often”.

The conference is currently conducting weekly visits, generally seeing up to five people (or premises) per visit. “The Department of Housing [Housing NSW] places them into the park with two-weeks rent, then nothing”, says Johan. “A lot of them come to the park with little more than the clothes on their back. So we start by providing food and clothing.”

johan says it’s one of the worst parks he has seen.

“After the two-weeks free rental period expires, most people we see have simply run out of money”, reports Johan, referring to the inadequacy of income support. Lack of financial literacy is also a problem. This is exacerbated by addiction, typically manifest through problem ‘pokies’ gambling, drug and alcohol use.6 Where able, the Society provides budget counselling in an

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effort to address the at least one of the symptoms. However, as Johan puts it: “You can’t be there 24 hours-a-day.” There is a dire lack of support for people in this situation and little means of access to the services necessary to address the complex social and personal issues that accompany addiction in its many forms.7 In the absence of constructive assistance, the only government response many of these residents encounter comes in the form of crippling welfare penalties. Punitive measures, such as Centrelink payment breaches, in which welfare payments are cut-off for eight weeks (in most cases without financial case management), are incredibly damaging.

Almost without exception, the people in this park feel trapped in a hopeless situation.

“Many of the residents”, Johan explains, “are on sickness benefits. Quite a few of them”, he adds, “are mentally ill, with conditions such as schizophrenia, depression and anxiety.” He suspects that many of these conditions are either undiagnosed or, if recognised are in most instances untreated.

4

“We mainly see couples”, says Johan referring to the demographic profile of the residents the conference visits. “It’s generally a mixture of people, young and old.”

Johan explains that the majority of people placed in the park through the Housing NSW ‘Temporary Accommodation’ criterion arrive on a Friday evening. As many of them are coming without food or other essentials, Johan’s conference has negotiated with the park’s manager to leave a store of canned and basic food provisions for discretionary distribution to those in immediate need.8 Johan stresses that “motivation and self-esteem are big problems for many of the youth in the park”. One of the people the conference visits is Vanessa, a woman in her mid-thirties, who Johan says, “had her baby taken by DOCS”.

Vanessa struggles with addiction and resides in a rented caravan with her older, sixteen year-old son Tye. Tye dropped out of school after years of behavioural difficulties. He has been unemployed for over a year now. Johan worries that every time he visits Vanessa, usually at around 11am, Tye is in bed. “He just doesn’t seem interested in anything”.

Johan’s concern for Tye stems from his experience of seeing boredom and despondency leading to drug and alcohol problems. “While we will bring help to anyone in need, often we encourage the younger ones to come to the

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vanessa is struggling with addiction

4 [Vinnies] Centre to collect food parcels and other assistance; just to motivate them, to get them out of the park and doing something”, says Johan.

Despite the exceedingly poor conditions of the park, it is nearly always full to capacity. Many people are forced to wait in other forms of accommodation or exist in other stages of homelessness until they can be placed in a caravan.

The preferred of these temporary options is a local budget motel.

Johan describes the conditions in the motel as marginally better than the caravan park. However, as with people coming into the park, once the twoweeks Housing NSW rental payment runs out, those that are placed in the motel are unable to cover the cost of accommodation. The conference recently visited a family with nine kids placed in ‘temporary accommodation’ at the motel. While the family was grateful to have shelter, they were unable to afford the cost of take-away food as the motel rooms do not include

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tye

is bored and totally unmotivated.

His self-esteem is critically low.

4

cooking facilities. The conference provided the family money to purchase food and dropped in food parcels including basics such as bread, milk, butter, and tinned goods.

Despite the exceedingly poor conditions of the park, it is nearly always full to capacity.

When the motel and caravan park are full and other options have been exhausted, Johan reports that many people sleep in cars in parkland alongside the creek until they can secure a spot in the park. Johan and his wife also visit a group of people – mainly older men – who sleep rough under a bridge that crosses the creek about 500 metres away from the caravan park. Asked what could be done to work towards addressing their predicament, Johan explained that despite raising crisis-accommodation options with them in the course of delivering food hampers and clothing, the men replied they “do not want to move.”

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At times, Johan reports that the conference can receive up to ten calls in one day for assistance. With current conference membership numbers, he explains, it is difficult to keep up with demand. Johan adds that he and his wife – both in their sixties – have been unable to take a holiday in years.

Despite a recent recruitment campaign in which, Johan spoke at his church and local schools, only two new volunteers (the elderly couple mentioned earlier) were welcomed into the conference.

4.6

Case study

“People feel they’ve been forgotten.”

Dale is President of a conference on the outskirts of the Western Sydney.

The conference consists of 10 members, about half of whom are active in visitation. Currently the conference is serving residents of a caravan park in the region.

“When we brought him a Christmas hamper last year, he became overwhelmed and cried. Since then, we have checked in on him regularly.”

“Ricky is one of three people we are assisting at the moment”, says Dale.

“He’s wheelchair bound, so we have helped him with some access issues.”

Ricky’s family live considerable distance away so conference members are fulfilling a much needed support role. “We quickly recognised that loneliness and isolation are considerable challenges for Ricky,” says Dale. “When we brought him a Christmas hamper last year, he became overwhelmed and cried. Since then, we have checked in on him regularly.”

“He’s on a disability pension and has had some difficulty in fitting out his caravan”, Dale explains. “Ricky needed a small lounge and bed suited to both the confines of his caravan and his ability to get around”, says Dale. “We were able to provide him with a quality second-hand bed sourced from the local Vinnies Centre.”

“We have also been able to replace his furniture, including supplying him with a rocking chair, which he is particularly pleased with”, adds Dale.

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ricky

feels as though he has nothing to offer anybody

4 Wishing to work towards securing paid employment, Ricky expressed a desire to improve his professional skills. “One of our conference members donated a second-hand computer”, says Dale. “We had it upgraded and Ricky now has access to the internet and a world of opportunities”. Given that feelings of isolation so often permeate caravan parks, being connected is vitally important to Ricky. “He is very grateful”, says Dale.

While conference members monitor Ricky’s situation, he strives to remain independent. As he puts it, he is “not one to ask for help”. Although he has made progress, Ricky still struggles with self-esteem issues. Dale tells how Ricky is reluctant to invite family members to visit him in the park as he feels that he has “nothing to offer anybody.”

Recently, the conference has also been assisting Gail, aged in her 30s, and her teenage daughter Janelle. Gail and Janelle came to the park after the break-up of Gail’s marriage last year.

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janelle

worries about how she and her mum Gail will get by The conference helped Gail and Janelle to cover the cost of moving to the park. Dale says that the conference also provided food parcels and food vouchers. This form of assistance is common. “Most people we see”, Dale observes, “are struggling with their finances.” This cycle of debt means that the majority of the park’s disadvantaged residents typically remain trapped in the park for the long term, despite their wish to move on to more suitable and stable forms of accommodation.

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References Chapter 4

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1

G. Stuart, 2005, “It beats living in a tent: a survey of residents in eight Lower Hunter caravan parks”, Parity, Council to Homeless Persons, Fitzroy, vol. 18 issue 5, p. 17.

2

E. Baldry (et al.), “Ex-prisoners and accommodation: what bearing do different forms of housing have on social reintegration?”, Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (online), AHURI Report No. 46, http://www.ahuri.edu.au/publications/projects/p70176, August 2003 (accessed 17 September 2007).

3

In their 2005 submission to the Office of Fair Trading re. the Consumer Trader and Tenancy Tribunal Act 2001, the Park and Village Service (PAVS) advocacy group outlined their concerns regarding legislation covering caravan park residents rights in the context of rent rises, eviction and appeals processes. PAVS identified a series of impediments to “informed and equal negotiation” on the part caravan park residents and operators. PAVs added that particular aspects of the appeals criteria of the act, “weighs most harshly and inequitably upon people who have a legitimate expectation they will not be dispossessed unless there has been a proper adjudication of both parties rights.” See: G. Hopkins, “Comments on the Report Conducted by the Office of Fair Trading on the Review of the Residential Parks Act 1998”, Park and Village Service (online), http://www.cpsa.org.au/PAVS/P_Home.html, August 2005 (accessed 24 September 2007).

4

“Getting to Residents of Inland Parks: Report on a Consultation on NSW Inland Residential Parks”, Park and Village Service CPSA (NSW inc.), in association with Gunyah Aboriginal Tenancy Advice Service – Funded by the Department of Fair Trading, CPSA (online), http:// www.cpsa.org.au/, May 2001 (accessed 10 October 2007).

5

One of the parks the conference members visit is, in Johan’s experience, “more selective” than the other. This park mainly consists of neat, onsite cabins, and the managers generally “refuse to take difficult people”. At this park, the conference mainly sees elderly individuals living alone and in need of food parcels and other essentials.

6

In his address to the St Vincent de Paul Society ‘Problem Gambling’ seminar, 7 March 2007, Professor Alex Blaszczynski of the School of Psychology, University of Sydney highlighted the many detrimental effects associated with the high-concentration of electronic gambling machines (pokies) in socio-economically disadvantaged areas of metropolitan Sydney. See: A. Marks, “Children are the real losers in problem gambling”, Vision, St Vincent de Paul Society, Issue 60, September 2007, p. 15.

7

Discussing mental health and homelessness in the context of co-morbidity, Emeritus Professor Ian Webster of the University of New South Wales sought to re-frame the manner in which social services address “compounding needs”. Regarding the prevalence of addiction among homeless populations he discouraged a punitive, segmented or judgmental approach by highlighting the fact that a lot of homeless people use alcohol as a poor man’s way of blocking out pain, putting themselves to sleep, and reducing – in most cases worsening – feelings of sadness. See: I. Webster, “Compounding needs: how do we best help people with co-existing mental health and substance use problems”, Breaking the Cycle: Facing the challenge of homelessness and mental health in Australia, St Vincent de Paul Society conference, Sydney, 18-19 October 2007.

8

Securing the cooperation of the park’s managers – even at this rudimentary level – is quite an achievement considering the typically uncooperative attitude of many managers who for operational reasons prefer to maintain a strictly business minded approach to residents.

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special case study A way ahead?

Alan is a former St Vincent de Paul Society, Regional President and a longterm Society member. A retired police inspector, he resides in a large rural centre about four hours drive from Sydney. Approximately four years ago, Alan’s Diocesan President, Jeff became aware of a group of local caravan park residents experiencing disadvantage after reading an article in a prominent, nationally circulated news magazine. Indentifying a possible “supporting role” for the Society, Jeff referred the matter to Alan for action.

She noticed an inordinately high number of patients attending the hospital from the nearby caravan park.

5

The article in question detailed how in 2000 a local Community Health nurse, Louise, began working to assist residents at the park after she noticed an inordinately high number of patients attending the hospital from the nearby caravan park. The amount of women and children presenting at the hospital with domestic violence related issues was considerably high relative to the mainstream community, as was the number of patients exhibiting symptoms of drug abuse. Alan explains that Louise’s perception was confirmed by the NSW Police, DOCS and a local Magistrate.

After protracted negotiations with the park’s manager, Louise began visiting people in the park. The manager initially expressed resistance to Louise’s request, concerned that a decision to grant special access to a health worker could be read as an admission the park’s facilities and operations are substandard.1 Furthermore, Alan says the manager “banned” a university research group from attending the park on the basis that she felt their interaction with residents impeded the effective management of the park.

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Residents wait to see the physician in a shelter located in the park’s BBQ area.

Louise’s selfless and caring attitude, combined with her empathetic and nonjudgemental approach enabled her to quickly gain the trust of the residents and the acceptance of the park’s manager. Reflecting her area of professional expertise and in response to the most pressing area of need, Louise’s support of the park’s disadvantaged residents began with the provision of on-site health care.

Recognising the scope of the problem and the difficulties many residents encountered in attempting to access adequate and affordable health care, Louise secured funding from the local area health authority to hold a fortnightly health clinic at the park. The clinic operated from a Mobile Health Unit Louise secured on loan from the local hospital. A local physician volunteered to see patients at the clinic on his day off; with Louise’s assistance he was soon attending to an average of 30 patients per visit.2

5

At any one time, the occupants of approximately 40 per cent of the park’s sites are in dire need of various forms of assistance.

Alan reports that the park consists of nearly 80 sites. He estimates that, at any one time, the occupants of approximately 40 per cent of the park’s sites are in dire need of various forms of assistance. Alan reports that the conference visits approximately 30 residents on a regular basis. Areas of concern include, but are not limited to: health, finances, violence, sexual assault, drug abuse, alcohol addiction, family breakdown, problem gambling, unemployment, literacy, day care and long term housing.

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“Since 2003”, says Alan, “Vinnies have been involved in supporting the Clinic.” Residents wait to see the physician in a shelter located in the park’s BBQ area. “We began by bringing supplies of fruit and veggies to residents waiting to see the doctor”, explains Alan, referring to the contribution local St Vincent de Paul Society conference members are making regarding the nutrition of residents. “We still do this, and more today”, adds Alan. He explains that approaching residents on neutral ground (i.e. the BBQ area) proved an effective and non-threatening way to initiate contact. “They’ve been pushed from pillar-to-post by so many faceless services that many of them are understandably suspicious of offers of help”.

A local physician volunteered to see patients at the clinic on his day off.

5

Vinnies is one of many agencies involved in supporting park residents. A St Vincent de Paul Society, Evaluations and Approvals Group (EAG) report prepared in early 2007, details over 20 federal, state and local government and non-government groups contributing to the park’s Outreach Program.

These supportive bodies cover a broad and diverse range of areas, including: community services, corrective services, dental, Indigenous support, funeral services, schools, day care, housing, probation and parole, education and training, legal support, family support, sport and recreation, bus and rail.

Despite this high level of support, Alan reports that only a small minority of supporting agencies (including the St Vincent de Paul Society) visit residents on-site at the park. Most agencies consider the park is too dangerous and they decline to visit families and individuals in their vans. Alan comments that he never goes to the park by himself, he always has one or more conference members attend with him. Louise’s efforts are all the more remarkable given her commitment to working with any person in need regardless of the risk assessments cited by the majority of supporting agencies.

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Louise’s support of the park’s disadvantaged residents began with the provision of on-site health care.

Having secured the provision of health care, Louise turned her attention to other areas of concern among the park’s residents. She has proven particularly effective as an advocate for the general welfare of residents, acting as a vital link between social service agencies and park residents.3 Furthermore, the bonds she has established between the local community and disadvantaged residents have been instrumental in securing positive outcomes for innumerable park residents across a broad range of issues.

Be it addressing complex health, social and housing issues or, as Alan describes it, “arranging simple things like transport and free tickets for kids to visit the local swimming pool”, Louise has proven to be an invaluable source of support for people experiencing disadvantage and marginalisation.

5

Taking Louise’s lead and drawing on the proven experience and core fundamentals of the Vincentian vocation, the St Vincent de Paul Society’s involvement with the park’s residents has considerably expanded since its inception nearly five years ago. The most instrumental aspect of this involvement has been in support of the Society’s health clinic.

“With toddlers in care, mums are able to attend the training and courses they need to give them options in life”.

Mobility emerged as a pressing issue for many people attending the clinic.

Generally, when referrals for additional care arose, many residents were simply unable to organise the transport necessary to access specialist medical facilities outside the park. Reading of this predicament in the previously mentioned article, an individual benefactor from Sydney contacted the Society and expressed his wish to purchase and donate a vehicle for the use of the park’s residents.

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Residents now have access to a seven-seat vehicle operated by a volunteer driver. In addition to transporting people to medical appointments, Alan explains that the vehicle also fulfils a vital secondary function, enabling residents access to a range of much-needed services such as TAFE skills training courses, kindergarten and recreational activities.

“I have never experienced a more worthwhile and multithrust effort, which the Society should be very proud of.”

Alan says the vehicle has afforded residents an array of previously unavailable opportunities. “One woman aged in her 40s was illiterate”, he explains. “She now attends literacy classes at TAFE”. Access to kindergarten and day care has also had additional benefits. “With toddlers in care, mums are able to attend the training and courses they need to give them options in life”, Alan states. The vehicle fulfilled a more urgent interim need when funding for the Mobile Health Clinic drew to a close.

In late 2006, in anticipation of funding expiring, the Society’s Evaluations and Approvals Group (EAG) committee requested that their representative for the region, Keith, conduct an assessment concerning the possibility of significantly escalating the Society’s support of the park’s residents.

The clinic operated from a Mobile Health Unit secured on loan from the local hospital.

5

The possibility of establishing an ‘Outreach Program’ in the park was canvassed in consultation with Louise, the park’s manager, residents and other stakeholders. Most notably, the proposal included the purchase and site-leasing of a two-room transportable building from which to consolidate the clinical health service formerly operating out of the Mobile Unit.

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Having conducted a thorough assessment, Keith submitted a detailed report to the EAG in support of a Project Development Application (PDA). In response to questions provoked by his initial report, Keith offered further details and reiterated his emphatic support of the venture. The following extract, outlines the nature of the Society’s commitment and the viability of the project:

Is this a Society work? In my view, as a Vincentian with forty years visitation work behind me, the answer is a resounding yes. My visit to the [caravan park] included talks with [the physician, Louise, the park manager and Alan], as well as observing the doctor’s consultation in progress. A volunteer is driving the donated 7 seat vehicle, [Louise] is organising the patients, and [Alan] is providing food to the park’s residents. I have never experienced a more worthwhile and multi-thrust effort, which the Society should be very proud of.4

With the EAG review completed, and Keith’s recommendations assessed and costed, the Society’s NSW governing body, the Trustees Council approved the proposal. In October 2007, the Outreach Program was launched and the on-site Clinic (constructed in July 2007) officially opened.

“They’ve been pushed from pillar-to-post by so many faceless services that many of them are understandably suspicious of offers of help”.

5

Alan comments on a range of additional aspects of the Society’s Outreach Program, some successful, others presenting new challenges.

Alan’s conference assisted Hayley, a single mother in her mid-20s with covering prescription costs arising from her consultation at the on-site clinic.

Hayley’s income is extremely limited. “After rent”, Alan observes, “she only has $50 to live.” Having been given $50 to purchase antibiotics, Alan says she returned with approximately $40 change.

Knowing that Hayley was struggling to get by, Alan told her to keep the change and spend it on whatever she needed. With Christmas approaching, Hayley stocked up on food. “She was so grateful”, Alan says. “She was able to buy things for her and her kids that they normally would miss out on”.

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hayley

and her kids only have $50 left after rent to live on.

The conference has also been working to break down the sense of isolation many residents feel. For many of them, staying in touch with loved ones is difficult. The only public phone (located just outside the confines of the park) has been vandalised and is out of order. Alan says that he takes phone cards with him on many visits. “Natasha, a single mum with three kids uses the cards we provide to keep in touch with her mother in Queensland”, says Alan. This is the only contact with family Natasha has. Similarly, Sandy, a lady in her late 50s passes the phone card the conference provides on to her son Steven who is just out of prison. As Steven is barred from the park, Alan explains that “this is the only way she can check up on him and keep him out of trouble.”

5

Alan explains that the rate of mental illness in the park is extremely high, resulting in an array of complications and problems. Interaction between residents can, according to Alan, be “very unpredictable”. The most common result, he adds, is violence. “One resident was recently evicted, and the police called, after he threatened to kill the park’s manager.” Alcohol and substance abuse only aggravates these problems, says Alan, referring to drug use among many residents. The health risks associated with intravenous drug use have prompted one community health agency to include the park in a needle exchange program.

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sandy

uses the phone card the Society provides to keep in touch with her son steven who is just out of prison

The many challenges confronting park residents are offset by tangible levels of success. For example, Alan regularly brings a cake along to his visitation sessions in the BBQ area. Cups of tea and the ensuing discussion provokes by this seemingly minor gesture have proved crucial in helping to strengthen the social fabric that binds many of the park’s residents. “It’s a chance to get together and chat without alcohol and other potentially damaging problems getting in the way”, says Alan.

5

Discussing the predicament of the park’s residents with the manager, Alan refers to an unconventional, yet remarkably insightful indicator of progress.

“People are washing their sheets”, the manager commented to Alan. Given that this is a new development, they both agreed that it is a sign that people are rebuilding battered levels of self-esteem. “The fact that people are talking to each other and offering to help one another, like looking after one another’s kids”, Alan adds, is proof, however small, that things are improving.

Positive changes in the behaviour of residents have provoked a reciprocally conciliatory and amiable response from the manager, who now hosts a Christmas BBQ in the park.

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While the approach taken at this park may not be optimal, it is undeniably one way ahead.

Of course, these developments are not easily transferable to a graph or other forms of statistical analysis. However, they must be recognised as a valid part of any evaluation process. While it is clear that the road ahead for these residents is challenging, the stories that emerge from Alan’s appraisal of the park are heartening. They prove that given the means and support to take control of their lives, people can and do make positive choices. While the approach taken at this park may not be optimal, it is undeniably one way ahead.

References Chapter 5 1

This is a point confirmed by Society members serving people in caravan parks across NSW who report that most caravan parks jealously guard the name of their park and are reluctant allow community support agencies into their premises on a regular basis. Managers typically feel that this arrangement detracts from the good name of their park. It is perhaps unfair to view the sometimes uncooperative attitude of caravan park managers in a negative light. Rather, this type of response is an important reminder that at the end of the day, despite the markedly disadvantaged socio-economic circumstances of many caravan park residents, caravan parks are businesses and managers typically operate them in accordance with the profit imperatives fundamental to good business practice. Parks are not intentionally established, nor are they operated over the long-term, to comprehend and address the often complex housing, social, economic, health and education needs of marginalised families and individuals. Of course, some managers buck the trend, displaying a significant degree of empathy and understanding towards disadvantaged residents.

2

In a report to the St Vincent de Paul Society NSW, Evaluations and Approvals Group (EAG) Committee, a Society representative provided the following assessment of health services in the region. “In relation to GP medical services, we are in the same position as most rural and regional localities in relation to the availability of GP services. There are insufficient medical practitioners to meet the needs of our community. The fact is, if you are not on the books of a practitioner, you will not be accepted to see a doctor. The only alternative is to attend the Emergency Ward of [the local] hospital. That usually means a wait of up to 6-8 hours for nonurgent cases. The report to EAG described a range of medical conditions typical to the caravan park’s residents, including: “high blood pressure, diabetes, renal failure, heart and cardiac problems, aging, malnutrition, infection, abuse, neglect, mental health and drug and alcohol addiction.”

3

Alan explains that Louise’s inspirational efforts were recently recognised through her receipt of a Premier’s Award. Alan adds that “she has certainly saved the lives of many people.” Citing just two of many incidents, Alan says that Louise arranged an urgent transplant operation for a 14 year-old boy who experienced renal failure. As part of the recovery process, she has since organised his settlement in public housing. Louise also played a vital role in saving the life of a man who suffered a heart attack in the park.

4

D. Hewitt, “Caravan Park Outreach Program”, Report to EAG, St Vincent de Paul Society NSW [internal records], 3 February 2007.

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conclusion The suggestion that disadvantaged caravan park residents are ‘at risk’ of homelessness implies that their current ‘last resort’ housing arrangements, although undesirable, can at the very least be considered adequate. The stories detailed in this St Vincent de Paul Society report illustrate that this is far from the case. Homelessness for many of these people is more than an ‘at risk’ category, it is a reality.

The predicament of disadvantaged caravan park residents prompts a re-examination of the way we approach the term homelessness.

Homelessness in limbo

Despite the best efforts of many social service support agencies, and indeed the battered resilience of many extraordinarily disadvantaged caravan park residents, ‘last resort’ housing cannot be considered a home. It is homelessness in limbo; an in-between status that neither qualifies for the support services designated for the primary homeless, nor meets the ascribed criteria for recognised forms of intensive housing assistance. Worse still, it is a form of homelessness that potentially perpetuates damaging cycles of personal and social decay. In most cases people exist in this ‘last resort’ state for indefinite periods with no possibility of extricating themselves and no means to make choices. The stresses associated with forced adaptation to this type of existence typically exacerbate a raft of already challenging socio-economic problems faced by vulnerable people.

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What makes a home?

The predicament of disadvantaged caravan park residents prompts a reexamination of the way we approach the term homelessness. One way of understanding the meaning of homelessness is to view it from an oppositional standpoint and consider the factors that constitute a home. The classification of a home can be segmented into three broad categories:

(i) Essentials

Shelter and security are fundamental requirements of a home. A home must offer adequate protection from the elements. In a rudimentary sense, this requires four walls and a roof. A home must also be secure.

A person should be able to lock their premises and feel assured that they, their loved ones and their possessions are safe from harm. This means their housing arrangements should protect them from threats both inside and out. On a secondary level, security can be understood as encompassing the structural integrity of a dwelling. Security also refers to security of tenure. Residents must be assured that they have occupancy rights coupled with reasonable and understandable forms of recourse should those rights be challenged or undermined.

(ii) Utilities

A home must have reasonable, preferably immediate (on premises) access to amenities such as bathroom and kitchen facilities. These facilities should be clean, undamaged and functioning. Electricity, heating and hot and cold water must also be contained within a home. A home must provide adequate protection from inclement weather, including appropriate climate control, drainage and overflow provisions. Access roads should be clearly marked, lit and maintained. Regular rubbish collection and recycling must also be provided.

(iii) Basics

6

Reasonable access to health, education, emergency services and social services are crucial planning and locational aspects of a home. Where required, special access provisions for the disabled, the elderly and infants must be included. Access to reliable and affordable transport is vital.

The living space of a home must afford occupants reasonable ratios of personal and/or communal room. The immediate neighbourhood and local environs must be free of excessive noise, interference and threat.

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Forgotten people

Not one of the disadvantaged caravan park residents featured in this report can be described as residing in housing that meets all, or even half of the qualifying requirements for a ‘home’ detailed above.

Of course, there are other unquantifiable essentials required to constitute a home; many of which are of unrivalled importance. To be at home, a person must feel connected with others. Be it with family members, friends, neighbours or the wider community, an individual must feel loved. The feeling of being at home needs to be accompanied by the knowledge that somebody cares about you, and by extension, somebody cares about what happens to you.

The feeling of being at home needs to be accompanied by the knowledge that somebody cares about you, and by extension, somebody cares about what happens to you.

When, as this report has shown, residents feel they “have nothing to offer anybody”; “they’ve been forgotten”; they’ve been “given up on”; they’ve “got nowhere else to go”; they “feel trapped in a hopeless situation”; and “they can’t go on”, it is clear they are far from having anything resembling a feeling of being at home.

Building communities

In the absence of the many of the practical requirements of ‘home’, many residents have striven to build and maintain a sense of community, indicating that social connection is a vital aspect of an individual’s housing needs. It is clear that for the majority of people featured in this report, lack of personal security and the pressures attached to a range of individual challenges, heightens the longing to find acceptance, refuge and solidarity in groups.

The stories in this report repeatedly emphasise the importance of community.

Comments describing how residents “would look in on their neighbours and make sure they were okay”, and how “people look out for one another”, confirm that social cohesion and a feeling of connectedness directly influences the welfare of residents.

Given the importance of community, it is perhaps unsurprising that many of the positive outcomes detailed in chapter 6 of this report were achieved and expressed at the community, rather than the individual level alone.

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This report has shown how loss of community and the resulting isolation that occurs can be devastating to many disadvantaged people. Equally, when community is under immediate and/or prolonged threat it can be a source of considerable anxiety.

The transient living arrangements and short-term management imperatives infusing the permanent experience of long-term caravan park residency place already vulnerable communities under an extraordinarily damaging degree of duress. Constant change and upheaval are taxing on communities with significant resources at their disposal; imagine then, how unrelenting change affects disadvantaged groups.1 This situation provokes an examination of the raison d’être of caravan parks.

Caravan parks – a defacto form of social housing?

The stories presented in this report confirm the Society’s belief that caravan parks are not a suitable source of long-term accommodation for disadvantaged members of the community. Faithful to its mission, the Society will of course continue to provide whatever support is required to assist people experiencing need, wherever that need is felt, yet the Society does not support the view that caravan parks in their current form even approximate a sustainable or indeed acceptable mode of social housing. It is simply unconscionable that in the current period of economic prosperity, people are forced into ‘last resort’ accommodation of this sort.

Caravan parks are businesses. They are not social housing projects, nor, under the present regulatory environment, should they be considered so. Caravan parks are run for profit; designed with the needs of those consumers most able to pay in mind. This report’s findings confirm that parks do not have the necessary infrastructure and services to adequately support low income groups.

6

The current levels of caravan park closure, as detailed in chapter 3, have only added fuel to the competitive pressures that dictate the operational profile of any viable business. In critiquing the factors determining the predicament of people in caravan park residency, it is a mistake to criticise the motives of caravan park operators. Of course operators must treat people decently and fairly, yet they have a profit motive, they are running a business not a nonprofit housing cooperative.

Deficiencies in support for disadvantaged caravan park residents are neither the fault nor the responsibility of park operators; rather, they point to

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inadequacies in government commitment to, support of and funding for affordable housing options, and a lack of resources on the part of the social services sector.

The role of government

In its 2007 evaluation of welfare policies and programmes, the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) offers the following summation of federal government measures to alleviate housing stress: In 2005-06, the value of assistance provided to private renters was over $2.0 billion. This comprised nearly $2.0 billion from the CRA [Commonwealth Rent Assistance] program, and $72.0 million through Commonwealth State Housing Agreement private rent assistance. Also in 2005-2006, the Australian, state and territory governments provided just over $1.3 billion for housing programs under the CSHA... with public and community housing accounting for the majority of this funding. CSHA funding also includes assistance to home buyers and for crisis accommodation... The demand for community housing is such that the proportion of new tenants with special needs (including Indigenous households, households with a person with disability, principal tenant aged 24 years or under or 75 years or over) has continued to increase – from 48% to 60% for public housing and from 63% to 68% for community housing between 2003 and 2006… The number of clients who received support under the national homeless program – [SAAP] – has increased from around 83,200 in 1996-97 to 106,500 in 2005-06, including 54,700 accompanying children 18 years. The rate of people who sought but were not provided with SAAP accommodation assistance (the turn-away rate) has not declined over the years – at 54% in 2004-05 (AIHW 2006a:8), in spite of the increase in the services provided through SAAP.2

According to their own evaluations, federal government housing and welfare programs have – to date – failed to make any significant progress towards significantly alleviating the impact, or reducing levels, of housing stress. Lack of progress on this front has resulted in a 28 per cent increase in people seeking assistance over the past decade. Similarly, the provision of assistance to less than half of those homeless persons seeking help has done little more than keep pace with increasing numbers. The utterly unacceptable 54 per cent “turn-away rate” remains unchanged. The increase in demand for assistance from “tenants with special needs” indisputably proves that the term “housing stress” is no longer even remotely applicable. For these people, their housing predicament is nothing less than a crisis. That so many of the caravan park residents featured in this St Vincent de Paul Society report come under the “special needs” category, yet so few of them receive appropriate support, is a matter of grave concern to the Society.

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The commitment by the Rudd federal government to make housing affordability a priority is encouraging;3 as is their $150 million funding pledge to homeless services.4 The Society welcomes any well-considered and genuine initiative to improve housing assistance measures for the most disadvantaged in the community, a notable proportion of which are currently ‘last resort’ caravan park residents. As always, the Society will closely monitor developments in this area.

At the state level, a thorough assessment of the NSW government’s response to homelessness conducted by the Auditor General in May 2007 included the following appraisal of the government’s performance: Overall, with the exception of the Departments of Housing and Community Services, no other agency has a clear and explicit focus on homelessness.

Without a clear direction on what government agencies are trying to achieve for the homeless, it will be more difficult for agencies to target areas that will bring about the best results.5

This is an incisive assessment of the current state of play. While housing support and assistance does get through to many people in need, areas of need that fall outside the scope of the departments to which the Auditor General refers simply do not receive anywhere near appropriate levels of assistance. The absence of support, other than that of the ad-hoc variety, to disadvantaged caravan park residents unambiguously supports the Auditor General’s claim. This deficiency in focus and absence of commitment has also been apparent at the federal level to date – a point clearly evident in the classification of long-term caravan park residents under the criteria of “tourists” regardless of their actual housing profile.

What is to be done?

Reflecting on lessons learned in his over 30 years of experience in sharing stories with homeless men at the St Vincent de Paul Society’s, Matthew Talbot Hostel in Woolloomooloo, Emeritus Professor Ian Webster, the Talbot’s honorary visiting physician commented, “there is no single correct way to do things, no Holy Grail” when it comes to devising ways to help people.6 Professor Webster’s observation is confirmed by the sheer diversity of experiences, predicaments and reactions of the persons featured in this report. That such a variety of experiences exist despite the often similar challenges faced by these people proves that there is indeed, no optimum way to assist disadvantaged caravan park residents. We must, however, as Professor Webster adds, begin by “treating people decently”.7 The following recommendations are proffered with Professor Webster’s truisms in mind.

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Recommendations

(1) That Housing NSW [formerly the NSW Department of Housing] in cooperation with the Department of Community Services conduct (or commission an appropriate independent agency to undertake) an immediate assessment of caravan parks to gauge the incidence of need and the circumstances of disadvantaged caravan park residents. Such an assessment would require agreed right of entry on the part of park operators and include stringent privacy protections and tenure assurances for residents. Transparency of operations, objectivity and open communication are imperative on the part of the nominated assessment agency.

(2) That meetings of all stakeholders (foregrounding the views of residents) be convened to formulate, guide and coordinate timely action and evaluation of caravan park assessment findings. Informal communication strategies should be incorporated into any consultation process involving disadvantaged caravan park residents. A ‘one-size-fits-all’ communication model will not work.

(3) That federal and state government housing and social service agencies directly consult with residents assessed as disadvantaged to respond to pressing needs and indentify achievable pathways out of caravan park residency for those wishing to secure better affordable accommodation.

(4) That COAG (Council of Australian Governments) commit adequate funding and resources towards meeting the demand for affordable housing, and subsequently monitor and maintain a level of affordable housing supply sufficient to ensure caravan park residency becomes solely a ‘lifestyle’ choice, not a ‘last resort’ form of accommodation.

(5) That the NSW Government provide increased support to Housing NSW’s Centre for Affordable Housing to ensure it is able to honour its stated commitment to “increase affordable housing in the private and community housing sectors, and to provide for the retention and sound management of existing low-cost accommodation”. The circumstances of disadvantaged caravan park residents confirm that current strategies are either ineffective, misdirected or under resourced.

(6) That the Housing NSW ensure people placed in caravan parks under the criterion of Temporary Accommodation receive adequate immediate and long-term support. Furthermore, improved Departmental resources, funding and operational practices are required to guarantee ‘temporary’ stays do not exceed Housing NSW’s own proviso of ‘one, or a small number of nights’.

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(7) That regulatory framework for people who choose caravan park residency be strengthened to provide better consumer rights and protections. To preserve basic rights and prevent arbitrary evictions, all residents should be covered by the Residential Parks Act 1998 from day-one.

(8) That greater measures to inform disadvantaged caravan park residents of their rights, and operators of their obligations be undertaken. Better funding of resident support and outreach services would assist in providing reliable information to residents, while the business practices of all park operators could be guided by common licensing provisions backed by an enforceable code of conduct.

(9) That a thorough review of the Australian Bureau of Statistics’ current ‘Tourist Accommodation’ classification practices regarding caravan parks and the socio-economic profiles of park residents be conducted is required. Such a review may consider incorporating various count criteria drawn from the Counting the Homeless 2001 report.

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References Chapter 6 1

Sociologist Richard Sennett argues that the values that accompany contemporary patterns of constant change are contradictory to those which traditionally cement family and community bonds. “Detachment and superficial cooperativeness”, Sennett states, are the “armour” required for coping with the realities of contemporary change. When these values seep from the public into the private sphere – as is increasingly the case as the public-private frontier blurs – then, the effect can be markedly detrimental. As Sennett adds, “transposed to the family realm, ‘no long term’ means keep moving, don’t commit yourself and don’t sacrifice”. This is the antithesis of traditional family-based notions of commitment and sacrifice. See: R. Sennett, The Corrosion of Character: The Personal Consequences of Work in the New Capitalism, W. W. Norton & Company, New York, 1998, p. 25.

2

“Australia’s Welfare 2007”, Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, AIHW Cat. no. AUS93, Canberra, 2007, p. 3

3

In the lead up to the 2007 federal election, the Australian Labor Party (ALP) pledged to “establish a National Rental Affordability Scheme that will help create 50,000 new affordable rental properties across Australia.” The ALP promised that the National Rent Affordability Scheme would, among other measures, include a National Housing Supply Research Council.

See: “Federal Labor’s National Rental Affordability Scheme”, Australian Labor Party (online), Media Statement, 13 August 2007 (accessed 13 December 2007).

4

The ALP promised to “invest $150 million over five years with the aim of halving the number of homeless people turned away from homeless shelters.” See: “A Place To Call Home Federal Labor’s Plan To Build More Homes For Homeless Australians”, Australian Labor Party (online), Media Statement, 5 November 2007 (accessed 14 December 2007).

5

“Responding to Homelessness”, New South Wales Auditor General, Performance Audit, Sydney, May 2007, p. 5.

6

I. Webster, “Compounding needs: how do we best help people with co-existing mental health and substance use problems”, Breaking the Cycle: Facing the challenge of homelessness and mental health in Australia, St Vincent de Paul Society conference, Sydney, 18-19 October 2007.

7

ibid.

8

“Help in an Emergency”, Fact Sheet, NSW Department of Housing (online), http://www. housing.nsw.gov.au/Help+with+Housing/Emergencies.htm, 30 April 2007 (accessed 17 December 2007).

9

See: “Residential Parks Act 1998”, New South Wales Consolidated Acts, Australasian Legal Information Institute (online), http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/nsw/consol_act/rpa1998186/ notes.html, 14 November 2007 (accessed 17 December 2007); & “Holiday Parks (Longterm Casual Occupation) Act 2002”, New South Wales Consolidated Acts, Australasian Legal Information Institute (online), http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/legis/nsw/consol_act/ hpcoa2002402/, 13 November 2007 (accessed 17 December 2007).

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