Public space Public life

PUBLIC SPACE PUBLIC LIFE

A Design Thesis Booklet submitted to DIA Graduate School of Architecture in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the Degree of

Master of Arts (MA) in Architecture at Hoch schule Anhalt, Germany Year 2021/2022

Copyright © 2022 Shchukina Alisa, 5027295

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or used in any manner without written permission of the copyright owner except for the use of quotations in a book review.

Studio „Blue, Green & Red“

Booklet Part I, Research thesis: Public Space Public Life

No. of Pages: as of

Advisor : Vesta Nele Zareh, Prof. Dipl.-Ing Stadtplnung

Abstract

Multiple city planners and designers have acknowledged the importance of public spaces in urban environments. In this the sis, squares are assessed as an example of a classic understanding of public space, as the history of the public space starts with a square. This study aims to deter mine the properties and quality of squares in Kyiv, Ukraine. Specifically, it investigates the spatial properties and use of squares. In this context, public space is defined as an urbanized environment formed by buildings and structures regardless of ownership, can be easily accessed by people, and are fun damentally places of destination for public activities.

The study examines Kyiv squares to test the hypothesis that underuses of public space come from lack of activities, and too much public space is no public space be cause it loses its public qualities.

Research initiates with a brief introduc tion of the historical development of public spaces starting from antiquity and proceeds to the typological study of squares followed by examples from Kiyv. In the end, several squares are chosen for detailed assessment. Examination of the level of use of spaces is based on direct observation of people’s activity and the spatial analysis of public spaces in a built environment. This research does not cover aspects such as ownership and management.

Keywords: Typology- Public SpaceSquare-

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

Personal statement

From my background of growing up in Ky iv, I had minimal experience with urbanized quality public spaces. I grew up in a neigh borhood (microrayon) designed and built in the 1970s. Although there were and are still appearing new high-rise buildings, the mas terplan is of the Soviet era.

My memory of public space is infinite lawns between houses, huge distances, and a shortage of active public space. I spent most of the time on playgrounds, in the school stadium, in the forest, or by the lake. Lakes are typical for this neighborhood. It was swampy countryside before it was de cided to connect to Kyiv in the 1930s. I do not consider the forest and the lake to be ur banized public spaces. Before housing con struction started, these were landscaped public areas and are currently used chaot ically. The improvised use of each resident of such zones indicates a lack of places of attraction within access from their home. Even though there was always much green ery around residential buildings, no one ev er used the lawn. Usually, it was even sur rounded by a low fence not to damage the lawn. All courtyards are filled with cars and extend to wide highways like most modern ist neighborhoods. The public space in such a neighborhood was a department store in the center near the transport interchange. In modernist districts, a department store (universam) was usually the central market place, occasionally with a cinema or café. Its essential elements were also triumphing squares or squares of the friendship of na tions. Nevertheless, such squares were al ways empty or solely lawn with a stella. While growing up, my impressions of pub lic spaces led me to understand that public spaces and life were not considered when such areas were planned. The link between public life and public space is a mutual and dynamic relationship that conducts new spaces for the new formats of public life. Hence, my interest in the research refers to examining public life in my city, specifi cally public squares, with a hypothesis that underusing and not overusing public space is the main problem. The carrying ability of

most urban public areas is above their us age, where typically, the people themselves decide the level of crowding.

Regardless, some public spaces are better used, planned, and maintained than others. That is why different types of squares are described following their origination, typo logical classification, usage, and activities. The focus of studies looks at the relationship between the public space design, its form, use and contents, and practices of people occupancy.

Problem statement

Serious questions arose regarding the Modern movement’s model for urban plan ning and large-scale urban revival in the 1970s and 1980s. The banlieues in France, the council estates in the UK, the plattenbau in Germany, neighborhoods like Tensta in Sweden, or the microrayons in Eastern Eu rope are well-recorded phenomena. In the West, all these urban areas have (in a gen eral sense) several standard features: they are products of a time when modernism as a method of urbanism was flourishing when mobility by car was a central charac teristic of the city; the welfare state created numerous collective structures; the belief in a compliant society was very prominent (Paans and Pasel 2014).

The sociologist Richard Sennett defined dead public space as the area dedicated to the circulation of cars and people, proclaim ing that it has lost its nature as a place to stay. He said that “the erasure of alive public space contains an even more perverse idea - that of making space contingent upon mo tion...the public space is an area to move through, not to be in.” (Sennett 2017). Var ious factors contribute to the spread of this problem. On the one hand, new commercial trends based on the clustering of commer cial activity in shopping centers and de partment stores, with the current growth of Internet sales, lead to the gradual disap pearance of small stores on our streets and, consequently, to the degradation of street life.

On the other hand, the development of new technologies and the Internet has led

to new media, virtual social networks, and new leisure activities such as video games, which have changed our social behavior. This was a direct consequence of numer ous group events traditionally held in public space moved into the private sphere. Therefore, parks and squares have lost some of their function as meeting places. One of the consequences of the underuse of public space is that it can sometimes lead to a perceived sense of insecurity. This makes citizens afraid to use public space because they believe it is dangerous. In other cases, while public space may still be used, it no longer works as a communal space for col laborative activities or as a place to social ize and meet new people. The tendency for public space to lose its public function de activates part of the city’s ability to socialize (Hernández Mayor, Hernandez, and Casano va 2014).

Many urban planners and designers have recognized the importance of attractive, functional spaces for social interaction and other forms of urban activity, provid ing places to socialize, eat, or relax. Public spaces play a critical role in maintaining the attractiveness of public areas as places to visit and live, where people can take advan tage of a good environment. A quality pub lic place is considered a place where the action is a crucial aspect of it. According to Clay (Clay 1958), the quantity of activity in open spaces depends on the spatial enclo sure’s feeling to people, and public spaces should stimulate social mix since that adds life and vitality to the atmosphere. Camillo Sitte, who was the first to study the square typology, also considers a sufficiently pub lic square a place that keeps the spatial en closure and irregularity (Collins et al. 2006). These qualities could provide the users with a feeling of well-being, comfort, and pleas ure and therefore eventually determine the choice by the public for such spaces.

This thesis is guided by the belief that too much public space is no public space if it is not activated. In this thesis, squares are assessed as an example of a classic under standing of public space, as the history of the public space starts with a square. The study aims to clarify the existing activities

in chosen spaces and understand their con nectivity with spatial and functional char acteristics. According to the aim of this research, the main question that should be answered is: What morphological and functional characteristics do Kyiv’s squares have? What is the relation between city de velopment and square space? What are the activity patterns of squares built in the 20th century?

The research consists of three parts. The first is an introductory part of public spaces’ development from antiquity to nowadays. It is essential to understand the connection of space with time frames. The second part implies a review of the existing classifica tions of squares made by different research ers and relevant samples from the squares of Kyiv. This part also incorporates a brief history of the formation of Kyiv and offers its options for classifying by form based on squares in Kyiv. The third part includes the problem statement and its detailed reflec tion on examples of squares from the 20th century. Together, all three stages form an intersubjective research approach. The the sis initially takes an etic approach to operate research to study universal history methods of forming public space. Theory led meth od is used in the first and second chapters. That makes research proceed quantitative ly. After theory study, work shifts to an emic approach with a qualitative approach. This leads to the framework of thinking in the thesis being theory-led supported by con text-led.

Terminology

The general meaning of public space is a place that is usually open and accessible to people. The term has evolved from an un derstanding of space rather than private space. Ali Madanipour and Han Meyer, urban design professors and specialists in public space, define it as a place where different flows meet or allow for the material and non-material exchange beyond the private sphere. As Jan Gehl notes, public space is where meeting, trade, and traffic functions come together (Degros and Bendiks 2020). Within the research framework, Public

space is an urbanized environment formed by buildings and structures regardless of ownership, can be easily accessed by peo ple, and are fundamentally places of des tination for public activities. It does not necessarily have to be purpose-designed spaces. However, they must have the possi bility of being used as a location for a human gathering where users have the freedom of movement. A square is usually a more prom inent public space such as an extension of the streetscape, providing a central focus for the area.

Understanding history of public space

The Civic center

The two primary uses of public spaces have been markets and civic centers.

The first model of community relevance to public space emerged in antiquity, part ly in Greece. In Greek cities, the agora was an iconic object of public space. The ago ra was a marketplace and gathering place in ancient Greek cities, the center of pub lic life. Temples, government offices, work shops, and shops surround the agora.

The most significant is the Agora of Ath ens. If the Athenian acropolis is the upper city with spiritual life, the Athenian agora, the square among residential areas, was at the bottom. These squares changed their function depending on how they were used and what buildings were located next. The Greek squares were not formed based on function but on the buildings around them, which contained specific functions like state, religion, trade.

There is no clear structure in the plan, and the buildings around it shape the square it self. In its origin, it was the open-air locus of citizens’ meetings. For the first time in his tory, public space was a necessary element of the urban landscape to express the com munity’s political power. Through it runs the main road, which was the main route for religious processions, gathering inhabit ants, and market square. Nowadays, almost nothing is left, but a democratic civic center model remains the Greek agora.

Figure 1. The Ancient Agora Of Athens, Greece. Source: The Athens Key.

Figure 2. Reconstruction of the Roman Forum, Rome, Italy. Source: Wikimedia.

The Agora of Athens is not formed as a proper square, but an essential element that translates into the Roman Forum is the stoa. The stoa is the first classical element found in the Roman Forum during the Renaissance and the Baroque period. The stoa is a long portico gallery that has all sorts of activities. The logic of the stoa space is in between outside and inside space where the building shelters and at the same time opens space outside.

The classical main public space in the Ro man Empire was the Roman Forum. The Fo rum is a marketplace, a square in the cities of ancient Rome where the assembly of the city’s inhabitants, markets, a court, and oth er political functions took place. However, commercial activities took a second seat to religious and civic ones. The Roman Fo rum also changes its function depending on the surrounding buildings. It was constantly changing, and new elements were added to it. When needed, a colonnade was erected, a triumphal arch, basilicas were rebuilt into Christian temples. Its defining characteristic is the transformation of public space to the needs of society. ‘To go to the Forum’ meant ‘to go to court’ (Kostof and Castillo 2005).

The marketplace

In new towns of the Middle Ages, the mer chants were given prime lots around the square before the rest of the urban land was assigned to sellers. Merchant houses were well-heeled, often grand. Trade was the central economic concern of cities only un til the Industrial Revolution.

A central open space was traditionally set aside for business in the inner city - the Greek Agora, the Roman Forum, or the me dieval marketplace. The space might be irregularly defined or be given an architec tural frame of porticoes. The medieval com bination of town hall and market was very Popular, like in Como, Pallazzo del Broletto. Sometimes the town hall stood in the mid dle of the public space, creating connected market and civic squares. In towns where the bishop was lord, and the market took place before his church, the two institutions often continued to occupy the same public

Figure 3. Broletto, Como, Italy. Source: Kostof and Castillo 2005. Figure 4. The maidan in Iran. Source: The Courtauld. Figure 5. The Market Square, Wroclaw, Poland. Source: Wikiwand.

space (Kostof and Castillo 2005).

The principle of influencing space by com munity continued into the Middle Ages. Public space in the Middle Ages was used for trading but not shaped by its buildings. An example is the main square in Iran, The maidan/takyah in Iran, where everyone moved into a tent and gathered back. Tem porary installations transformed the daily space into a stage appropriate to the occa sion (Kostof and Castillo 2005).

Gradually commercial function moved into facades and buildings and evolved into Chester Rows over time. The ground floor is transparent and open, and the upper floors are for artisans and tradespeople using these spaces. Due to the change in the use of the function of the buildings surrounding, the medieval square use and its shape changed. Because there was usually no central plan and no central scheme, as in antiquity, and the layering of different buildings produced a variety of forms.

An example of a medieval market square is the Market Square Wrocław. It is a classic market square, with a central core inside, used as tents for trading. An interesting ele ment is its diversity. In the center, there is the town hall, besides there are rows of shops in the center. Around the buildings, there are residential buildings but also squares with churches. The mix of everything creates ac tivity in the square. The classic characteris tic is the active shopping ground floor.

Esthetics

When antiquity was over, a renaissance began. Other principles of shaping spaces came to the fore. The main thing became the esthetics of beauty to match how we imagine that beauty, and there was a gap between what the space was designed for and how it was used. The early Renaissance boasts some rare instances in which the town square sought a more exclusive digni ty. The town square became monumental ized for function associated with the admin istration of the state.

The classic example of the new aesthet ics for shaping public spaces is Saint Pe ter’s Square in Rome, designed by Lorenzo

Figure 6. St. Peter’s Square, Rome, Italy. Source: Culture Mechanism.

Figure 7. Versailles, Versailles, France. Source: Georgie.

Bernini between 1656 and 1667. A new el ement became evident during the Renais sance because the public square became an inseparable part of the overall complex. The way the square is designed aims at how visitors perceive it. A classic element of an tiquity is the colonnade and the possibility to walk around it.

There is an obelisk that was not here initial ly in the concept of subordinating esthetics. It was moved here to put in the center of the oval square at the intersection of all the axes. It is a beautiful example of how public spaces started to take shape. It is tough to imagine in antiquity or in the Middle Ages where space was subject to the way people used it, and one could not have such ob jects on the main routes. All the fountains, obelisks, and triumphal arches were on ei ther side of the main routes where events took place.

This classic square gradually evolved into entities that are not only made for common city dwellers. The following example is of Versailles and its regular garden and park. What makes it different from the classical public places of the Renaissance is that the architecture is subordinated to the perspec tive view, so the territory follows the palac es. The territory is planned with an idea to present the architecture in perspective. It has nothing to do with nature and the whole point of subordinating nature to axes.

Modernism

Over time, everything began to change, and new principles appeared, according to which cities and public spaces were shaped. A functional approach to cities emerged. Not aesthetics became necessary, but the effective use of territory, resources, and a clear functional link between what is done and the form in which it is done.

The design of public space based on func tion became evident in the times of Modern ism. At the time, many architects and urban planners justified the need for launching large-scale urban interventions in keeping with the historic moment they were living through, therefore boosting the functional ist utopia of the modern city. The impressive

Figure 8. The Plan Voisin by Le Corbusier. Source: Vervezine. Figure 9. The implosion of the Pruitt-Igoe housing project complexvv. Source: The New York Times.

image of Le Corbusier’s Plan Voisin for the center of Paris ultimately translated ideas of that time. This image became a provoking icon that depicted part of the Modern Move ment’s approach, which had a vast influence on multiple projects for urban regeneration across Europe and America. There was no more square footage in these layouts, but there was a vast area of public space. The prevailing problem of the public spaces of modernism is that they lost the flexibility of usage.

In the 1970s and 1980s, questions arose regarding the Modern movement standard for urban planning. The image of the dem olition of the enormous Pruitt-Igoe housing project, which was an icon of modern urban planning for the city of St. Louis, on March 16, 1972, became a powerful symbol, com parable with the image of Le Corbusier’s Plan Voisin from 1925. It represented the end of an era and a changing understanding of how our cities should be renewed (Hernán dez Mayor, Hernandez, and Casanova 2014).

Ethics

In the new era of public space design, matters are not what is there but how it was designed, the material, the inclusivity, the sustainability, and the community. The conscious design comes first. It may not be beautiful but has different functions de pending on community needs.

An example of an ethical approach could be Superkilen Park, designed by Bjarke In gels Group to bring refugees and locals together, encouraging tolerance and unity in Denmark. It is not just what it looks like that is important, but it is much more valu able how it was created is much more val uable. There was a riot by the residents of the area before, and this project responded to that difference in communities. The con tent of the space came from the residents’ requests from different nationalities, each of them sent a photo of a public design el ement from their country. The way urban space looks now responds to this process, in which all users and residents of the sur rounding area were involved. Having no specific function but absorbing many differ

ent needs, the place meets the ethical chal lenges of the new era.

Figure 10. Superkilen Urban Park, Copenhagen, Denmark. Source: Archinect.

TYPOLOGICAL RESEARCH

Two approaches are possible when classi fying squares. As Spiro Kostof noted, ''any attempt to classify squares will have to rely on form, or use, but never on both'' (Kostof and Castillo 2005). Kostof adds that a typo logical classification based on use is questi onable because squares have numerous uses, which might change over time. Public places' main or constant uses are infrequ ent, but the spontaneous or occasional uses are diverse. Squares that perform identical functions through history do not take the same shapes. The less specific the form of the square, the more possible it is to have a public space of mixed uses. Analysis of public spaces relying only on shape is an abstract discussion of typology without his tory. Meanwhile, the functional approach is inconsistent and fluctuates in time, so it is very subjective and dependent on narrative. Therefore, the following chapters address the morphological and functional classifica tions of squares based on the works of va rious researchers, historians, and architects with corresponding samples of squares from the city of Kyiv. The chapter does not cover all the squares from Kyiv, but only the most exemplary one.

Book of shapes

One of the earliest to classify the squares was Camillo Sitte’s work ‘The Art of Build ing Cities’ in 1889. Through a comprehen sive study of medieval and renaissance ur ban squares, Sitte investigates the spatial elements that make for successful urban squares, analyzing them based on their shape. He argues that spatial enclosure, defined by grouping architectural masses around open space, is crucial for a thriv ing square. One of the necessary means of achieving enclosure in squares is the treat ment of corners. The more open the cor ners, the less sense of enclosure (fig. 11), while the more enclosed the corners lead to a clearer sense of enclosure (fig. 12) (Sitte 1979). Another important aspect, according to Sitte, is irregularity (fig. 13). It is essential because it can provide input to the pictur esque quality of urban space because of the level of unexpectedness that broken sym

Figure 11.

al. 2006

Figure 12. Piazza del Duomo, Pistoia, Italy. Source: Collins et al. 2006.

Figure 13. Piazza Erbe and Piazza dei Signori, Verona, Italy. Source: Collins et al. 2006.

Piazza del Duomo, Ravenna, Italy. Source: Collins et

metry creates.

Another classifier and historian, Paul Zuck er, in his book ‘Town and Square: from the Agora to the Village Green’ in 1959, distin guished squares according to shape. Zuck er notes that certain types of squares con stantly occur throughout history, but the function of a square never automatically causes a particular spatial form.

a. The closed square. This is a space with complete enclosure effect with only interruption by the streets entering into it. It is characterized by its regular geometric shape and framing of archi tectural elements with repetition or rhythmic order around the edge. The key spatial treatments to this type are rich treated corners or treatments of center of each side or emphasizing the entry points of the streets by framing.

b. The dominated square. It is a space directed to a physical structure or spec tacular view. This structure could be a single building, group of buildings or other large sculpture.

c. The nuclear square. It is a space formed towards a central feature which is more powerful than the boundaries.

d. Grouped squares. They are spac es arranged in a way that each space prepares for the next one. This creates meaningful transitions and additional significance. That kind of arrangement could be formed in axial, non-axial, or grouped around a dominant building.

e. The amorphous square, whose spa tial experience is to diffuse to be favora ble; (Zucker 1959).

Zucker remarks that squares infrequently follow only one type. Generally, they have mixed features of two or more types.

Rob Krier did one more classification based on shape systems in his work ‘Urban Space’ in 1979. He divided the urban space into two essential elements: street and square. Krier’s examples are from everywhere in his tory, and some interpret his experience or proposed designs. Furthermore, the study of squares based on their forms is very sub jective. The three main categories of Krier are

a. the square, the rectangular squares

Figure 14. Public space as classified by Zucker: the closed square; the dominated square; nuclear square; grouped squares; and amorphous square. Source: Zucker 1959.

with modified corners;

b. orthogonal plans for square;

c. the circle and variations, a combination of circuses, a variant with an inset ring of buildings;

d. the triangle and their products; e. spaces which are angled, divided, added to and superimposed; f. geometrically complex systems; (Krier 1979).

Rob Krier separates the urban space into two basic elements which are street and square. In Krier’s work on squares, he ex ecuted a significant effort on describing many variations in the morphology of pub lic space (fig. 16). It demonstrates the basic forms which form urban space, with manip ulation of possible variations and compo sitions (Krier, 1979). In describing a spatial typology of urban space, Krier firstly divides the spatial forms and their products into three categories according to the basic shapes of the ground plan. These shapes are square, circle or triangle. These three shapes are reproduced through a matrix factors which are angling, segmentation, addition, merging, overlapping and distor tion. These factors can produce regular and irregular results.

As a conclusion to spatial classification, it is evident that general morphological structures of urban squares cannot be associated either with specific functions or with a precise position in history. The only way to classify urban squares is by how the space in the square is composed according to what could be said to be levels of the enclosure, the presence and location of important buildings, and artistic elements. The enclosure is seen as an essential element for how the space is perceived by people but not necessarily as a relevant element for producing good or bad urban squares. Extensive and popular classifications of urban squares are not capable of analytic interpretation for the requirements of the performance of urban squares.

geometrically complex systems. Source: Krier 1979.

Figure 16. Rob Krier’s typology of urban squares. Source: Krier 1979.

Figure 15. Public space as classified by Krier: the square, the rectangular squares with modified corners; orthogonal plans for square; the circle and variations, a combination of circuses, a variant with an inset ring of buildings; the triangle and their products; spaces which are angled, divided, added to and superimposed;

Book of uses

One of the earliest classifications accord ing to the function of squares is by Joseph Stübben in his work ‘Der Städtebau’. He de fines such categories as a. traffic squares, modern interchanges, circular or polygonal or star plazas;

b. the square of public use, places for mar kets, parades, public festivals;

c. english garden squares or landscaped squares, as type developed in the 19th cen tury;

d. architectural squares, like the forecourt serving a single monumental building; the built-up square, inhabited by a single build ing almost or entirely free standing like the royal palaces; and the square with a monu ment (Stübben 1980).

The two preceding uses of public squares were markets and civic centers.

If the civic center represents collective self-government, its claim to universality in squares history will reduce. Cities of most cultures were under the rule of regional no bles or an organized state. It is most reason able to consider the civic center not to in dicate a particular form of government but as a place for public business. Regardless, such a square may be absent from the urban fabric of some cities.

The civic center

One of the most famous Kyiv squares is Sofiiska square. It is one of the oldest ones as well. It was formed after the construction of St. Sophia Cathedral in 1036. Since the times of Kyivan Rus, the square has been the city’s civic center. It was a marketplace in the 16th and 19th centuries, and fairs were held there. At the beginning of the 20s cen tury, there were multiple riots and demon strations of different political forces and movements. In 1943, the residents of Kyiv gathered here to celebrate the liberation of Kyiv from German occupiers, and in 1961 because of Kyiv was awarded the second Order of Lenin. The monument was placed on the square because, in 1648, Kyivans greeted Cossacks there when they defeated the Polish army. Since the 1990s, the square has been a place for Kyiv citizens for socially significant events. Since 2014 main Christ mas year tree and market with winter activ ities have been held there. The square is in the city center and is enclosed by St. Sophia Cathedral, office, administrative buildings, and hotel.

Figure 17. Sofiiska square plan. Source: author.

Figure 18. Sofiiska square built environment. Source: author.

Figure 19. Sofiiska square photo. Source: Izi Travel.

The marketplace

The specificities of commerce and indus try are evident in the landscape of their ur ban allocations. Cities have traditionally set aside districts of specialized use, differenti ated spatially and architecturally from their surroundings. The manufacture has often found its home on the outskirts, where air, water, and open land come cheap. Market quarters have focused on trade and vertical extrusions of the central business district, finance, and management downtown.

One of Kyiv’s oldest squares is Kontrakto va Square. It is located in the Podil district, at the foot of the river. Podil was one of the three cities later united to form Kyiv. There was already a market center in the first half of the 1st century BC. From the middle of the 9th century, when Kyivan Rus was formed, and Kyiv became its capital, Podil was its trade and manufacturing area. Podil took over administrative and cultural functions,

and it became the center of Kyiv from the 13th century until the mid-19th century. The square called Kontraktova was used for trade fairs, and in Kontraktova House on the ground floor, the contracts were signed. That is why it is called so. This square was a trading place for a long time because of its proximity to the water, and fairs have been held there throughout its history. Nowa days, due to its role in history when it was the main city square, Kontraktova square carries a variety of functions. Such as a cul tural center of Kyiv, a transportation hub, a walking area with two parks, a place for New Year markets, and an administrative center. The square is enclosed by the Kontraktova House, the bell tower of the monastery, the buildings of the national university, low-rise houses with shops and restaurants, and the theater. This square is the main attractor for Kyivans, much development goes into it, and it is part of the strategic development of the tourist route of Kyiv.

Figure 20. Kontraktova Square. Source: Kotsiuba.

Figure 21. Kontraktova Square built environment. Source: author.

Figure 22. Kontraktova Square photo. Source: Kotsiuba.

Poshtova Square is one of the oldest squares of Kyiv, located on the bank of the Dnieper River, and was the place where one of the ancient settlements was formed. Ar chaeological research showed commercial settlements here in the 4th century. During Kievan Rus, it probably housed one of the eight Kyiv trades mentioned in the chron icles. It has been known under its present name since the 18th century, although the river station on Poshtova Square was built in 1846. In the mid-1970s, due to the con struction of the subway, the square was fun damentally redesigned and expanded. The Poshtova square is no longer a commercial function but is an important recreational area. It has a river station, a cafe, and an exit to the waterfront.

Another market square in the Podil area is Zhytniotorzka square. It is a marketplace from ancient times and is mentioned in chronicles under Torgivlya or Torgivlya Po dilska. In the times of Kyivan Rus, the trade area was much more significant. From the 15th century, it has been known as Zhytnio Torg. The modern name Zhytniotorzka is since 1869 and came from the trade of grain (zhyto), which was the main product here. In the 15th century, the Zhytniy Market was built as the city’s main shopping center. In

1980, the new building of the Zhytniy Indoor Market was opened, and it remains there today. Although most of the square is now occupied by a market building, there is still an open market in front of it, and the square has preserved its ancient function and at tracts hundreds of people.

Examples of market squares that have ap peared later are Lukyanovska and Bessarab ska squares. For a long time, Lukyanovska square was only a wooded area. After 1845, the area became part of the city and was ac tively inhabited by Podil residents. A market was formed here, which remains to this day. The square is enclosed by the tram depot, the metro station, the shopping center, and the outdoor market. The square has main tained a trading function and also is a trans port hub.

For centuries, today’s Bessarabska Square site was a forested area between two non-connected districts of Kyiv, and the area only became part of the city in the 1830s. In 1874-75, at the same time as the Alexander Hospital’s construction next, the market place was moved here, and the square ap peared. However, in 1910, the indoor market was built, the square remains, but there is no more outdoor trade function.

Figure 23. Poshtova Square built environment. Source: author. Figure 24. Zhytniotorzka Square built environment. Source: author.

Figure 25. Lukyanovska Square built environment. Source: author. Figure 26. Bessarabska Square built environment. Source: author.

The place d’armes

Putting armed forces on display has served two purposes in the history of cities: to re assure the citizenry that its defenses were on the ready and discourage it from chal lenging authority. Therefore, the space for this display was linked with the architecture of power - the ruler’s palace or a represent ative civic center. In small, more or less self-governing towns, the town square was often where the militia exercised in public (Kostof and Castillo 2005).

One example of a square for the army in Kyiv could be Solom’yanska Square. The square is located at the beginning of 20 century was an undeveloped wasteland be tween Solomenka and Solomenskoye cem etery. Next to it, the 2nd Military College was built, and the place of the future square be gan to be used as a place for army exercis es. In the 1920-30s, military horse parades were held there.

Traffic

The convergence and distribution of traf fic have always been in conflict with urban squares. It is obvious that the needs of traf fic would be at odds with a square as a gath ering space. A debate over priorities can be sensed through history, even when the issue is not specifically engaged. With the advent of the motorcar, modern interchang es acquired a specialized design (Kostof and Castillo 2005).

These types of squares are present in large numbers in Kyiv in neighborhoods built in the 20th century. An example is Obolonska Square, which appeared in the 80s.

Residential square

The “residential square” is used for a range of houses of more-or-less uniform and con tinuous frontage grouped around an open space. The whole design is planned and ex ecuted by a single agency, not the inhabit ants themselves. In many cases, public use of this place is limited, and commercial ac tivity, when present, is not a dominant con cern.

An example is Szczekawycka Square on the Podol. It is located in a residential area. There is a park and a playground on it. Classification by function revealed that it is unreliable because the squares induced above have several overlapping functions or change them periodically. Also, their spatial characteristics do not depend on the func tion but rather on location in the city, the history of formation, and the surrounding buildings. The following chapter partly cov ers this topic.

Figure 27. Solom’yanska Square built environment. Source: author.

Figure 28. Obolonska Square built environment. Source: author.

Figure 29. Szczekawycka Square built environment. Source: author.

UNDERSTANDING KYIV DEVELOPMENT FROM A SQUARE PERSPECTIVE

Kyiv’s development had a range of impor tant events that affected its urban planning. It is essential to know these changes to un derstand why there are only particular types of squares in some city areas and what the formation of ancient squares depended on.

The city is located in the Polesia wood land ecological zone and the East Euro pean forest-steppe zone. The Dnieper riv er always was the central planning axis of the entire settlement system, directed in a northwest-southeast direction. The first settlements appeared on the west bank of the Dnieper river due to its natural land scape. It was a strategic location for pro tection, defense, and trade routes along the Dnieper river. The Upper City was formed on the high west-bank plateau of the Kyiv hills, named Starokyivska Hill and Zamkova Hill. The lower city was in the lowland next to the Dnieper river, Podil. These settlements are called the Protoky ivan settlements.

In the 13th century, these settlements merged, and the hills of Starokievskaya, Zamkovaya, and Podil made up the territory of the future Kyiv. Due to this, ancient Kyiv was polycentric. The city was located on the hills extending a chain along the Dnieper. The city remained polycentric till the 19th century.

In the 19th century, fundamental changes took place. Three main streets connected the three historical parts of the city, and a new perpendicular to the axis of the Dniep er, namely Kreshchatik Street, appeared. It is still the main street of the city. The new administrative center of the capital was or ganized there. These changes happened following the new masterplan.

In 1921 Kyiv became a part of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, which became a republic of the Soviet Union. The develop ment of industry had a considerable influ ence on the territorial development of Kyiv. In connection with the execution of the country’s industrialization, the area of Kyiv grew by almost ten times, and the provinc es of the east bank were joined to Kyiv. The entire east bank has been built up with mod ernist neighborhoods in the last 70 years.

Public space in Kyiv

Sites from different city areas were select ed based on when the neighborhood ap peared to assess Kyiv’s public space. The ra tio of the built environment to public space is used to evaluate. With a minimum of 57%, most spaces have more than 80%, which is a considerable amount of public space. There is more public space in the areas built after World War II. Consider Krier’s view on European Public Space Quantity Ratio from “Architecture: Choice or Fate?”:

a. 15 – 20% is too little Public Space; b. 25 – 35% is the Good Proportion; c. 50 – 60% is too much Semi-Public Space; d. 70 – 80% is too much Public Space (Krier 1998).

This means that overall the percentage of public space in most cases in Kyiv is too high.

However, this space is in poor condition most of the time and has no activities for people. This can be a problem and cause neglect of public space. As Hertzberger suggested:

The main point is to give public spac es form so that the local community will feel personally responsible for them. Each member of the community will

contribute in his or her way to an envi ronment that he or she can relate to and identify with it. The services rendered by the Municipal Public Works depart ments are felt, by those for whose ben efit those departments were created, as an overwhelming abstraction; it is as if the activities of Public Works are an imposition from above, the man in the street feels that they “have nothing to do with him’, and so the system pro duces a widespread feeling of alienation (Hertzberger 1998).

This leads us to the idea that the more pub lic space, the less public space. Because no one dares to take responsibility for it, every one leaves it empty, waiting for some ac tions from the management.

Kyiv squares

There are 114 squares and squares in Kyiv. Of these, 56 have names, and 58 are still nameless. The thesis covers only ones with names. Many squares are concentrated in the city center due to the city’s historical development. The city center’s historic squares get more money and development than others. The squares not in the center mainly appeared at the end of the 19th century.

Figure 31. Kyiv public space ratio. Source: author.

Figure 32. Kyiv with all squares mapped. Source: author.

Figure 33. Kyiv built age with all squares mapped. Source: author.

From the first look at all the squares in Kyiv, it is evident that many of them are traffic nodes. In order to understand the percent age ratio of traffic nodes to other squares, they are all mapped.

The squares ratio is 64% of squares as public space and 36% of traffic nodes. This means that 36% of all squares has no active public function. Likewise, it is intriguing that almost all such squares are located around

the city’s central core and mainly appeared after 1950. This indicates that they appeared when new residential areas were built in thw 20th century on the city’s outskirts. Traffic nodes are the only squares in modernist neighborhoods. Considering this, we can conclude that modernist neighborhoods did not have squares with a public function, but at the same time, there was much public space.

Figure 34. Kyiv with all squares mapped. Source: author.

Slavy square 1693

Oblonska square 1970

Pecherska square 1830

Kosmonavtiv square 1962

SQUARES ANALYSIS

Sportyvna square, 1962 Obolonska square, 1973 Kosmonavtiv square, 1962

Selection criteria

In order to assess in detail what occurs in squares that appeared in the 20th century and to understand what public functions they have, three examples from the 1970s in the city of Kyiv were chosen: Sportyvna square, Obolonska square, and Kosmonav tiv square. Sportyvna square is situated in

the city center. Obolonska square and Ko smonavtiv square are situated in 20th cen tury neighborhoods. Obolonska square is a classic example of a traffic node. Kosmo navtiv square is a residential square and a vital traffic node simultaneously.

Figure 35. Three chosen squares. Source: author.

Sportyvna square

The square is situated in the city center and was built in 1962.

The square is in business district and is en closed by sport hall, shopping center, office and administrative buildings.

The history of Sportyvna square began in the early 1960s when construction of the Sports Palace, the largest indoor sports hall in Ukraine, began.

An anthropological study to Sportyvna square has allowed to learn about users’ perceptions of the plaza and its surround ings.

In their opinion, Sportyvna square is a ro bust transport hub and a convenient place to meet and start further walks. Gulliver is a shopping and entertainment destination, and the Sports Palace is a suitable concert venue.

Users consider Gulliver to be the main dominant feature of the square. Visitors are attracted by its modern design, video screens on the facades, and the wide selec tion of services and entertainment inside.

On the other hand, they consider the Sports Palace an outdated, gray, and inar ticulate relic of the Soviet past. Those who do not have a purpose for visiting it do not notice it.

Among other disadvantages of Sportyvna square, which the users mentioned, were the parking lot, lack of greenery and infra structure, lack of entertainment, terrible and incomprehensible fountain and the general feeling of neglected soviet past in the area. At the same time, the space of the square does not seem safe to visitors.

The built up ratio is 38%, public space is 50% and private open space that isn not ac cesible is 12%.

The ground floor building use tells us about the connectivity and activity between built edge and public space. All buildings have public indoor space at ground floors. Facades activity is also various so the space are attractive to public. Because it is the city center, environment are active.

Built v/s Open

Built space 38% Public open space 50% Private open space 12%

Figure 36. Building footprints of Sportyvna square. Source: author.

Figure 37. View of Sportyvna square. Source: Google earth.

Figure 38. Sportyvna square plan. Source: author.

Figure 39. Ground Floor Building Use. Source: author.

Figure 40. Facades activity. Source: au thor.

Square zones

Occasional parking 15% Traffic area 25%

Bus / Metro station 6% Green areas 11% Fontain / sitting area 6% Street food 13% Shed 3% Transit area 16% Waiting area 5%

Figure 41. Isometric view of Sportyvna square. Source: author.

Main square’s activities are: Waiting; Sitting; Transit area; Changing transportation method; Shopping; Hidding from sun; Eating;

Figure 42. Photo of Sportyvna square. Source: UA news.

Figure 43. Photo of Sportyvna square. Source: author.

Figure 44. Photo of Sportyvna square. Source: author.

Obolonska square

It is the square in a neighborhood from the 70s and represents a traffic node. The square arose in the first half of the 1970s un der Nova’s name. Construction of the square began in 1973. In 1982, for the 60th anniver sary of the formation of the USSR, it was named USSR People’s Friendship Square, in honor of the unbreakable friendship of the fraternal nations of the Soviet Union. The modern name comes from the Obolon area - since 2015.

The built up ratio is 9%, public space is 91%. The public space ratio is too high that can cause vast space. The square is enclosed mainly by residential buildings, a hospital, and a shopping mall.

The ground floor usage is not active. Ground floors are the same function as buildings. However, there are a lot of green spaces with parks that are dedicated to the public. 50% of the square is green areas, but only up to 10% are used by the public.

Built v/s Open Built space 9%

Public open space 91%

Figure 45. Building footprints of Obolonska square. Source: author.

Figure 46. View of Obolonska square. Source: Google earth.

Figure 47. Obolonska square plan. Source: author.

Figure 48. Ground Floor Building Use. Source: author.

Square zones

Occasional

Sitting area 1%

Transit area 17%

Figure 49. Isometric view of Obolonska square. Source: author.

Main square’s activities are: Traffic; Shopping; Eating; Parking; Walking; Playing;

Figure 50. Photo of Obolonska square. Source: Google Maps.

Figure 51. Photo of Obolonska square. Source: Google Maps.

Kosmonavtiv square

It is the square in a neighborhood from the 50s. Kosmonavtiv Square is now located on the edge of the sacred pagan Shulyavskaya Grove. The modern name has been “in hon or of the exploits of Soviet cosmonauts” since 1962. There are bomb shelters in the old Stalinist buildings along Kosmonavtiv Square.

The built up ratio is 15%, public space is 85%.

The square has primarily residential build ings with a commercial function on the first floors. All buildings with first floors that face the main street have active facades. There are also many kiosks with food and trade. The square is an important interchange.

Figure 52. Building footprints of Kosmonavtiv square. Source: author.

Figure 53. View of Kosmonavtiv square. Source: Google earth.

Figure 54. Kosmonavtiv square plan. Source: author.

Figure 55. Ground Floor Building Use. Source: author.

Figure 56. Facades activity. Source: au thor.

Square zones

Occasional parking 12%

Figure 57. Isometric view of Kosmonavtiv square. Source: author.

Figure 58. Photo of Kosmonavtiv square. Source: Mapio.

Figure 59. Photo of Kosmonavtiv square. Source: Mapio.

Figure 60. Photo of Kosmonavtiv square. Source: Mapio.

Comparing these squares, we can say that in terms of assessing the activity of the pub lic place, their performance is relatively low. The most active public space is in Kosmo navtiv square, the least active is in Obolons ka Square. However, half of the public space in Obolonska Square is greenery. It shows the tendencies of modernistic planning.

All three squares can hardly be called a

quality public space. They do not meet to day’s requirements of modern public space. The squares are not suitable for various uses, and they lack urban furniture. Users cannot use the space as they need it. Nevertheless, they all have their pluses. They are important transportation points, have an important location in their area.

Figure 61. Sportyvna square plan. Source: author.

Figure 62. Obolonska square plan. Source: author.

Figure 63. Kosmonavtiv square plan. Source: author.

The growing awareness of the importance of public space as a regulator of urban co habitation has led some cities to look for new ways of understanding its creation, de sign and management.

The problems of areas that ring the core city, characterized by modernism’s wide spread building with no connecting street space or traditional urban space qualities is evident in modern urban planning. They are often based on the same principles, with apartment blocks placed in parallel rows separated by lawns and parking zones and a small shopping centers; These open areas lack enjoyable and safe, pleasant places for leisure, because they have the character of no man’s land, places to hurry through. The division between in side and outside is too sharp. A lot of open space and nature is little used.

The possible solutions might be: densifying modernist urban areas; transforming urban areas; establishing mixed-use areas with housing, com merce, and services; creating cohesive street space and secure urban space; creating cohesive street space and se cure urban space; edge zones for stay ing and contact with other people; roads and paths through the area; improving internal outdoor areas; transform are as with the new type of urban area that invites different groups to stay and use outdoor areas; interesting staggered street patterns that give pedestrians a variety of views while passing through.

References

Clay, Grady. 1958. “What Makes a Good Square Good.” Fortune Magazine The Ex ploding Metropolis:148-154.

Collins, George R., George R. Collins, Chris tiane C. Collins, and Camillo Sitte. 2006. Camillo Sitte: The Birth of Modern City Plan ning. Edited by George R. Collins and Chris tiane C. Collins. N.p.: Dover.

Degros, Aglaée, and Stefan Bendiks. 2020. Traffic Space: Ein Handbuch Zur Transformation. N.p.: Park Books.

Hernández Mayor, Jesús, Jesus Hernandez, and Helena Casanova. 2014. Public Space Acupuncture. Edited by Helena Casanova and Jesus Hernandez. N.p.: Actar Publishers.

Hertzberger, Herman. 1998. Lessons for Students in Architecture. Edited by Laila Ghäit. N.p.: 010 Publishers.

Kostof, Spiro, and Greg Castillo. 2005. The City Assembled: The Elements of Urban Form Through History. N.p.: Thames and Hudson.

Krier, Léon. 1998. Architecture: Choice Or Fate. N.p.: Andreas Papadakis.

Krier, Rob. 1979. Urban Space. N.p.: Rizzoli.

Moughtin, Cliff. 1992. Urban Design: Street and Square. N.p.: Butterworth Architecture.

Paans, Otto, and Ralf Pasel. 2014. Situation al Urbanism: Directing Postwar Urbanity : an Adaptive Methodology for Urban Transfor mation. N.p.: Jovis.

Sennett, Richard. 2017. The Fall of Public Man. N.p.: W.W. Norton.

Sitte, Camillo. 1979. The Art of Building Cit ies: City Building According to Its Artistic Fundamentals. N.p.: Hyperion Press.

“Squares of Kyiv - Wikipedia.” n.d. Wikipe dia. Accessed February 15, 2022. https://

uk.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%9F%D0%BB%D 0%BE%D1%89%D1%96_%D0%9A%D0%B8% D1%94%D0%B2%D0%B0.

Stübben, Joseph. 1980. Der Städtebau: Re print der 1. Auflage von 1890. N.p.: Vieweg+ Teubner Verlag.

Zucker, Paul. 1959. Town and Square from the Agora to the Village Green. N.p.: Colum bia University Press.

List of illustrations

Figure 1. The Ancient Agora Of Athens, Greece. Source: The Athens Key. https:// www.athenskey.com/agora.html Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 2. Reconstruction of the Roman Fo rum, Rome, Italy. Source: Wikimedia. https:// commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bender_-_ Forum_Romanum.JPG Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 3. Broletto, Como, Italy. Source: Kostof and Castillo 2005.

Figure 4. The maidan in Iran. Source: The Courtauld. https://sites.courtauld.ac.uk/ illuminating-objects/illuminating-ob jects-home/queen-anne-silver-coffee-pot/ coffee-in-isfahan/ Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 5. the Market Square, Wroclaw, Po land. Source: Wikiwand. https://www.wiki wand.com/pl/Rynek_we_Wroc%C5%82awiu Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 6. St. Peter’s Square, Rome, Italy. Source: Culture Mechanism. http://culture mechanism.blogspot.com/2014/05/a-lookat-baroque-city-planning-with-st.html Ac cessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 7. Versailles, Versailles, France. Source: Georgie. https://georgie.cc/cha teau-de-versailles/ Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 8. The Plan Voisin by Le Corbusier. Source: Vervezine. https://www.vervezine. com/home/2019/6/27/parallel-peoples-aconversation-about-the-state-of-the-citysolomon-charles Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 9. The implosion of the Pruitt-Ig oe housing project complexvv. Source: The New York Times.https://www.nytimes. com/2012/01/20/movies/the-pruitt-igoemyth-by-chad-freidrichs-review.html

Figure 10. Superkilen Urban Park, Co penhagen, Denmark. Source: Arch inect. https://archinect.com/news/ article/65622873/copenhagen-s-su perkilen-urban-park-by-big-topotek1-super flex Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 11. Piazza del Duomo, Ravenna, Italy. Source: Collins et al. 2006.

Figure 12.Piazza del Duomo, Pistoia, Italy. Source: Collins et al. 2006.

Figure 13.Piazza Erbe and Piazza dei Signo ri, Verona, Italy. Source: Collins et al. 2006.

Figure 14. Public space as classified by Zucker: the closed square; the dominated square; nuclear square; grouped squares; and amorphous square. Source: Zucker 1959.

Figure 15. Public space as classified by Krier: the square, the rectangular squares with modified corners; orthogonal plans for square; the circle and variations, a combina tion of circuses, a variant with an inset ring of buildings; the triangle and their products; spaces which are angled, divided, added to and superimposed; geometrically complex systems. Krier 1979.

Figure 16. Rob Krier’s typology of urban squares. Source: Krier 1979.

Figure 17. Sofiiska square plan. Source: au thor.

Figure 18. Sofiiska square built environ ment. Source: author.

Figure 19. Sofiiska square photo. Source: Izi Travel. https://izi.travel/it/a29d-sofiys ka-ploshcha/uk Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 20. Kontraktova Square. Source: kotsiuba https://kotsiuba.com/project/no va-kontraktova Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 21. Kontraktova Square built envi ronment. Source: author.

Figure 22. Kontraktova Square photo. Source: Kotsiuba Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 23. Poshtova Square built environ ment. Source: author.

Figure 24. Zhytniotorzka Square built envi ronment. Source: author.

Figure 25. Lukyanovska Square built envi ronment. Source: author.

Figure 26. Bessarabska Square built envi ronment. Source: author.

Figure 27. Solom’yanska Square built envi ronment. Source: author.

Figure 28. Obolonska Square built environ ment. Source: author.

Figure 29. Szczekawycka Square built envi ronment. Source: author.

Figure 30. Kyiv urban growth. Source: au thor.

Figure 31. Kyiv public space ratio. Source: author.

Figure 32. Kyiv with all squares mapped. Source: author.

Figure 33. Kyiv built age with all squares mapped. Source: author.

Figure 34. Kyiv with all squares mapped. Source: author.

Figure 35. Three chosen squares. Source: author.

Figure 36. Building footprints of Sportyvna square. Source: author.

Figure 37. View of Sportyvna square. Source: Google earth.

Figure 38. Sportyvna square plan. Source: author.

Figure 39. Ground Floor Building Use. Source: author.

Figure 40. Facades activity. Source: author.

Figure 41. Isometric view of Sportyvna square. Source: author.

Figure 42. Photo of Sportyvna square. Source: UA news. https://ua.news/ru/ mer-klichko-zbirayetsya-rekonstruyuvati-sa raj-z-minulogo-pid-nazvoyu-palats-sportu/ Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 43. Photo of Sportyvna square. Source: author.

Figure 44. Photo of Sportyvna square. Source: author.

Figure 45. Building footprints of Obolonska square. Source: author.

Figure 46. View of Obolonska square. Source: Google earth.

Figure 47. Obolonska square plan. Source: author.

Figure 48. Ground Floor Building Use. Source: author.

Figure 49. Isometric view of Obolonska square. Source: author.

Figure 50. Photo of Obolonska square. Source: Google Maps.

Figure 51. Photo of Obolonska square. Source: Google Maps.

Figure 52. Building footprints of Kosmo navtiv square. Source: author.

Figure 53. View of Kosmonavtiv square. Source: Google earth.

Figure 54. Kosmonavtiv square plan. Source: author.

Figure 55. Ground Floor Building Use. Source: author.

Figure 56. Facades activity. Source: author.

Figure 57. Isometric view of Kosmonavtiv square. Source: author.

Figure 58. Photo of Kosmonavtiv square. Source: Mapio. https://mapio.net/ pic/p-14905592/ Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 59. Photo of Kosmonavtiv square. Source: Mapio. https://mapio.net/ pic/p-37281039/ Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 60. Photo of Kosmonavtiv square. Source: Mapio. https://mapio.net/ pic/p-16210159/ Accessed February 15, 2022.

Figure 61. Sportyvna square plan. Source: author.

Figure 62. Obolonska square plan. Source: author.

Figure 63. Kosmonavtiv square plan. Source: author.