Understanding Kyiv development

A Design Thesis Booklet submitted to DIA Graduate School of Architecture in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the Degree of

Master of Arts (MA) in Architecture at Hochschule Anhalt, Germany Year 2021/2022

Copyright © 2022 Shchukina Alisa, 5027295

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or used in any manner without written permission of the copyright owner except for the use of quotations in a book review.

Studio „Blue, Green & Red“

Booklet Part I, Research thesis: Public Space Public Life

No. of Pages: as of

Advisor : Vesta Nele Zareh, Prof. Dipl.-Ing Stadtplnung

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Abstract

Multiple city planners and designers have acknowledged the importance of public spaces in urban environments. In this thesis, squares are assessed as an example of a classic understanding of public space, as the history of the public space starts with a square. This study aims to determine the properties and quality of squares in Kyiv, Ukraine. Specifically, it investigates the spatial properties and use of squares. In this context, public space is defined as an urbanized environment formed by buildings and structures regardless of ownership, can be easily accessed by people, and are fundamentally places of destination for public activities. The study examines Kyiv squares to test the hypothesis that underuses of public space come from lack of activities, and too much public space is no public space because it loses its public qualities. Research initiates with a brief introduction of the historical development of public spaces starting from antiquity and proceeds to the typological study of squares followed by examples from Kiyv. In the end, several squares are chosen for detailed assessment. Examination of the level of use of spaces is based on direct observation of people’s activity and the spatial analysis of public spaces in a built environment. This research does not cover aspects such as ownership and management.

Keywords: Typology- Public Space- Square-

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract

0 Introduction 6

Personal statement Problem statement Terminology Understanding history of public space

1 Typological research 14

Book of shapes Book of uses

2 Understanding Kyiv development from a square perspective 22

Public space in Kyiv Kyiv squares

3 Squares analysis 30

Selection criteria Sportyvna square Oblonoska square Kosmonavtiv square Conclusion

References 47

List of illustrations 48

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0INTRODUCTION

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Personal statement

From my background of growing up in Kyiv, I had minimal experience with urbanized quality public spaces. I grew up in a neighborhood (microrayon) designed and built in the 1970s. Although there were and are still appearing new high-rise buildings, the masterplan is of the Soviet era. My memory of public space is infinite lawns between houses, huge distances, and a shortage of active public space. I spent most of the time on playgrounds, in the school stadium, in the forest, or by the lake. Lakes are typical for this neighborhood. It was swampy countryside before it was decided to connect to Kyiv in the 1930s. I do not consider the forest and the lake to be urbanized public spaces. Before housing construction started, these were landscaped public areas and are currently used chaotically. The improvised use of each resident of such zones indicates a lack of places of attraction within access from their home. Even though there was always much greenery around residential buildings, no one ever used the lawn. Usually, it was even surrounded by a low fence not to damage the lawn. All courtyards are filled with cars and extend to wide highways like most modernist neighborhoods. The public space in such a neighborhood was a department store in the center near the transport interchange. In modernist districts, a department store (universam) was usually the central marketplace, occasionally with a cinema or café. Its essential elements were also triumphing squares or squares of the friendship of nations. Nevertheless, such squares were always empty or solely lawn with a stella. While growing up, my impressions of public spaces led me to understand that public spaces and life were not considered when such areas were planned. The link between public life and public space is a mutual and dynamic relationship that conducts new spaces for the new formats of public life. Hence, my interest in the research refers to examining public life in my city, specifically public squares, with a hypothesis that underusing and not overusing public space is the main problem. The carrying ability of most urban public areas is above their usage, where typically, the people themselves decide the level of crowding. Regardless, some public spaces are better used, planned, and maintained than others. That is why different types of squares are described following their origination, typological classification, usage, and activities. The focus of studies looks at the relationship between the public space design, its form, use and contents, and practices of people occupancy.

Problem statement

Serious questions arose regarding the Modern movement’s model for urban planning and large-scale urban revival in the 1970s and 1980s. The banlieues in France, the council estates in the UK, the plattenbau in Germany, neighborhoods like Tensta in Sweden, or the microrayons in Eastern Europe are well-recorded phenomena. In the West, all these urban areas have (in a general sense) several standard features: they are products of a time when modernism as a method of urbanism was flourishing when mobility by car was a central characteristic of the city; the welfare state created numerous collective structures; the belief in a compliant society was very prominent (Paans and Pasel 2014). The sociologist Richard Sennett defined dead public space as the area dedicated to the circulation of cars and people, proclaiming that it has lost its nature as a place to stay. He said that “the erasure of alive public space contains an even more perverse idea - that of making space contingent upon motion...the public space is an area to move through, not to be in.” (Sennett 2017). Various factors contribute to the spread of this problem. On the one hand, new commercial trends based on the clustering of commercial activity in shopping centers and department stores, with the current growth of Internet sales, lead to the gradual disappearance of small stores on our streets and, consequently, to the degradation of street life. On the other hand, the development of new technologies and the Internet has led

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to new media, virtual social networks, and new leisure activities such as video games, which have changed our social behavior. This was a direct consequence of numerous group events traditionally held in public space moved into the private sphere. Therefore, parks and squares have lost some of their function as meeting places. One of the consequences of the underuse of public space is that it can sometimes lead to a perceived sense of insecurity. This makes citizens afraid to use public space because they believe it is dangerous. In other cases, while public space may still be used, it no longer works as a communal space for collaborative activities or as a place to socialize and meet new people. The tendency for public space to lose its public function deactivates part of the city’s ability to socialize (Hernández Mayor, Hernandez, and Casanova 2014). Many urban planners and designers have recognized the importance of attractive, functional spaces for social interaction and other forms of urban activity, providing places to socialize, eat, or relax. Public spaces play a critical role in maintaining the attractiveness of public areas as places to visit and live, where people can take advantage of a good environment. A quality public place is considered a place where the action is a crucial aspect of it. According to Clay (Clay 1958), the quantity of activity in open spaces depends on the spatial enclosure’s feeling to people, and public spaces should stimulate social mix since that adds life and vitality to the atmosphere. Camillo Sitte, who was the first to study the square typology, also considers a sufficiently public square a place that keeps the spatial enclosure and irregularity (Collins et al. 2006). These qualities could provide the users with a feeling of well-being, comfort, and pleasure and therefore eventually determine the choice by the public for such spaces. This thesis is guided by the belief that too much public space is no public space if it is not activated. In this thesis, squares are assessed as an example of a classic understanding of public space, as the history of the public space starts with a square. The study aims to clarify the existing activities

8 in chosen spaces and understand their connectivity with spatial and functional characteristics. According to the aim of this research, the main question that should be answered is: What morphological and functional characteristics do Kyiv’s squares have? What is the relation between city development and square space? What are the activity patterns of squares built in the 20th century? The research consists of three parts. The first is an introductory part of public spaces’ development from antiquity to nowadays. It is essential to understand the connection of space with time frames. The second part implies a review of the existing classifications of squares made by different researchers and relevant samples from the squares of Kyiv. This part also incorporates a brief history of the formation of Kyiv and offers its options for classifying by form based on squares in Kyiv. The third part includes the problem statement and its detailed reflection on examples of squares from the 20th century. Together, all three stages form an intersubjective research approach. The thesis initially takes an etic approach to operate research to study universal history methods of forming public space. Theory led method is used in the first and second chapters. That makes research proceed quantitatively. After theory study, work shifts to an emic approach with a qualitative approach. This leads to the framework of thinking in the thesis being theory-led supported by context-led.

Terminology

The general meaning of public space is a place that is usually open and accessible to people. The term has evolved from an understanding of space rather than private space. Ali Madanipour and Han Meyer, urban design professors and specialists in public space, define it as a place where different flows meet or allow for the material and non-material exchange beyond the private sphere. As Jan Gehl notes, public space is where meeting, trade, and traffic functions come together (Degros and Bendiks 2020). Within the research framework, Public

space is an urbanized environment formed by buildings and structures regardless of ownership, can be easily accessed by people, and are fundamentally places of destination for public activities. It does not necessarily have to be purpose-designed spaces. However, they must have the possibility of being used as a location for a human gathering where users have the freedom of movement. A square is usually a more prominent public space such as an extension of the streetscape, providing a central focus for the area.

Understanding history of public space

The Civic center

The two primary uses of public spaces have been markets and civic centers. The first model of community relevance to public space emerged in antiquity, partly in Greece. In Greek cities, the agora was an iconic object of public space. The agora was a marketplace and gathering place in ancient Greek cities, the center of public life. Temples, government offices, workshops, and shops surround the agora. The most significant is the Agora of Athens. If the Athenian acropolis is the upper city with spiritual life, the Athenian agora, the square among residential areas, was at the bottom. These squares changed their function depending on how they were used and what buildings were located next. The Greek squares were not formed based on function but on the buildings around them, which contained specific functions like state, religion, trade. There is no clear structure in the plan, and the buildings around it shape the square itself. In its origin, it was the open-air locus of citizens’ meetings. For the first time in history, public space was a necessary element of the urban landscape to express the community’s political power. Through it runs the main road, which was the main route for religious processions, gathering inhabitants, and market square. Nowadays, almost nothing is left, but a democratic civic center model remains the Greek agora.

Figure 1. The Ancient Agora Of Athens, Greece. Source: The Athens Key. Figure 2. Reconstruction of the Roman Forum, Rome, Italy. Source: Wikimedia.

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The Agora of Athens is not formed as a proper square, but an essential element that translates into the Roman Forum is the stoa. The stoa is the first classical element found in the Roman Forum during the Renaissance and the Baroque period. The stoa is a long portico gallery that has all sorts of activities. The logic of the stoa space is in between outside and inside space where the building shelters and at the same time opens space outside. The classical main public space in the Roman Empire was the Roman Forum. The Forum is a marketplace, a square in the cities of ancient Rome where the assembly of the city’s inhabitants, markets, a court, and other political functions took place. However, commercial activities took a second seat to religious and civic ones. The Roman Forum also changes its function depending on the surrounding buildings. It was constantly changing, and new elements were added to it. When needed, a colonnade was erected, a triumphal arch, basilicas were rebuilt into Christian temples. Its defining characteristic is the transformation of public space to the needs of society. ‘To go to the Forum’ meant ‘to go to court’ (Kostof and Castillo 2005).

The marketplace

In new towns of the Middle Ages, the merchants were given prime lots around the square before the rest of the urban land was assigned to sellers. Merchant houses were well-heeled, often grand. Trade was the central economic concern of cities only until the Industrial Revolution. A central open space was traditionally set aside for business in the inner city - the Greek Agora, the Roman Forum, or the medieval marketplace. The space might be irregularly defined or be given an architectural frame of porticoes. The medieval combination of town hall and market was very Popular, like in Como, Pallazzo del Broletto. Sometimes the town hall stood in the middle of the public space, creating connected market and civic squares. In towns where the bishop was lord, and the market took place before his church, the two institutions often continued to occupy the same public

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Figure 3. Broletto, Como, Italy. Source: Kostof and Castillo 2005. Figure 4. The maidan in Iran. Source: The Courtauld. Figure 5. The Market Square, Wroclaw, Poland. Source: Wikiwand.

space (Kostof and Castillo 2005). The principle of influencing space by community continued into the Middle Ages. Public space in the Middle Ages was used for trading but not shaped by its buildings. An example is the main square in Iran, The maidan/takyah in Iran, where everyone moved into a tent and gathered back. Temporary installations transformed the daily space into a stage appropriate to the occasion (Kostof and Castillo 2005). Gradually commercial function moved into facades and buildings and evolved into Chester Rows over time. The ground floor is transparent and open, and the upper floors are for artisans and tradespeople using these spaces. Due to the change in the use of the function of the buildings surrounding, the medieval square use and its shape changed. Because there was usually no central plan and no central scheme, as in antiquity, and the layering of different buildings produced a variety of forms. An example of a medieval market square is the Market Square Wrocław. It is a classic market square, with a central core inside, used as tents for trading. An interesting element is its diversity. In the center, there is the town hall, besides there are rows of shops in the center. Around the buildings, there are residential buildings but also squares with churches. The mix of everything creates activity in the square. The classic characteristic is the active shopping ground floor.

Esthetics

When antiquity was over, a renaissance began. Other principles of shaping spaces came to the fore. The main thing became the esthetics of beauty to match how we imagine that beauty, and there was a gap between what the space was designed for and how it was used. The early Renaissance boasts some rare instances in which the town square sought a more exclusive dignity. The town square became monumentalized for function associated with the administration of the state. The classic example of the new aesthetics for shaping public spaces is Saint Peter’s Square in Rome, designed by Lorenzo

Figure 6. St. Peter’s Square, Rome, Italy. Source: Culture Mechanism. Figure 7. Versailles, Versailles, France. Source: Georgie.

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Bernini between 1656 and 1667. A new element became evident during the Renaissance because the public square became an inseparable part of the overall complex. The way the square is designed aims at how visitors perceive it. A classic element of antiquity is the colonnade and the possibility to walk around it. There is an obelisk that was not here initially in the concept of subordinating esthetics. It was moved here to put in the center of the oval square at the intersection of all the axes. It is a beautiful example of how public spaces started to take shape. It is tough to imagine in antiquity or in the Middle Ages where space was subject to the way people used it, and one could not have such objects on the main routes. All the fountains, obelisks, and triumphal arches were on either side of the main routes where events took place. This classic square gradually evolved into entities that are not only made for common city dwellers. The following example is of Versailles and its regular garden and park. What makes it different from the classical public places of the Renaissance is that the architecture is subordinated to the perspective view, so the territory follows the palaces. The territory is planned with an idea to present the architecture in perspective. It has nothing to do with nature and the whole point of subordinating nature to axes.

Modernism

Over time, everything began to change, and new principles appeared, according to which cities and public spaces were shaped. A functional approach to cities emerged. Not aesthetics became necessary, but the effective use of territory, resources, and a clear functional link between what is done and the form in which it is done. The design of public space based on function became evident in the times of Modernism. At the time, many architects and urban planners justified the need for launching large-scale urban interventions in keeping with the historic moment they were living through, therefore boosting the functionalist utopia of the modern city. The impressive

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Figure 8. The Plan Voisin by Le Corbusier. Source: Vervezine. Figure 9. The implosion of the Pruitt-Igoe housing project complexvv. Source: The New York Times.

image of Le Corbusier’s Plan Voisin for the center of Paris ultimately translated ideas of that time. This image became a provoking icon that depicted part of the Modern Movement’s approach, which had a vast influence on multiple projects for urban regeneration across Europe and America. There was no more square footage in these layouts, but there was a vast area of public space. The prevailing problem of the public spaces of modernism is that they lost the flexibility of usage. In the 1970s and 1980s, questions arose regarding the Modern movement standard for urban planning. The image of the demolition of the enormous Pruitt-Igoe housing project, which was an icon of modern urban planning for the city of St. Louis, on March 16, 1972, became a powerful symbol, comparable with the image of Le Corbusier’s Plan Voisin from 1925. It represented the end of an era and a changing understanding of how our cities should be renewed (Hernández Mayor, Hernandez, and Casanova 2014).

Ethics

In the new era of public space design, matters are not what is there but how it was designed, the material, the inclusivity, the sustainability, and the community. The conscious design comes first. It may not be beautiful but has different functions depending on community needs. An example of an ethical approach could be Superkilen Park, designed by Bjarke Ingels Group to bring refugees and locals together, encouraging tolerance and unity in Denmark. It is not just what it looks like that is important, but it is much more valuable how it was created is much more valuable. There was a riot by the residents of the area before, and this project responded to that difference in communities. The content of the space came from the residents’ requests from different nationalities, each of them sent a photo of a public design element from their country. The way urban space looks now responds to this process, in which all users and residents of the surrounding area were involved. Having no specific function but absorbing many different needs, the place meets the ethical challenges of the new era.

Figure 10. Superkilen Urban Park, Copenhagen, Denmark. Source: Archinect.

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TYPOLOGICAL RESEARCH

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Two approaches are possible when classifying squares. As Spiro Kostof noted, ''any attempt to classify squares will have to rely on form, or use, but never on both'' (Kostof and Castillo 2005). Kostof adds that a typological classification based on use is questionable because squares have numerous uses, which might change over time. Public places' main or constant uses are infrequent, but the spontaneous or occasional uses are diverse. Squares that perform identical functions through history do not take the same shapes. The less specific the form of the square, the more possible it is to have a public space of mixed uses. Analysis of public spaces relying only on shape is an abstract discussion of typology without history. Meanwhile, the functional approach is inconsistent and fluctuates in time, so it is very subjective and dependent on narrative. Therefore, the following chapters address the morphological and functional classifications of squares based on the works of various researchers, historians, and architects with corresponding samples of squares from the city of Kyiv. The chapter does not cover all the squares from Kyiv, but only the most exemplary one.

Book of shapes

One of the earliest to classify the squares was Camillo Sitte’s work ‘The Art of Building Cities’ in 1889. Through a comprehensive study of medieval and renaissance urban squares, Sitte investigates the spatial elements that make for successful urban squares, analyzing them based on their shape. He argues that spatial enclosure, defined by grouping architectural masses around open space, is crucial for a thriving square. One of the necessary means of achieving enclosure in squares is the treatment of corners. The more open the corners, the less sense of enclosure (fig. 11), while the more enclosed the corners lead to a clearer sense of enclosure (fig. 12) (Sitte 1979). Another important aspect, according to Sitte, is irregularity (fig. 13). It is essential because it can provide input to the picturesque quality of urban space because of the level of unexpectedness that broken sym-

Figure 11. Piazza del Duomo, Ravenna, Italy. Source: Collins et al. 2006 Figure 12. Piazza del Duomo, Pistoia, Italy. Source: Collins et al. 2006. Figure 13. Piazza Erbe and Piazza dei Signori, Verona, Italy. Source: Collins et al. 2006.

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metry creates. Another classifier and historian, Paul Zucker, in his book ‘Town and Square: from the Agora to the Village Green’ in 1959, distinguished squares according to shape. Zucker notes that certain types of squares constantly occur throughout history, but the function of a square never automatically causes a particular spatial form. a. The closed square. This is a space with complete enclosure effect with only interruption by the streets entering into it. It is characterized by its regular geometric shape and framing of architectural elements with repetition or rhythmic order around the edge. The key spatial treatments to this type are rich treated corners or treatments of center of each side or emphasizing the entry points of the streets by framing. b. The dominated square. It is a space directed to a physical structure or spectacular view. This structure could be a single building, group of buildings or other large sculpture. c. The nuclear square. It is a space formed towards a central feature which is more powerful than the boundaries. d. Grouped squares. They are spaces arranged in a way that each space prepares for the next one. This creates meaningful transitions and additional significance. That kind of arrangement could be formed in axial, non-axial, or grouped around a dominant building. e. The amorphous square, whose spatial experience is to diffuse to be favorable; (Zucker 1959). Zucker remarks that squares infrequently follow only one type. Generally, they have mixed features of two or more types. Rob Krier did one more classification based on shape systems in his work ‘Urban Space’ in 1979. He divided the urban space into two essential elements: street and square. Krier’s examples are from everywhere in history, and some interpret his experience or proposed designs. Furthermore, the study of squares based on their forms is very subjective. The three main categories of Krier are a. the square, the rectangular squares

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Figure 14. Public space as classified by Zucker: the closed square; the dominated square; nuclear square; grouped squares; and amorphous square. Source: Zucker 1959.

with modified corners; b. orthogonal plans for square; c. the circle and variations, a combination of circuses, a variant with an inset ring of buildings; d. the triangle and their products; e. spaces which are angled, divided, added to and superimposed; f. geometrically complex systems; (Krier 1979). Rob Krier separates the urban space into two basic elements which are street and square. In Krier’s work on squares, he executed a significant effort on describing many variations in the morphology of public space (fig. 16). It demonstrates the basic forms which form urban space, with manipulation of possible variations and compositions (Krier, 1979). In describing a spatial typology of urban space, Krier firstly divides the spatial forms and their products into three categories according to the basic shapes of the ground plan. These shapes are square, circle or triangle. These three shapes are reproduced through a matrix factors which are angling, segmentation, addition, merging, overlapping and distortion. These factors can produce regular and irregular results. As a conclusion to spatial classification, it is evident that general morphological structures of urban squares cannot be associated either with specific functions or with a precise position in history. The only way to classify urban squares is by how the space in the square is composed according to what could be said to be levels of the enclosure, the presence and location of important buildings, and artistic elements. The enclosure is seen as an essential element for how the space is perceived by people but not necessarily as a relevant element for producing good or bad urban squares. Extensive and popular classifications of urban squares are not capable of analytic interpretation for the requirements of the performance of urban squares.

Figure 15. Public space as classified by Krier: the square, the rectangular squares with modified corners; orthogonal plans for square; the circle and variations, a combination of circuses, a variant with an inset ring of buildings; the triangle and their products; spaces which are angled, divided, added to and superimposed; geometrically complex systems. Source: Krier 1979.

Figure 16. Rob Krier’s typology of urban squares. Source: Krier 1979.

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Book of uses

The civic center

One of the earliest classifications according to the function of squares is by Joseph Stübben in his work ‘Der Städtebau’. He defines such categories as a. traffic squares, modern interchanges, circular or polygonal or star plazas; b. the square of public use, places for markets, parades, public festivals; c. english garden squares or landscaped squares, as type developed in the 19th century; d. architectural squares, like the forecourt serving a single monumental building; the built-up square, inhabited by a single building almost or entirely free standing like the royal palaces; and the square with a monument (Stübben 1980). The two preceding uses of public squares were markets and civic centers. If the civic center represents collective self-government, its claim to universality in squares history will reduce. Cities of most cultures were under the rule of regional nobles or an organized state. It is most reasonable to consider the civic center not to indicate a particular form of government but as a place for public business. Regardless, such a square may be absent from the urban fabric of some cities. One of the most famous Kyiv squares is Sofiiska square. It is one of the oldest ones as well. It was formed after the construction of St. Sophia Cathedral in 1036. Since the times of Kyivan Rus, the square has been the city’s civic center. It was a marketplace in the 16th and 19th centuries, and fairs were held there. At the beginning of the 20s century, there were multiple riots and demonstrations of different political forces and movements. In 1943, the residents of Kyiv gathered here to celebrate the liberation of Kyiv from German occupiers, and in 1961 because of Kyiv was awarded the second Order of Lenin. The monument was placed on the square because, in 1648, Kyivans greeted Cossacks there when they defeated the Polish army. Since the 1990s, the square has been a place for Kyiv citizens for socially significant events. Since 2014 main Christmas year tree and market with winter activities have been held there. The square is in the city center and is enclosed by St. Sophia Cathedral, office, administrative buildings, and hotel.

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Figure 17. Sofiiska square plan. Source: author. Figure 18. Sofiiska square built environment. Source: author. Figure 19. Sofiiska square photo. Source: Izi Travel.

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The marketplace

The specificities of commerce and industry are evident in the landscape of their urban allocations. Cities have traditionally set aside districts of specialized use, differentiated spatially and architecturally from their surroundings. The manufacture has often found its home on the outskirts, where air, water, and open land come cheap. Market quarters have focused on trade and vertical extrusions of the central business district, finance, and management downtown. One of Kyiv’s oldest squares is Kontraktova Square. It is located in the Podil district, at the foot of the river. Podil was one of the three cities later united to form Kyiv. There was already a market center in the first half of the 1st century BC. From the middle of the 9th century, when Kyivan Rus was formed, and Kyiv became its capital, Podil was its trade and manufacturing area. Podil took over administrative and cultural functions, and it became the center of Kyiv from the 13th century until the mid-19th century. The square called Kontraktova was used for trade fairs, and in Kontraktova House on the ground floor, the contracts were signed. That is why it is called so. This square was a trading place for a long time because of its proximity to the water, and fairs have been held there throughout its history. Nowadays, due to its role in history when it was the main city square, Kontraktova square carries a variety of functions. Such as a cultural center of Kyiv, a transportation hub, a walking area with two parks, a place for New Year markets, and an administrative center. The square is enclosed by the Kontraktova House, the bell tower of the monastery, the buildings of the national university, low-rise houses with shops and restaurants, and the theater. This square is the main attractor for Kyivans, much development goes into it, and it is part of the strategic development of the tourist route of Kyiv.

Figure 20. Kontraktova Square. Source: Kotsiuba. Figure 21. Kontraktova Square built environment. Source: author. Figure 22. Kontraktova Square photo. Source: Kotsiuba.

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Poshtova Square is one of the oldest squares of Kyiv, located on the bank of the Dnieper River, and was the place where one of the ancient settlements was formed. Archaeological research showed commercial settlements here in the 4th century. During Kievan Rus, it probably housed one of the eight Kyiv trades mentioned in the chronicles. It has been known under its present name since the 18th century, although the river station on Poshtova Square was built in 1846. In the mid-1970s, due to the construction of the subway, the square was fundamentally redesigned and expanded. The Poshtova square is no longer a commercial function but is an important recreational area. It has a river station, a cafe, and an exit to the waterfront. Another market square in the Podil area is Zhytniotorzka square. It is a marketplace from ancient times and is mentioned in chronicles under Torgivlya or Torgivlya Podilska. In the times of Kyivan Rus, the trade area was much more significant. From the 15th century, it has been known as Zhytnio Torg. The modern name Zhytniotorzka is since 1869 and came from the trade of grain (zhyto), which was the main product here. In the 15th century, the Zhytniy Market was built as the city’s main shopping center. In 1980, the new building of the Zhytniy Indoor Market was opened, and it remains there today. Although most of the square is now occupied by a market building, there is still an open market in front of it, and the square has preserved its ancient function and attracts hundreds of people. Examples of market squares that have appeared later are Lukyanovska and Bessarabska squares. For a long time, Lukyanovska square was only a wooded area. After 1845, the area became part of the city and was actively inhabited by Podil residents. A market was formed here, which remains to this day. The square is enclosed by the tram depot, the metro station, the shopping center, and the outdoor market. The square has maintained a trading function and also is a transport hub. For centuries, today’s Bessarabska Square site was a forested area between two non-connected districts of Kyiv, and the area only became part of the city in the 1830s. In 1874-75, at the same time as the Alexander Hospital’s construction next, the marketplace was moved here, and the square appeared. However, in 1910, the indoor market was built, the square remains, but there is no more outdoor trade function.

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Figure 23. Poshtova Square built environment. Source: author. Figure 24. Zhytniotorzka Square built environment. Source: author. Figure 25. Lukyanovska Square built environment. Source: author. Figure 26. Bessarabska Square built environment. Source: author.

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The place d’armes

Putting armed forces on display has served two purposes in the history of cities: to reassure the citizenry that its defenses were on the ready and discourage it from challenging authority. Therefore, the space for this display was linked with the architecture of power - the ruler’s palace or a representative civic center. In small, more or less self-governing towns, the town square was often where the militia exercised in public (Kostof and Castillo 2005). One example of a square for the army in Kyiv could be Solom’yanska Square. The square is located at the beginning of 20 century was an undeveloped wasteland between Solomenka and Solomenskoye cemetery. Next to it, the 2nd Military College was built, and the place of the future square began to be used as a place for army exercises. In the 1920-30s, military horse parades were held there.

Traffic

The convergence and distribution of traffic have always been in conflict with urban squares. It is obvious that the needs of traffic would be at odds with a square as a gathering space. A debate over priorities can be sensed through history, even when the issue is not specifically engaged. With the advent of the motorcar, modern interchanges acquired a specialized design (Kostof and Castillo 2005). These types of squares are present in large numbers in Kyiv in neighborhoods built in the 20th century. An example is Obolonska Square, which appeared in the 80s.

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Residential square

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The “residential square” is used for a range of houses of more-or-less uniform and continuous frontage grouped around an open space. The whole design is planned and executed by a single agency, not the inhabitants themselves. In many cases, public use of this place is limited, and commercial activity, when present, is not a dominant concern. An example is Szczekawycka Square on the Podol. It is located in a residential area. There is a park and a playground on it. Classification by function revealed that it is unreliable because the squares induced above have several overlapping functions or change them periodically. Also, their spatial characteristics do not depend on the function but rather on location in the city, the history of formation, and the surrounding buildings. The following chapter partly covers this topic.

Figure 27. Solom’yanska Square built environment. Source: author. Figure 28. Obolonska Square built environment. Source: author. Figure 29. Szczekawycka Square built environment. Source: author.

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