2. The Anatomy of Revolution by The Hidden Transcript

Simon Fraser Universityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s international affairs magazine

March 2012 Issue 2

the

anatomy of revolution

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March 2012 · Issue 2

Editorial staff Editor-in-Chief Reid Standish Interaction Editor Alexander Dirksen Design Editor Adam Cristobal Copy Editor Erika Zell Web Coordinator Andrew Kumar

The Hidden Transcript is a student-run publication that aims to create a dialogue between young individuals on

This issue’s writers Ryan Gray Kaisi Hartikainen Sarah Inglis Jacob Lennheden JJ McCullough Atul Menon

pressing international issues. Founded in summer 2011 by a small group of likeminded SFU students, the magazine exists to facilitate discussion and provide unique analysis on the wide array of political, social, and economic issues that are currently seen across the globe. Inspired by the work of acclaimed anthropologist and political scientist James C. Scott, The Hidden Transcript exists to engage with students and focus on current events, while exposing the theories behind

We would also like to thank SFU School for International Studies Nick Standish

common narratives and discussing ideas that are currently shaping the world. In doing so, the publication seeks to bring the ‘hidden’ elements of international affairs into the public domain, and counter popular assumptions, while bringing new insights to light. Welcome to the sophomore issue of the Hidden Transcript. We would like to extend a thank you to the SFU School for International Studies for their support of this

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sociation for their help in promoting this project through

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the year. Thank you to all the talented writers who have

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contributed to the magazine this semester. We hope you

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issue, as well as the International Studies Student As-

enjoy the issue, and continue to follow the project online at The Hidden Transcript reserves the right to edit all submissions for length, as

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well as stylistic, grammatical, and legal guidlines. The Hidden Transcript also reserves the right to reprint submissions at any time, in both written and electronic formats. All articles published in The Hidden Transcript will be published online at www.thehiddentranscript.com

— Reid Standish, editor-in-chief, and Alexander Dirksen, interaction editor

the hidden transcript

Colour me mine The Quest for a true revolution in the former Soviet Union

Kaisa Hartikainen

The uninterest rate Creating economic literacy is the key to a real revolution

in the developed world

The search for a revolution in consciousness Ryan Gray

A revolution of aesthetics A look at the drive to dethrone Queen Elizabeth II

A look at Asma Al-Assad, the woman beside Bashar Atul Menon

The eye of the beholder Graffiti as resistance in former Communist Europe

“The Anatomy of Revolution” represents a shared framework for which to view and understand the complex changes underway in the world today. Like that of human anatomy in the medical field, each case is entirely unique, despite being composed of similar If the years of 2008-2010 represented an unraveling

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JJ McCullough

The good wife

THIS ISSUE parts…

Jacob Lennheden

Mind over matter

March 2012 · Issue 2

of the upward trends in economic activity, 2011 was the world’s response. Symbolized by the Occupy Wall Street movement across North America and resistance to the austerity measures imposed throughout the European Union. 2011 was a year in which growing dissatisfaction with the status quo translated into bodies on the streets, national headlines, and increased discussion regarding the financial futures of many nations. While the Western world took to the streets against social inequality, populations from Algeria to Yemen began a struggle for their basic democratic rights, protesting against a series of leaders who had

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Reid Standish

entrenched themselves in power and stifled political opposition. Unlike those in Zuccotti Park, protesters in Damascus were met not with pepper spray and riot police, but by tanks and soldiers. Wikileaks and Anonymous took the battle to the digital realm, a reflection of the ways in which political and economic protest has transcended state boundaries and united the disenfranchised around the world. The Hidden Transcript’s sophomore issue is meant to serve as the surgeon’s table, where the elements of revolution are to be dissected and discussed. Each case represents different aspects of what constitutes revolution, with every article consisting of its triumphs, obstacles, and failures. Through these stories we hope

Bits that byte An examination and discussion of the acts of Anonymous Alexander Dirksen

to show the hidden side of revolution and in the process shed new light on what revolution truly is. — Reid Standish, editor-in-chief, and Alexander Dirksen, interaction editor

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COLOUR ME MINE

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The Quest for a true revolution in the former Soviet Union Kaisa Hartikainen

n November 23rd, 2003, over 100,000 protesters gathered in the streets of Tbilisi to celebrate the resignation of President Eduard

Shevardnadze. The event was considered a remarkable victory for the Georgian opposition movement, which had managed to oust the corrupt leader through the Rose revolution. The event also gained wider signifi-

cance as it became considered as the beginning of a series of colour revolutions in the area of the former Soviet Union. In 2004, the orange movement swept Ukraine to protest fraudulent presidential elections. In 2005, the Kyrgyz political opposition managed to overthrow President Akayev who had ruled the country since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Despite the hype that these events garnered, it is questionable whether any of them truly deserve the title “revolution”. According to the Oxford Dictionary a revolution refers to “a forcible overthrow of a government or social order, in favor of a new system”. While the first part of the definition is certainly satisfied considering the ousting of the leaders, the latter part is challenged by the fact that none of them produced meaningful political change. Georgia continued to be ravaged by corruption and in 2007 President Mikhail Sakhasvili was faced with mass demonstrations. In Ukraine people soon became disillusioned by the promises of President Yushchenko’s pro-democratic government as it failed to bring the pledged reforms. The multiple dissolutions of government and the continuous power struggle between him and Prime Minister Tymoshenko certainly did not boost his popularity, which in 2008 plunged to a record low of less than 10 percent. In Kyrgyzstan, the euphoria that had accompanied the Tulip Revolution faded as the government resorted to further harassment of any

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political opposition and the concentration of power in the executive branch. The growing frustration of the Kyrgyz people came to its tipping point in 2010 when protests swept the country as a response to the fraudulent parliamentary elections. After months of rioting and ethnic strife, the opposition finally stormed the government headquarters in Bishkek on March 24th and as a result the incumbent president Kurmanbek Bakiyev was forced to flee the country. While the color movements do not necessarily deserve

One should not draw the

the title “revolution”, the 2010 uprising in Kyrgyzstan is worth of further examination. After the overthrow

conclusion that the current

of Bakiyev and his government, the opposition leader

Russian leadership is keen

Instead of holding to her power, new elections were

Rosa Otumbayeva assumed the role of acting President. scheduled to be held the following year. Indeed, in the

to foster revolutions and

fall of 2011 Kyrgyzstan saw its first democratic elections,

democratic development

Central Asia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The

on its backdoor. With Kyrgyzstan, the decision to support the opposition was essentially triggered by Russia’s eagerness to guarantee stability and the cooperation of the new Kyrgyz government — even if it meant a small victory for democracy in Central Asia

which marked the first free and fair transfer of power in elections gathered considerable international attention and were congratulated by world leaders such as President Obama as an “important and courageous step on the path of democracy.” The new president, Almazbek Atambayev himself has promised reconciliation and stability. Considering the past conflicts between the various clans and ethnic groupings the promises are extremely important. In many ways Atambayev is seen as the best bet for Kyrgyzstan’s unity. While his pro-Russian policies have raised some concerns in the West — especially after calling for the closure of the American air base in Kyrgyzstan – at the moment it seems that the Kyrgyz political opposition has succeed where the colour movements have failed and brought real political change into Kyrgyzstan. Thus, while Kyrgyzstan’s political development has been remarkable, one should refrain from being overly optimistic in terms of the wider region. The 2010 revolution may serve as a source of inspiration for some opposition movements in Central Asia and the Caucasus, but it is unlikely that a similar success story will be seen in the other former Soviet states in the near future. Compared to its neighbors, Kyrgyzstan has always had the most vibrant political opposition and civil society. On the other hand, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan are notorious for their strong authoritarians. In these states repression and coercive tendencies have practically silenced the opposition and prevented meaningful activism. The recent micromanaged elections in Kazakhstan in January are case in point. During the elections parties were blocked from being on the ballot, candidates were

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deregistered and voters harassed. The Organization for

even when the movements are lead by seemingly demo-

European Security and Cooperation (OSCE) concluded

cratic and reformist agendas. There are various reasons

that Kazakhstan was far from meeting the necessary

for their failures ranging from weak civil societies to

conditions for genuinely pluralistic elections. As a result

opportunistic politicians and widespread corruption.

Nazarbayev’s party stormed in with 81 percent of the

Indeed, one could write full essays on the different socio-

vote. It is clear that Nazarbayev, “the Leader of the Na-

political and economic factors that are at play. Moreover,

tion” has no intentions to seriously commit to Western

the power politics and energy interest still matter a huge

type of democracy.

deal both limiting the actions of new governments and

Compared to its neighbors, Kyrgyzstan’s geopolitical

directing the policies of external actors. The actions of

position is also very different. Over the past decade, the

Western governments, Russia and China highlight the

war in Afghanistan has made Kyrgyzstan an important

fact that most of the time states’ actions are determined

player in terms of military bases and supply lines. Now

by the pursuit of self-interest.

when the US is planning the withdrawal of its troops,

Nevertheless, there is hope at the end of the tunnel.

there is potential for more consistent democracy promo-

While Kyrgyzstan’s revolution might not be the start of a

tion in Kyrgyzstan. However, the oil and gas politics still

“Central Asian Spring”, in itself the following political de-

largely determine the West’s approach towards the other

velopments mark a significant change for this individual

energy rich states of Central Asia. Indeed, as long as the

country. The free elections and peaceful transfer of power

leadership of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan

are a great stepping stone for further democratization

suits Western needs, there is no hurry to pursue a consis-

and one can just hope that the spirit of the revolution

tent democratic agenda in the region.

can be sustained in the years to come. The next few years

The influence of Russia, and increasingly that of

will certainly be important for showing the true colours

China, is also likely to affect the political space of Central

of the new Kyrgyz leadership. Perhaps the recent Rus-

Asia and the Caucasus. In the past they have keen to

sian pragmatism and the waning war on terror will help

maintain the status quo that has guaranteed friendly

Kyrgyzstan to turn into the “island of democracy “ which

relations with majority of the former Soviet bloc. At the

it was one predicted to become and prove that the 2010

same time Russia’s recent policies in the region have

was indeed a true revolution.

showed increasing pragmatism towards the former Soviet republics. After becoming frustrated with President Bakiyev’s attempts to play both Russia and the Western governments for his own interests, the Kremlin decided to support the Kyrgyz opposition during the 2010 revolution and later on gave its blessing to the interim government. This approach was markedly different from the approaches to the colour revolutions, which gained criticism in Russia for being manufactured by the West. Nevertheless, one should not draw the conclusion that the current Russian leadership is keen to foster revolutions and democratic development on its backdoor. With Kyrgyzstan, the decision to support the opposition was essentially triggered by Russia’s eagerness to guarantee stability and the cooperation of the new Kyrgyz government — even if it meant a small victory for democracy in Central Asia. Yet, the spur of democratic governments in countries that are economically not as dependent on Russia as Kyrgyzstan might weaken the overall influence of the Kremlin in the region. So what should one take out of the political situation in the former Soviet space and the recent developments in Kyrgyzstan? First, the various colour revolutions have demonstrated how difficult it is obtain political change

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The Uninterest Rate Creating economic literacy is the key to a real revolution in the developed world Jacob Lennheden

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uring the wave of Occupy protests that swept

move abroad? Why does an obsession with local food

the world last fall, many observers were quick

hurt low-income families? And why do drug dealers

to express their support of what they saw as

live with their mothers?

David trying to fight the unjust system controlled by

The field of economics is often overlooked, as many

Goliath — an Arab Spring in the west. A revolution

economists are hated, admired, blamed, or praised

of the working class. Yet, few observers or Occupiers

depending upon the state of the economy. Yet economic

seemed to know what they wanted to change. Discon-

illiteracy is not only a fault of the individual citizen,

tent, complaints, and occupation seemed to overshadow

but also a fault of economics as a field of study. Most

visions and solutions. The most alarming thing was

first-year economics courses are taught with a heavy

nonetheless not the complaints in themselves, which

emphasis on algebra, graphs, and simplified abstract

were often justified and fair, but the set of demands or

economic concepts focused on “the firm”. These courses

proposed solutions, which illustrated a complete lack

are of little practical value to the regular student, who

of understanding of the fundamental processes of how

just wants to get a basic idea about how the economy

our economy works. Demands for a barter economy,

works and how certain economic policies impacts our

a maximum one per cent interest rate and a closing

lives. But the profession of economics and its field of

of the central bank are ridiculous and hurtful ideas

science cannot be detached from the cauldrons of a

that would halt all the progress made towards and fair

revolution. Economists prescribe policies and many

and just society that so many people have fought for over the centuries. These radical solutions not only made the occupiers come off as uneducated idealists, but also alienated many people who were sympathetic to much of the movement. The occupiers are however not alone in their lack of economic knowledge. A

politicians listen to their advice

A disturbingly large part of our society, even many university graduates, seems

as if were an absolute certainty. This is dangerous, but the only way to tackle it is to show where the policies are wrong. To address this problem the economics profession needs

to be economically dyslexic

to rebrand itself and be bet-

and in the worst cases,

that basic economics is not all

economically illiterate

disturbingly large part of our society, even many university

ter at conveying the message about how to make the largest profit for the firms. Likewise, basic economics, focusing on the individual and society, should

graduates, seems to be economically dyslexic and in

be taught side-by-side with math and English in high

the worst cases, economically illiterate. Ask a univer-

school. This would result in a more enlightened and

sity student whether he or she knows what inflation

economically literate population, which could make

and comparative advantage is, or whether we should

realistic, sensible demands to our politicians when

remove the minimum wage to fight unemployment

the next round of revolutions come to our doorstep.

(yes, a too high minimum wage can be a contributor

Perhaps at that time we will see occupiers demanding

to unemployment) — and all you get back is a blank

a Tobin tax on financial transactions or an increase

stare. Yet these questions are crucial for how we live

in the capital gains tax or increased investments in

our lives and how we organize society and what we pri-

human capital. Sound ideas that both try to address

oritize in society. Economics, so vitally important for

the inequities and problems that uncontrolled crony

we value things, ought to have a much larger role on

corporatism has brought with it.

the educational agenda than it currently does. Should taxes be raised and more money invested in schools? What happens if we increase the tax rate? Will people

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MIND OVER MATTER

The search for a revolution in consciousness

Ryan Gray

iven the surge of revolutionary activity taking place around the world over the past year, there undoubtedly exists an expansive desire for change. Without silenc-

ing the differences of struggle taking place globally, structural and systemic change appears to be a reoccurring theme. From regime change in Egypt to a more equal form of democracy demanded by Occupy supporters, people are demanding a more representative political economy. Yet despite the optimism felt throughout these movements, I believe that systemic change (particularly in the developed world) will come only through a change of consciousness - the malfunctioning of our current political economy suggests a latent problem with the values and beliefs of society itself rather than simply flawed economic theories. We have allowed ourselves to be guided by economic dogma, and as such we require not only a more vocalized discussion undertaking a critical examination of the current values and beliefs, but also the historical processes that created them. The aforementioned does not suggest that the Occupy and other social movements are completely misguided or that their claims are inaccurate, but rather that the problem is more complex than simply an “us-versus-them” worldview. Certainly there is significance in the self-identification of those who have been colloquially termed the “99%,” and identifying who is being oppressed and who

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is oppressing is a start to meaningful mobilization. But the crucial step is moving past this simple dichotomy, as such rudimentary thinking suggests that a solution need only to address the relationship between the oppressed 99% and the oppressing 1%. Making minor changes to the system will be inconsequential, and will result in symbolic differences which do little to alter the current levels of inequality in both wealth and power. Is there a legitimate belief that so long as the rich are taxed more heavily, inequalities will slowly fade away? If the rich are in a position of power, is it expected that they will simply

Is there a legitimate belief that so long as the rich are taxed more heavily, inequalities will slowly fade away? If the rich are in a position of power, is it expected that they will simply relinquish their influence within various levels of government?

relinquish their influence within various levels of government? The voluntary bequeathing of power by 1% seems unlikely. A better solution may be empowerment of the 99% instead. The biggest challenge to meaningful change within a society is the self. As noted by anti-apartheid activist Steve Biko “the most potent weapon in the hand of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed.” Exposing and addressing the subversive forms of oppression which have limited an individual thus remains key to combatting the larger issue of oppression by the “other” within society. If we aim to establish a better system it is crucial to examine what has allowed the current system to manifest and perpetuate itself. What mentalities, what values, and what beliefs have become sacrosanct across society and within the individual that has allowed 1% of the population to amass such overwhelming influence and power? How has a minority been able to oppress a majority? Biko’s words resonate with the acquiescence to liberal and neoliberal political economic rhetoric over the past two centuries, which has allowed a minority of the population to steadily accumulate wealth and power without abundant large-scale civil unrest. David Harvey offers useful insights in this regard - he has detailed at length the societal acceptance of the neoliberal project that took place in the latter half of the 20th century, stating that for a system of thought to become hegemonic it must become “so deeply embedded in common-sense understandings that they become taken for granted and beyond question.” Constructing a system that appeals to values, desires, intuitions and instincts propagates this notion of ‘common-sense’ which allows for the societal acceptance which has largely characterized our society until the recent displays of resistance. Neoliberal reforms appealed to values that were supposedly threatened by all other forms of governance – communism, fascism and even those democratic societies organized along more socialist lines. Proponents argued that economic restructuring was necessary to protect and

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preserve a free society, but what did this entail? The neo-

how one group causes injustices to another will never

liberal reforms and adjustments have had a pervasive ef-

get to the heart of what facilitates the injustice. Only by

fect across society, rolling back the influence of the state,

being critical of the present day neoliberal system that

undermining social safety nets, and destroying social

facilitates injustice can long-term structural change

relations and ways of life by propagating the sacred belief

occur, and such a critical stance. requires an understand-

in the free market. With the spread of neoliberalism

ing of our history in order to truly appreciate the deep-

through globalization we must begin to question how our

rooted common beliefs that have allowed a counterintui-

society - a society organized around markets – influences

tive ideology to take hold. Attacking the enemy within is

personal relationships, values and expectations.

undoubtedly more challenging and difficult than simply

Political economist Karl Polanyi has drawn parallels to the work of David Harvey, detailing how the liberal political economic project that began around the time of the

attacking the easily identifiable enemy – big corporations, the wealthy etc. – but it is not impossible. Moving forward, we will be required to go beyond the

Industrial Revolution was able to function in a similar

mere categorization of people, and examine the system

fashion by convincing people to believe in a system that

itself, and the dangers which are present within it. What

largely went against their best interests. Polanyi’s work

Harvey illustrates is that, even if reluctantly, the major-

illustrates that the current neoliberalist system is not

ity of people do believe in the system, despite its inherent

a new development, but rather a new manisfestation of

flaws outlined in this piece. While they may not neces-

what took place in an earlier time. It has been a pro-

sarily be content with their position, they still believe in

cess stretching over generations, indoctrinating a false

the premises that constitute the system. This demands

consciousness in the average person, creating an unques-

conversations about the ‘common-sense’ way we interpret

tionable belief in the free market, private property rights,

the world and our seemingly unquestionable values, as

and free trade. In light of the duration of these systems,

these beliefs facilitate our own oppression. Polanyi as-

the current widespread protest across the globe, when

sures us that, “acceptance of the reality of society gives

placed in its proper historical context, becomes all the

man indomitable courage and strength to remove all

more fascinating.

removable injustice and unfreedom.” Removing social,

These systems, whether set in the Industrial Revolu-

economic and political injustices necessitates a real

tion or the modern day, show that economic interaction

understanding of the nature of society, including how

does not have to be an end to itself – capital accumula-

it exists today as well as its deep rooted origins. Before

tion and the never-ending desire to purchase and acquire

we can craft the change we wish to seek, we must first

more physical goods is not a natural human instinct.

experience a revolution of consciousness – a revolution in

Emphatically, Polanyi warned, “to allow the market

our interpretation of the world.

mechanism to be the sole director of the fate of human beings and their natural environment…would result in the destruction of society.” Even though these words were written over seventy years ago, they are eerily prophetic considering the abundance of economic crises over the past 30 years, widespread environmental degradation, and human rights abuses that are carried out in the name of “progress” and “modernity.” In light of the work of Biko, Harvey and Polanyi, it becomes clear that focusing on the colloquial 99% and 1% will only serve to shortchange a meaningful opportunity to invoke lasting change. The problem is far more complex than playing the blame game, and in pursuing such a tactic we are ultimately failing to capitalize upon a historical opportunity for structural change. If we are to reap the potential benefits we must be aware that what we choose to focus the discourse upon will inevitably influence the outcome - focusing on power will only help maintain a power relationship. Placing an emphasis upon

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A Revolution of Aesthetics

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A look behind the drive to dethrone Queen Elizabeth II JJ McCullough

s far as settings go, it was an unusual place to preach the end of monarchy. Yet there she was. Standing beside the governor general on the lush

grounds of his official residence, Portia Lucrecia SimpsonMiller, freshly sworn-in as Jamaica’s 13th prime minister, declared that her nation was ready to say goodbye to royalty. “I love the queen. She is a beautiful lady, and apart from being a beautiful lady, a wise lady and a wonderful lady,” she said in her distinctive patois, “but I think the time has come.” “In this regard, we will therefore initiate the process of our detachment from the monarch to become a republic with our own indigenous president as head of state.” The prime minister’s deferential, almost apologetic tone perfectly encapsulated the style of 21st century republicanism that has come to define the anti-monarchist cause in the15 nations of the former British Empire that still retain Queen Elizabeth as their nominal head of state. In contrast to virtually every other republican movement in history, efforts to dethrone Elizabeth II have been remarkably peaceful, calm, and conciliatory. And why not? As far as monarchs go, the present head of the Windsor dynasty is far cry from George III, Louis XVI, or the Shah of Iran. She employs no secret police, rounds up no dissidents, and executes no political prisoners. Her constitutional powers, to the extent any exist, are tamed by centuries of British parliamentary tradition, including the firm principle that the crown “reigns but does not rule.” In 60 years on the throne, virtually no independent political opinion — let alone act — of any significance has been attributed to her, and many political scientists even go so far as to classify Commonwealth monarchies like Canada, Jamaica, and Australia as de facto republics already. So why bother? There can be little doubt that the effort to purge Britain’s queen from the constitutions of the Empire’s last

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remaining dominions is a revolution of almost pure aesthetics, and in that sense it may actually be one of the more noteworthy revolutionary movements of our time. Not because it embodies any truly pressing principle or cause — there are certainly no shortage of more urgent matters — but rather because it doesn’t. It’s a revolution of identity and maturity, a revolt against the symbolism of the old born by confidence in the finality and stability of the new. Republicans often refer to their cause as the ‘final step’ in the long journey of perfecting democracy, and in a planet dotted with freshly liberated nations awakening to uncertain futures, there’s something encouraging about a

The precise relationship that Britain maintains with its former colonies may be among the most casually misunderstood situations in modern global politics. Both anglophile monarchists

movement that’s been at the game long enough to be preoccupied with tying up the loose ends. The precise relationship that Britain maintains with its former colonies may be among the most casually misunderstood situations in modern global politics. For this, there is no shortage of blame to go around; both anglophile monarchists and frustrated republicans tend to spread a great deal of disinformation in their more anxious moments, and both sides have a vested interest in exaggerating the status quo into more than it actually is. And what it actually is is not much. By the time the United Kingdom began its great drive of postwar decolonization, beginning with India and Pakistan in the 1940s and ending with the final portions of

and frustrated repub-

southeast Africa in the mid-60s, many of its colonies were

licans tend to spread a

self-government — albeit of a heavily stage-managed sort.

great deal of disinformation in their more anxious moments, and both sides have a vested interest in exaggerating the status quo into more than it actually is

already operating under some semblance of parliamentary Under the one-size-fits-all ethos of the time, self-governance was deemed a distinctly British art a colony could only learn through tutelage followed by emulation, and by the time full sovereignty was finally granted, most former colonies had graduated to operating under constitutions largely identical to that of England, complete with redcarpeted chambers, bewigged speakers, and gold-plated maces. Also bundled in this package of tradition was the practice of continuing to recognize the British monarch as head of state, and during the first decades of her reign the young Elizabeth II soon found herself reigning over not only the stodgy white dominions of Canada, Australia, and South Africa, but also a growing assortment of newly-sovereign states in Africa, the South Pacific, and the Caribbean. Though it may sound like a useless titular distinction, the fact that Elizabeth was styled queen and not empress was in fact, highly significant. Under the convoluted logic of the 1931 Statute of Westminster, an imperial treaty spawned by the independence insecurities of the white dominions in the aftermath of World War I, the British

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Crown had become an entity that could be chopped up

This, of course, required completely redefining what the

and shared, in order to symbolically recognize the inde-

Commonwealth was; since the Westminster Statute, the

pendence of the many nations beneath it. No longer mere

term had been favoured as an alternative to “empire”

colonies, Britain’s realms became a collection of co-equal

to classify those nations which governed themselves

franchised kingdoms, each offering a distinct title to

independently, but still remained loyal to their special

the same monarch who was also somehow not the same

sub-division of the British monarchy. To ditch the Crown

monarch.

as a prerequisite for membership was to reduce the group

In other words, the fact that Elizabeth II was “Queen

to an organization with no central uniting principle be-

of the United Kingdom” no longer mattered to New

yond a kinda-sorta shared experience of being colonized

Zealanders, since in that country she was now employed

by the British, and a desire to maintain some manner of

only as “Queen of New Zealand”, while over Ugandans,

unique relationship with London. Nevertheless, in the

she reigned only as “Queen of Uganda”. All positions

end Nehru’s request was accepted — an outcome that left

were legally separate, united only in the institutionalized

little ambiguity about the limited role the monarchy was

conflict of interest that the same British lady happened

destined to play in the future of British diplomacy.

to hold them all simultaneously. To this day, Queen

Pakistan, predictably, was quick to follow, and in 1956

Elizabeth still goes through the formality of posing for

the head of the Church of England stopped reigning as

15 different official portraits to hang in her 15 different

queen of the Islamic state. Her former African realms

realms, standing beside different flags and wearing dif-

came next, with Ghana, Tanzania, Nigeria, Uganda,

ferent broaches lest anyone naively believe that her affec-

Kenya, Malawi, Gambia, and Sierra Leone all declaring

tions are anything less than highly individualized. The effort was not fully appreciated, alas. However committed the queen may have been to juggling such a wide variety of titular obligations, from the view of the nationalistic statesmen running many of her new countries, Eliza-

themselves republics in years

Though it may sound like a

between 1960 and 1972.

useless titular distinction, the

for the symbolism of the Brit-

fact that Elizabeth was styled

motivation for ditching the mon-

queen and not empress was in fact, highly significant

In many of these cases, distaste ish Crown was far from the only archy, and many African prime ministers used the adoption of a republican constitution as a shallow pretext to form one-party re-

beth’s inherent Britishness

gimes or executive presidencies-

(and whiteness) rendered her

for-life. Outraged monarchists

hopelessly miscast for any constitutional role in their

— then and now — saw this as evidence that the Crown

burgeoning era of independence. Looking for a dignified

was an institution inseparably tied to the survival of

exit, they found inspiration in the Indian example.

British-style parliamentary democracy itself, though the

Eager to sever the final link with the man who had

fact that British parliamentary democracy survived in

once ruled them as emperor, in 1950 the Indian parlia-

India sans monarchy, but did not in Sierra Leone, which

ment stripped the queen’s father of the title “King of In-

underwent two military coups while the Elizabeth was

dia”, abolished the governor generalship, and transferred

still queen, offers fairly convincing evidence that there

all figurehead duties to a newly constructed “President

were probably other variables at play.

of India”. Not to be confused with the powerful prime

Today, the Commonwealth consists of 54 member

ministership of Jawaharlal Nehru, this new president

states, the vast majority of which are republics, plus a

was tasked solely with picking up where the trappings

small 15-state rump of monarchies that have remained

of royalty had left off, cutting ribbons, shaking hands,

loyal. The contemporary republic debate is thus quite

and awarding trophies, but rarely performing any real

divorced from any controversy in or around the Common-

political function beyond presiding over the continuity of

wealth itself, despite the fact that the two issues are very

government.

frequently correlated in the popular imagination, in part

It was a supremely anti-British act, yet Prime Min-

because of a lack of useful terminology available to clarify

ister Nehru, moderate anglophile that he was, coupled

the issue. The old phrase “dominion” having fallen out of

his republican reforms with the presumptuous request

fashion since the 1960s, we’re officially supposed to call

that India still remain a member of the Commonwealth.

those nations under Buckingham Palace “Commonwealth

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March 2012 · Issue 2

realms” as opposed to mere “Commonwealth members” that have severed ties. In contrast to those countries that ditched the Queen during the 1950s, 60s, and 70s, —mostly third world states on the receiving end of the British Empire’s harshest excesses — the nations that remain loyal by and large possess political cultures that have historically valued an exaggerated, stylized adherence to English norms. To be sure, there is an undeniably large ethnic component: the loyalist realms remain the ‘white dominions’ of old,

The degree to which the British monarchy will be able to survive in its overseas realms in the 21st century is therefore almost entirely based upon the degree to which its subjects are able to maintain these favourable cultural incubators of nostalgic affinity

Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, whose largest demographic continues to be citizens of British descent, for whom the ‘foreignness’ of the Queen is not nearly as offensive as it was in say, Tanzania. Yet so too has an enormous affinity for royalty managed to survive in the Caribbean, which, despite being nations founded by the descendants of British slaves, have retained a powerful tradition of anglophila, visible in everything from the airy colonial architecture of cities like Kingston and Bridgetown to the almost ostentatiously Dickensian names parents continue to give their children. The degree to which the British monarchy will be able to survive in its overseas realms in the 21st century is therefore almost entirely based upon the degree to which its subjects are able to maintain these favourable cultural incubators of nostalgic affinity in the face of the equally powerful countervailing forces of nationalism and autonomy. In some form or another, all of the remaining 15 realms possess organized republican lobby groups and political parties, and their catchy slogans are heavily cloaked in ap-

in the face of the equally

peals to patriotism and independence (a personal favourite

powerful countervailing

But time and again, it’s the monarchists who continue to

forces of nationalism and autonomy

being the Aussie’s demand for “a mate as head of state”). win the day with a compelling slogan all their own: “If it aint’ broke, don’t fix it.” Few observers believe, after all, that a republic of Barbados or Canada would be dramatically different than their current monarchical incarnations. In an effort to keep their appeal as broad and non-partisan as possible, most republicans officially favor the “Indian model” of minimal change to the constitutional status quo, though paradoxically, it may be the unambitious nature of this transition that has proven their greatest obstacle. Constitutional amendments tend to be messy and time-consuming things, after all, and there’s always a more pressing issue somewhere that can take priority. Republicanism was a glamourous cause for many states in their early years of independence, when constitutions were still pliable and the national to-do list remained largely empty, but has become considerably less fashionable in those nations that never bothered when

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they had the chance, and now find decades-worth of other problems have piled up in the meantime. If one takes the long view of history, the loss of the Windsor dynasty’s remaining 15 realms seems essentially guaranteed; on some deep, existential level, even the most die-hard monarchist understands that there is an inescapable weirdness inherent in ‘sharing’ a monarch with a former colonizer several decades after independence, whatever one’s personal affinities for the aesthetic ideals the crown is seen to embody. The question is how to begin a political discussion on reexamining an issue of symbolism without appearing distracted or frivolous. It’s sometimes said that the most inspiring thing about the queen’s 15 realms is that they were able to achieve independence and democracy via “evolution, not revolution.” But maybe the time is finally right for at least a small, polite one.

March 2012 · Issue 2

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THE ARAB SPRING UNPLUGGED

In conversation with Marwen Abid

s revolutionary fervor swept North Africa and

On the Tunisian protests

the Middle East, technological advancements allowed us to bridge the geographical divide

Before Tunisians were blinded by the glare of the global

between Canada and the states of Tunisia, Egypt, and

media spotlight, the preconditions for revolution had

Libya — up-to-the-minute coverage of events as they

already been established. The government’s focus upon

unfolded provided a degree of realism to otherwise

the nation’s coastal towns (due in large part to a thriv-

unbelievable imagery. Yet while such tools provided a

ing tourist industry) had provided little benefit to those

rudimentary assessment of this historical moment, such

living in the interior, who faced meek job prospects and

accounts pale in comparison to those offered by active

high degrees of unemployment. Yet the economic dis-

participants in its developments. The Hidden Transcript

satisfaction extended far beyond the nation’s borders

recently had the pleasure to speak with Marwen Abid,

— its key industries, plagued by corruption and largely

a Tunisian graduate student on exchange in Vancouver,

controlled by the ruling family, had left many foreign

about both the developments in Tunisia and the Middle

investors disillusioned.

East at large. This article presents some of Abid’s unique

The very industry Ben Ali had established to boost the

insights and opinions regarding the Ben Ali regime, Arab

Tunisian economy would prove to be his downfall. The

democracy, and the role of the media.

technological tools, which aided in the coordination and

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March 2012 · Issue 2

communication of the protestors, were part of a shift

that had been relied upon to instigate them — the forces

towards the tech industry. One of Ali’s initial concessions

of the revolution (its various post-Ali political parties

in attempt to quell the protestors was to again grant ac-

in particular) had realized the power of Facebook and

cess to the digital realm, a move that helped trigger the

independent news sites due to the trust the people placed

beginning of the end for the regime.

in their reporting. Prominent bloggers began to receive payments from these forces, leading to an interesting

On Democracy

dynamic:

Despite the Western media’s enthusiasm for Arab

as though what was online was the only thing left to

democracy, it remains to be seen whether the political

believe in. But now it is the media that is saying the good

system will yield the benefits promised to its peoples.

things, while Facebook is controlled. The media is cor-

Abid suggests the merging of church and state within the

rupt and follows an agenda. Social media was once free,

new political system in Tunisia may prove to be a poten-

but is now controlled as well. Now we don’t know what to

tially dangerous combination, due not to religion itself

believe in.”

“Before, we didn’t believe in TV and radio, and we felt

but rather those who use it to their political advantage. Founding parties upon religion principles allows politi-

On the Arab Spring

cians to justify its actions, convince the population to vote in their favor and stifle opposition through the power of

“People have gained a political consciousness and matu-

its holy documents — whereas the Ali regime required

rity. It took 23 years to take down the Ben Ali regime,

no justification for imprisoning dissidents, for example,

but it will now take a lot less to bring down the current

religious parties may label such forces as ‘non believers’,

regime [should they fail to bring about the promised

providing legitimacy in the eyes of the citizenry.

changes].” “The people of the Middle East have been extremely

On the Media

brave in bringing down the dictatorships. We were all one person fighting against a regime, and showed that

Far from a neutral force presenting the developments in

change comes from small things.”

the Middle East to its Western audiences, Abid believes that the mainstream media at times presented a dis-

Marwen Abid is a computer engineer currently fulfilling

torted view of the unfolding events — the reporting of

a one-year internship as a part of his Masters program.

Al Jazeera, for example, did not seem to ‘fit’ with the

During the Tunisian revolution Abid closely followed its

events Abid was witnessing in his town and others, with

developments, contributing articles about changes in the

footage from differing regions and dates being presented

Tunisian political system. The Hidden Transcript would

as a single event in their reporting. Yet as the protests

like to thank Abid for his contributions to this article, as

developed these biases began to permeate the platform

well as AIESEC for arranging the interview.

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THE GOOD WIFE T

A look at Asma Al-Assad, the woman beside Bashar atul menon

he revolutions of the Arab Spring have left many

Yet despite the intensive media coverage, an aspect of

political experts around the world speechless with

the regime which is often overlooked is the role of the

the levels of violence in response to the demo-

woman behind the man, Asma Al-Assad. It is interesting

cratic battles being waged by the peoples of nations that

to note how despite her upbringing under a Western and

were previously kept inaudible, suppressed and largely

democratic system of governance, it still isn’t seem-

controlled under authoritarian dictatorships in Tunisia,

ingly enough to make a larger difference in the on-going

Egypt and Libya. Yet despite signs of positive progress

abysmal state of affairs being faced by the Syrian people

in these states, authoritarian regimes, ruled by corrupt

as the oppressive and torturous regime of her husband

leaders with an iron fist, remain. Of these, the regime of

currently attempts to retain control of the nation.

Basher Al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic has been

Asma Al-Assad was born to Syrian parents in London,

given particular attention by the international commu-

England in 1975. She had grown up in Acton and attended

nity for the atrocities being committed against its people.

a local state school. After her schooling from Queen’s College

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March 2012 · Issue 2

in London, she subsequently went on to attend and gradu-

Asma famously appeared on the cover of Vogue, in March

ate from King’s College London with a bachelor of science in

2011, a move for which the magazine was severely criticized.

computer science and a diploma in French literature in 1996.

These attributes paint the picture of a modern woman, in a

After graduating, Asma had a reputed career having worked

region where women’s rights has been an on-going issue. Yet

for well-known global corporations such as J.P Morgan and

while her image has done a great deal to catapult herself into

Deutsche bank. These experiences illustrate that Asma

a glamourous world, on the other hand it has also garnered

was in fact a modern day woman, one who worked hard,

intense criticism by activists who say that people are starv-

took advantage of the system under which she was brought

ing and dying while Asma bathes in the spotlight.

up, and ultimately thrived as a professionally successful

So where does Asma Al-Assad stand in regards to the

individual in societies in which basic human rights were

current conflict? What has she done for the people of Syria?

allowed to flourish. Asma subsequently met Bashar while he

Has she done enough, if anything at all? More importantly,

was in England, undergoing training in ophthalmology. At

why should we care? While some may label her a member of

the time, Bashar was never expected to be the head of state

the Assads and suggest her actions were a reflection of the

as his father, President Hafez

family’s attempt to cling to power,

Al-Assad was grooming Basher’s

I believe that we cannot just cast

brother, Basil Al-Assad to take over the reins of the family ‘business’ in the future. Bashar was unexpectedly called back home in 1994 after the death of his brother Basil in a car accident, to be groomed and act as his replacement to the ‘throne’. It is during Bashar’s time in London, that he was introduced to and began having a romantic relationship with Asma. After

Where does Asma Al-Assad stand in regards to the current

her away due to her upbringing. Had she been brought up in Syria to a member of the upper level of

conflict? What has she done

the state her actions or lack thereof

for the people of Syria? Has

ians would not be questioned. Yet

she done enough, if anything

where basic rights were respected,

at all? More importantly, why

regarding the plight of the Syrher English upbringing in a state and her demonstration of her ability to flourish and prosper within Western society leaves some to

should we care?

question why she wouldn’t wish

the death of his father in 2000,

the same for her people. Yet as her

Bashar was elected unopposed

advocacy work shows, it is clear

as president and married Asma during the same year. This

that it is not a question of her lack of willingness to assist

series of developments explains how a woman brought up

her fellow Syrians in the past. Instead of asking why she

under a British constitutional democratic monarchy could

hasn’t done enough perhaps I should be asking: “What is

end up marrying a man that is currently committing heinous

stopping her from doing more?” Of late, Asma has not been

crimes against humanity.

seen in the news or publicly in light of the violence erupting

During more peaceful times, Asma was deeply involved in

in Syria. Many are even speculating that she may have fled

volunteer work in Syria. Asma Al-Assad was the founder of

to England with her three children to wait out this period of

Syria’s first non-governmental organization, the Fund for In-

uncertainty.

tegral Rural Development of Syria (Firdos). The organization

If the current situation continues, the rule of Bashar

was established in July of 2001 and is aimed at promoting

Al-Assad and his family looks bleak, and I cannot help

socio-economic development in the rural communities of Syr-

but wonder what the future has in store for Asma and

ia. She was involved in opening Syrian cultural attractions in

her sons. For a woman with the type of background she

France and other European countries and was widely regard-

possesses, her silence during the Syrians time of need is

ed as the face for socio-economic change in Syria. In addition

one of the most interesting and underreported develop-

to being deeply involved with humanitarian and develop-

ments during the Arab Spring.

mental work in Syria, she is also equally famous in the Arab world and beyond for her persona and fashion sense. She has been compared to Queen Rania of Jordan as well as Princess Diana. Asma is commonly seen wearing fashion designer clothing as well as jewellery and make up, something that women in the Arab world are not normally able to do freely.

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March 2012 路 Issue 2

unmasking the bomb maker sarah inglis Natalia Coellar Medina was born in Quito, Ecuador. In

tered the classroom and informed the students there had

September 2008, at the age of 18, she packed her bags and

been a terrorist attack. Police soon arrived to instruct the

left for Europe, longing to leave the violent city of Quito

students on how to safely evacuate the campus.

behind her. She moved to Spain and quickly adjusted to

Her immediate thoughts were of her family - they

her new life, buying an apartment in Pamplona, making

would be watching the news later and would hear of

new friends, and enrolling at the University of Navarra to

what happened at school. The mobile networks had col-

study business and economics. Life was perfect, or so she

lapsed, and she had no way of contacting her parents in

thought . . .

Ecuador. Her thoughts then shifted to her friends attend-

ing class in the central building, and wondered if they n 30 October 2008 Natalia got up, had break-

were safe. As she stood in the police designated area, a

fast, went to class and sat down near the

rumour quickly spread that bombs in the science building

window. It was supposed to be a typical day.

had gone off. Natalia stood paralysed as she tried to come

While taking notes from the lecture, she suddenly heard a deafening noise. She quickly looked out the window,

to grips with the heartless display of violence. The group responsible for this act of terrorism was Eu-

only to see thick smoke coming from the central building

skadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA); the Basque Homeland and

of the University. A few moments later, a professor en-

Freedom party. It is a terrorist organization who, since

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March 2012 · Issue 2

1968, is responsible for the deaths of more than 858 individuals, has injured thousands of French and Spanish civilians, has been involved with dozens of kidnappings, and has partaken in more than 3350 armed offensives. The group currently has a membership of 700 people, making them the largest terrorist organization within Spain and giving them the potential to strike anywhere at any time. Yet those who believed that the ETA was the only terrorist organization operating within Spain were soon to find themselves grimly mistaken. On 11 March 2004, Spain experienced its worst terrorist attack. In Atocha station, located in the heart of Madrid, four bombs exploded on a train that was entering the station in addition to three explosions on a train that was inside the

The proliferation of

station. In El Pozo station there were two explosions and

terrorist groups in Spain

explosions killed 191 people and injured over 2050. These

raises a number of significant questions for Spanish policymakers. Why has Spain become a hub for terrorist activities? And how has the Spanish response fared thus far?

another explosion in Santa Eugenia station. These 10 bombs were placed in strategic locations that would injure many and cause mass chaos. This attack has been deemed by many as the worst terrorist attack in the recent history of Western Europe. Due to the size of ETA, Spanish authorities quickly came to the conclusion that the Basque group was responsible. The fact that the bomb occurred only a few days prior to elections was used to support the accusations, despite the fact that ETA has never created a bomb anywhere close to the size of the ones that exploded in Madrid. The fact that Spanish authorities had hindered a plan by the separatist group to blow up a train at Atocha station only three months prior in December of 2003 led further credence to these claims. Most significantly, the Spanish did not want to believe that there was an additional terrorist organization at work within the country, as such a development would further complicate the government’s response to the threats they presented. In the evening following the bombings, demonstrations against ETA broke out throughout the country. Juan José Ibarretxe, President of the Basque territory, condemned the attacks and invited people to demonstrate peacefully in front of the municipal buildings in the Basque region against ETA. The next day nearly 11.4 million people demonstrated in cities across Spain. In the days that followed the attacks, the authorities came to the conclusion that ETA had ties to Islamic Extremists in order to create such a devastating blast. Three days after the attack, the Abu Hafs al-Masri Brigades, a group who claims to have ties to al-Qaida, stated that they were responsible, yet due to the fact the bombs were only a few days prior to Spanish general elections and that ETA had

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March 2012 · Issue 2

a history of bomb attacks in the nation’s capital, authori-

of Algeciras, the vast majority of the population are Mus-

ties were never able to rule out the group as a suspect.

lim immigrants from Morocco and Algeria. Spain was

Jesús Jiménez Prensa, a student of political science at

also at one time under Moorish rule, whose cultural and

La Universidad de Complutense de Madrid, was sixteen

religious imprint upon the nation remains - a number of

years old at the time of the bombings. When Jesús found

Spanish civilians have Moorish blood, while mosques are

out about the bombings, he believed, like the majority of

found in nearly all major cities throughout the country.

Spaniards, that ETA was responsible. When asked what

This cultural and religious diversity allows for terrorists

lead Jesús to believe that ETA was responsible, he sim-

to pass as typical Spanish civilians and not be suspected

ply replied “the government.” According to Jesús, ETA

as possible terrorists.

was an easy scapegoat. Upon reflection of the events,

Spain designed counter-terrorism legislation three

Jesús strongly believes that from the moment the bombs

decades ago in an attempt to combat ETA, and counter-

went off in Madrid, the government knew it was an at-

terrorist initiatives have grown in number as a result of

tack by an Islamic terrorist organization. But with the

the growing number of terrorist groups in the country.

election was only a few days away, if the PP announced

However, Spain does not have the ability or expertise

to the public that an Islamic terrorist group was respon-

required to deal with its terrorist problems, despite the

sible for the bombings, they would lose the election and

best efforts of police and prosecutors in tracking the

be blamed for the attacks. The party had led Spain into

growing number of Islamist extremists’ cells. Spain

the Iraq War, a war that was highly protested by the

has now begun to rely upon foreign intervention, most

Spanish population. Such a gamble proved to be costly to

notable by from the United States, a development which

the party - the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE),

has been the subject of controversy amongst Spaniards

who had from the day of the attacks informed the public

for a number of years. Yet despite this aid from Washing-

that the bombs were the work of Al-Qaeda, won the elec-

ton, Spain is still confronted with a multitude of terrorist

tion. Jesús believes that the lies the PP told the public

organizations and threats, and thus remains far from

have further alienated the Basque region from Spain,

secure. If Spain seeks to protect itself from another at-

giving more to ETA’s cause. As a result, Jesús believes

tack, they will need to increase security at airports and

that ETA will commit larger and more frequent acts of

at its major ports in the Mediterranean, such as Algeci-

terrorism throughout the country. Upon reflection, Jesús

ras, Alicante, and Valencia. More importantly, they will

says that it had to have been Al-Qaida, as “they wanted

need to introduce more strict counter-terrorism measures

to hurt Spain for joining the Americans in the Iraq war

independent of outside assistance that reflect the grim

and moreover, the bombing was exactly 911 days after

realities of the terrorist threat within its borders. Deny-

the terrorist attacks in New York on September 11,

ing the proliferation of terrorist groups within the coun-

2011.”

try will only exacerbate this growing security concern in

It has become clear that terrorist activity in Spain spreads far beyond the narrow confines of the ETA efforts. The country is home to numerous terrorist groups, including Abu Nayaf al-Afghani, the Moroccan Islamic Fighting Group (GICM), Nadim al Magrebi, the Salafia Jihadia, the Grey Wolves, the Salafist Group for the Call of Combat (GSPC), Hizballah, and Terra Lliure, among others. The proliferation of terrorist groups in the state raises a number of significant questions for Spanish policymakers. Why has Spain become a hub for terrorist activities? And how has the Spanish response fared thus far? Spain is in a strategic location due in part to its connections to other European cities via rail, bus, and air. Yet Spain is also both strengthened and hindered by its diverse and unique culture. It is close to Africa - so close that on a clear summer’s day in southern Andalucia, it is possible to see Morocco. In the southern Andalucian town

the Spanish heartland.

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the eye of the beholder

March 2012 · Issue 2

Graffiti as resistance in former Communist Europe

reid standish “In the street, / a form of spontaneous theatre, / I become

streets and the media controlled, the parking complex came

spectacle and spectator, and sometimes an actor.”

to represent a space where ideas could be expressed openly.

— Henri Lefebvre, The Urban Revolution

Spray-painted on the walls were bold statements condemning police brutality, criticizing the ruling regime, and provid-

It was a dreary summer in Minsk. It rained nearly every day,

ing updates on the status of political prisoners. A reoccurring

giving the Belarusian capital a somber feel. Yet, for research-

image throughout the complex was that of a medieval knight

ers Alexis Zimberg and Nicholas Van Beek it was the perfect

on horseback, known as pahonai or “the chase” in English.

time to visit. Only days earlier, plainclothes KGB agents

Once an official symbol of Belarusian statehood, pahonai has

and police officers had broken up protests in the city’s main

been coopted by Belarus’ opposition, making it the de facto

square and with the final protesters scared off or hauled into

symbol of dissent against Belarus’ longtime despot — Alex-

unmarked vans, all dissent appeared to be silenced.

ander Lukashenko.

But beneath the surface an important political exchange

A symbol can be a powerful thing. In the countries of

was underway. “We entered this abandoned parking complex

the former communist bloc, as authoritarian politics and

on the city limits and found that it was full of immensely

repressive censorship endure, symbols have grown in their

political graffiti,” said Zimberg, who has been researching the

importance. For Zimberg and Van Beek, understanding

role of graffiti in political resistance for her master’s thesis

these symbols and how they permeate through street art has

at Georgetown University for the past two years. With the

become a subject of devotion for the pair. Zimberg, a grad

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March 2012 · Issue 2

student, and Van Beek, a photographer and photojournalist, have combined their skill sets and have travelled across former Communist Europe to document the role that graffiti can play within censored states. “People often view this part of the world as very censored and places where opposition does not take place. However, by looking at graffiti you can see that people are criticizing their government everyday,” said Zimberg. The duo has travelled across the politically diverse landscape of former Communist Europe, from fledging democracies like Czech Republic and Poland to those

A reoccurring image throughout the complex was that of a medieval knight on horseback, known as pahonai or “the chase” in English. Once an official symbol of Belarusian statehood, pahonai has been

still dealing with the legacy of authoritarianism such as Russia and Belarus. What the duo found was that in no two countries did graffiti act in the same way. In some countries graffiti was a mobilizing force, providing a means for organizing resistance. In others, it was a divider, representing the deep ethnic rifts existent within the country. In all cases, graffiti and street art came to embody the underground pulse of each society. In Hungary graffiti reflected the deeply partisan politics and ethnic tensions that grip Hungarian society. Apart from illustrating the strong left–right political divide present in Hungarian politics today, the graffiti also reflected the deeply rooted anti-Roma and antiSemitic views that have been re-politicized by Hungarian politicians in recent years. In many ways, the highly

coopted by Belarus’ opposi-

racial and highly polarized graffiti can be viewed as a

tion, making it the de facto

events to come.

symbol of dissent against Belarus’ longtime despot — Alexander Lukashenko

catharsis for the artists, but it is also foretelling of the Since assuming power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s Fidesz party has pandered to the growing ethnonationalist sentiment growing in Hungary. The result has been the removal of ethnic Jews and Romas from government positions, a new government sanctioned work program with racial undertones, and the emergence of right-wing paramilitaries, such as those that plagued the town of Gyöngyöspata in April 2011. While unexpected by some, many of these developments were foreshadowed on the walls of Hungarian cities. However, graffiti is not always such a polarizing force. In Russia, resistance against the Kremlin and its longtime figurehead, Vladimir Putin, has recently come to the forefront. Yet, this dissent did not appear overnight. Years before the first anti-Putin protests in December 2011, dissent against Putin’s regime was spray-painted on the walls of Moscow and St. Petersburg. Moreover, even the nature of the demands of the protesters could be foretold through Russian street art. “The protesters’ demands are mostly about modernization and human rights, not revolution. The Western media did not make

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this distinction at first, but it would have been obvious to anyone who was familiar with Russian graffiti,” said Zimberg. Yet, apart from being an indicator of the existence of dissent and of its nature, what role can graffiti play in resistance? “Like all media, it seeks out the people who are already looking for it,” said Van Beek. “I see graffiti as noise where you can hear the voice of dissent,” he added. And perhaps this is the best way for understanding the role of graffiti. In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, much was attributed to the role of social media in helping to mobilize resistance. In the absence of such an outlet, graffiti has taken the helm. This holds especially true for Belarus, where legislation passed in January 2012 has banned access to all foreign websites. Furthermore, after a barrage of protests during the summer of 2011, the ironfisted Belarusian regime has made it illegal for people to stand in groups. Drastic legislation, combined with a major crackdown by security forces has left Belarus’ opposition movement confined to the periphery. For the time being, it appears that dissent has been confined to the margins in Belarus, with graffiti stepping in to fill the void once filled by traditional means of resistance. “People cannot meet, they cannot congregate.” said Zimberg, commenting on Belarus’ new laws. “This will cause graffiti to become even more relevant.” This may prove true, but as the parameters of Belarus’ police state continue to expand, public space will be under large amounts of surveillance, forcing the truly critical graffiti to be marginalized to hard-to-reach locations. But so long as the symbols of dissent — like pahonai — continue to be written on the walls, the narrative of resistance will be available to those who seek it. Revolution and resistance are not linear processes. Rather, they represent the infinite tug of war that is meaningful change. Graffiti is but a small part of this process, but like the symbols that graffiti portrays, it is much larger than the sum of its parts. It is simultaneously entertainment and commentary, a call to action and a means of documenting what has already taken place. Graffiti is not merely resistance, but a symbol beyond what can be confined by law or force. Its appeal rests in its ability to give a voice to the voiceless, and power to the oppressed. In doing so, it remains a viable form of resistance to those who seek meaningful change in former communist Europe and around the world.

March 2012 · Issue 2

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the looming solstace

The Arab Spring needs a new

concept of civil

society in order to bloom

Doug Olthof

n the spring of 2011, pixilated images of collec-

society to play an important role in bringing about a

tive defiance in the face of authoritarian brutal-

transition to pluralist democracy in the Middle East

ity — broadcasted to the world’s computer screens,

and North Africa (MENA).

television sets and newspaper pages from places like

‘Civil society’ is a slippery concept. In much contem-

Tahir Square, Sidi Bouzid, and the Pearl Roundabout

porary usage it refers simply to the non-profit or NGO

— inspired optimism and hope around the world. For a

sector. For those who aspire to a strong theoretical un-

time, these images seemed to confirm what the demo-

derstanding of democratic politics, however, civil society

cratically minded take as an article of faith: the forces

represents something more nuanced, more contested

of tyranny are no match for the power of a people

and, ultimately, more important. At its core, civil society

acting in concert. Events over the past several months

represents the sphere of voluntary and autonomous as-

in Egypt, Bahrain, Libya and — most disturbingly

sociation, free from the compulsory power of the state

— Syria have served to dampen somewhat optimistic

and acting as a bulwark against its arbitrary use. For

expectations for liberal democratization in the wake of

many theorists, this sphere should also be thought of as

revolutionary mass-movements. However, faith in the

separate and distinct from that of the economy and, per-

ability of organized groups of citizens to play a leading

haps more contentiously, from the ties of family, clan and

role in reshaping their states and societies remains

tribe. Of particular importance for the current discussion,

strong. This echoes a powerful trend in thinking about

there exists an ongoing debate as to whether religious

democracy and democratization in recent decades that

organizations – such as the numerous Islamic Voluntary

accords central importance to the role of civil society.

Associations that play an important role in providing so-

Puzzlingly, however — in light of events over the past

cial services in Egypt and elsewhere – can be considered

14 months, many students of the region do not share

a legitimate part of civil society. A normatively liberal

this faith. In publications as recent as 2011, several

definition of civil society tends to include only those types

such scholars have downplayed the potential for civil

of associations that share its commitment to democratic

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March 2012 · Issue 2

principles, thus rendering the association of a strong civil society with processes of democratization something of a teleology. A normatively neutral definition, on the other hand, includes all manner of autonomous associations, regardless of their ideological leanings. In the MENA context, a definition of civil society that excludes Islamic organizations would seem divorced from reality given that in many of the region’s countries, such organizations make up the largest category of associational groups. The inclusion of such groups, however, throws into question the assumption that a strong civil society will aid the

At its core, civil society

development of pluralist democracy. The pessimism expressed by students of civil society in

represents the sphere of

the MENA region stems, in part, from doubt regarding

voluntary and autonomous

Historically, Muslim societies have included numerous

association, free from the compulsory power of the state and acting as a

the extent to which civil society is indeed ‘autonomous.’ civil associations that were both independent and critical of authority. In the latter half of the 20th century, however, post-revolutionary regimes in several Arab countries and some post-independence monarchies centralized their hold on power and, in the process, constrained or eliminated the space for autonomous organization.

bulwark against its

This began to change somewhat in the late 1970s, as

arbitrary use. For many

controlled reopening of the public sphere. Thereafter,

theorists, this sphere should

some MENA states experimented with a cautious and the 1990s witnessed a dramatic increase in the number of civil society organizations (CSOs) in the region. While

also be thought of as

this profusion represented a rebirth of civil society, it

separate and distinct from

states. CSOs were typically subject to legal codes and

that of the economy and,

tor and regulate their activities while preventing the

perhaps more contentiously,

was a rebirth shaped by the interests of authoritarian bureaucratic practices that allowed the state to moniemergence of broad-based organizational coalitions. Civil society organizations were often infiltrated by members

from the ties of family, clan

of internal intelligence services while ‘shadow organiza-

and tribe

their activities. Moreover, CSOs often relied on govern-

tions’ were established to mimic and further monitor ment support or elite patronage as sources of funding. For analysts of civil society in the MENA region, the result was the emergence of a civil society that acted more as an instrument for authoritarian social control than as a means of collective empowerment. Discomfort with Islamism constitutes the second source of pessimism. This discomfort stems from the liberal democratic norms that underlie widely shared understandings of what civil society is. From this perspective, the religious-based society that Islamism promotes is fundamentally at odds with the democratic pluralism characteristic of civil society. Proponents of this liberal democratic view emphasize the authoritar-

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March 2012 · Issue 2

ian bent evident in some sectors of the Islamist move-

those countries that have experienced more revolution-

ment while dismissing as ‘inauthentic’ or ‘insincere’

ary change, the development of polities that reflect the

the commitments to democratic principles expressed by

demands of those who participated in revolutionary pro-

more liberal Islamists. These misgivings notwithstand-

tests will depend on the reversal of the state’s insulation

ing, Islamic Voluntary Associations have, in recent

from civil society as well as its infiltration of it. For any

decades, held a prominent place in the public sphere of

of this to happen, the state must be reconstructed in such

several MENA countries. Such associations in Egypt and

a way as to protect the sphere of autonomous associa-

elsewhere are typically organized around the provision

tion. The electoral success of Islamist parties in Egypt

of social services. Secular civil society, on the other hand,

and Tunisia throws this issue into sharp relief by raising

has traditionally been dominated by the educated middle

the question of how Islamist governments will deal with

classes. Secular CSOs have tended toward the promotion

groups of citizens who do not share their ideological

of abstract notions like ‘human rights’ and, when not

and religious commitments. In Libya, meanwhile, the

dependent on the authoritarian state, have often relied

emergence of a strong civil society will necessitate the

on foreign sources of funding. These facts, combined

transcendence of tribal divisions that were exacerbated

with the prominent position of Islamist organizations in

by the Gaddafi regime’s rampant paranoia.

the provision of social welfare, place secular civil society

Pre-Arab Spring analyses of civil society in the MENA

organizations in a distinctly disadvantageous position.

region were pessimistic precisely because states in that

With these considerations in mind, numerous scholars

region have failed to establish and protect a sphere for

have drawn negative conclusions about the potential for

volitional and autonomous association between citizens.

civil society to play a strong role in democratization in

If their pessimism is to be exposed as ill-founded, the

the region.

spirit of collective defiance that captivated and inspired

At first blush, these scholars seem to have gotten it

the world in 2011 must be institutionalized in organized,

wrong. Notwithstanding the numerous and very serious

autonomous and perpetual associations that act as a

problems that have cropped up in the wake of the initial

counterweight to state power. Without such develop-

wave of mass protests, the world did witness an incred-

ments, the hope that the Arab Spring inspired will give

ible surge in organized, autonomous associational activ-

way to despair, as new forms of authoritarianism replace

ity that reshaped the political landscape. Although some

the old.

would question the inclusion of revolutionary protest

The seasonal metaphor associated with anti-authori-

movements in the definition of civil society, the degree

tarian movements in the Middle East and North Africa

to which these movements arose autonomously through

suggests the birth of something new. If that something

voluntary associations between citizens should not be

is a viable civil society, it is as yet in its vulnerable

downplayed. What is less clear, however, is whether or

infancy. Its success in reaching maturity hinges on a

not organized civil society will continue to play a promi-

break from history more profound than the resignation of

nent and autonomous role in those countries that initiate

a particular autocrat or the organization of an election.

substantial reforms. Its doing so would necessitate

It demands new conceptions of citizenship and the state,

the translation of mass support for regime change into

where the rights borne by the former trump the preroga-

sustained support for a range of autonomous associa-

tives of the latter. Unfortunately, the future seldom (if

tions between citizens. It would also demand that long

ever) breaks cleanly from the past. For that reason, the

existent civil society organizations break free from state

negotiations for a ‘space’ for civil society are likely to be

dependency and infiltration. Finally, and perhaps most

as contentious — if, hopefully, less violent — as the pro-

problematically, it would require serious engagement

cesses that brought an end to dictatorial rule in Egypt,

with the question of just where Islamist organizations fit

Tunisia, and Libya, and the ongoing struggles that seeks

into the picture.

to do the same elsewhere.

For many countries in the MENA region, these questions might appear premature. In Syria, for example, there is little reason to expect the development of a strong and autonomous civil society in the absence of transformative political change. Meanwhile, in Bahrain and Yemen, what concessions those states have granted do not portend a new and inclusive national politics. In

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March 2012 路 Issue 2

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bits B that byte

March 2012 · Issue 2

“We are Anonymous. We are Legion. We do not forgive. We do not forget. Expect us.” uried beneath the source code and hyperlinks of the digital realm lies an organization that remains shrouded in mystique and mystery. Its member-

ship remains largely unknown, while the means through which it coordinates its large scale cyber attacks has confounded even the world’s most prestigious security organizations. Through large-scale online mobilizations the group paralyzes the website of its target, defacing its contents and displaying statements aimed at increasing awareness of the perceived illegalities of their target’s acts. Emboldened by a string of high profile successes against the Syrian Department of Defense, Stratfor, the Greek Department of Justice and the Central Intelligence Agency, the group has vowed to increase the quantity and severity of its attacks, targeting increasingly more powerful organizations and bureaucracies with each operation. Politically motivated and fueled by the growing levels of societal discontent, its operations have both enraged and excited throughout its ongoing online crusades. Its name is Anonymous, and it has become synonymous with a new era of resistance…

An examination and discussion of the acts of Anonymous

Scarce information regarding the birth of the movement is known, but its roots can be controversially traced to The Legion of Doom (a notorious collection of computer hackers active in the 80s and 90s) and 4chan, an online messageboard which is believed to still house some correspondence between Anonymous members. Initially established upon childlike acts of online mischief, it rapidly

alexander dirksen

matured to become a political tool with a strong ideological foundation. Project Chanology, a campaign launched in 2008 against the Church of Scientology, provided the group with mainstream media coverage and a loyal following online, while Operation Avenge Assange’s attacks upon PayPal, MasterCard and Visa in 2011 exhibited the true capabilities of the increasingly powerful collection of cyberspace’s vigilantes. With the onset of the Arab

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March 2012 · Issue 2

Spring the group transitioned from merely launching cyber attacks to additionally providing tools by which others could mobilize and respond to perceived political injustices. A recent partnering with Wikileaks suggests that the group may be once again undergoing a period of transition, joining forces with others to strengthen its own capabilities in its continual fight for “justice” in the digital realm. Anonymous supporters hail its defiance of the world’s elite as a means through which to empower the powerless, suggesting that its acts have garnered them a Robin Hood-esque cyberspace charm in the eye’s of the world’s disenfranchised. Yet serious ethical and legal questions remain. Have denial of service attacks replaced the picketboards of the past, or are its actions a form of cyber-

Anonymous supporters hail its defiance of the world’s elite as a means through which to

crime which carry with them dangerous consequences for the future? Po w e r t o t h e P e o p l e : The Case for Anonymous In a world in which Wall Street has taken precedence over Main Street on the domestic front and great power

empower the powerless,

politics continue to dominate and shape issues upon the

suggesting that its acts

through which to shift the focus of the political discourse

have garnered them a Robin Hood-esque cyber-

international stage, Anonymous has arisen as a means back from the privileged elites to the mass majority. It serves as a powerful reminder that we are not complacent pawns upon a chessboard, but rather a collection of independent actors aware of the inequalities present

space charm in the eye’s

within the system and the differing sets of rules which

of the world’s disenfran-

ent within society. Anonymous represents our desire for

chised. Yet serious

a need for ater transparency within the halls of govern-

ethical and legal questions remain

appear to be applied to the various social classes preschange, our longing for a meaningful political voice and ment. The power of Anonymous lies in its ability to strike at the heart of issues of accountability through its sheer strength in numbers. Operating as a largely cohesive force, the group is able to collectively mobilize against what initially appears to be a bureaucratic force largely out of reach, achieving resuts of whose magnitude would be unattainable by a single citizen or disparate group of like-minded individuals. Such successes have allowed for the organization to develop into a powerful “checks and balance system” within international affairs, holding government agencies and corporations accountable for their actions in ways in which traditional forms of resistance could only dream of. As legislative arms of the American government attempted to pass a set of

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March 2012 · Issue 2

bills viewed by some as a restriction upon online privacy

disparate collection of peoples who are united in their

and freedom (SOPA and PIPA) in January, Anonymous

quest for a more fair and equitable political and economic

responded. In February it attacked the Greek Ministry of

system. Yet its practices, unlike is policies, have yet to

Justice in a similar manner, viewing the judicial bodies

reach a broad consensus of support - questions of legality

support of IMF imposed austerity measures in response

continue to undermine its efforts, while concerns regard-

to the debt crisis a rejection of its most vulnerable citi-

ing the group’s perceived ability to transcend or evade all

zens. These high profile incidents illustrate the power

forms of domestic and international law raise questions

of Anonymous, while revealing some areas of increasing

as to the limits (or lack thereof) of its efforts.

concern for others…

Despite the efforts of the Occupy movement, meaningful structural change to the current economic and politi-

Blinded by the Bits:

cal realms largely has yet to be effectively undertaken.

The Case Against Anonymous

As these grievances serve as the fuel for the Anonymous movement, the scope of its efforts will continue to

Cyberspace appears at times to be capable of stripping

increase, further complicating these thought provoking

its environment of the human element - usernames are

questions regarding the legality and effectiveness of its

taken, anonymity is given, and the norms which struc-

actions.

ture traditional discourse and interaction are lost. Yet the human element remains. Beneath its content lies its creator, individuals bound by nature and the strengths and flaws of mankind that inevitably follow from it. No individual is neutral or omniscient, nor is one capable of conducting their daily lives in the cold calculated manner in which a computer performs its operations. The arena in which resistance takes place may have changed, but the actors have remained the same. Beneath the facade of justice invoked by Anonymous lies a more jarring reality. Increasingly interconnected through a globalized world, resistance to the status quo is no longer bound by distance nor contained by brute force. The acts of Anonymous thus know no limits - no target is too large, no institution too sacred. Its only restriction lies in the ideological boundaries of its members and their perceptions of unfolding events. Yet the world is not one of black and white, but a complex array of shades of grey - the conceptualization of “good” and “evil” lie in the eye of the beholder, not an online force perceived to be neutral in light of political developments which invoke powerful emotions amongst those affected. The time will come when judgments are made on behalf of the group that reveal the human flaws inherent in its makeup, threatening the very lives of those whose interests it claims to protect. Assessing Anonymous Anonymous encapsulates the pulse of protest, the very heartbeat of resistance. It stands upon the shoulders of past acts of dissent, calling to arms the common man and woman who have felt forsaken by its leaders. Its very essence of anonymity allows for it to represent a