WikiWorld

Volume 6 Issue 1

ctglobalist.za.org

The Cape Town

Globalist UCT’s st ude n t int er nat ional af fairs mag a z i ne

WIKIWORLD

The Power of the Information Age 1

The Cape Town Globalist

Oil in Ghana

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France and Tunisia

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Davos vs. Dakar

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Cote d’Ivoire

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Astroturfing

18% do not have proper

20% do not have proper

95% do not have stocked

92% do not have

access to electricity

laboratories

2

access to water

stocked libraries

90% do not have stocked computer centres

17% do not have

sports facilities

march 2011

Contents

Editor-in-Chief Louis Pienaar Deputy Editor Anneke Rautenbach

Appetisers

WikiWorld

6

News bites

18

Layout Editor Nic Botha

8

Global coversations

Photo Editor Sarah Thomas

9

Armchair globalist

Content Editors Amy Thornton Tonbara Ekiyor Omogolo Taunyane

Web Editor Nico Gous Marketing Jawad Haider

Tidbits you may have missed Q&A with Anne Fuller

The Jasmine Revolution

News 10

Finance Heike Victor Contributors Francois Bekker Jacob Claassens Arjun Dürr Ross Harvey Lori van Laren Michael Laws Sisanda Mcimeli Sofia Monteiro Richard Parker Carla Petersen Nicholas Schubitz Helen Sullivan Erhard Vermaak Mweya Waetjen Hannah Walker

If you are interested in getting involved with the CTG in any capacity, please email ctglobalist@gmail.com The Cape Town Globalist

The issue of the nationalisation of South African mines extends over the Pacific to Papua New Guinea

11 Liberté, Égalité or Hypocrisy?

France’s problematic dealings with the revolts in Tunisia

12

Divided We Stand, United We Fall

Separatism in India – a just cause?

13 Davos vs. Dakar: it’s a showdown The World Economic Forum and the

World Social Forum, two approaches to changing the world compared

14

Will There Be Gold?

15

A Policy of Paralysis

The Cape Town Globalist is published four times a year by students at the University of Cape Town. Any opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the Cape Town Globalist, the publication sponsors, the University of Cape Town, or Global21.

What’s Mined Ain’t Yours

16

The discovery and commercialisation of oil in Ghana

The failures of diplomacy after Cote d’Ivoire’s disputed elections

Legal Genocide: Uganda’s Anti- Homosexuality Bill

The violence done to humans and human rights in Uganda

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22

Untangling the world wide web of WikiLeaks

What WikiLeaks is, and why it matters

“Twitolution” or Temporary Heat?

Social media’s role in the Arab Revolutions

Social Media and Revolt

Can Zimbabwe learn from Egypt?

24 Happy Birthday, Wikipedia!

We celebrate Wikipedia’s 10th Birthday

25 Is The New Age really news?

An illumination of the issues around the pro-ANC newspaper and its sponsors

Global21 Contributions 26

Contributions from the Paris Globalist and the Oxonian Globalist

Science and Philosophy 27 Astroturfing No, it’s not about hockey. It’s about

harnessing the internet to influence our choices.

28

The Chains of Freedom of Speech

A philosophical exploration of the paradox a commitment to freedom of speech holds us to.

Curtain Call 30 The Power of the Social Network?

Nicholas Shubitz has the final word

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The Cape Town Globalist is a member of

Global21

1 NETWORK LINKING FUTURE WORLD LEADERS

Network of International Affairs Magazines 5 LANGUAGES www.global21online.org 5 CONTINENTS

11 UNIVERSITIES 245 000 STUDENTS

Yale University • University of Toronto • University of Sydney • Hebrew University • Institut de Sciences Politiques • London School of Economics • Peking University • University of Cape Town • University of South Australia • Oxford University • Ibmec University 4

march 2011

editorial

Editorial Free the word, free the world.

Welcome to the Globalist, 2011.

W

henever there’s a change in the powers that be, reform is the guiding principle, the promise, the aspiration, and sometimes the achievement. Human beings relish change. On a personal level, we are constantly thinking of ways to change our habits for the better – think New Year’s resolutions. Political campaigns are fuelled by this promise – think Obama ‘08. The prospect of the new enables political action, with humans demanding a change in the status quo – think the Jasmine Revolution under way in the Arab World. Sometimes change is effected by the incoming authorities because they sincerely believe that what they want to do will be for the better – think the Cape Town Globalist 2011.

The changing of the guard this time around is marked by a galvanised effort to make this magazine something that can have an impact on the minds of students. We have focused the magazine onto what it purports to be – an international and current affairs magazine. We understand that the complaint regarding the lack of political conciousness among students has become something of a cliché – as a result, we have become apathetic about student apathy. This is unfortunate, and we at the Cape Town Globalist believe that this is a result of an underestimation of what students are capable of thinking about.

It is difficult to convince people of the importance of current affairs – either you dig it or you don’t. But nonetheless, an increasingly globalised world means that events everywhere will somehow affect your personal life, and an understanding of global dynamics is thus critical for understanding your own position in the global context. Apart from the functional benefits to be gained from knowledge in current affairs, we would encourage people to enjoy an interest in this crazy world that surrounds us. Because politics is essentially about the dynamics between human beings such as you or me, every genre can be found in current affairs, from the ironically comedic to the tragically insane. Hopes, fears, dreams, and drama all play a part in political events – and political events in turn shape our own emotional beings.

So the Globalist 2011 will be focused on news, and international news at that. Part of our goal is to look at events and developments that are not to be found on the hourly-repeated headlines aired by media houses. The difficulty of doing this as students who are stuck in a narrow-banded peninsula south of everything else is considerable, but we have tried our best to provide our readers with news and analyses that are fresh, interesting, and of the highest quality we can achieve.

The articles in this edition have a truly global focus – from the slopes of Davos to mining in Papua New Guinea. We celebrate Wikipedia’s tenth birthday, and examine the effects of astroturfing (it’s not what you think). We have also made an effort to incorporate the Globalist’s position in the Global21 network by including pieces from other chapters, in this particular issue articles from the Oxford Globalist and the Paris Globalist. Other additions to our reportoire (neologism intended) include a technology and a philosophy section, focused around our theme, “Wikiworld”.

It is a truth universally bandied about that we live in a changing world. Allow us to join this chorus. We are witnessing the birth of an epoch that is driven by access to information. The role of information technology will affect our daily lives in ways that we cannot yet imagine. Hence our choice of theme.

Information is no longer an activity separate from the labours of daily life, a commodity to be indulged in through books, lectures or the internet. Personal and political realities are being shaped by access to information, and vice versa.

We look at the role of social media in the Arab revolutions, and its consequences for the rest of Africa. Wikileaks, bumped from headlines to satisfy our urge for fresh news, still remains one of the most significant events in our understanding of democracy, and as such cannot be neglected in an exploration of information and the world. But enough foreshadowing – go ahead, read on. Let the information entertain you.

Louis Pienaar Editor-in-Chief

The Cape Town Globalist

5

News bites Walmart plans annex of Massmart WalMart Stores Inc., the world’s largest retailer, is intending to buy 51% of Africa’s Massmart. Massmart is Africa’s third-largest distributor of consumer goods and operates 243 stores throughout Sub-Saharan Africa, among them Game and Makro. Zwelinzima Vavi, General Secretary of Cosatu, has requested the SA Clothing and Textile Workers Union (SACTWU) members to help them either prevent Walmart from acquiring Massmart, or to compel the former to accept all the condi-

State mines for minerals of “strategic significance” Berlusconi’s legal troubles, as allegations that he paid for sex with an under-aged dancer, and tried to use his political influence to cover up the scandal are being taken to court on April 6.

Showgirls and starlets who prosecutors say are witnesses to Berlusconi’s lavish parties would be called to testify.

Revolutions in Middle East the January uprising in Tunisia which ousted President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, and the subsequent revolution in Egypt, which forced President Hosni Mubarak to step down, has set public protest alight the Middle East, with demonstrations and unrest in Algeria, Iraq, Bahrain, Jordan, Yemen, Mauritania, Pakistan and Libya. Chaos and violent unrest presides in Libya, as Colonel Muammar Gaddafi refuses to step down. Tensions are heightened by the presence of large reserves of natural resources, especially oil, which Western powers are closely monitoring.

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2100 550 000 Estimate number of internet users in the world at time of writing

700

58 700 000 000 Approximate number of e-mails sent on day of writing

Berlusconi in trouble.

Again.

From top, clockwise: Walmart Supercentre in Beijing, China; voters stand in line for the referendum on the independence of South Sudan; ice-cream; a destroyed fish and chips shop in New Zealand; Colonel Muammar Gaddafi.

information

Facebook updates per second

tions which would safeguard the domestic textile sector, workers and the country’s economy.

Vavi stated that Cosatu desires that Wal-Mart should consent to some of their conditions, like adhering to the domestic labour laws, procuring 75% of the raw material requirements from domestic markets and paying better wages to the workers.

Italian Prime minister Silvio Berlusconi’s trial on allegations of tax fraud resumed on the 28th of February 2011. The trial was postponed for a year in order to gain a constitutional court judgment that strips Berlusconi of immunity. The trial deals with accusations levied against Mediaset (Italy’s largest private broadcaster) executives and the Prime minister of inflating the price of purchasing TV rights and taking off parts of the funds declared to create illegal slush funds.

This is however only the beginning of

The ANC has registered a state-owned mining company, the African Exploration Mining and Finance Corporation (AEMFC). Its first venture was to launch a coal mine at Vlakfontein, Mpumalanga, on the 26th of February, 2011.

It is estimated that the Vlakfontein mine will produce up to 2 million tons of coal within the next year. It will start in June. In his state of the nation address in February, President Jacob Zuma said the government had endorsed AEMFC as the state-owned mining company and that it “will undertake the mining of minerals

of strategic significance”. For its next venture, the AEMFC intends to create a two billion rand oil business, which is expected to start production in 2013.

for “fracking”

Chinese moneymanagement

Petrochemicals company Shell will be targeting the Karoo Basin to procure shale gas, by a method known as “fracking”. Fracking is a hydraulic fracturing technique which pumps water mixed with corrosive chemicals into great depths. Shale gas is a clean and natural source of gas made from sedimentary rock.

The economic benefits and solutions to fuel shortages gas procured in the Karoo offers to South Africa is encouraging. However, reports show that fracking in the Karoo could result in the radioactive contamination of surrounding water supplies as the Karoo is thought to contain uranium deposits.

The chinese government recently announced a 12.7% increase in their defense budget. This implies that China would spend an estimated 601.1bn yuan ($91.5bn) on defense over the next year. Compared to the US’s estimated $553bn committed to defense this year the Chinese budget does not seem that exorbitant.

However, many experts believe that China, now the world’s second largest economy, is spending a lot more that the government reports. The sudden increase comes after rows with Washington over trade and currency devaluation. Other countries are set to follow the Chinese build-up.

Shell targets Karoo

march 2011

appetisers

Pakistan’s blasphemy laws Following the murder of Pakistani minister for minorities Shabhaz Bhatti, the only Christian member of government, for challenging the blasphemy laws that sentences to death anyone that speaks out against Islam, the Pakistani government has vowed to battle extremism in the country. Bhatti’s death was not the first in the country that has a majority Muslim population. Punjab governor Salman Taseer was shot dead by his bodyguard for his staunch opposition against the blasphemy laws.

Minorities fear that after Bhatti’s death,

on overload

111 300 000 Approximate number of newspapers circulated on day of writing

600

Twitter tweets per second

695 000 Approximate number of cell phones sold on day of writing

no one would come out and speak openly for their rights. The government however promises not to buckle to extremism that is led by the Al-Qaeda linked Pakistani Taliban who have openly claimed responsibility for Bhatti’s death. The blasphemy laws remain unchanged.

No cutting back on Israel The U.S. budget, which is currently caught in a politically disruptive debate surrounding state spending on healthcare and social security, has nevertheless confirmed that no changes will be made regarding the $3 billion set aside annually in aid to Israel. The Middle-Eastern conflict has strengthened the political will to support Israel financially, despite the fact that Israel has the 24th largest economy in the world and ranks 15th among 169 nations on the UN Human Development Index, indicating that it is a ‘very highly developed’ nation.

The Cape Town Globalist

South Sudan says ‘yes’ In a referendum held in January this year, almost 99% of South Sudanese people voted ‘yes’ for independence. President Omar-al Bashir, infamous for warcrimes in Darfur, responded that he ‘accepts’ and ‘welcomes’ the result, despite fears that the split could re-ignite conflict over the south’s oil reserves, which lie on the proposed border. South Sudan will become independent in July.

Australasia bruised and battered

Chocolate, vanilla or breast milk?

A specialist ice cream shop, Icecreamists, in London’s Covent Garden is now serving breast milk flavoured ice cream. The name of the new flavour is ‘Baby Gaga’. Real breast milk was provided to create the ice cream by mothers who responded to an advertisement on the online mothers’ forum Mumsnet. Icecreamists founder Matt O’ Connor is confident that customers will respond positively to the nostalgic and comforting idea, and that they will enjoy what he believes is quite a delicious flavour.

In January of this year, rainfall over Australia’s state of Queensland turned violent, causing severe floods which eventually hit Brisbane, and later the state of Victoria. The floods cost the Australian government an estimated $1 billion and killed 35 people in Queensland, while many went missing. In addition, on the 22nd of February a massive earthquake of 6.3 magnitude hit New Zealand’s Christchurch area, killing at least 75 people, with many more having to be rescued from the wreckage. Some survivors had been able to send text messages and make phone calls from under the rubble.

“Information Overload” data courtesy of worldometer.com Photographs courtesy of wikicommons

7

appetisers

Q & A Anne with

Fuller

During the Second World War, the small town of Bletchley, England, was home to Bletchley Park, also known as ‘Station X’. Here thousands of patriots, with the aid of the first decryption equipment, would receive and attempt to crack Axis codes, most notably the German Enigma codes. One of these was Anne Fuller, stationed here as a young girl, as a member of the Women’s Royal Navy Service. We chat to her about life during the War, and her time spent cracking codes.

What exactly was your role at Bletchley Park?

I was only at Bletchley Park proper for a few days, to train. After that I was sent to one of their outstations called Gayhurst Manor. I was there for about five years and what I had to do was operate a bombe. No, not a bomb!

A bombe was the beginning of computers. Instead of breaking down a code manually, this machine could do it for you.

What was it like? It must have been very exciting.

Oh no, in fact it was very dull. All I had to do was stare at this machine for eight hours a day, and sometimes change the paper. Every now and then something would come through and someone more qualified than I was would come and check whether there was anything to it. If there was, they would take it somewhere else. Bletchley Park was a strange place – full of people who were very clever at maths but very peculiar.

I very seldom knew the results of the codes I was cracking. I was only 18 and I didn’t give a damn anyway.

What was the atmosphere like working in that kind of environment during the War? Was it very tense?

Oh no, it was lovely. My job was very boring, but other than that, I was living out in the

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countryside, housed in an Elizabethan manor, with a whole lot of people my age.

We only had to work eight hours a day; we were well paid. Most of the time, we were just waiting to get off shift. We’d go out to dances with the Americans, and sometimes Glen Miller would come to town. I think those were the best years of my life.

Were you aware of any major codes or messages that were deciphered while you were working there?

Well, like I said, we very seldom knew the results. But I know that we managed to prevent quite a few submarine bombings and sometimes news would reach us about air raids, etc.

What was the atmosphere like then? Was it celebratory?

Not really. We worked very hard and there was always more work to be done, so whenever we heard something like that everyone just said ‘well, that’s lovely, let’s get on with it.’

Were you required to keep anything top secret while you were working there?

Oh yes. Everything. We all had to sign a document of secrecy promising not to tell anyone where we were or what we were doing during this time.

What about your family? Did they know what you were doing?

No, they only knew I was doing my Navy service. I had to make up stories about where I was – they thought I was just sort of doing secretary work or something.

How long was this secrecy agreement supposed to last?

It was supposed to be forever, but after 40 years they decided it was okay to talk about and the information was made public. I never told a soul for 40 years. Then I got a medal and a letter of thanks from Gordon Brown for my services.

How do you think it impacted the rest of your life, having worked there?

It was strange to come back after the War. You felt as though you didn’t have anything to do. They couldn’t immobilise us all at once, so at least the Navy taught me how to drive a car. I soon got married and in 1969 my husband and I were fed up with England and moved to South Africa because it was nice and hot. We lived in Pietermaritzburg and later in Cape Town.

Are you still in touch with anyone from your service?

Unfortunately not. They’ve all gone off and disappeared and died. I still get the Bletchley Park newsletter, though. Everyone who used to work there gets it. Apparently they’re putting the ruins of Bletchley Park altogether again, how it used to be, and turning it into a museum.

My last friend from that time died last year.

We’re all getting on, you know.

Anne’s husband, Bill, passed away fifteen years ago. She currently resides in Noordhoek with her oldest son, Simon. She has three other sons – one in New Zealand, one in Tanzania and one in China.

Anneke Rautenbach

is majoring in English and Art History.

march 2011

The Jasmine Revolution

appetisers

If you think this title refers to a botanical revolution, don’t worry. The Armchair Globalist explains what the fuss in the Arab World is about, and why it matters.

O

n January 14th this year, Tunisia’s President Zen El Abidine Ben Ali was ousted and fled to Saudi Arabia. Nearly a month later, Hosni Mubarak was ousted from Egypt, inspiring a spate of pro-democratic protests and uprisings in the Arab world and in China.

Grievances range from high unemployment, corruption, food inflation and a deprivation of political freedoms, particularly freedom of speech. At present, the tensions in Libya are heightened by the fight over oil reserves, sending the world into a panic over oil security. These protests for change and the consequent revolutions are known overall as the Jasmine Revolution.

The Jasmine Revolution represents a seismic shift in world politics. It is something which has caught Western powers off guard, inexplicable because the warning signs were always there. Perhaps we should not be too harsh on them. These regimes were based on a usually reliable principle: the rule of their allies in the Middle East, and the power of fear.

The straw that broke the camel’s back (no pun intended) was the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi, a university graduate who sold fruits on the sidewalks of Tunis. After being abused by state police, Bouazizi set himself on fire in protest. This action struck a raw nerve across Tunisian society and protests against economic conditions developed into a full blown political revolution.

The Tunisians had lost their fear, and by doing so have inspired others to do the same. The slogans of ‘Death or Victory’ did not ring hollow: protestors were well aware that if they fail they will face a grim fate, as will their families. Nevertheless, they embraced bullets with cheers, stubbornly resisting and demanding their rights which have been denied for so long.

The implications of these revolutions for the West are great. The Free World has been presented with a diplomatic dilemma: while these revolutions are in favour of democracy and human rights, should they succeed, the solidarity of the Muslim Brotherhood will be strengthened, significantly altering the balance of world power.

It would be foolish, however, to categorise each uprising as a generic one. While they certainly may share many characteristics, each uprising has its own unique challenges and complications which must be negotiated.

In Tunisia the President, Ben Ali, was ousted swiftly but the ruling party is still trying to hang onto power.

In Egypt there is a power struggle within the Muslim Brotherhood and the Army, in Yemen tribal connections could prove to be crucial to how things pan out, in Bahrain there is a huge US military presence and in Libya, well, the ‘Brother Leader’, Muammar Gaddafi, could be certifiably institutionalised. CTG

These regimes were based on a

usually reliable principle: the rule of their allies in the Middle East, and the power of fear.

The Cape Town Globalist

above

Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, Tunisia’s ex president Photograph courtesy of Tunisia online news

Jawad Haider

is Marketing Manager of the Cape Town Globalist

9

news

What’s Mined, Ain’t Yours Helen Sullivan looks at how the tension between nationalisation and globalisation can lead to situations where efforts at social justice in South Africa can lead to further injustice in Papua New Guinea.

I

n response to reports that the government is Liquids considering the nationGases alisation of South Africa’s Flaring mining industry, Graham Total Briggs, CEO of the fifth big1000 gest gold-producer in the world, Harmony Gold, told The Times that if it were to happen, he would happily 500 re-invest the money in the company’s mines in Papua New Guinea.

Mining is funny like that. In South Africa, min1950 1970 1990 2010 ing companies purchase YEAR licences from the governPer capita CO2 Emission Estimates for Papua New Guinea ment for the right to extract a country’s mineral wealth 0.24 from its soil. The companies can then re-invest the profits earned on this land wher0.18 ever they choose – either in the country or not. These 0.12 are big profits. The value of South Africa’s mines is R850 billion, which is more than a 0.06 third of our GDP. It is also a large factor in our claiming 13th highest place on the list 0.00 of world carbon emissions.

1950 1970 1990 2010 Mining companies have YEAR little financial interest in the countries in which they are working beyond what helps them make profit for shareholders. Profit is made by mining as cost-effectively as possible. A common way that this is achieved is through spending less on safety and measures that preserve the ecologies in which various mines are located.

Harmony Gold has reduced their annual fatality rate in South Africa from 31 to 21, after stoppages and safety checks ordered by the government mining inspectorate as part of the Department of Mineral Resources’ new effort to address safety issues in South Africa. Yet their mines in Papua New Guinea seem more and more dangerous.

Already, Australian company Newcrest and Harmony Gold’s jointly owned mine in Hidden Valley, Papua New Guinea, is facing allegations of heavy pollution. Papua New Infographic courtesy of Guinea Minewatch, a website, reports that the companies Marc Barben have failed to properly secure their waste dumps, and are overfilling them. They have failed to build the dams promised in their environmental plan, and now the rivers in HidHelen Sullivan den Valley are badly polluted. is doing a BA(Hons) in The Hidden Valley mine is not the worst in Papua New English.

CO2 Emissions from Papua New Guinea

METRIC TONS OF CARBON

THOUSAND METRIC TONS OF CARBON

1500

Papua New Guinea’s forests will be completely depleted in less than 10 years’ time

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Guinea. Human Rights Watch has released a document detailing numerous reports of gang rape committed by security staff at the Porgera Joint Venture mine. The mine is operated by Canadian company Barrick Gold, the world’s largest gold-mining company. The victims of the rapes, committed in the last two years, and those of alleged “extrajudicial killings and other violent abuses”, are illegal miners and other locals.

The illegal miners are for the most part men, women, and children who enter Barrick’s property and search the waste dumps for chunks of rock that may still contain traces of gold. They are the locals whose river is now polluted with six million tonnes of mine waste.

The security personnel charged with the violent abuses were hired by Barrick as a result of violent raids on the mines by locals and migrants, the occurrences of which were not quelled by the Papua New Guinea government.

The HRW report describes “responsible” government regulation in the area as “still completely lacking”. Furthermore, the report states “in fact, the government has often appeared more interested in quashing community objections to lucrative extractive projects than regulating those projects effectively.”

However, the government did conduct an environmental study on Papua New Guinea, and among reports of various kinds of pollution, came up with two disquieting conclusions. Firstly, the study shows that if deforestation continues at its current rate, Papua New Guinea’s forests will be completely depleted in less than 10 years’ time. Secondly, the study estimates that between 5 and 10 species of animal and one plant species is being made extinct every day. Furthermore, a study charting Papua New Guinea’s carbon emissions over the last 60 years, shows that emissions have gone from almost zero in 1950, to 1 250 000 now.

These factors show the lax attitude of the major parties involved towards the exploitation of Papua New Guinea’s natural resources. The mines need not care if the government doesn’t, because less money and time spent on measures to preserve the ecologies means more profit.

This is what makes Briggs’ enthusiasm for mining in Papua New Guinea more sinister. In South Africa, where greater safety measures are being enforced in mines, and where some are looking to keep profits in the country, it’s no wonder that prospecting elsewhere is attractive.

This is not to say that the proposed nationalization of the mines isn’t worrying for many reasons, but it should not be seen as something jeopardizing a system that works perfectly. Private mining companies cause large-scale and lasting damage. Yet they need not bear the responsibility for it. They may at any time leave the land they mine and invest in another country, and their responsibility is to their shareholders.

There is thus an argument in favour of the responsibility for the natural resources of a country being held by the government of that country, who have an interest in the resources lasting, and in the country’s welfare. CTG

march 2011

news

Liberté, Égalité or Hypocrisy?

Hannah Walker writes about the West’s dilemma in its dealings with the Jasmine Revolutions.

O

n December 17th 2010 Mohamed Bouazizi, a 26 year old Tunisian market vendor stood outside a local government building in Tunis, poured gasoline over his body and set himself alight. He died 18 days later in hospital. His huge funeral procession was alive with calls for vengeance.

Why had a 26 year old man burned himself to death?

The treatment of Bouazizi in the days before the selfimmolation have become a symbol of the widespread abuse of the Tunisian people by a regime propped up by Western governments, France in particular. Bouazizi had had his wares confiscated by municipal officials and had been publicly humiliated by a female official. The protests that followed his actions saw Bouazizi turned into a martyr and the widespread unrest toppled Ben Ali’s 23-year dictatorship on Janurary 14th 2011.

The recent spate of (more or less) peaceful revolutions across the Middle East in the past months has thrown many Western nations into diplomatic turmoil as they gauge how to react to what are, at heart, calls for greater political freedom and democracy.

Why had a 26 year-old man burned himself to death?

Most notably, the United States, having long used the banner of democracy to justify interventions in nations across Central Asia, the Middle East and North Africa, has suddenly found itself struggling to respond. Friendly dictatorships are giving way to democracy that some, particularly on the right, believe will pave theway for popular support of the Muslim Brotherhood and its allies. This threatens a balance in the Middle East that the West was willing to work with. For Israel, in particular, the prospect of a truly democratic Egypt is alarming.

Western reactions to the demonstrations have been almost universally luke-warm with the sense that many nations have withheld full support until absolutely certain that the protestors would be successful. France has been embroiled in a diplomatic furore over its dealings with the now-toppled regime of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in the former French colony of Tunisia.

While France has long used the rhetoric of human rights in their foreign policy language, more practical concerns have influenced their relations with Tunisia. Ben Ali’s government, when it came to power in 1987, was quick to ban the main Islamist political parties and with the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and threats of terrorist attacks on French soil it became increasingly important that the Mitterand and Chirac governments maintained strong ties with a friendly Arab government. When Algeria, another former colony, fell into civil war in the 1990s, the significance of supporting Ben Ali’s regime was further underlined.

Beyond political ties, France has had other significant cause to keep Tunisia close. The Tunisian diaspora in France is estimated to be around 500 000 strong. Perhaps

The Cape Town Globalist

most importantly, though, are the trade and investment ties that gave political and business pressure to keep the regime on good terms. In 2009, Tunisia’s biggest export destination and import source was France. Nearly a third of all of Tunisia’s exports went to France and over a fifth of their imports were from France. The impetus for successive French governments to prop up Ben Ali’s regime is particularly clear when one notes that in 2004 the French share of the Tunisian market place was 10.33%. Thus, French firms had much to gain from maintaining the status quo and plenty to lose should a less friendly government be democratically elected.

The crux of criticism of France over its relations with Ben Ali’s Tunisia has been the hypocrisy with regards to human rights. In 1999, then President Jacques Chirac made a speech that enshrined human rights in French policy. He outlined French commitment to “ensure everywhere democracy and respect for the universal declaration of human rights.”

The actions of Mohamed Bouazizi in setting himself alight became a rallying point for protestors; his treatment by some municipal officials was seen as symptomatic of a highly corrupt regime that repressed political freedom and freedom of speech.

Yet French President Sarkozy claimed that meddling in Tunisia’s internal affairs would have been tantamount to a continued colonial presence. The fallout for the French government has been severe, particularly when it emerged that Ministers had used Tunisian private planes for family holidays and had enjoyed hospitality from the Ben Ali regime.

While France is suffering the repercussions of supporting Tunisia’s often brutal regime the world’s eyes are turning to Libya where Muammar Gaddafi’s 42 year dictatorship looks set to crumble in unprecedented bloodshed. Scrutiny will now fall upon the European nations that have been desperately trying to penetrate Libya’s massive hoard of natural resources while ignoring the widespread abuses that have been perpetrated by Gaddafi over the past four decades.

Britain, in particular, looks likely to come under fire for the role of its politicians in creating closer ties with the regime through the release of the Lockerbie bomber, various arms deals and trade agreements.

While the West calls for greater democracy, trade and stability concerns make it wise for them to tolerate autocratic regimes in order to gain access to natural resources and suppress a rising tide of Islamic fundamentalism.

One can only hope that the backlash faced by Western powers will lead to a realignment of political priorities when it comes to dealing with such brutal regimes, where people might be put ahead of profit. CTG

Images courtesy of youtube.com

Hannah walker is doing a MA in Public Policy and Administration.

11

news

Divided We Stand, United We Fall?

The rapidly rising superstate of India is suffering the pains of internal conflict spurred on by unequal development. Arjun Dürr explores separatism and its demands.

“J

ai Telangana! Maa Telugu Talliki!” erupts all around me. I find myself in a traffic jam on Sardar Patel road, one of Hyderabad’s busiest roads. In the distance I see a sea of pink as protestors demonstrate under the watery winter sun.

My attention is on this demonstration when I hear the unmistakable sound of shattering glass. The honking of horns – background static on India’s streets comes to an eerie halt, and is replaced by more shouts and cries. Two men clad in white with pink scarves around their shoulders climb a broken bus in front of me and plug in an amplifier for what promises to be a fiery speech.

At that moment it dawns on me that I am witnessing the first of a wave of separatist movements of the year that make their way down the Indian Subcontinent. Here in the streets of Hyderabad the people are renewing their efforts of a half-century – a call for a separate, autonomous state called Telangana.

With a population of 1.2 billion people, over two thousand ethnic groups, 29 nationally recognised languages and over four hundred dialects spoken, India is one of the most ethnically and culturally diverse countries in the world. As a result, demands for the creation of new, independent states have periodically surfaced over the decades since India became a republic in 1947.

Complaints of neglect and even discrimination by the central government motivate political activists to campaign against a government hardened by years of resistance, culminating in an even more desperate series of riots to appeal to the rapidly growing media and Indian Diaspora the world over. As these riots intensify with time, the concern has gradually shifted between the legitimacy of these bold patriotic demands towards the question of political stability of a country that aims to compete with the other rapidly rising economic superpowers.

The proposed state of Telangana is in Andhra Pradesh, a province situated on the north-eastern half of the Dec-

It seems as if each of India’s

economic centres appears

to have negative effects on the peripheries of their own

respective provinces

above

Telangana Congress Monitoring Group demonstration at Gun Park, Hyderabad Photograph courtesy of telanganaongressdeclaration2009.blogspot.com

Arjun Dürr

is a third year student majoring in Spanish, Social Anthroplogy and Politics

12

can Plateau. Andhra Pradesh, like many other states after independence, were divided on a linguistic basis, as an attempt by the central government to promote development through cultural unity at a time when Greater India had just split into three countries, Bangladesh, India and Pakistan.

Thanks to colonialism, the government was able to procure revenue from fertile, mineral rich areas that were not developed to full capacity. The hope here was that there would be a spill-over effect, that revenues could promote development in areas that could lead to economic growth while at the same time urbanisation would allow labour hungry MNC’s to continue growing.

Hyderabad, the capital of Andhra Pradesh is an anamoly in a state shrouded by underdevelopment. As the citizens in Telangana saw the development of other regions in the state, an influx of other ethnic groups in their city and decreasing representation in the local government, separatist sentiments began to foment. This is a phenomenon that began to appear all over India’s political landscape. Big provinces saw clashes between developed, industrialized cities, and rural, backward areas.

Vidharbha, a region directly north of Telangana is part of Maharashtra, whose capital is Mumbai. The proposed state of Gorkhaland is part of West Bengal, Calcutta is the capital. The Kodova region in Karnataka is attempting to split from the state whose headquarters are in Bangalore.

It seems as if each of India’s economic centres appears to have negative effects on the peripheries of their own respective provinces.

While the central government battles to keep key agricultural and industrial provinces intact, separatist movements in the corners of the country continue to intensify.

Kashmir represents a people who would rather split from India completely. While being caught in the crux between two autonomous nations (India and Pakistan), cultural, ethnic and historical differences run deep in the sentiments of the people. Similarly, Arunachal Pradesh, an area that is situated between China and the rest of India’s north eastern states, has been trying to separate from India for nearly half a century.

These “buffer zones” are caught in a conflict of trying to identify with a nation that is seeing significantly higher levels of development than their own. Efforts at starting an independent country are plagued by insurgency and having to build an economy from scratch.

It is essential to distinguish the cries against underdevelopment from the cunning tactics used by power hungry leaders to reach levels of power in their newly created smaller states or countries. At the end of the day, ‘the people’ are represented by politicians. Politicians have an uncanny ability of blending truth with fiction when appealing for support from the people.

One must look at this phenomenon in retrospect. If secession was successful, and Mother India is the unified nation-state she claims to be, then why has this matriarch given birth to offspring plagued by corruption, humanitarian crises and poverty, crying for independence? CTG

march 2011

news

Davos vs. Dakar it’s a showdown

Two forums with the same goal of improving the world, but with diametrically opposed ideologies. Lori van Laren compares. world is possible”, WSF attendants spent their time protesting rather than skiing. And whilst the most famous amongst the WSF attendees was the co-founder of Ben and Jerry’s, those who did partake were overwhelmed by the spirit of community and acceptance. In the end the WSF also proved to be far more cost effective with one ticket to the WEF setting you back $19 000.

But the question remains, are either of the forums successful in bringing about change? Davos is renowned as a place of big talk and little action and once again it failed to provide clear direction and destination. The WEF’s critics claim that the event did nothing to improve the global economy and the excessive entrance fee could have been better used in a time of recession. Dakar also felt its fair share of criticism as the WSF drew to a close. The hosting nation was accused of poor organisation, last minute adjustments and failing to provide a clear strategy for the forum. Some critics have even gone as far as to call the WSF a “carnival” believing the event is too large, incoherent and overwhelmed by conflicting philosophies. Similarly to its counterpart, the WSF has been blamed having too many forums and too little time for action.

However, it is not all doom and gloom for the two world forums. Positive ideas, such as the “Robin Hood tax” flowed from the WEF. Nicolas Sarkozy, the president of France and current G-8 head expressed a desire to implement a tax on international financial transactions. The proceeds of this “Robin Hood” tax would be distributed amongst developing nations in order to help them develop further. Unfortunately this idea may lie dormant as it lacks support from Wall Street and the recession is still taking its toll on most of the G-8 nations. And yes, perhaps the only deals made in Davos were ones that will make the parties concerned enough money to afford a ticket to next year’s forum. But we must also consider the possibility that partnerships were formed on the ski slopes amongst the world’s wealthiest businesspeople that will impact those who need it most. However, even if this is the case we may have to wait months for the effects of these collaborations to surface.

The WSF, on the other hand, drew to a close with a slightly more concrete way forward. Statements of intent were issued, including a timetable of events to support the liberation underway in Palestine and a declaration of support for those rising up against autocracy in Tunisia, Egypt and the Arab world at large. Furthermore, the Climate Justice assembly, a component of the WSF, made its demands for a 50% cut in emissions.

There is also hope that Dakar’s discussions of democracy and social justice will filter into the rest of Africa and aid much needed change. Fate seemed to echo this sentiment; Mubarak stepped down as the forum drew to a close.

The verdict? Watch this space next year. CTG

Davos is renowned as a

B

y the 10th of February this year, two of the most important and least talked about international forums will conclude. One takes place in a Swiss ski resort, the other in Senegal’s community halls. One is concerned about the economy, the other about social justice. Despite their differences both forums are attempting to provide answers to our age’s gravest concerns. But which one will actually bring about change? Which debate has the correct focus? It’s the World Economic Forum vs. the World Social Forum. It’s Davos vs. Dakar.

The World Economic Forum (WEF), or Davos as it is more affectionately known, took place for the 41st time in January 2011. For five days 2500 of the world’s business leaders, politicians and activists gathered to ponder the current state of the stock market and exchange hints on how to run a country effectively. Some of the most pressing issues discussed in the 239 sessions included the growing superpower status of China and India, rising food prices and the global economy. There was also no shortage of celebrities in Davos. Bono, Robert de Niro and Bill Clinton all made the guest list and speakers included both the president of Russia and the president of France.

Meanwhile, Dakar hosted the 75 000 guests of the World Social Forum (WSF) who ranged from NGOs to activists to trade unionists. And rather than discuss the workings of the capitalist system, they spent their time unearthing strategies that would oppose it. Founded as a counterweight to the WEF, the WSF shunned the WEF’s elitist mentality by opening its doors to any person who agreed with WSF policy. Although many discussion topics corresponded with the WEF, the WSF topics were consistently approached from a social perspective. Operating under the slogan of “another

The Cape Town Globalist

place of big talk and little action and once again it failed to provide clear direction and destination

above

Angelina Jolie at the World Economic Forum’s Annual Meeting in Davos 2005 Photograph courtesy of World Economic Forum on Flickr

Lori van Laren

is a first year student majoring in Film and Media.

13

news

Will There Be Gold?

Sofia Monteiro explores the commercialisation of oil in Ghana, and its potential for democratic boost or ‘commodity curse’.

GHANA

D

ecember 15th 2010 saw the official commercialisation of Ghana’s newly discovered oil reserves. The oil reserve found in the Jubilee Field in 2007 is said to contain nearly two billion barrels of oil, which would deem Ghana the country with the second- largest oil reserves in the world, after Saudi Arabia. Production is expected to reach 240 000 barrels per day in the next few years.

Clearly, Ghana will play a significant future role in the global energy market, and the oil reserves may turn Ghana into an “African Tiger”, as alleged by ex-President John Kufuor - some forecasters predicting that oil could double the country’s economic growth to exceed 12% by next year.

Oil will undoubtedly bring gold back into the ex-Gold Coast, but it remains to be seen whether this economic boost will be translated into welfare for its citizens. Ghana is faced with the same precipitating factor as many of its ‘failed’ African neighbours, for example, Nigeria, and Gabon - that of the commercialization of a rich resource, known as the “commodity curse”.

Ghanaian President John Atta Mills claims that the new oil industry will not be solely beneficial to a tiny wealthy elite, as has happened in Nigeria.

The control of an exploitative “oil-igarchy”, coupled with conflict and corruption, make some people rightly wary of the potentially negative impacts of

oil production in Ghana

Infographic courtesy of Marc Barben

Sofia Monteiro

is a second year student majoring in Psychology and Economics.

14

Fighting over control of the Niger Delta has led to chaos, with militias and industries battling over control of the resource. Furthermore, a lack of regulation devastated the Delta’s environment. The Nigerian oligarchy, armed with seemingly infinite wealth, has been able extended its hand into power politics. As unregulated power inevitably acts in the nature of self-interests, the oligarchy has successfully sought to ensure favourable legislation.

The overwhelming majority of Nigerian citizens have felt none of the benefits of owning such a rich resource, as almost all revenue is taken offshore. There is little to no ‘trickle-down’ effect to the general population.

The control of an exploitative “oil-igarchy”, coupled with conflict and corruption, make some people rightly wary of the potentially negative impacts oil production in Ghana. The future health of Ghana’s democracy will depend on the government learning from its neighbours’ mistakes, and self-regulating against short-term ‘get rich fast’ strategies followed by other African states.

Considering Africa’s recent history, the premature temptation to assign Ghana as another statistic is understandable. However, naysayers aside, it is argued that Ghana must be looked at as an individual case. Compared with neighbouring Nigeria, Gabon, Libya, and Angola, in which oil was discovered under military rule, production begins at a time in which Ghana is internationally recognised for good democratic governance and stability. President Atta Mills insists the government will account for “every pesewa” of oil revenue it receives. He says that oil revenue will be invested in infrastructure and education for Ghanaians, and thereby ameliorate poverty through job creation. This redistribution of wealth will try to ensure that all Ghanaians benefit from the oil proceeds, and not a new oligarchy.

Of course, talk is cheap, and oil is one of the most valuable resources on the planet.

Pres. Atta Mills’ political rhetoric will require a commitment and the capacity to regulate the proceeds of the oil industry. Analysts have raised concerns about the lack of laws to manage oil revenue and the lack of an independent regulator for the sector. However, if the government succeeds in getting a proposed “Oil Revenue Management Bill” passed, a commitment to its promises will gain credence.

Ghana has a relatively transparent society compared with other countries exporting oil, which increases its opportunities of succeeding, according to Stephen Hayes, head of the Corporate Council on Africa - a group of some 180 predominantly American firms investing in Africa. Ghana’s economy is also more diversified than other oil- producing nations in Africa, as it makes billions from cocoa and gold.

Not being dependent on oil revenue puts Ghana in a less divisive position to manage proceeds properly.

Naysayers should check their premature condemnation of Ghana’s future. Oil means possibility, and the country is pregnant with both. Let’s hope for a just labour. CTG

march 2011

news

A Policy of Paralysis Jacob Claassens examines the failure of silent diplomacy after disputed elections in the Ivory Coast

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wo candidates contest an election. One candidate wins the election, but both lay claim to the presidency.

This seemingly frequent occurrence on the African landscape happened again, this time in the West African state of Côte d’Ivoire following the November 28th election of 2010.

Deemed fair by the UN, the AU and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) the electoral process was nevertheless judged to be irregular by the then presidential incumbent (and electoral loser) Laurent Gbagbo. The legitimate winner of the election, Alassane Ouattara (running his administration out of a hotel in Abidjan), has since had some trouble getting rid of Gbagbo, who despite threats and sanctions and offers of an ‘honourable exit’ from the UN and AU, remains firm in his position.

This is not the first time that Gbagbo’s grip of power has been challenged. Having been installed to the presidency by popular revolt in 1999, he faced a coup by rebellious soldiers from the North of the country in 2002, sparking a civil war which finally came to an end in 2007. And finally, after six delays in five years the election was held, ironically giving rise to the current crisis.

Leaked to the Times newspaper in Johannesburg, Thabo Mbeki’s report on the matter detailed his fears that unless some sort of ‘settlement’ was reached between Alassane and Gbagbo there would be a “very destructive war.” While there is undoubtedly substance in his worries, his hopes for a settlement differs from mainstream opinion calling for Gbagbo to step down. Alassane, bolstered by international opinion, declined to meet Gbagbo to negotiate, because as Mbeki observes, “the Ivorian electorate had voted him out of power.”

For Mbeki’s efforts, no progress was made, and he has since returned to the wilderness, pipe in hand and frown on brow. Since Mbeki’s failed effort, there has since been another delegation assembled by the AU, consisting of the presidents of Burkina Faso, Chad, Mauritania, South Africa (again) and Tanzania. At the time of writing, the results of

The Cape Town Globalist

this panel discussion have yet to be officially disclosed or leaked. Nevertheless, no agreement has since been reached, and at least 300 have died in the violence since the December elections. The horizon looks bleak.

As ECOWAS has huffed and bluffed about, there is another option: intervention. But as perceptive Ghanaian lawyer Amoani-Koto has warned, a disputed election is no grounds for the legal use of force. In the case of Ivory Coast, the most likely basis for a Security Council resolution on intervention would be to prevent human catastrophe. With the spectre of the Rwandan genocide hanging over the UN, the impetus for such authorization is strong. But in the case of emergency, consensus politics would inevitably be slow to recognize and act on genocide. It is still questionable if force is indeed a solution, as it may beget more bloodshed then it set out to curb.

The fervent calls for Gbagbo’s resignation have since cooled, and the AU’s Peace and Security Commissioner Ramtane Lamamra has opted for the curious but not unfamiliar phenomenon known as ‘quiet diplomacy.’ The policy of ‘quiet diplomacy’ was first outlined by Thabo Mbeki as a means of appearing to address the cauldron of crisis in Zimbabwe. Effectively, it is the policy of acquiescence, or as Moeletsi Mbeki acidly describes, it is the policy of “paralysis.”

Surprising, you may think, that the brother of Thabo Mbeki has such strong criticism for his brother’s politics, but Moeletsi’s critique in his book Architects of Poverty cuts far deeper into the political workings of Africa.

Moeletsi attributes the support for Mugabe to elites of Southern Africa fearing a domestic democratic movement rooted in the will of the people; parties that are focused on aspects such as “the accountability of governance”, “combating corruption,” and so on. One success may lead to many, and post-colonialist elites see threats everywhere. Raila Odinga, the head of such a threat/movement in Kenya (ODM), was widely believed to have won elections in 2007, but was eventually squeezed into a coalition government. This compromise was reached only after massive ethnic clashes and civil unrest, following accusations that President Mwai Kibaki’s administration was guilty of vote manipulation and fraud.

As we again cast our eyes Westward, we see a similar situation in Ivory coast, where at this moment the two most likely options are at worst another civil war, or at best a frail coalition government, as was formed in Kenya and Zimbabwe.

The compromise of coalition governments gives legitimacy to the old elite. Power sharing very rarely leads to efficient and stable governance; the kind needed for sustained growth and the inflow of foreign investment. What sort of a precedent does this set for other young democracies and pseudo-democracies? Lose or manipulate the elections, throw up a fuss, and with a few minor changes you will retain your throne?

The AU has teeth in the form of sanctions, but it and other supra-national bodies such as ECOWAS and SADC need to take a clear and uncompromising position. CTG

above

Ivory Coast, President Laurent Gbagbo speaks during an exclusive interview regarding the resignation of his presidency at his residence in Abidjan, Dec. 26, 2010 Photograph courtesy of Sunday Alamba

Jacob Claassens is majoring in Film Studies and History.

15

news

Legal Genocide Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Bill Human rights are eroding away rapidly in Uganda, as violence against homosexuality – soon to be punishable by death – is escalating. Mweya Waetjen exposes the reality.

D

emocracy, the cornerstone of liberty, the aspiration of the oppressed in the modern era, is always in danger of leading to a perilous extension: the tyranny of the majority over the few. In Uganda, such tyranny is becoming a possibility. The proposed Anti-Homosexuality Bill, and violence done to innocent Ugandans, including the murder of gay rights activist, David Kato, renders this possibility likely.

Homosexuality is currently illegal in Uganda, with ‘perpetrators’ facing sentences of life imprisonment. But if efforts by the Ugandan government succeed, homosexuality will be an offence punishable by death. The bill, put forward

by Member of Parliament David Bahati in 2009, is just one storm in an already violently homophobic climate. The year 2004 saw lesbianism and bisexuality expressly criminalized, and in 2005, President Yoweri Museveni amended the constitution to make same sex marriages unlawful.

Additionally, the Anti-Homosexuality Bill criminalises the advocacy for gay rights. A violation of free speech, this is a complete and utter rejection of the principles of democracy. If nothing else, the state is breaking its constitutional promise to “guarantee and respect the independence of non-governmental organisations which protect and promote human rights”. Furthermore, the bill criminalises those who have knowledge of ‘homosexual activity’ but do not report it. Uganda is orchestrating a modern-day witch hunt.

Two recent events have signalled the gravity of the situation in Uganda. In October 2010, the Ugandan Rolling Stone published the names, addresses and photographs of one hundred “Top Homos” in the country. The publication was accompanied by a banner which read “hang them”. “Homosexuality is unnatural…not to mention [causes the] de-

“the country’s treasured culture cannot be sacrificed on the ungodly altar of

homosexuality”

above

An activist at a homophobic protest held at the Christianity Focus Centre in Kampala, Uganda.

Photograph courtesy of Benedicte Desrus

Mweya Waetjen

is a first year student majoring in English, Philosophy and Politics.

16

struction of morals and threatens [the] human race,” writes Rolling Stone, “the country’s treasured culture cannot be sacrificed on the ungodly altar of homosexuality”. On January 26th, this year, gay rights activist David Kato was beaten to death in his own home by an unknown man with a hammer. Kato was on the front page of Rolling Stone’s October issue. Other Ugandans listed in the Rolling Stone have been the victims of violence and abuse since the article went to print. While Ugandan courts have since ruled the Rolling Stone’s publication unlawful, the verdict seems to be too little, too late; four men were attacked just days after the issue’s release, and one woman was stoned.

The bill has its supporters beyond the Ugandan government. The ultra-conservative Christian organisation, Family Life Network, held a conference entitled “Exposing the Truth about Homosexuality and the Homosexual Agenda” one month prior to the proposal of the Anti-Homosexuality Bill. While the Family Life Network is a Ugandan institution, the conference was host to influential American evangelists and ‘gay converters’, Don Schmierer, Rick Warren and Scott Lively. Ugandan legislators, including those who would later produce the Anti-Homosexuality Bill, met with Lively just a few days later. The influence of churches with fat collection trays in Africa is understandable. With lavish funding, evangelical ministries can pull strings and push agendas in countries where they find a sympathetic ear. In Uganda, this agenda includes the demonisation of homosexuality.

Although it has yet to be passed, the mere proposal of the Anti-Homosexuality Bill is a troubling sign. While ‘sexual orientation’ is not specifically mentioned as grounds for unlawful discrimination in the constitution, the constitution does assure Ugandans that “fundamental rights and freedoms are inherent and are not granted by the State”. Any question over the exclusion of ‘sexual orientation’ in the constitution is therefore immediately irrelevant, whatever one’s personal beliefs may be – the very nature of this law contradicts the constitutional principles of Uganda.

Yet, as we saw in 2005, the constitution can be amended. Recent undisputed elections in Uganda resulted in a clear majority for Museveni - the public is clearly not disenchanted by the homophobic legislation supported by his government. And if the majority rules in his favour, and the legitimately elected government succeeds in passing this law, either through amending the constitution or by mass support, the essence of democracy is being upheld, but at a terrible cost to civil liberty.

This issue is in no way restricted to Uganda alone. South Africa’s recent vote to remove sexual orientation from the United Nations anti-execution resolution reminds us that even countries with the most bullet-proof, progressive constitutions may be threatened by something as noble as democracy. CTG

march 2011

WikiWorld

THEME

Untangling the world wide web of WikiLeaks

by Francois Bekker

“Twitolution” or Temporary Heat?

by Ross Harvey

Social Media and Revolt

by Erhard Vermaak

Happy Birthday, Wikipedia!

by Carla Petersen

Is The New Age really news?

by Sisanda Mcimeli The Cape Town Globalist

17

wikiworld

Untangling the world wide web of

WikiLeaks The final whistle hasn’t been blown on WikiLeaks. Francois Bekker elucidates the mystery around the matter.

A

t the time of writing, WikiLeaks and Julian Assange are all over the headlines. At the time of writing, a British court has agreed to extradite Assange to Sweden. But what is the true nature of Assange’s connection with WikiLeaks and the information this website makes public? Has WikiLeaks broken any laws, and if so, can Assange be held accountable, or is it merely a smearing campaign to reduce the WikiLeaks story to the obscurity of a failed rogue anarchist martyr?

Assange himself has conceded that the employees may one day have blood on their hands, but considers the potential lives saved more significant WikiLeaks launched in 2006 as a site where anybody with a will to whistle could upload classified document while having their identity protected. Its primary concern is “exposing oppressive regimes”.

The site purports to keep all source documentation free of editing or filtering, its exclusive aim to make these documents public. Currently, over a million such documents

have been distributed through WikiLeaks.

As a result of a rather extensive controversy, WikiLeaks is being hosted in an old nuclear bunker in the Pionen White Mountains outside Stockholm. By nature, the documentation it publishes puts administrations and organizations in a spot of bother as they reveal various scripts that those involved would want to be kept secret.

Most infamous amongst these are the Afghan War Diaries, the Iraq War Logs and a set of diplomatic cables passing through the U.S. State department’s mainframe.

As such, the Obama administration has been Wikileaks’ heaviest critic. After issuing a number of statements (that Wikileaks “compromises international diplomacy” and “harms (U.S.) national security”), the U.S. government proceeded to put pressure on its staff and a range of varsity students from high profile universities not to view the releases of this website, and in some cases outright banning access to the site.

Within a matter of days, government officials managed to persuade MasterCard, Visa and PayPal to stop allowing donations to reach WikiLeaks. According to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights such action by the finance transfer companies may be a violation of Wikileaks’ right to freedom of expression. In support of such a sentiment, Texan Congressman Ron Paul noted that “where truth becomes treason, something is definitely afoot”.

right

The Banhof ISP servers that host Wikileaks in their underground bunker. Stokholm, Sweden.

Photograph courtesy of Jann Lipka

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march 2011

wikiworld

Australian Julian Assange is the central face of WikiLeaks, as one of its co-founding members. His public profile has recently been drastically blown up. After Interpol classified him a wanted man, he went into hiding and was eventually arrested by British officials for an obscure, previouslydropped rape charge in Sweden.

The legitimacy of these cases is yet to be established. At the time of writing, a British court has agreed to extradite Assange to Sweden, but the defendant still publicly states that he is not guilty and will appeal.

Assange’s extradition to Sweden is pertinent because the U.S. executes the death penalty on U.S. soil. From Sweden, it is easier for Assange to be extradited to the United States. Considering former U.S. president Bill Clinton’s definition, as a “foreign terrorist organisation”, Assange’s fate in the US may be a march to the gallows. And with him on that march would be our naïve trust in the support for freedom of speech. But would Assange be a such noble martyr?

A former co-worker of Assange’s, Daniel DomscheitBerg who now runs competitor OpenLeaks, called WikiLeaks the ‘most dangerous website in the world’. The American government has accused WikiLeaks (and by association, Assange) of “reckless” behaviour, pointing out that some of the operations and locations mentioned in classified documents are now left vulnerable to malicious action.

They might have a point. Since WikiLeaks does no editing of these prized papers, many innocent civilians mentioned, of whichever virtue, might be endangered. By subverting international diplomacy, is Wikileaks perhaps hampering efforts at international cooperation? Our opinion at the Globalist is that it should be the readers of released documents, the public, that decide this.

And the public has shown great support for WikiLeaks.

When government pressures began there were protests in places ranging from Australia to India, England to Hong Kong. Even American citizens took to the streets in solidarity with Assange.

With no slight cheek, Politicians like Russian President Dmitry Medvedev spoke of the transparency it brings to international diplomatic relations, and respected political commentators applauded the boost to democracy.

Hacktivist group Anonymous took it upon themselves to confront MasterCard, Visa and PayPal in what was

The Cape Town Globalist

named Operation Avenge Assange. This consisted of overrunning these corporations’ websites and making access all but impossible. Many have called this back-and-forth between the pro-and anti-WikiLeaks camps the first “Cyber War”, supposedly predicting an array of similar conflicts in our ever-increasingly technological reality.

Many public analysts have pointed out the basic flaw in charging WikiLeaks: As much as one might claim WikiLeaks’ aims encourage soliciting secret information, the enterprise itself merely publishes the papers. WikiLeaks makes available what should arguably already be in the public sphere. How this information was initially obtained is not a consequence of the operation itself.

“where truth becomes treason, something is definitely afoot” This is not to say that WikiLeaks is ethically in the clear.

Assange himself has conceded that the employees may one day have blood on their hands, but considers the potential lives saved more significant. If civilian names are redacted,it might well be argued that Wikileaks is a force distinctly directed towards greater international justice. But not all are of this opinion.

In the theatrical political arena of Zimbabwe, the international audience looks to Morgan Tsvangirai as the liberator of the people. (It would seem that any serious opposition to the wrath of “Crazy Bob” Mugabe is worth transnational support.) In a recent press statement, Tsvangarai related his grievances with regard to those infamous WikiLeaks diplomatic cable releases, noting that civilians have no proof that these documents are in fact authentic.

Iran’s foreign ministry spokesperson aired similar doubt, suggesting that it might be an elaborate scheme by Washington to target specific other nations through sly, indirect means.

However, if the U.S. ends up condemning Julian Assange to death, proving its earnestness in accusing WikiLeaks of being “reckless”, this would surely emancipate the WikiLeaks enterprise as a source of global transparency, with Assange a martyr for free speech. At the time of writing, we wait with bated breath. CTG

right

The Banhof ISP servers that host Wikileaks in their underground bunker. Stokholm, Sweden.

Photographs courtesy of ArchDaily.com

Francois Bekker is majoring in Social Anthropology and Psychology.

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wikiworld

‘Twitolution’ or Temporary Heat?

While revolution rages in the Arab World, Ross Harvey asks whether social media really is at the heart of discontent.

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he Middle East and North Africa are awash with the intoxicating possibilities of revolution (and the blood of its people). At the time of writing, at least 1000 have allegedly already been killed by Gadaffi’s military in Libya. Of course, no groundbreaking political reforms have ever come without cost. Mandela himself would testify to this truth. But as all expectations are being blown out the water in Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan, Libya, Syria, Bahrain and Iran, so too are legitimate questions being raised about the sustainability of these ‘revolutions’.

Thus the seeds of dissent have been sown over some decades now, and the

tions whose elites have hoarded the wealth at the expense of the citizens. There is neither a history of democracy, nor the presence of democratic institutions. The relationship between citizen and state has been tenuous, and in fact the Economist predicted uprising in Egypt at least 7 months ago now. Each of these states is complex, and their internal contradictions have in many ways continued beyond the Rubicon because The West (the U.S. in particular) has had a foreign policy interest in keeping the respective ‘strong men’ in power.

Driven by fear of the unknown, and perceiving radical Islam as the primary threat to a precarious Middle East and North Africa, Western diplomacy’s methods have been informed by the principle of ‘better the devil you know than

sheer injustice of strongman rule has right

A man during the 2011 Egyptian protests carrying a card saying “Facebook, #jan25, The Egyptian Social Network” illustrating the vital role played by social networks in initiating the uprising.

Photograph courtesy of Essam Sharaf/ Wikimedia Commons

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catalysed coordinated reaction One of the interesting questions in this respect has to do with the role of the Internet - social networking in particular - in catalysing the uprisings. In other words, what has caused this sudden, cataclysmic and domino-like spread of costly civilian expressions of frustration with dictatorial regimes? Is social networking significant or spurious? If significant, can it really provide the grounds for careful, coordinated and sustainable democratic change?

First, some background to the Arab League countries: All the countries mentioned above have been ruled by ‘strongmen’ for a number of decades. In other words, a strong military presence has presided oppressively over na-

march 2011

wikiworld

the devil you don’t’. Having said that, President Obama has unequivocally come out on the side of the protesters in Egypt, perhaps risking further instability, or perhaps knowing that further instability was inevitable and he might as well take the political opportunity to appease a people already mired in contempt for the West.

Either way, the Rubicon has been crossed - an extraordinary display of courage by hundreds of thousands of peaceful protesters.

Thus the seeds of dissent have been sown over some decades now, and the sheer injustice of strongman rule has catalysed coordinated reaction. Social media has certainly been instrumental in spreading information that may increase participation in the cause, but it has had no inherent role to play in motivating revolt.

In response to last year’s events in Moldova, and the hype surrounding social networking’s role in such events, Malcolm Gladwell posted a provocative column in the New Yorker. He argued that, at best, social media was excellent for increasing efficiency and overcoming coordination failures in effecting collective action. At worst, however, because it relies on ‘weak ties’, ‘Facebook activism succeeds not by motivating people to make a real sacrifice but by motivating them to do the things that people do when they are not motivated enough to make a real sacrifice.’

Using the case example of the Civil Rights Movement in the U.S., Gladwell makes a compelling case for the importance of ‘strong ties’ between friends who share a common vision.

Moreover, a clear, disciplined, long-term plan must be in place to ensure sustainable success. All of these were present in the Civil Rights Movement. It’s unclear as to whether these elements are in play across the Arab League nations. What is clear, though, is that protesters were prepared to make significant sacrifices.

Again, however, the significance of social media is that it served well as an auxiliary vehicle for coordinating protests, but this in no way suggests that it is an unquestionable, exclusive means to a noble end. Ruthless and savvy states have

The Cape Town Globalist

shown that they are just as capable of using social media to squash revolution or even minor displays of social discontent. It remains a tool that can be used for either good or evil. The significance of a revolt remains contingent less upon levels of participation so much as the vision and motivation of the actors involved. Where techno geeks are quick to point to social media as an unequivocal force for good,

Where techno geeks are quick to point to social media as an unequivocal force for good, they should remember that it is an instrument that aids the means, rather than the means in itself they should remember that it is an instrument that aids the means, rather than being the means itself.

This is not to dismiss social media. There is no doubt that it can be tremendously useful, and the rapid spread of information is helpful for providing at least an impetus toward democratic reform. However, revolutions are likely to result in a repeat of history in these nations unless a critical mass of the population is both sufficiently well informed, educated and committed to a long-term battle for establishing consolidated democracy.

Information in itself will not vicariously result in the desire for democracy – a common desire and interpretive lens through which to understand the information is irreplaceable. Education levels are important, as these proxy income earning potential, and research shows that democracy is unlikely to consolidate unless a critical median of the population is earning well. Ultimately, social media cannot miraculously produce a democracy-germinating revolution. And it will only serve as an effective instrument for the means if the above-mentioned criteria are simultaneously present. CTG

above

Tunisian protestor involved in the successful campaign to oust then incumbent President Ben Ali Photograph courtesy of contemporarycondition. blogspot.com

ross harvey

is doing a PhD in Politics. His thesis is on BRICSA.

21

wikiworld

Social Media and

Revolt Can Zimbabwe learn from Egypt?

With dictators pitted against the twittering youth in North Africa, Erhard Vermaak considers the potential of social media in Southern Africa’s favourite autocracy

22

march 2011

wikiworld

I

t’s official. A new day has dawned on the country.

Suddenly, amongst the revelry of relief, fireworks shoot up and illuminate the night sky overlooking an ancient land, once at the forefront of human development. Its citizens have braved inhuman treatment to rid themselves of tyrannical oppression at the hands of an old dictator who has lost touch with his people long ago.

Egypt has done it - but in this scenario the ancient structures that glow with celebratory light are not the pyramids of the powerful pharaohs but rather the land of the once proud people who built the magnificent ruins under the watch of the Zimbabwean bird. Can Zimbabwe learn from Egypt’s modern revolution?

Journalists and observers alike are quick to lay the success of Egypt’s recent revolution at the feet of social media, especially Facebook and Twitter (and to some extent YouTube). It seems rather ridiculous to suppose that a revolution was the result of a few posts and the collective tweet of the unhappy masses. Young people the world over use social media to stalk, socialise and spread their influence. In places of political unrest, however, young people do the same, but right after they write on their BFF’s wall, they might read the latest news regarding protests and activism. The impetus for revolution has been sprouting online for years in countries like Tunisia and Egypt. Marc Lynch already wrote an article about the Muslim Brotherhood’s anti-Mubarak sentiment in the so-called blogosphere back in the spring of 2007. This sentiment finally started to reach boiling point in June of 2010, after a young businessman named Khaled Said perished after being beaten to death by police in Alexandria. In an attempt to draw attention to their corruption, Said uploaded a video to Youtube of the police distributing confiscated marijuana amongst themselves.

In response to this travesty, a thirty year old Google executive from Egypt, Wael Ghonim (who was in Dubai at the time), started the Facebook group, “we are all like Khaled Said”. Containing horrific images of Said’s smashed-in face; the group became a hotspot for citizens to share evidence of other police and government injustices. Following Tunisia’s example, an Egyptian youth group (called the “April 6” group movement) used its Facebook group to mobilize a massive collective of demonstrators for a protest on 25 January 2011. What followed was an eighteen day tour-deforce that toppled an octogenarian’s thirty year regime.

This ongoing protest was amplified by Twitter. Three days in, Mubarak’s attempt to shut down the internet through the central government-controlled techno-channels were already too late. The message had spread like wild fire. Citizens found other ways to spread the word via mobile devices and a phone service that offered voice messages to be recorded and then passed on to Twitter. Social media expert and editor-at-large of news blog Meditate.org, Rachel Sklar, explains that the revolution didn’t happen just because of a Facebook campaign. “That’s the kind of momentum -- social media was just one part of it, but an essential part, obviously”. Problems with food, health, adverse poverty and an apathetic government were the root causes.

“It’s that kind of message magnification that is key and, I think, differentiates this from what’s come before.”

The Cape Town Globalist

Ten days after Mubarak’s step down its waves were being felt 5139 km away in another country buckling under the thumb of another 80-something dictator who has (also) been wielding his fist for the better part of thirty years. On the 21st of February, 46 people (including students, trade unionists and political activists) were arrested in Harare for what Mugabe’s security services and police spokesman James Sabau expressed as the participation in an illegal political meeting , with suspicion of plotting to oust President Robert Mugabe from Zimbabwe. What caused the outrage?

A screening of Al Jazeera’s and the BBC’s reports on the successful revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia.

Apart from the similarities between the two dictators mentioned above, Zimbabweans are even more poverty stricken than their northern counterparts. Survival is a tough mission in itself. Also, despite a surprisingly higher level of internet access than most other African countries, it is still limited to about 12.2 percent of the population (as opposed to Egypt’s 22.2 percent) according to internetworldstats.com.

What followed was an eighteen day tour-de-force that toppled an octogenarian’s thirty year regime.

Egyptians were lucky in the sense that it didn’t experience the levels of violence dictators such as Gaddafi has unleashed in Libya, despite Mubarak’s wishes. This year the ZANU-PF and Mugabe will push for another election, and already reports of violence against the opposition have started pouring in. Like Saudi Arabia’s monarchy, who chose to give large sums of money and other benefits to their citizens, the revolts in North Africa and the Middle East has made Mr. Mugabe’s inner circle nervous. But unlike King Abdullah, Mugabe chooses to send a warning instead. Alec Muchadehama, a human rights lawyer explains, “That’s the message - ‘don’t attempt this, it can’t be done here.’”

With mobile telephone connections reaching 30 percent of Zimbabweans in 2010 (according to service provider Econet), Zimbabwe seems to have the potential to spread the message virtually and organize a long awaited coup against one of the world’s most despised rulers. It’s not necessarily about being connected, but about knowing someone who is connected. Unlike other autocratic states like Bahrain, Libya, China, Iran and North Korea amongst others, Zimbabwe doesn’t restrict websites like Facebook or Twitter despite its notorious control of the media. The tools are there. Only time will tell whether Zimbabweans choose to utilise the tools of the information age.

Trevor Ncube of the Mail & Guardian, and owner of three independent newspapers in Zimbabwe, feels that the spark that will ignite the fireworks of freedom lie not at the mercy of these media but rather in the minds of the people themselves: “The world will only help us when we stand up and fight for our freedom and reclaim our country from Mugabe and the arrogant clique around him.” CTG

Photograph courtesy of urbanlegendkampala. com

Ehrard Vermaak is doing a BA(Hons) in Media Theory and Practice

23

wikiworld

“The thing about internet quotes is that you’re never quite sure who the true author is.”

Abraham Lincoln

T

Carla Petersen

is a third year student majoring in English and Art History

he major effect of the information revolution of the past three decades has been the increased power of opinion to change the world. The internet reached a new maturity in this regard with arguably the greatest shift in our understanding of knowledge – the advent of a non-profit, open encyclopedia, accesible and amendable by anyone with internet access. In 2001 Jimmy Wales and Larry Sanger collaboratively created Wikipedia: an open-source reserve of information. With this article we celebrate its 10th birthday.

Wikipedia allows for any member of its online community to write, edit and comment on articles found on its website. Thus far, the site has over 23 million entries, with 15 million registered users. The 1 billionth edit took place on April 26th, 2010.

The collaborative approach to writing and sharing information promotes a sense of community for online writers and researchers. Wikipedia does not limit itself to only globally spoken languages, but includes different languages, from Suomi to Svenska. This is possible precisely because a Finnish knowledge enthusiast is allowed to use Suomi to contribute an article about whatever he or she wants, be it about types of snow, or Finnish death metal. Wikipedia’s diversity is a reflection of the diversity of its users.

The site hosts what is called ‘virtual librarians’ where users can post their question to a volunteer who will respond with helpful tips. There are guidelines to show users how to ask the right questions to receive the best answer.

Wikipedia provides a forum for amateur and professional writers to meet on common ground, learn new skills and learn from each other. Wikipedia has been described as a tool to encourage collective learning. The relationship between the author and the reader is made public and acknowledged: when a writer uploads any information, it is required to be citied, or noted to be cited at a later stage.

This allows for the reader to know that the Wikipedia article is enough for a general understanding but requires more research. This also alerts readers to what might be missing from the text and what needs authenticating.

However Wikipedia is still considered an inferior source of knowledge precisely because of its anarchical nature. Academic institutions and researchers publicly denounce using Wikipedia as an official resource or as a reference because of the problem of validating authors and their

sources. Wikipedia loses legitimacy through its aims of democratising knowledge.

In light of this matter and in defence of Wikipedia, online writer Amelia Schaffer questions the responsibility of the reader versus the responsibility of the website. Schaffer argues that there is a shift in responsibility that readers need to be aware of in using Wikipedia. The site clearly states that the information provided may require further citation, and usually provides the reader with further links to research.

When the reader does not do further research to validate the information, and accepts what Wikipedia provides as accurate, the responsibility shifts to the reader.

The freedom Wikipedia provides has led to greater controversies than that which takes place in academic halls, though. The website’s page for Virgin Killer, an album by heavy metal band Scorpions, received international condemnation for the picture accompanying the article. The picture, which was the album cover for the band, consisted of a pre-pubescent girl, who appeared to be fully naked. By Wikipedia’s hosting of this article, its site was blocked for over four days by some internet servers in the United Kingdom, who deemed the content as child pornography.

Although Wikipedia has been criticised for inauthenticity found in some of its articles and some of its articles’ controversy, the website’s supporters have a different perspective. iwnit says, “Wikipedia is often a good starting point, which gives you already a lot of useful information and links for further research”. Wikipedia has also been described as more user-friendly than Google, allowing for the reader to gain a general idea of a topic quickly.

Perhaps Wikipedia represents how our demands on information have changed: that the speed of information is slightly more important that its accuracy. Although the accuracy of Wikipedia’s articles is constantly challenged, its popularity has not diminished. Users of Wikipedia need to accept and understand that the responsibility to use Wikipedia’s information belongs to them, not Wikipedia. Wikipedia satisfies the increasing human hunger for ‘the need to know, and to know now’. It allows for the democratisation of human knowledge – nothing can remain outside of the public knowledge sphere if this ideal idol of free, unfiltered information continues to spread its influence. And it should.

Wikipedia, it has been 10 years, and we hope you’ll live a rich and successful life. Happy birthday! CTG

Happy Birthday

Wikipedia 24

march 2011

wikiworld

Is The New Age Really News?

A new age for government propaganda, or a new age for media’s role in South Africa? Sisanda Mcimeli asks and answers.

I

t’s not every day that newspapers are willing to advertise a competitor on the front page for free. However. the arrival of the ‘new kid on the block’ of South Africa’s press was noteworthy, to say the least.

Months before printing its own headlines, The New Age was already making headlines - not surprising, as the media climate at the time was rather sensitive. The ANC’s proposed media reforms, such as the Protection of Information Bill and the Media Appeals Tribunal, created frenzied concern about the freedom of journalism in South Africa. Anything to do with the press was big news, not least of all a newspaper set to go against the grain of mainstream media.

From the onset, The New Age made it clear through one of the brains behind the paper, former ANC MP Essop Pahad, that it would take a stance in ‘support [of ] the government of the day’. If this had been the only newsworthy element to the story, it might have been bumped up from the classifieds to the second page. However, the story of The New Age repeatedly made front page news. What made the story interesting was the link between this newbie and three other new kids on the political block: the Gupta brothers.

Atul, Ajay and Tony Gupta weren’t exactly new to the political scene – they knew President Zuma when he was still the deputy president. They were new, however, to most of the 200 business and political associates with whom they accompanied Zuma on his state visit to India last year. According to reports in the Mail and Guardian, the Guptas received preferential treatment. One source is even reported as having said, ‘during the two-day programme, Zuma was kept seperate and the only people allowed to be with him were the Guptas and [Kumba Iron Ore president] Lazarus Zim’.

After the trip it emerged that the Guptas and the Zumas were not just “household friends” as Atul Gupta described them in the Saturday Star. The two families appear to have close business relations too: Zuma’s son, Duduzane Zuma, sits as a director in their uranium mining company, Mvengela. Quite recently, Zuma jr. and another Gupta, Rajesh Gupta, have been linked to a rail deal to the tune of R550bn.

When the news broke that the Guptas would be behind the publishing of a new newspaper ‘sympathetic to the government of the day’, the public waited with bated breath to see if the existing link between the Guptas and the ANC would influence the content of the paper. They

The Cape Town Globalist

weren’t disappointed.

The first issue of The New Age, which launched in December last year, was heavily financed by tax payers. Government departments spent lavishly on full page spreads.

COSATU even went as far as buying a two page spread to celebrate its 25th anniversary. The leading story was neither an exposé of the latest scandal in government, nor was it a bloody crime-related story. The New Age ran with “Sithole Whistle-blower Demands His Reward”, a story about a whistle-blower who had not been paid what was promised.

However, what is really interesting to follow is not which stories The New Age has covered, but rather what it has chosen to avoid.

Responding to the question of why the paper does not cover stories related to the Gupta family, such as the arrest and release of owner Atul Gupta for refusing to be searched by police, editor-in-chief Henry Jeffreys told Mandy De Waal of the Daily Maverick that unlike the current dominant anti-ANC position in the media, the goal of The New Age is “[t]o bring those stories from the places that you and I hardly know of into the limelight and give a voice to those people”. The New Age has remained undeterred in its goal to tell a different kind of story – one that does not over-emphasise corruption and the dealings of the government. But by avoiding corruption reportage, is Jeffreys and his team merely burying their heads in the sand?

‘Sunshine journalism’ is not completely new in South Africa. There are many publications that aim to tell feel-good stories, such as Greater Good South Africa. What sets The New Age apart, however, is the fact that its financial muscle is a family with clear political links.

Media analyst Chris Moerdyk suggests that unlike papers such as the ThisDay and The Weekender which, due to low circulation figures, disappeared almost as quickly as they appeared, the deep pockets of the Guptas could see The New Age sticking around for a while, even if the public does not buy into it.

The story of The New Age is still unfolding, and while its own stories have been fairly mild, the controversies around it are much more newsworthy. A few pivotal events, such as the 2011 local government elections and the 2012 ANC elective conference, are set to provide greater clarity on whether the paper is a genuine attempt to tell a different, more developmental story of South Africa, or if it is simply a political tool. Either way, The New Age will continue to make news. CTG

Photograph courtesy of Sarah Thomas

Sisanda Mcimeli is first year student majoring in Radio Production, Media Studies and Public Administration

25

Global21

Why France has become the reference for nuclear energy W

Judith Chetrit Editor of the Paris Globalist.

hile the global dependence on fossil fuels increasingly causes trouble for human society, France’s energy policy has been praised for being able to avoid the most serious damage.

Its long-standing policy in developing nuclear technology has made the country derive around 75% of its electricity from nuclear energy. It is now a symbol largely used by French politicians to promote the country as a big industrial power for its nuclear expertise. The French countryside, the epitome of rustic pastoralism, is also populated by 59 nuclear reactors that are operated by Electricité de France (EDF), France’s main energy provider.

In the aftermath of the 1973 oil crisis, the country’s officials decided to reinforce their nuclear power capacities. By employing the fundamental Ricardan economics, France could use its engineering expertise to make up for its lack of substancial fuel resources. France is now able to claim one of the lowest electricity costs in Europe and is the world’s largest net exporter of nuclear-generated electricity, with a profit of 3 billion dollars per year.

Developing nuclear energy has become part of public policy, partly financed by EDF (subsidised itself by the State until 2004) and partly by commercial loans. The State regularly signs contracts with the Atomic Energy Commission (CEA) which is a public establishment since 1945. The French company Areva is the big economic player in this

field as it takes position in the nuclear chain from uranium mining to plant construction. Nuclear technology, such as the installation methods of pressurized water reactors, has been exported to Spain and Great Britain. France recently struck a deal with Saudi Arabia, the world’s leading oil producer and exporter, which looks for alternatives to maintain its economic development.

Nuclear energy is of course subject to its own criticism.

The stability of its costs and the respect for environmental constraints such as limiting greenhouse gas emissions are clear advantages. However, devastating toxic waste is part of any nuclear reactor’s activity. A solution investigated by French power suppliers is to reprocess the spent fuel to recover uranium and plutonium, thereby reducing the volume of radioactive waste.

But how to safely dispose of toxic radioactive waste remains a tricky problem, especially in the context of global terrorism in which nuclear plants can be a dangerous target.

French nuclear energy still needs to respect the criteria of non-proliferation as covered by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and bilateral treaties. All uranium cannot be utilized for weapons according to the 1992 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. In France, the power of nuclear electricity is being harnessed to the country’s advantage. Its pole position in that energy race will be significant for the future. G21

Learning to Share

P

Mark Longhurst Editor of the Oxonian Globalist.

26

articipants in London’s cycle-hire scheme will likely be pleased with the recent release of an interactive graphic about real-time bicycle availability.

A sundry of throbbing, variegated aureoles allow customers to expeditiously survey the geographic distribution of bicycles across London. Viewed over time, the geovisualisation depicts the roaming of an elegant symphony of cyclists that commute daily between suburbia and the city centre.

In the last decade, technological advances have allowed corporations and public entities to effortlessly monitor the precise movements of a large number of individuals. Modern consumers interact daily with a variety of devices that record their location, including mobile phones, automatic teller machines, automotive GPS systems and Oyster cards.

Aggregated, these records, if released, would provide economists and policy-makers with a valuable source of data that describes how individuals interact spatially with their surrounding environment.

The publicly available information upon which the presentation above is based provides a prime example. The

data describes the movement of five thousand bicycles between 315 docking stations operated by Barclay’s Bicycle Hire, a bicycle-sharing scheme established by the Mayor of London, Boris Johnson.

In October 2010, Transport for London released a rich and mammoth dataset to the public that contains information about more than 1.7 million bicycle journeys. Since this time, cycleloving number crunchers, including open data advocate Adrian Steele, have presented this spatial data in captivating forms that highlight interesting cycling trends.

The Transport for London dataset is unlikely to yield any significant, paradigm-altering insights in the long-term. However, the release of the information serves to illustrate that spatial location data can be disseminated to the public without compromising the privacy of individuals.

Corporations currently possess immense datasets that likely provide a much more detailed description of the movements of people than census or migration data. The release of this information, in a form that ensures that privacy is not violated, could provide society with fascinating insights. G21

march 2011

science

Before you take mass opinion too seriously, consider the reality that those opinions may not belong to humans at all. Richard Parker on

Astroturfing

I

t’s not quite Armageddon (and no jolly hockey sticks either), but the proliferation of “astroturfing” is harming the information-obsessed societies we live in.

Astroturfing is basically faking grass roots support. I first heard about it last year in an article by writer and activist George Monbiot and since then have noticed it more and more. “Astro-turfing” refers to companies, governments or other groups employing people to comment on new sites, social networks, forums, using fake identities, which gives the reader the impression that there are a lot of people aware of a given issue, or using a given product.

Since its inception, it has become highly sophisticated and many organisations, including the U.S. Air Force, have bought or looked into Persona Management Systems, which is the software that manages fake online identies complete with emails and social network profiles. Using this software one person can easily pretend to be ten or more people active online.

A simple example is that of a company wanting to build a new mine, but is facing concern among the local residents about the environmental impact. The residents raise awareness about it and there are articles in newspapers and on websites. The company ‘astroturfs’ by employing people to write letters and comments, pretending to be residents of the area, who feel that the mine would be beneficial . By doing so they prevent popular opinion gathering against efforts to build the mine.

Information is never going to be perfect, but to be trusted, information needs to appear independently provided, however illiisionary this appearance may be. We will never be able to discover everything by ourselves so we rely on the media to give us information - we trust that the information provided is reliable and very few cross-check it.

Today, we get more and more information online, thus, our opinions of these issues are often formed by what we read on the internet. Increased astroturfing implies that when we think we are reading our fellow citizens’ thoughts and feelings, it could just be propaganda.

You might think this is all a bit simplistic, that no one votes based on one little comment they read on a website.

But in reality astroturfing can be very effective in guiding

The Cape Town Globalist

people’s opinions on issues that they do not have definite answers for. Faced with a deluge of information from multiple sources, it is rarely full knowledge of a matter that guides our choices around it.

For example, if you intend on investing in energy in South Africa, and in your research, you read an article about nuclear power in South Africa. It’s unlikely that you have the adequate information about the input costs, running costs, long term costs, safety implications and return on investment compared to that from coal or alternate forms of renewable energy. Your opinion will undoubtedly be heavily influenced by what others you consider to be more knowledgable are saying.

However, if the aggregate opinion available has been molded by companies looking to attract foreign investment, investors would be going in with imperfect information, which could be unprofitable in the long run. Astroturfing doesn’t just taint the information - it makes you believe that certain perspectives are held by a greater number than in reality, and the human tendency to side with the masses will tend to agree.

It could be argued that “astroturfing” is just an extreme form of marketing by businesses making innovative attempts to attract consumers. The problem, though, is that consumers go on ‘independent’ websites to gain information from a source other than the salesman. And the strategies employed by companies are more diverse than merely faking support for their product or servicer.

More recently Climate Change has been the target of astroturfing. The alleged faking of grass roots support for climate change “denialists” by big business, it has been argued, helps postpone any costly regulations and taxes that managing greenhouse gas pollution would bring about.

Unfortunately there are no easy solutions when it comes to astroturfing. There are voluntary anti-astroturfing ethical codes that companies and marketers can subscribe to, but it is difficult to determine who is guilty and who isn’t.

Ultimately, the onus is on readers to critically analyse whatever information they find in the internet, and trust their instincts when something sounds too good to be true. CTG

Image courtesy of widewallpapers.com

Richard parker is a fifth year student majoring in mathematics..

27

philosophy

Can

information Bi-Win? Or are we shackled by

freedom of speech?

A discussion of the deep conflict between information’s first principles led

by Michael Laws.

F

or those youth who reached maturity in the age of free love, psychedelic rock and experimental drug usage, their parent’s generation of stiff pre-WW2 societal values could not seem more foreign and distant- their attitudes towards money, politics, human rights, society, religion and even the family left a generational chasm so severe in the hegemonic paradigm that one can only imagine how awkward some family dinner conversations went.

here we are in the middle of a shift in perspective and ability that could possibly leave the space between us and OUR parents even wider And yet, here we are in the middle of a shift in perspective and ability that could possibly leave the space between us and OUR parents even wider: that space being defined by the ease and consequent expectation of (almost) limitless access to information.

And it’s not just access to information in and of itself that has changed fundamentally; the way we express ourselves, create media, exchange ideas etc has also a profound shift (for abbreviations sake I will group these changes in freedom of expression and access to information as ‘the right to information’).

At a minimum just look at the way mobile technology and social networking has fundamentally changed the way we socialize and organize our relationships; how politics & protest has been transformed by the advent of Wikileaks, social networking etc; or the gigantic shift there has been towards media and literature where the consumption of media (music especially) has been profoundly changed by internet downloads, blog hype, user review etc- even the actual content of the media itself has evolved (think about the birth of ‘user-generated content’ or the inter-textuality and saturation of internet memes, music, film and TV.) Consequently it is a common (almost required) attitude and value amongst people our age that our access to and creation of information should be unimpeded and unfettered.

Some new companies like Google and Twitter are so committed to this principle of unfettered free speech and access to info, they pulled out of mainland China. After the ex-Egyptian government suspended internet usage, they devised a program that allowed protesters to tweet from a phone. The loss of profit in the former and risk in the latter

28

shows that this principle is so pervasive that even supercorporations of the cyber-enlightenment are willing to take a stand for this free flow of info.

However, at the centre of this attitude is a logical paradox between principles fundamental to our approach and the movement for freedom of info; the paradox is perhaps irresolvable and philosophically quite problematic and while although it shouldn’t derail us in our approach or desire for freedom of info, at the very least we should acknowledge the logical contradiction which does exist and be open minded enough to allow for flexibility and humility.

Before I introduce the outline of my argument, I want to narrow its scope and acknowledge a short-coming.

The main crux of this argument is made in relation to the spread and use of information which has its defining nature and effects at a public or community level; of course, when looking at information freedom in the bigger picture one should stretch the term information to include things like personal information, observations and details – however, this would require a discussion of the ethics of privacy and while obviously important, it is not the main focus of my article and has been excluded for saliency.

To illustrate the area of philosophy I would like to discuss regarding information, I briefly mention two recent cases: 1) The recent High court’s decision to ban advertising on TV which claims that evangelical church groups can heal HIV/AISD through the power of Jesus 2) The hacker activist group Anonymous making the decision to send a ‘Cease and Desist’ letter to the Westboro Baptist Church.

In the first example, the Cape High Court was presented with a case where a number of people had stopped taking their HIV/AIDS medication after being told that they were ‘healed by the power of Jesus’ and had subsequently died as said healing indeed (and rather inevitably) never happened.

Although the court recognized that this decision was essentially a limitation of freedom of speech and information, the risk this type of information posed to vulnerable people with HIV/AIDS was deemed to be a far weightier consideration and it was decided that the churches in question should no longer be allowed to advertise that they can do such ‘healings’.

In the second case, the far-left anarchist ‘hacktivist’ group Anonymous sent a letter to the virulent homophobic church group “Westboro Baptist Church” demanding that

march 2011

philosophy

although they themselves were supreme believers in freedom of information, the church group had overstepped the boundaries of ‘human decency’ and stated that if the church did not stop its activities, they would destroy their online identity and presence.

Although much can be drawn from these stories, I wish to point out two points: firstly, it is patently obvious that information can lead to the suffering, injury or death of people (these examples are actually very tame compared to certain ideologies like Nazism, Stalinism or Racism). Secondly, even the most liberal or extreme believers in Freedom know that certain information is toxic enough to be censored.

Having said that here is a simple sketch of my argument: A) There is generally a strong commitment to unfettered freedom of information and freedom of expression amongst our generation.

B) Concurrent to (a) is the widely held principle that the suffering of human beings should be avoided.

C) The free flow of racist, homophobic and religious information has on occasion led to violence and suffering.

D) thus i) by committing to full freedom of speech and access to info we are forced to accept C or ii) if we wish to avoid C, we are forced to allow some degree of censorship and prohibition of access to info; If we choose D(i), we must live with the responsibility of indirectly endorsing the suffering of others. However if we choose D(ii), we are faced with a myriad of problems and questions, and to solve or answer them we have to make a number of substantial epistemic and meta-ethical assumptions which are probably unjustifiable. For example: What information should be censored?

A brief sketch of possible criteria and their limitations: i) ‘Information which is untrue’ Apart from the epistemological nightmare there is in deciding what truth even is, how could ‘truth’ (as a criteria) be ascertained and correctly used in a world of subjectivity, politics and emotion? How do we know for sure that the belief of a fundamentalist homophobic Christian isn’t true? ii) ’Information which causes harm to others’ This criterion is somewhat problematic for a number

The Cape Town Globalist

of reasons, the main one being causality: how can a series of inanimate, lifeless words cause damage to a human being? The answer would obviously be by provoking a human being to do the action of harm or damage. This reasoning however is perhaps problematic as human beings are not robots or animals free of agency and decision making; in fact it is this agency, self-awareness and intentionality which is far more significant in the causal chain which leads to the harming of another person than the mere piece of information itself. Subjectivity, ideology, religion, psychology, personal experience, history and other socio-economic factors are part of the way we process and integrate information into our perception and awareness. How does this factor of human subjectivity interact with the external presence of information?

this principle is so pervasive that even supercorporations of the cyber-enlightenment are willing to take a stand for this free flow of info What we can say though is this: at the end of the chain, it is the human being (subject to the full force of intentionality and agency) which commits the act of violence, not a sentence or piece of lifeless text conveying information. We do not murder Jews after watching a speech by Hitler.

However by accepting this point, we contradict the statement made in Point C (if it were not for the presence of certain information then violation of rights, damage to persons and loss of life would not have occurred). Thus even if the information itself is lifeless and in and of itself unable to hurt someone, it remains a necessary link in the chain to the loss and suffering that occurred; without it, it would not have happened.

To draw the conclusions of this moral paradox out in full, let me put it like this: Right information in the right hands can lead to Good; Bad information in the wrong hands can lead to suffering.

And that is the core problem at the heart of our approach and consideration of the right to information.

Thus in conclusion; unless you are willing to make some philosophically unacceptable jumps in logic, ethics and epistemology, lets try approach discourse around ‘information’ with conscientiousness, awareness and humility instead of the current arrogance, absolutism and condescension we are currently seeing in the debate. CTG

above

Two members from the Westboro Baptist Church of Topeka, Kansas, chant on a street corner in St. Charles, Missouri Photograph courtesy of thirdage.com

Mike Laws

is studying a postgraduate LLB

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curtain call

The Power of the Social Network?

Nicholas Shubitz finds that there’s a reason why Colin Firth beat Jesse Eisenberg.

I

above

Mark Zuckerberg, the inventor of Facebook Photograph courtesy of Finest Daily

Nicholas Shubitz is studying at UCT.

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nformation as a currency? What a silly idea. Information is not a currency. The Yen is a currency. No one has ever bought a loaf a bread with information. However, some people have used information to earn currency.

A good example of this is insider trading. Think Michael Douglas, Wall Street. But unfortunately (or fortunately depending on whose side you are on) it is more often the case that people manipulate information for currency. A good example of this would be media outlets such as student magazines. They are a particularly revealing example because just like everyone else who manipulates information (including the reader and the writer) they don’t think they are doing this. Another example is politicians, except politicians are usually much worse than student magazines as more often than not they avoid dealing with information at all or make up their own. Weapons of Mass Destruction anyone?

No, information is not a currency. I am not even sure information is very informative. It always requires a context. It always requires some manipulation to make it useful, accessible or powerful. Information can become a Weapon of Mass Destruction if manipulated correctly. It can change individuals, societies and the world. But most of us have different ideas about what that change should be.

Sometimes a whole lot of people all want the same change as we see in the recent events in Egypt. There is an interesting idea emerging surrounding the relationship between internet social media and political change. We must be careful not to over-estimate this relationship. Firstly, any political change is inevitably motivated out of concerns that have nothing to do with social media. The internet is a platform, not a springboard. Some newspapers would have you believe the opposite but we all know what they are trying to do: transit information? Yeah right - sell newspapers. Some

commentators have even bemoaned the lack of widespread internet access in Southern Africa as nations in this part of the continent won’t have the aid of Facebook in bringing down “the baddies”. I am never as certain as everyone else is as to who the baddies are anymore, if there is such a thing.

The ANC had quite a good reputation before they actually started running a country.

Where was Facebook during every other government overthrow that has ever taken place? The French Revolution didn’t suffer because Robespierre couldn’t update his status.

In fact, Facebook is rather a difficult place for contentious issues to be discussed. It probably works nicely when we all want the same thing already: a dictator ousted and an inbox message from that girl who sits next to you in Biology. But when it comes to debating issues that we don’t already agree on, discussions of that kind are best had in person where we can actually convey meaning, not just words.

It is said that that most of our communication takes place through body language and the rest through intonation. Both are quite obviously lacking on MSN chat. Of course this information could be wrong. I probably read it in a magazine. One should never forget that Albert Einstein wasn’t so keen on Quantum Physics, which is all the rage today, and he was suposed to be a genius. Information is flexible, it bends to the will of those who use it and it is meaningful only in terms of how it fits into the existing paradigms of its era.

“Information is flexible, it bends to the will of those who use it” Perhaps we can look for some clarity on this issue in the recent results of the Academy Awards. “The King’s Speech” cleaned up all of the major awards. For those of you who have not seen it, it is about people who interact with each other face to face, body language and all, and intonation is crucial. Geoffrey Rush helps Colin Firth overcome personal difficulties (losing out to Jeff Bridges in the 2010 Oscars) and consequently convey an important message of solidarity to the people of that soggy island, England, at the onset of war with Germany in 1939. “The Social Network”, on the other hand, won two less significant Oscars. One for Best Film Editing and the other for Best Adapted Screenplay. As far I am concerned, when it comes to information the internet holds no special position above any other source. In fact it is often worse. “Editing” and “Adapted” are the crucial words here.

I’d like to be able to say go online, do some research and then make a decision for yourself about these complex issues. But I just told you “The Social Network” won two Oscars. It actually won three. If you weren’t paying attention would you ever have known any better? I’m not sure social networks have won anything at all. CTG

march 2011

Tunisia Internet Penetration Rate

0.34%

Internet Growth (2000-2010)

3500%

Percentage of Users in Africa

3.2%

Egypt Internet Penetration Rate

21.2%

Internet Growth (2000-2010)

3691.1%

Percentage of Users in Africa

15.4%

Nigeria Internet Penetration Rate

28.9%

Internet Growth (2000-2010)

21891.1%

Percentage of Users in Africa

39.6%

Zimbabwe South Africa Internet Penetration Rate

10.8%

Internet Growth (2000-2010)

120.8%

Percentage of Users in Africa

4.8%

5.6% Africa

Global Internet Usage

Internet Penetration Rate

12.2%

Internet Growth (2000-2010)

2744%

Percentage of Users in Africa

1.3%

94.4% Rest of the World

Internet Penetration Rate

10.9%

Internet Penetration Rate

31.8%

Internet Growth (2000-2010)

2357%

Internet Growth (2000-2010)

420.5%

The Cape Town Globalist

31

Infographic countesy of Marc Barben

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march 2011