Koreana Summer 1992 (English)

KOREAN ART & CULTURE

Vol. 6/No. 2 Summer l992

HAMAN ISM: Th irit World lli

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V ISIT KOREA YEAR 1994

More than Seoul!

Dance to the Beat of a Different Drummer The air pounds with intricate percussion rhythms. The eye is captivated by a flurry of color and the acrobatics of the performers. For over 2,000 years, the skill and energy of the Korean Farmers' Dance has dazzled audiences.

It's just one of Konds many surprises, a land of fascinating contrasts and intriguing paradoxes. From the remote beauty of rugged mountains and rural landscapes where time stands still. 'lb dynamic metropolises in which futuristic skyscrapers stand shoulder to shoulder with ancient palaces and Buddhist temples. Above all there are the people. Friendly and spontaneous, their good humour and generosity is like a breath of fresh air. Korea, Asia's secret treasure.

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~eligion

has been the oomerstone of man's spiritual life since the beginning of time, and history shows that culture and arts as we know them today originated in ancient religious ceremonies. Thus if we are to understand the arts and culture of any country, we must understand its indigenous religion. It is for this reason that we have chosen to focus on Korean shamanism in this issue of KOREANA. The roots of Korean shamanism may lay buried deep in our ancient myths but, as our contributors have so vividly revealed in this issue, the religion remains very much alive in the spiritual consciousness, culture, arts, and religions of the modern Korean.

Whether we know it or not, whether we like it or not, shamanism has played, and continues to play; a role in our spiritual and cultural lives today We hope this issue provides our readers with a better understanding of the nature and significance of shamanism in modern Korean society and traditional life.

Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, as well as Christianity imported from the West and the hybrid religions that have developed over the past century, have all been profoundly influenced by shamanistic beliefs and rituals, and conversely, shamanism has incorporated many elements of these beliefs in its rites and belief system. This flexibility testifies to shamanism's spiritual vitality and resourcefulness.

In the course of Korea's modern development, shamanism has often been denounced

as a superstitious, irrational folk belief with no place in civilized society Perhaps this is true and we will soon witness a rejection of this folk tradition in favor of modern science and technology However, shamanism offers modern man something he cannot find in reason and rationality Perhaps this is why shamanism has survived in this age of uncertainty With this issue, KOREANA has changed its look to provide our readers with a more lively, and hopefully more informative, journey through Korea's rich culture and artistic traditions. I hope you find the new KOREANA both enlightening and interesting.

Kwon-Sang Park

Korea Foundation

KOREANA Vol. 6 /No.2 Summer l992

6 The Role of Shamanism in Korean History

By Yoon Yee-Heum

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Shamanism in the Context of Modern Korean Religion

By Choi joon Sik

14 The Role of Kut in

Contemporary Shamanism

By Hwang Rushi

24

Shamanistic Images in Korean Mythology

By Kim Yulkyu

30

Shamanism and the Korean Psyche

By Bou Jbng Rh~ MD

36 Korean Shamanism and Its Influences on Traditional Society and the Arts

By Kim Tae-Gon

44

The Implements and Costumes of the Shaman

By KimKwang-on

50 An Interview with Kim Kum-hwa

By Yi Sung-nam

54 SHORT STORY: APortrait of Magnolias By 0 ChOng-hDi Translated by Bruce and ju-chan Fulton

62 Korean Shamanism From the Outside

By Barbara R Mintz

64 One American's Spiritual Insights By &tward R Canda

CURRENTS 70 ChaebOl Autobiographies Stir Up the Publishing 72

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World By Kling Yun-joo The Korea Foundation Gallery of Korean Art at the British Museum By jane Portal Slow Business for Local Filmmakers

By Kim Hong-Sook

KOREANA is published quarterly by the Korea Foundation 57£J 5-ga Namdaemunno, Chung-gu, SeouL Korea. KOREANA was registered as a quarterly magazine with the Ministry of Information, the Republic of Korea, on August 8, 1987. Registration No. Ba-1033. © The Korea Foundation 1992. All rights reserwd No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form without the prior permission of the Korea Foundation. PUBIJSHER/EDITOR: Hyuck-ln Lew EDITOR-IN.QIIEF: Kwon-Sang Park MANAGING EDITOR: Julie Pickering ART DIRECTOR: Park Seung-u TEXT EDITOR: Chang In-Yong CIRCULATION: Overseas: C.P.O. Box 2147, Seoul, Korea Tel: (02) 752-6171 Fax : (02) 757-'lJJ49 Domestic: C.P.O. Box 7852, SeouL Korea Tel: (02) 274-5443, 2fi9-71J:f) US. Subscriber Service: KOREANA P.O. Box 312 Hartsdale, New York 10530 USA Tel: (914) 4724587 Fax: (914) 472-1195 Advertising inquiries should be addressed to : AD SEOUL RM 601, Lions Building, 50-Zga, Chungmuro, Chung-gu, Seoul, Korea Tel: (02) 274-8336 Fax: (02) 274-8337 LAYOUf & Im:GN: Art Space Publications 30-9 Kwanhoon-<long, Chongno-gu, SeouL Korea Tel: (02) 734-7184 FaX: (02) 737-9377 PRINTING: Samsung Namkuk Printing Co., Ltd 167-29 Hwayang-<long, Songdong-gu, SeouL Korea Tel: (02) 468-0361-5 Printed in Korea July 10, 1992 Price per copy: US$5 (W 3,500)

The Role of Shamanism in Kol'ffill History

By Yoon Yee-Heum

Professor, Department of Religious Studies

Seoul National University

hamanism, complex by nature and found in many diverse forms around the world, is difficult to define. Indeed, it is this complexity and variety that has caused so much confusion and conflict among students of shamanism both in Korea and abroad What is shamanism? The answer depends on one's point of view. Some define shamanism in terms of folklore while others emphasize cultural norms, the indigenous social structure, spiritual ethos or the magic-religious context of a given culture. Clearly, the complexity of the topic makes a definitive definition and unified understanding difficult as does the diversity of shamanistic practices in cultures around the world. It is no wonder that confusion and controversy are common in the study of shamanism.

Korean shamanism is no exception. Over the years, the topic has been the subject of many studies varying in intent and content. For example, scholars have successfully reconstructed previously unknown areas in the history of Korean literature through the examination of shamanistic rites, and historians have achieved a better understanding of ancient society through the analysis of clues found in shamanism.

Since the 1960s, shamanism has been seen as a unique key to interpreting Korea's traditional culture. In this context, some scholars have convincingly argued that all new Korean religions find their spiritual roots in shamanism. Others boastfully claim that shamanism is the unique religious tradition of the Korean people from ancient times.

And of course there are those who persist in asserting that shamanism is nothing

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Many people believe shamanism is the most dynamic factor in Korean culture today, influencing as it has such major forces as Buddhism and Christianity.

The widespread performance of kosa, a simple shamanistic rituaL reflects the enduring importance of shamanism in our modern society.

more than a hotbed for superstition and irrational thinking.

Thanks to the efforts of Korean studies specialists active from the 1960s onward, shamanism's diverse roles in Korea's traditional culture are well-recognized.

Shamanism has been the agent through which ancient epics and myths have been preserved and archaic songs and dances have been conveyed to the contemporary performing arts community. Many people believe shamanism is the most dynamic factor in Korean culture today, influencing as it has such major forces as Buddhism and Christianity. The widespread performance of kosa, a simple shamanistic ritual, reflects the enduring importance of shamanism in our modern society.

No one can be certain how many Koreans believe in shamanism today since few people are willing to admit they are believers and so have never been counted in national religion surveys. A national shamans' organization recently published statistics indicating that they have some 40,000 due-paying members. If true, this organization is much larger than any of the other indigenous religions extant today.

Shamanism is clearly a mighty cultural institution with vast hidden power.

The purpose of this study is to uncover the relationship between shamanism and other religious traditions in Korea, such as Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism, and Christianity, probing the interaction between these traditions in Korea's cultural history. First, we will examine the meaning of shamanism and then review the history of religions in Korea.

The Meaning of Shamanism

ny study of shamanism, a potentially complex phenomenon, requires an organized framework of understanding. For this reason, I will recapitulate a few points relating to shamanism.

The term shamanism is generally used in two ways: broadly speaking, it refers to primitive or magic-religion; and, in a narrow sense, it indicates the distinctive religious tradition of northern Asia. In this study, I use the term in the latter context.

Shamanism is a religious practice closely related to the shaman's spiritual experience.

A shaman is a religious professional who

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has direct experiences of possession and ecstasy. When in a state of possession and ecstasy, a shaman is believed to be able to communicate with a deity or discern the deity's.wishes. Thanks to these powers, the shaman is capable of telling fortunes.

Thus the first and most important characteristic of shamanism is a shaman's personal and direct experience of the deities.

Shamanism is mystic by nature.

The second fundamental characteristic is function. The purpose of shamanism is to fulfill practical human needs. People engage the services of a shaman for practical purposes: to restore or enhance health, promote conception, acquire wealth or power, etc. These are the most basic condi-

tions for life in this world, and when these needs are fulfilled, man should be happy.

This practical and worldly element is called kibo~ the longing for the fulfillment of worldly desires. Korean shamanism has blended mystic and worldly attitudes for thousands of years and has been the central force in the maintenance and dissemination of this mystic-worldly attitude in Korean society. It is, in other words, the matrix for the expression of the practical needs of the common people in Korea. As such, shamanism has had an enormous influence on classic religions such as Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism, and Christianity.

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Shamanism in the Context of Religious History

here have been two major cultural shocks in the history of religion in Korea: first, the introduction of the three classic Oriental religions, Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism; and, second, the arrival of Christianity and Western culture.

Historians are uncertain as to the exact date of the introduction of Confucianism to Korea. There is evidence that Confucianism came to Korea, along with Chinese writing, during the Warring States Period in China (B.C.403-221). The adoption of Confucianism by the Koreans is evidenced by the establishment of a Royal Academy for the training of future government officials in the Confucian tradition by the Koguryo court in 372 A.D. Buddhism reached the Korean peninsula in the summer of 372 A.D. during the reign of Koguryo's King Sosurim (r. 371-384).

Confucianism and Buddhism have coexisted since the latter part of the fourth century and have remained the two major official religions influencing Korea's traditional culture for the last 16 centuries. As was the case in China, Taoism was rarely accepted as an official religion and has remained a minor tradition in Korea.

Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism were fully developed by the latter part of the fourth century at which time thoroughly refined metaphysical systems and processes for logical discourse were already established Korea was home to many indigenous religious traditions prior to the introduction of these three classic religions, however. An ancient inscription claims that one of Korea's indigenous religions had a far more profound spiritual message than the three classical religions combined Contemporary scholars generally believe that indigenous religion was shamanism. If we define shamanism narrowly, we can see there were a number of indigenous religious traditions whose belief systems were quite different from that of shamanism.

Nevertheless, the classic traditions of Korean culture were established under the influence of the three major religions.

Indigenous religions, including shamanism, remained marginal after the establishment of the classic traditions.

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As I mentioned above, shamanism was the most powerful belief system found among the indigenous religious practices in archaic society and has played a central role in the transmittance of kibok, the longing for the fulfillment of worldly desires, from ancient times to the present.

The shamanistic belief system has provided the Korean people with a way of expressing their unique daily needs, unlike the classic belief systems. In principle, Confucianism provides a vision for a noble order of social life, and Buddhism offers believers the wisdom to understand the meaninglessness and emptiness of earthly things. However, neither religion offers an immediate response to the most basic needs

of the common people, that is, the direct alleviation of the misery of everyday life.

For this very practical reason, Confucianism and Buddhism have incorporated elements of shamanism into their own religious systems. Confucianism has never excluded the shamanistic viewpoint on life and death. In fact, Confucian ancestral services have always been conducted within the context of a shamanistic belief system. Buddhism has also accepted shamanism as a means of satisfying popular needs. Neither kyo, the tradition of studying Buddha's words, nor son (zen), the tradition .of practicing the heart of Buddha, can satisfy these basic needs, so Mahayana Buddhism gave birth to

A scene from the Kangnl!ng Tano Festival.

Ayoung shaman in a state of possession drinks from a brass bowl filled with money offered to the spirits by believers in an appeal for good fortune.

total population. Koreans were relatively receptive to the Christian faith from its initial introduction since the concept of a personal deity and a human's direct experience of divine grace are familiar spiritual concepts. History shows that churches that emphasized the direct experience of God, regardless of the form that experience took, and the divine guarantee of the fulfillment of worldly desires have grown most rapidly. Achurch also flourishes if it emphasizes the mystic-worldly attitude that has prevailed in the shamanistic belief system since earliest times.

The Implications of Shamanism in Korea's Religious History perusal of Korea's religious history clearly indicates that the religions introduced to Korea from abroad soon became associated ~ with shamanism in one way or o the other. In fact, the relationship between ~ shamanism and the major religions has been much stronger and more prominent Tantrism, an amalgamation of the classic than the relationship between Buddhist belief system and popular Confucianism, Buddhism and Christianity. shamanistic beliefs. Shamanism mingled The three major official religions tend to much more easily with Taoism because compete with each other since each asserts Taoism by its very nature was a religious its own absolute superiority. Each of these organization born of the interrelationship religions is based on what its believers between classic Taoist philosophy and pop- assert is a perfect belief system with its ular folk beliefs. own refined metaphysical outlook and logAlthough shamanism has been excluded ical basis. Mutual accommodation between from the ranks of Korea's official religions, perfect or absolute systems is impossible it has been a persistent influence in both since an absolute cannot accept influences Confucianism and Buddhism. Shamanism's from outside. Instead, accommodation has influence on Christianity has been equally taken place through indirect relations, that great. is through shamanism, a channel for Of all the non-Western nations, Korea is expressing popular needs. the most successfully Christianized: Unlike the official religions, which are Christians constitute 20-25 percent of the based on an organized belief system with

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refined metaphysics and logical uses, shamanism is an attitude that is played out in everyday life. This mystic-worldly attitude is a primal survival impulse responding to the harsh conditions of human existence. Historically, shamanism has never developed a belief system advanced enough to constitute an official religion. It has remained a primal religion, a latent function, and powerful cultural undercurrent.

Unlike more systematic dogma, shamanism can, as a potentially latent and hidden life attitude, interact easily with the official religions without threatening their underlying principles.

Shamanism as the Matrix of Popular Needs e have noted above the dual role that shamanism has played in Korea's religious history: first, as a durable channel for the expression of distinct popular needs and, second, as a conduit for the interrelation of the various official cultural systems. From these two functions springs shamanism's third major function: the preservation and perpetuation of popular culture. Korea's cultural history clearly indicates that shamanism has been the means by which traditional culture has been transmitted to new generations since earliest times.

All three of shamanism's major functions are founded in the mystic-worldly attitude, man's natural and primitive survival response to adverse living conditions. This primal impulse is combined with a mystic experience of possession and ecstasy within the context of shamanistic beliefs.

Shamanism will survive in one form or another as long as Koreans are faced with the challenges of human life and the mystic experience of possession. Similarly, the official religions will continue to associate with shamanistic practices as long as they are confronted with the historical demands of popular life. And finally, as long as shamanism remains a part of our culture, history will always require us to carefully scrutinize the selfishness that underlies the mystic-worldly attitude and to search for a harmonious accommodation between classical wisdom and the needs of the common people. +

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Shamanism in the Context of Modem l(orran Religion

By Choi Joon Sik Assistant Professor Department of Korean Studies Ewha Womans University

ecently cin my walks through the fore the singing begins. Then it's on to an- third century China contains references to Shinch'on neighborhood near my other bar, and maybe even a third or boisterous drinking, singing and dancing by school I have noticed a new phe- fourth, singing all the way This is torture the Kogury6 and Puy6 people following nomenon. Everyday there seems for someone like me who doesn't really en- sacrificial rites at the new year and during to be a fresh batch of signs adver- joy singing in public. I have always won- the autumn harvest festival. The Korean people's unique social habits made a deep tising "Song Parlors," a new breed of dered where this tradition originated Korea has a unique leisure culture. It has impression on the Chinese historians simkaraoke bar where customers can sing along with recorded music and videos. one of the highest alcohol consumption ply because they were so different from Apparently this is just one more import levels in the world, although the climate their own The roots of the from Japan, but the Korean people's love for speed with which singing and dancing the fad is spreading combined with alcohol is amazing. There lies deep within the must be over 50 song Korean consciousness in parlors in the Shinthe form of sinmyong a ch'on area alone. kind of spiritual ecstasy, Business is booming and sinnaerim, the deat most of the estabscendence of a god or lishments and cusspirit. These two contomers have to wait cepts originate in the in line if they don't Korean tradition of perhave reservations. forming rites to honor I used to think evthe heavens. In ancient eryone loved to sing times the Koreans exand dance when pressed the joy they exthey were drinking. perienced when they It wasn't until I went met the gods through to the United States Few nations can compete with the Korean people's love for drinking and song. This the medium of a to study that I real- woman stopped to share a cup of soju and a song with a party of strangers while shaman by drinking, ized Koreans are in a strolling through a park onJindo Island singing, and dancing. class of their own when it comes to this sport. The people of isn't particularly cold, and the people seem This phenomenon has become the Europe and the United States don't seem to to prefer singing to conversation when archetype for Koreans' social consciousness care much for drinking and singing except they gather with friends or co-workers. and leisure culture. As a result, one could on special holidays and during local festi- Just one example is the throngs of older say the Koreans are reenacting their anvals. They can nurse a single can of beer women one finds singing and dancing at cient cultural traditions each time they for hours while talking with friends. We resorts and parks around the country on a gather for recreation.

Koreans, on the other hand, have quite a holiday How often do you see something Korean shamanism, its main motifs different way of socializing. We rush like that in the West? through the meal so we can get to the Of course, this is not a new phenomenon. founded in the concepts of sinmyong sinclrinking, and it's only a matter of time be- "The History of the Three Kingdoms" from naerim)and kongsu (revelation or an ora-

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Small stone towers and other elements of shamanism can be found in Buddhist temples throughout Korea. At near left, a scene from Songgwangsa Temple.

de from the gods), forms the core of the Korean people's religiosity. Thus when foreign religions are introduced, they undergo a process of "shamanization." This is particularly true of Buddhism and the more recently introduced Christianity. In fact, while Buddhism was severely oppressed during the Chos6n Kingdom (1392-1910), which was ruled according to the precepts of Confucianism, a philosophy relatively

weak in religious implications, the religion actively incorporated elements of indigenous shamanism.

Buddhist doctrine is flexible and will embrace all means that expedite the promulgation of the religion. The central goal of Buddhism is enlightenment, whatever the means used to achieve it. Nevertheless, since most people are a long way from enlightenment, Buddhist monks had to make

an active effort to attract followers to their temples. This is where the process of syncretism begins. Whenever Buddhism is introduced to a new society; it has been quick to accommodate the indigenous religious culture, absorbing local elements into its own religious system. Buddhism has been able to attract followers of local religious beliefs into its temples by a variety of means, such as asserting that the local god is simply another manifestation of the Buddha himself. Through this process, Buddhist priests instill a sense of intimacy in their religion, and the local people gradually come to embrace its higher truths.

This syncretism has always been a part of Buddhism, but during the Chos6n Kingdom when Buddhism was so brutally suppressed by the ruling regime, priests were forced to resort to new survival strategies that would bring Buddhism even closer to the common people. It was during this period that indigenous beliefs were most actively promoted within the temple walls. Samsonggak (Three Spirit Hall), a structure honoring shamanistic deities, and Ch'ilsonggak (Big Dipper Hall), a Taoist shrine consecrated to the Big Dipper, were constructed tn temple complexes, and Buddhist priests began participating in a variety of shamanistic practices including fortunetelling and the sale of good luck charms.

Three deities are honored in the Samsonggak, two shamanistic deities, ch'ilsong and sansin, the mountain spirit, and one Buddhist deity known as toksong Ch 'ilsong and sansin are both rich in shamanistic significance; in fact, ch 'ils6ng is one of the most important shamanistic deities since he controls human life ex11

pectancy. Traditionally; when a Korean woman gives birth, she visits the Sams6nggakand makes an offering to ch'ils6ngof a skein of thread (symbolizing long life) bearing her child's name.

Sansin's significance 1s made clear by the copious offerings made to the mountain spirit at nearly every private religious ceremony. In fact, the income from the shrine honoring the mountain spirit generally exceeds that from the temple poptang, the main half housing a statue of Buddha. No wonder a survey of Buddhist temples around Korea revealed that while there were a few temples without a poptang, every single temple housed a samsonggak within its walls. ¡ This reflects the importance of shamanistic deities in Korean Buddhism During the Choson period, the relationship between Buddhist temples and shamans ( mudang) was thoroughly symbiotic. Shamans often performed kutwithin the temple walls, and Buddhist monks are said to have taken an active role in the direction of shamanistic rites. This explicit activity no longer takes place today, but the fact that straightlaced young monks often demand the removal from the temples of all vestiges of shamanism, such as the samsonggak and the ch'ilsonggak, clearly reflects the persistence of shamanistic elements in Buddhism today. I have never heard of a case where these campaigns to remove shamanistic vestiges has been successful, however.

Shamanism's infiltration of Buddhism has occurred over an extended period of time, but its interaction with Christianity has been a relatively recent and intense encounter. Some scholars argue that the success Christianity has experienced in South Korea is the result of the rapidity with which it has been "shamanized" and thus made more responsive to the needs of the common people. The validity of this argument is clear when one considers the sudden growth of some of the Christian churches now operating in South Korea.

The process of "shamanization" is most pronounced in churches that emphasize the Holy Ghost and faith healing. In fact, these churches are in many ways Christian on the surface only since their content differs little from that of traditional Korean shamanism. They downplay the signifi-

are performed as a means of curing illnesses, rather than as a tool for promoting belief. Much of the rapid growth recorded by the Pentecostal churches has occurred because new believers hope to cure their own illnesses or those of family members.

Patients with chronic diseases often find their way to these churches or religious retreat centers affiliated with these churches after conventional medicine has failed to produce a cure. Prior to the introduction of Christianity; these patients visited shamans for the same purpose. Today clergymen, lay preachers, and evangelists are playing the role performed by the shaman doctor ( muui) during the Choson period. Of course, the content and conduct of the ~ "treatment" is almost identical. Professor ll Kim Kwang-il's field study on faith healing h1 provides us with a detailed understanding The~ (Three Spirit Hall) of this phenomenon.<D honoring two shamanistic deities and According to this study; most Pentecostal tok$7Jng, a Taoist deity, clergymen attribute illnesses to ghosts or reflects the syncretic relationship evil spirits jusvas shamanism¡attributes between Buddhism and Shamanism. both illness and misfortune to departed souls. Korean shamanism's conception of cance of jesus and God and emphasize the human evil and suffering is extremely simHoly Ghost. Perhaps this is all a result of ple: the source of all evil and misfortune the Pentecostal missionaries' unconscious lies in the resentment harbored by departeffort to make Christianity conform with ed souls against the living. This "projective" the indigenous Korean religiosity and col- belief system searches for external causes lective unconsciousness in which the con- to illness or misfortune and thus stands in cept of sinnaerim, or the descendence of a stark contrast to the established religions in god or spirit, has been such a fundamental which the misfortunes plaguing the living element. Indeed, the fact that the are seen as the result of man's own lack of Pentecostal churches that emphasize the self-awareness or ignorance. descent of the Holy Ghost tend to have the The shaman plays the role of mediator largest followings seems to evidence their between the disgruntled spirits and their descendants, preventing the spirits from link with indigenous shamanistic beliefs.

The similarities do not end here. harming the living by relieving them of Pentecostal church services do not follow their resentment and sending them peaceany specific order and consist instead of a fully into the other world The function of the Pentecostal clergyrepetitive chorus of hymns and chanted prayers very much like the loud singing man is much the same. If there is a differand dancing found in shamanistic rites. In ence, it would be in the manner in which both cases, believers attempt to enhance they handle the spirits. Pentecostal their state of consciousness in order to re- Christians use coercion to drive the spirits ceive the spirit, be it a shamanistic deity or away; and the shamans use more humane the Holy Ghost. Christians achieve this methods to cajole the spirits into leaving on state of consciousness through chanted their own accord. For this reason I feel the prayers and vigorous swaying, and the exorcisms performed by shamans are shaman does it by shouting or singing as much more Korean in nature. he or she leaps about in a frenzied dance.

Despite this distinction, however, the acThe similarities are remarkable. tual names and nature of the spirits that In many cases, the christening or bap- cause disease or misfortune are strikingly tismal ceremonies held in these churches similar in the Christian and shamanistic

CD Kim Kwangil, KidokkyojulJ}(mD i Sinnangchlr;ohJ(!nsang 12

contexts. For example, we find "virgin ghosts" of young women who have died before they had a chance to marry, "angry ancestral ghosts" who died unjustly, frustrated "widow ghosts," and "beggar ghosts" who died of starvation. In both the Christian and shamanistic contexts, the ghosts harass the living because they want revenge for unfair treatment during their lifetimes.

The vocabulary and intonation used by Christian clergymen when they are driving away evil spirits is also similar to those of a professional shaman. Aclergyman might say, ''You evil demon! Get out of herer' while a shaman will shout, "Hey ghost! Have some ricecakes and get lost!" In his field study, Professor Kim notes the shamanistic atmosphere of a Christian faith healing ceremony:

I knew I was in a Christian church and these people were clergymen and lay preachers, but I was amazed by how their prayers, intonation, gestures, facial expressions, and movements resembled shamanistic chants and the utterances of a shaman sjX'ÂŁlkingfor the dead. ÂŽ Shamanism's influence on Korea's contemporary religions is not limited to the established religious traditions of Buddhism or Christianity discussed above .

Shamanism has also had a great influence on the new religions that have developed since the late nineteenth century. While more than 300 distinct religions have appeared during this period, I would like to focus on a special interest of mine: the Chilngsan lineage founded by Kang 11-sun (1871-1909), better known by his pen name, ChDngsan.

"The Great Peregrination" ( Taesun ]6n'g;Dng), a written record of Chungsan's teachings, reveals an astonishing collection of religious elements from Confucianism, Buddhism, religious Taoism ( s6ndo), the cosmic principles of the yin and the yang, geomancy, and other beliefs. ChDngsan is widely recognized as Korea's greatest religious syncretist. In fact, although his teachings appear to be a religious hodgepodge at first glance, an in-depth analysis reveals a home tradition founded on the concept of the resolution of resentment (haewon).

ChOngsan made haew6n the core of his

teachings and through the reevaluation of other religious doctrines formed a remarkably viable belief structure. We must note, however, that the term haeui5n is simply a Chinese ideograph expression synonymous with the shamanistic term for resolution,

puri According to ChDngsan's teachings, the universe has been in a state of confusion since its inception because the basic framework of heaven and earth is unstable.

Mutual human resentment springing from this imbalance has accumulated over the centuries to the point where the universe is on the brink of exploding. In order to rescue the earth and universe from annihilation, man must eliminate this accumulated resentment. The first order of business is placating those who have died without resolving their resentment. This is not a task for common humans but rather must be performed by the controller of the universe and ChDngsan, the savior of the world ChDngsan made a special point of calling for the resolution of the resentment harbored by the spirits oLwomen who were treated inhumanely by men. 'The Ritual of Cosmic Renewal" (Ch'6nji Kongsa), Chungsan's own religious consciousness, sought to launch a new age in which the resentments of all oppressed peoples, particularly women, farmers, and servants, would be alleviated An equally important point was Chungsan's insistence that his followers not only work to alleviate past resentments but also strive to avoid creating any further resentment.

For all intents and purposes, ChDngsan could be called a great shaman who sought to rid the world of resentment and bring about a new state of harmony. His "Ritual of Cosmic Renewal" can be seen as a rite aimed at purifying the universe. I believe these teachings were successful because ChDngsan had the religious genius to embrace the shamanistic concept of resentment, so familiar to the Korean people, as the central focus of his own religious framework, to reevaluate it, and then reshape it into an advanced religious form that would provide solace to those people who had lost their sense of spiritual direction.

His teachings also transcended thenarrow focus on the individual and family that has characterized shamanism.

ÂŽ Kim Kwangil, Hanguk chont'ongmunhwaOi chOngsinpumiJk, Kyomunsa,

ChDngsan's positive message, which encourages human kindness, seems to have struck a chord in the religious consciousness of the Korean people for he had many followers during his lifetime and more than 60 different sects grew out of the original Chilngsan lineage. He remains popular among intellectuals, especially university students.

In many respects, this discussion has been one-sided since I have focused on South Korea while ignoring the state of shamanism in North Korea. Many people may ask how there can be any religion in the North, but ironically, North Korea, the most anti-religious state in the world, is actually one of the most religious. In the eyes of religion scholars, the personality cult centered around Kim 11-sung is a perfect example of a secular religion. Since we have no way of knowing how the North Korean people themselves feel, it of course is difficult to discuss this issue here.

Nevertheless, the shamanistic elements of the Kim 11-sung cult are worthy of our attention. In fact, the Kim cult cannot be ex-_ plained in any other context. For example, take the passion with which North Koreans speak of Kim. Certainly the German people's worship of Hitler and the Chinese people's veneration of Mao were passionate, but neither of these nations demonstrated the ecstasy exhibited by the North Koreans in their idolization of Kim. The image of adoring Kim followers broadcast on television reminds one of the frenzied behavior of a shaman in a state of spiritual ecstasy. Perhaps this is why communism, albeit in a unique form, has endured in North Korea while it has collapsed nearly everywhere else.

Marxism has been called a covert religion by many religious scholars, and it has been termed a kind of secular Christianity that ultimately cannot be understood outside the context of Christianity.

Nevertheless, these two ideological religions, or religious ideologies, thrive to the North and South of the 38th parallel with a vitality unparalleled in the rest of the world. I believe this phenomenon can only be explained in terms of shamanism, Korea's unique indigenous religious milieu +

1991, p501 13

Shamanism

By HwangRushi ~te Frofesror ~ent of Korean Uterature, Kwandong University

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eople generally think of shamanism as a relic of the distant past but, in fact, it remains an active part of the Korean consciousness today. Folk belief has been the target of repression since the Japanese colonial period, but the number of people searching for solutions to life's crises through the services of a shaman has increased in recent years. Statistics show there are 40,000 registered shamans in Korea today. However, the fact that this figure has not increased in over ten years, despite the large number of shamanistic initiation ceremonies, clearly indicates many shamans have avoided registering. I would estimate the present number of shamans at over 100,000.

Even if we were, for the sake of argument, to accept the 40,000 figure, it is clear that a substantial portion of the total population embraces folk beliefs. However, while Buddhism, Confucianism, Christianity (with separate categories for Catholicism and Protestantism), Won Buddhism, the Chungsan Sect, and various "new" religions have all been covered in government-sponsored religious surveys, shamanism has been excluded. As a result, no one can be certain of the present status of shamanism in Korea. Some people say this is justified because, in their view, kut shamanistic rites, and fortune-telling do not constitute a religion. But what is religion? If the coexistence of three factors -a priest, a ceremony and a community- constitutes a religion, then shamanism most certainly is one. The shaman is the priest (or priestess), the kut is the rite, and the hefty share of the Korean population that believes in shamanism is the community.

There may be no written scriptures or systemized doctrine for religious scholars to study, but believers find the answers to life's questions in the songs and words of the shaman. What more do they need?

There are no permanent temples or churches in Korean shamanism. Worship takes place wherever the kut is held. In a village kut, the community designates a site for the regular performance of the ceremony. The site can have a variety of functions. Sometimes it is the site of the shrine used in the worship of the village's guardian deities. Sometimes it is the local meeting place where issues of community interest are discussed And often it is a central part of the village's economic life, a

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sandy beach, for example, where villagers gather to mend nets or clean fish. This physical link between the kut site and the village's economic life demonstrates the inseparability of the shamanistic ritual and the cycle of daily existence in traditional society.

Such is the fundamental basis of shamanism. But what exactly is shamanism? Who are these shamans, and what is a kut?

The Shaman

he shaman (generally referred to as mudang) is an intermediary who communicates between the gods and human society, relaying humans' desires to the gods and revealing the gods' intentions to the humans. The shaman mediates through the ceremony known as kut, in which a variety of songs, dances, and dramatic vignettes as well as stories and legends are performed. Far more than a simple fortuneteller, the shaman is a priest overseeing a religious ceremony, just as a Christian priest or minister or Buddhist monk performs rites in his or her religion.

Traditionally, Korean shamans have been classified into two categories: kangsinmu, shamans who receive their calling through possession by a god; and sesupmu, hereditary shamans who have not experienced possession but instead inherit their calling from their ancestors.

Kangsinmu are most common in the area to the north of the Han River and west of the T'aepaek Mountain Range, that is, Seoul and the northern part of Kyonggi Province, the Hwanghae, P'yongan and Hamgyong provinces, and the western portion of Kangwon Province.

They usually experience the descent of a shamanistic spirit or god (sinnaerim) after a long illness (sinbyong) bordering on mental disease or after experiencing great emotional pain, such as the collapse of a marriage or family business. These individuals receive their shamanistic calling through an initiation ceremony known as the naerim kut in which the god is enshrined in the body of the shaman. It is at this time that the shaman acquires his or her prophetic skills. However, in order to become a truly skilled mudang, the shaman must practice the kut,¡ it can take

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anywhere from two to ten years to fully acquaint oneself with the intricacies of shamanistic practices. The newly initiated shaman should establish a teacher-student relationship with the shaman who performed his or her naerim kut and serve as an apprentice to the senior shaman Hereditary shamans are most common to the south of the Han River and in the region east of the T'aepaek Mountain Range. These shamans, all female, have been responsible for the preservation of the mudang tradition in the Cholla and Ch'ungch'ong Provinces, southern Kyonggi Province and in the Yongdong area of southeastern Korea. Men serve as musicians, performing the music for the kut and accenting the performance with witty comments and sarcasm. Kut performed by experienced hereditary shamans are rich in artistry and reveal the true skills of the Korean mudang Of course, one does find kangsinmu in this region, but they are generally little more ¡than fortunetellers and cannot perform kut This, I believe, reflects the firm social organization of the hereditary shamans.

Since the establishment of Confucianism and Buddhism as the dominant religions in the Koguryo and Paekche Kingdoms during the Three Kingdoms period, shamanism has, for the most part, been the belief of the common people, quite removed from the lives of the ruling class. During the Koryo period (918-1392), shamanism coexisted with Buddhism in the form of state rituals such as the p'algwanhoe, the rite honoring the Celestial King and the five famous rivers and mountains, but shamans were reduced to chon min status, the lowest social station, following the establishment of Confucianism as the official ideology of the Chos6n Kingdom (1392-1910).

As the elaborate system of social status deteriorated in the latter years of the Choson Kingdom, the number of hereditary shamans began to decrease rapidly. There was no longer any reason for these people to put up with the degrading treatment they had been subjected to in their villages.

Hereditary shamans remained, however, highly skilled in the performing arts such as p'ansori, a narrative form of musical drama, acrobatics, farmers' music ( nongakJ and various folk dances, and most of the p'ansori masters today are descendants of hereditary shamans from the Cholla

region.

Hereditary shamans are near extinction today. It is difficult to find any under the age of 40, even on the East Coast where they have been most active. On the other hand, the number of kangsinmu is increasing. However, they rarely serve as apprentices to their elder masters as was the custom in the past. Generally, these unskilled shamans, or s6nmudang simply tell fortunes and perform lesser ceremonies such as the p'udakk6ri, a rite for simple healing purposes. The s6nmudang lack a true understanding of the kut and so are incapable of passing on the world view or value system inherent in shamanistic ritual. Also, their narrow focus on the interests of individual clients has caused a general deterioration in shamanistic beliefs today.

The life of a shaman is no different from that of ordinary people. They marry; have children, and live in houses like anyone else. Kangsinmu worship various deities at shrines in their homes, but hereditary shamans do not. The hereditary shamans of the ChOlla region don't even have any special ceremonial clothing; they simply wear white hanbok, Korea's traditional cos-

Top: Ashaman in a state of possession delivering the oracle ( kongsu) of a deity or the spirit of her client's ancestor.

Above: A kangsinmu, or possessed shaman, perfonning a noerim kut

tume,when they perform a kut In most cases, shamans are poor and uneducated, and generally female. They are looked down upon by society; much as they were during the Choson period. In fact, only those born to the calling or selected by the gods embrace shamanism as a calling, and then only reluctantly.

Thus society's least privileged citizens, women, play the role of religious cleric.

This is one of the main reasons why shamanism has not been treated as a respected religion. How can uneducated women possibly be the leaders of a religion? What could their believers possibly learn from them?

However, religion is not a means of transmitting knowledge. The purpose of religion is to provide believers with solutions to life's unanticipated problems and solace to help ease their suffering. The shaman lives humbly at the very bottom of society and thus is the religious leader most familiar with the lives of the common people, most sympathetic to their economic woes, social concerns, and emotional hardships. This solidarity with the common people has been the driving force behind shamanism for centuries.

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Ceremonies

he ceremonies that form the core of Korean shamanism can be divided into three categories according to size. The most rudimentary is pison, literally the rubbing of hands. This simple rite is usually performed to protect a family member embarking on a trip, to cure minor illnesses, or to improve marital relations.

An offering of food is placed in the main room in the household or on the terrace where the soy sauce and bean paste pots are kept, and then the shaman performs a simple prayer by rubbing her hands together. In some cases.; the housewife will perform the prayer herself.

Kosa and p'udakkOri are rites performed on a slightly larger scale. Kosa is generally performed in the tenth lunar month at harvest time, and p'udakkori is performed throughout the year to drive away miscellaneous spirits ( chapkwz) when a household faces misfortune, such as the illness of a family member or economic difficulties.

In both rituals, one or two mudang come to the client's home and convey the humans' wishes to the deities through song, dance, and musical performances on the changgo (hourglass drum) and chegiJm (small cymbals). These ceremonies are, however, relatively simple affairs lasting three or four hours at the longest. In recent times the kosa ceremony has been even further simplified Often the ceremony is limited to a few bows in front of a plate of ricecakes.

The largest and most important shaman ceremony is the kut The kutis a composite of many different elements: offerings of food and liquor, paper flowers, lamps, boats, and other decorations to attract the gods; dances by several shamans to special music

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performed by professional musicians; singing; prayers; acrobatic stunts; witty banter; and the like.

As in any religion, an understanding of the kut is essential to an understanding of shamanism. In fact, this is especially true in the case of Korean shamanism because, as I mentioned above, there are no established scriptures or doctrine. Only in the kut can we find the essential elements of shamanism merged in a cohesive unit For the sake of simplicity, I will categorize kutin terms of the people who initiate the ceremony, that is the shaman's clients, and the purpose of the kut First of all, there is the village kut already mentioned. These ceremonies are generally held on a regular basis, although in some cases the ceremony is held at intervals as long as ten years. The purpose of the village kutis to pray for village harmony and prosperity.

Kut are also initiated by individuals.

These kutcenter around the family unit and can be divided into two basic categories: chesu kut to promote the welfare of the living; and n6k kut to guide the souls of the dead to the other world The chesu kut is best understood as a smaller version of the village kut. Chinogi, a ritual to appease the angry spirits of the dead, sumang ku~ a rite performed for drowned fishermen, and ssitkim ku~ a cleansing ku~ are examples of n6k kut The naerim kut in which a spirit is enshrined in the body of a kangsinmu, or possessed shaman, is one of the more commonly performed kut today.

Kang.sinmu also perform the sin ku~ a rite held on a regular basis in which the shaman and his or her believers honor the god who has possessed the shaman.

Hereditary shamans do not perform this kut

Right opposite: In some ku~ fire is used to purify the ritual site and those involved in the kut left: Clulngga, the hourglass drum, is frequently used in kut as well as in nongak, or farmers' music.

Right: ChegtJ.m, the small cymlYals used

in kut.

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NIJkKut

eligion has always dealt with the issue of death. For this reason, it is no surprise that the n0k kut a ritual in which the spirit of the dead is guided to the other world, is the most commonly performed kut In shamanism, there is no concept of heaven, hell, or a world beyond the grave.

When one dies, one simply leaves this world (isung) for the other world, the world of the dead (chosung). The boundaries of life and death are clearly delineated.

However, not everyone is able to give up life in this world so easily. It is human nature to want to live as long as possible, and for people who feel slighted or unjustly treated in this life, it is only natural that their souls are reluctant to go on to the other world, even after their bodies have died. Someone who has died at an early age, without marrying perhaps, harbors a great deal of resentment and unfulfilled wishes, han, a concept crucial to an understanding of the Korean psyche.

These disgruntled souls lead a pathetic existence, caught between the world of the living and the world of the dead, and can be dangerous to the living. By performing a n0k ku; a shaman can send these spirits to the other world, protecting the living and offering peace to the dead. The nok kut thus reveals an essential element of Korean shamanism: the concept of salvation from without No matter how virtuous and moral one is in life, a kut is the only way a soul can be assured of peace in the other world While n6k kut vary from region to region, their basic structure is almost always the same.

The kut begins with the oral narration of the Pari Kongju myth, the epic tale of the seventh daughter of an ancient emperor, Pari Kongju, who was abandoned by her parents at birth. As punishment for their treatment of their daughter, her parents were afflicted with a fatal disease and passed on to the other world Being a filial daughter, however, Pari Kongju searched for a magical medicine to cure her parents and ultimately was able to bring them back to life. In the kut, the shaman asks Pari Kongju to guide the dead to the other world

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In the second act of the ku~ known as hanp'uri, the resentment of the disgruntled spirits is alleviated If a kangsinmu is performing the ku~ the spirit of the deceased enters the shaman's J:xxly. The spirit speaks through the shaman, describing all his or her frustrations and lingering attachments to the world of the living.

Ahereditary shaman performs this kut the hanp'uri is performed with a spirit stick made from a pine branch or bamboo pole. The shaman focuses her attention on the stick, and the spirit enters it, causing it to shake violently. The shaman becomes the soul of the departed for a brief moment during which she shares her sadness with the grieving family.

In the Chi'Hla region, the n6k kut is

called ssitkim ku~ literally the cleansing kut The hanp'uri portion of the kut is known as kop'ur4 "the unraveling of the knots.' In kop'ur4 nine lengths of cotton fabric are tied in seven knots looped around the deceased's ricebowl. These knots, symbols of life's hardships and resentments, are unraveled in the course of the shaman's dance. Kop'uri is the most highly developed and artistic of the hanp'uri performed by Korean shamans.

The final act of the n0k kutis the departure of the spirits from the human world.

After the hanp'ur4 the spirit is free from all lingering attachments and ready to depart for the other world. A Buddhist chant is performed as long strips of cotton cloth, which symbolize the road from this

world to the other world, and linen cloth, which symbolize the entrance of the other world, are stretched across the kut site.

The mudang performs a dance along the length of the cloth "roads," carrying a model boat for the departed spirit to ride into the other world. If a kangsinmu is performing the ku~ the shaman rips the cloth, symbolizing the departed's salvation through a complete break with this world The n6k kutnot only relieves the resentments harbored by dead souls but also functions to ease the pain of the living. For example, the sight of the shaman unraveling the knots one by one as she speaks for the deceased in the kop'uri segment allows those watching to experience the freeing of the spirits from the bonds of the human

world. Death severs the relationship between the living and the deceased in a fleeting instant, and all communication is broken off. This is why death is such a mortal blow to the living as well as the dead A kutis our only opportunity for reuniting the living with the dead Through the kut, life and death can be reconciled. We often say that the shaman speaks in the voice of the dead, but in fact, the shaman also serves as the voice of the living, giving them an opportunity to repent and resolve their own pent-up resentments.

Thus the nok kut performs two functions: sending the dead soul to the other world; and liberating the living from that death. The nok kut gives the living an

left: Ascme from the niJil lmt The shaman carries the n()ll doe, or spirit stick, used to call the spirit of the deceased to the ritual site.

Right: In the niJil lmt, the spirit enters the body of the shaman through the spirit stick. The shaman then relieves the resentment of disgruntled spirits and provides the living with an opportunity for repentance and resolution.

opportunity to say farewell to their dead loved ones while at the same time allowing them to express their common grief, resolve their own differences, transcend their loss, and begin life anew.

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VtllageKut

he village kut is a communal rite promoting village harmony, health, and prosperity It consists of prayers for prosperity to the various shamanistic gods as well as rites honoring the local deity who serves as a common ancestor. Through the ku~ the communal consciousness of the village is promoted The kutalso serves as a village festival since it includes a variety of entertainments such as tightrope walking, rock fights, various team games, farmers' music, masked dance, and clowns. Everyone in

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Left: A scene from the Kangnnng KwantlQ Masked Drama, a dance-drama satirizing traditional social roles.

Right: Two shamans dancing during a kut perfonned at the Kangnnng Tano Festival

the village comes out for the ku~ and the crowds attract a throng of peddlers, craftsmen and minstrels ready to take advantage of the festival atmosphere.

In traditional society, the village kutperformed an important social function, promoting village pride and a sense of community The kutalways focused on the village's productive activity Thus in fishing villages, the tutelary deity of the kut was the god of the seas, while in a farming village the tutelary deity would represent the land Both fishing and farming depend on cooperation. The village unit was the lifeline of the individual, so by helping others, one was really helping one's self. The kut served to reinforce this collective consciousness and contribute to the well-being of the village as a whole.

However, it was precisely because of this 22

social function that shamanism and the village kut were suppressed during the Japanese colonial period (1910-1945).

Following liberation in 1945, the traditional village unit was destroyed by the Korean War and the social chaos caused by the division of the Korean peninsula. As a result, many village kuthave disappeared.

This process of decline was further exacerbated by the Saemaul (NewVillage) Movement promoted by the Pak Chong-hili regime. Many of the remaining village shrines were destroyed as part of the Movement's campaign against superstition.

Korea's rapid urbanization has also been an important factor in the decline of village kut The strong emotional bond linking people with similar lifestyles is lacking in urban life,and, as a result, there is little common ground for a community kut, even among people living in the same apartment building.

Few village kut survive today. The tradition remains relatively vibrant along the East Coast and on Cheju Island, as well as in a few of Seoul's older neighborhoods.

Also a number of village kut such as the Kangniing tano kutand the Unsan PJXjlsin kuthave been preserved as intangible cultural assets by the government.

While community-oriented kutare disappearing, p'udakkori rites performed by sonmudang, shamans unskilled in the more advanced rituals, are increasing at an unprecedented rate. The problem with these ceremonies and simple rites performed by housewives at shamanistic shrines deep in the mountains is that they are exclusive and narrowly focused on personal desires. Traditionally, a kutwas open to the greater community. Anyone could participate. Whether a village kut or a family kut, the rite was performed in the spirit of the common good. It was a way of life that brought people closer together, offering them answers to life's questions through the meeting of gods and humans.

However, the secret performance of p'udakk6ri at secluded mountain shrines is a selfish, individualistic activity. While this trend away from village and communityoriented kut toward p'udakkori does not necessarily reflect the disintegration of Korea's traditional communal culture, it clearly reveals the growing propensity for self-centered individualism in our society today..

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Shamanistic Im~ in l(offfill Mythology

By Kim Yulkyu Professor, Department of Korean literature

Inje University

lthough all myths originating in Korea can be conveniently grouped under the rubric Korean mythology; this sweeping generalization ignores the differences between these myths. Korean myths are best divided into four major categories according to their socio-<:ultural backgrounds: 1) foundation myths; 2) shamanistic myths; 3) clan myths; and 4) village myths.

However, all these myths share two basic characteristics: first, they generally concern the founders of a clan, village, kingdom or belief; and second, they are tied, directly or indirectly; to shamanistic beliefs and principles. Indeed, most Korean myths can be categorized as foundation myths, and their protagonists constitute what could be called "cultural heroes", figures who create culture and thereby make the world fit for human life.

These foundation myths, secular as they may seem at first glance, are based on religious beliefs and principles that are predominately shamanistic. Thus, it can beargued that in Korean myths, the "principles of sanctification", which are essential ingredients of any myth, are rooted in shamanism. Not only does this mean Korean mythology's cosmogony and outlooks on both the world and humanity were influenced by shamanism, but also it suggests that mythology's narrative grammar partially reflects the initiation process found in Korean shamanism.

For example, the grounds for regarding ancient Korean kings as "shaman kings" are generally discovered in myths about the founding of ancient Korean kingdoms.

These myths suggest that the authority of a king partially overlapped that of the shaman, or that the former emanated from

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the latter. In fact, Samguk Yusa, a history of the Three Kingdoms written by the Buddhist monk Iryon (1206-89), shows that the people of the Silla Kingdom (57 B.C.-A.D. 935) used the term chachung(literally "full of mercy") to refer not only to their kings but to shamans as well The similarity between some Silla era gold crowns and those used by Siberian shamans further accentuates the overlapping roles of the king and shaman.

However, to understand this connection, we must compare the mythology and shamanistic beliefs of Korea and Siberia.

Mythology and Shamanism as Revealed in Silla Gold Crowns The upper portion of the most refined Silla gold crowns is adorned with three different ornaments: tree-like shapes; antlers; and wings similar to those of a bird. The tree-shaped designs are in the center of the front, and the antlers and wings adorn the sides and back. What is the significance of this arrangement? What do the images symbolize, both individually and collectively? The symbolism found in these crowns raises questions about the relationship between royal authority and shamanism in the Silla era as well as about links between Silla mythology and shamanistic beliefs.

When considering these questions, however, we must remember that they are founded in an understanding of the transformation of visual language, in this case a mythogram, into oral language, or mythology.

The vertical shapes with upturned forked branches found on the top of Silla crowns are generally recognized as tree designs. They could be seen as antler images, but I believe the conventional reading is more appropriate. These symbolic trees, more specifically "cosmic trees" or "world

trees", sustain the cosmos (world) by towering at its center. In Korea, the concept of a cosmic tree is found in the idea of sindansu, the tree where Tan'gun, Korea's mythical founder, established Ancient Chos6n, in the image of sodo, a large tree with shamanistic significance that was the site of religious rites during the Samhan period, and in the concept of sonang namu, the guardian tree still found at the eatrances of many rural villages. Sindansu and sonang namu are also considered the vehicles by which gods descend from heaven to earth.

The notion of a cosmic tree is found in many cultures around the world. The most familiar to Koreans may be the pipal or Bodhi tree found in Buddhism. The concept of the Asokan Pillars of Indian culture also is linked to the idea of a cosmic tree.

The fact that cosmic trees can be found in Indo-Iranian culture shows just how widespread this notion has become.

The symbolism embodied in the pipal tree is two-fold. The more commonly recognized view is associated with the Sakyamuni Buddha who is said to have achieved enlightenment under a tree.

However, if we search for the archetypal image of this enlightenment tree, we find that it stems from the image of a huge tree whose branches reach the sky and whose roots extend to a spring deep beneath the earth, that is, the cosmic tree itself. Add to this the obvious symbolism of the Asokan Pillars and one easily recognizes the Buddhist image of a cosmic tree.

In this context, the cosmic tree constitutes the core of Indo-Iranian cosmogony; and it goes without saying that it also is the nucleus of that culture's cosmography. No significant difference can be discerned between the Indo-Iranian cosmic tree and

The vertical shapes with upturned forked branches found on the top of Silla crowns are generally recognized as tree designs. These symbolic trees, more specifically "cosmic trees" or "world trees"' sustain the cosmos (world) by toweringatits center.

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that of the northern region stretching from Scandinavia to the eastern edge of Siberia.

One can safely say that the notion of a cosmic tree exists throughout the vast oval zone connecting the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean on the one hand, and the northern boundary of Siberia on the other.

Needless to say, the Korean sindansu, sodo, and sonang namu are all part of this phenomenon.

However, the Korean sindansu differs from the cosmic trees of Indo-Iranian cui26

A siinang namu (shaman or cosmic tree)

found on Oteju Island Shamans and villagers communicate with the spirits of the dead and deities through such trees.

ture in that it is not only the backbone of cosmogony but, at the same time, is a "shaman tree" through which the shaman communicates with the deities. This latter aspect clearly demonstrates that Korean cosmic trees share the roots of those found throughout Siberia. The amana hashira (pillars of heaven) and himorogi found in Japanese mythology spring from these same roots.

Korean cosmic trees are also closely linked to Siberian shaman trees, or turu,

and pillars, known as abo. A turu is a tree through which the soul of a man or woman being initiated as a shaman travels to and from the heavens in the course of the initiatiqn process. The tree is marked with the layers of heaven through which the shaman's soul must pass and thus may be regarded as a stairway to heaven Since the tree can be used by a shaman, it is only natural the deities in heaven can use it on their trips to and from earth Here lies a clue to why the tree-shaped designs on the Silla crowns were placed in the center. They symbolize both shaman trees and the trees at the center of the universe and world, which mediate between the heavenly world of the gods and the human world on earth Naturally they are placed at the center of the crown. After all, the king of the earth was also the Lord of the universe, and, as mentioned above, Silla kings had the authority of shamans as well This point is illustrated by the life of King Hon'gang who ruled from 875 to 886 toward the end of the Silla Kingdom. King Hon'gang not only saw divine spirits invisible to others but also expressed his vision of them through dance. This suggests that he was a "seer" with the shaman's ability to experience the mystic. This can also be regarded as a remnant of the early Silla kings' sacred authority, which was inseparably tied to shamanistic beliefs.

The symbolism embodied in the antlershaped ornaments on Silla crowns is more easily deciphered. The myth of King Tongmyong, the founder of the Kogury6 Kingdom (37 B.C-A.D.668), suggests that deer were considered mediators between heaven and earth. In addition, Samguk Sagi (History of the Three Kingdoms) makes several references to the appearance of "sacred deer." Moreover, archaeologists excavating an ancient tomb in Koryong, north Kyongsang Province, where the confederated Kaya Kingdom once ruled, found antlers placed at the head of the coffin. All this reveals how strong deer worship was in ancient Korea.

Traces of deer and antler worship have been found extensively in Siberia as well.

For example, the antlers enshrined at the sacred sites of one tribe living at the western end of Siberia, fit into this category However, a more direct parallel to the antlers on Korean gold crowns would be

those found on the shaman crowns used by some Siberian ethnic groups. Real antlers adorn the center of these simple shaman crowns and are said to symbolize the weapons that the shamans wore on their trips to and from the heavens.

However, one should not forget that antlers, and, by extension, deer, also represent rebirth or resurrection, for they, like a tree, undergo the cycle of molting in autumn and regeneration in spring. It was through this dual symbolism that antlers may have found their way into shaman crowns, and by the same token, onto the crowns of Silla kings.

We cannot be certain whether the bird wing ornaments on Silla crowns represent the wings of an eagle or duck. Moreover, given the Kogury6 myth in which a pigeon serves as a messenger from the goddessmother, Yuhwa, we cannot rule out the possibility that the wings are those of a pigeon. These birds, together with the magpie, which appears as a propitious sign in the myth of King Tarhae, the fourth monarch of Silla, are the sacred birds most revered in ancient Korea. This worship of sacred birds explains why the Kogury6 people's headbands were decorated with the feathers of a bird's wing. If we view the designs on the Silla crowns as the wings of an eagle or duck, then the ties between these crowns and shamanism are fortified. Eagles, for example, can symbolize either the first shamans to live on earth or the birds that transported those shamans to earth in the first place.

What do these three symbolic images add up to? The tree designs symbolize the central pillar sustaining the universe. The deer implied by the antler-like ornaments stands for the richness and fertility of the earth, and the wings represent the cosmic nature of the bird Put together, they testify to the sacredness of the authority of the Silla kings, extending not only through heaven and earth, but also to the underground world These symbols also suggest that this authority was backed by shamanistic faith.

Kogury6 Mythology and Kut This close relationship between royal authority and shamanism suggest the myths about the foundation of ancient Korean kingdoms are directly related to shamanism. In other words, if the power of the

ancient kings was closely intertwined with shamanistic beliefs, it naturally follows that the myths about this royal authority were intimately linked to shamanism. The dynastic foundation myths of ancient Korea could therefore, be called "shamanistic myths of royal authority" This is simply another way of saying that the authority of the founders of the ancient kingdoms depended to a considerable degree on their possession of shamanistic authority.

The myths are, to a large measure, areflection of the process by which a shaman was initiated In ancient Korea, the process by which the founder of a dynasty consolidated his power was similar to that by which a person gained the authority of a shaman The royal inauguration process either overlapped with or reflected the shamanistic initiation process.

From this standpoint, Kogury6 mythology, especially the myth of King Yuri, the second king of Koguryo, takes on deep significance. According to the myth, King .Yuri underwent three tests before being appointed crown prince: he had to solve an enigma, discover his real father, and demonstrate his own superhuman strength It is not difficult to see that this process parallels the typical shamanistic initiation process.

Of these three tasks, the test in which Yuri demonstrates his mysterious power best reveals the relationship between Korean mythology and shamanism. After Yuri passed the first two tests, King Tongmyong, his father and the semi-legendary founder of Kogury6, asked his son to demonstrate his mysterious powers. Yuri immediately flew up to the sun on a wooden window frame. Seeing this, King Tongmyong appointed his son crown prince.

Yuri's flight is similar in nature to the trips to the cosmos or heavenly world so characteristic of Siberian shamanism. It is also comparable to the "high jumps" or "flying" demonstrations that constituted part of the initiation process for Siberian shamans.

This trip to the cosmos or heavenly world was believed to be made by the shaman's soul, and through this trip, the shaman's soul met the heavenly deities and thereby attained shamanistic authority.

There are many other figures in Korean mythology who are reputed to have been capable of traveling to the heavenly world: 27

Pak Hyokkose, the first king of Silla; Hwanung Tan'gun's father; King Suro, the founder of Kaya; Kim Alchi; King Tongmyong, Yuri's father; and Haemosu, Yuri's grandfather. The myth of Haemosu describes how he shuttled between the heavens and earth in a dragon-drawn carriage, and King Tongmyong's myth describes him making the same trip on a fabulous giraffe-like horse. Thus during its foundation period, Koguryo was ruled by kings who could make cosmic trips.

Yuri's flight is described in the "Saga of King Tongmyong", a narrative poem by Yi Kyu-bo (1168-1241). The incident is really more fairy tale than myth. In fact, it is mythical only in the most secular sense of the term, but, in any case, it is immensely suggestive because of its link to the cosmic travel of shamans. The fact that Yuri rode a window frame suggests Koguryo dwellings were covered with sloping walls since it is unlikely the window frame was part of a vertical wall. Perhaps the Koguryo people lived in underground dwellings or dugouts similar to the Paekche era dwellings found along the Han River.

In fact, ancient Chinese history books refer to underground housing in the northern part of the Korean Peninsula.

The myth of King Yuri suggests an underground hut with a roof close to ground level. A house with a window in its roof could be called a house open to the sky.

This not only implies that the house itself was viewed as an imitation of the cosmos, but also that openness to the sky was an important element in the principles of life maintained by the Koguryo people.

According to one Koguryo myth recorded in Chinese documents, King Kori was conceived after his mother was infected by "sacred forces" that poured into the house from the heavens. This suggests a house that opens to the sky. Given the structure of Koguryo housing, we could say that the Koguryo people felt at ease with the concepts of cosmic travel to the heavenly world The foundation myth of the Ancient Choson Kingdom describes how Hwanung, the deity father of Tan'gun, descended from heaven to the sindansu tree on Mt Taebaek From these mythical accounts, we can conclude that the concept of a trip to the cosmos or heavenly world, through linkages with shamanistic beliefs, was univer28

Aparade of shamans escorting the tutular deity in a version of the pyiJ/sin kutperformed along the West coast

sally accepted in the Koguryo and Ancient Chos5n societies.

Kaya Mythology and the PytJlsin kut

The myth of King Tongmyong typifies the myths connecting the enthronement of monarchs with shamanistic initiation rites and thus reflects the close relationship between mythology and shamanism. Not on-

ly did the shamanistic initiation process determine the narrative structure of Korean foundation myths, but those myths actually came to serve the purpose of initiation.

In other words, these myths about dynastic founders were actually shamanistic rituals, more specifically the pyolsin kutstill performed today. The pyolsin kutis not only a religious ceremony, in which the agricultural and fishing village honors its guardian deities, but also is a village-wide festival. The large festivals held in ancient Korean kingdoms, such as the susin kut

we realize that a myth is a story that the god tells humans about himself before it is a tale that humans tell about a deity.

The god in heaven orders the humans to do something, and they in turn obey his orders, or kongsu. This is what Kaya's pyolsin kut is all about, and, at the same time, this is the essence of Korean m~holo­ gy.

Kaya's foundation myth is clearly a myth indivisibly linked to shamanistic ritual The various pyolsin kut held in rural villages today are in essence a modem reenactment of the Kaya myth Shamanism has been oppressed in Korea since the Middle Ages. The Choson Kingdom harshly suppressed shamanism, and during that period it seems to have lost its status as the ideological means of sanctifying a dynasty as had been the case until the Koryo Kingdom However, shamanistic beliefs did not wither away easily. Some elements of the royal family and upper class continued to practice shamanistic rituals, and shamanism remained the dominant religion in the ~ villages. It was also incorporated into ~ many new nationalistic religions, such as Ch'6ndogyo, and played a decisive role in Kaya people's version of the pyolsin kut. the Tonghak Rebellion, a watershed event According to the myth, a god named Suro in the late nineteenth century. More imorders the people of Kaya to prepare for his portantly, shamanism's influence remains descent with dancing and singing. This strong in many Christian denominations can be seen as a kind of oracle, or kongsu today. In fact, the Korean people have in traditional shamanistic parlance. The found it hard to shake off the shamanistic god descended to earth only after confirm- approach to religion.

Thus, it could be argued that, regardless ing that the people had followed his order.

Thus the kutwas performed in strict ac- of their explicit beliefs, contemporary cordance with the god's oracle. This con- Koreans are not totally free of shamanism's firms the fact that a myth generally takes influence. It is ingrained in their unconthe form of an autobiographical tale told to scious as are, by extension, the images of the people by a god. It is important that ancient mythology. + Above: In the pyijlsin kut performed in Hahoe Village in North Ky~ngsang Province, the shamans escort the village deity to the ritual site.

Below: The ferocious changsilng, traditional guardian spirit totems found at the entrance of many villages, reflect the concept of the cosmic tree in Korean culture.

and the tongmaeng kut of Koguryo, the yonggo of Puyo, and the much on of Ye, are all believed to have been pyolsin kut.

The fact that the protagonists of ancient foundation myths were also the heroes of shamanistic rituals indicates that they were worshipped by their people much like the deities worshipped in the pyJlsin kut. This point deserves particular emphasis in any discussion of the relationship between Korean mythology and shamanism.

In fact, the myth of King Suro, Kaya's founder, is the linguistic rendering of the

29

ne summer back in the late sixties I was asked to lecture on shamanism at a gathering of Korean students in West Germany. At the time I was studying at the C.G. Jung Institute in Zurich and in the midst of writing my dissertation on Korean shamanism. After being away from home for so long, I was happy for the chance to get together with other Koreans. On the eve of the seminar there was a dinner party with lots of dancing and singing- quite a change of scenery for someone who had spent the last few years living among the rational Swiss. I couldn't help but watch my fellow Koreans in amazement.

The following day after I gave a short lecture on Korean shamanism and its psychological implications, one of the students asked if shamanism was still a factor in Korean society today: The previous night's festivities popped into my mind immediately: "Oh yes, shamanism still exists," I said.

"After watching you last night, I'm sure you all have the makings of great shamans.

Wasn't that party proof that shamanism is alive inside of each and every one of you?'

The audience burst into laughter, but, in fact, the party had demonstrated to me that those singing Koreans were, indeed, masters in ecstasy, what Eliade has referred to as the unique characteristic of shamanism.<D

0

I began my study of shamanism reading the essays of Ch'oi Nam-son, Yi Nung-hwa's studies on Chos6n era shamanism, and Akiba's field work on Korean shamanism from the 1920s and 1930s. My first encounter with Siberian shamanism came in 1959, and it was from that point that I began to feel a strange sense of inspiration growing within me. The feeling intensified later when I was in Europe and began

reading Eliade's writings. It was a new world for me, a dark and distant world that frightened me and yet made me curious, a strangely mad world, an unreal world, an irrational world. My initial research goal was determining whether sinby'Jng the shamanist initiation disease, was a culture-bound syndrome. However, I soon realized that my psychopathological approach was off the mark, and so I began approaching the question from another angle: did shamanism, as the underlying foundation of Korean culture, constitute the basis of the Korean psyche?

I chose Korean shamanism as the topic for my dissertation at the Jung Institute because of an internal desire to find the roots of the Korean people's mentality: I felt that shamanism was Korea's most authentic cultural legacy, but we had forgotten it in the course of our Westernized lives.

I had dreams about elements of shamanism even before I began writing my dissertation, and as I wrote, they became more and more vivid. Thus, my study of shamanism was not so much an attempt to investigate the psyche of the Korean people as a whole as it was a personal bid to revive the premordial experience of one particular Korean, that is, myself, while at the same time applying Jung's theory of archetypes, which asserted that this premordial experience was not limited to the Korean people but rather was a feature shared by all mankind Ascholar's choice of discipline is influenced by a variety of factors, both external and internal. However, generally speaking, the decision to choose a particular field is influenced less by material or external phenomena than by psychological elements related to the scholar's unconscious complexes. This is especially true in the case of scholars who devote their lives to the study

Left: Anewly initiated shaman perfonns a dance symbolizing her spiritual possession.

CD Mircea Eliade, Shamanism; Archaic Techniques.

The brilliant colors, the boisterous drumming, the wild dancing, the shaman's impudent attitude and coarse Ianguage as she delivers the gods' messages- this can upset a person who values rationalism and good manners.

However, a closer look at the shaman's ceremony reveals a

rich world of symbols that are found not only in Korean shamanism but throughout modern society.

Shamanism and the Kormn Psyche

By Bou-Yong Rhi,MD. Professor, Department of Psychiatry, College of Medicine

Seoul National University

31

of one particular subject. In fact, it is not uncommon for scholars studying Korean shamanism to rediscover lost elements of themselves in the course of their research and to begin a process of self-healing by reintegrating those elements into their own consciousness.

Interestingly enough, in the 1960s and 1970s, the vast majority of the scholars active in this field were Christians or people with a strong background in Confucianism. Of course, the degree to which each of these scholars was aware of how much their consciousness was cut off from their Korean traditions because of their Christian beliefs or how their study of shamanism was affecting that break with tradition varied with the individual.

Nevertheless, there is a tendency for these scholars to develop an ambivalent attitude toward the subject matter despite their strong attraction to shamanism.

Actually, the contemporary Korean's feeling of ambivalence toward shamanism is only natural. The advanced religions and rationalist modern man tend to feel a certain hostility toward the cantatory elements of shamanism. The brilliant colors, the boisterous drumming, the wild dancing, the shaman's impudent attitude and coarse language as she delivers the gods' messages - this can upset a person who values rationalism and good manners. However, a closer look at the shaman's ceremony reveals a rich world of symbols that are found not only in Korean shamanism but throughout modern society. In fact, these symbols constitute mankind's premordial experiences and serve as the fountainhead of modern man's spiritual life.

The outlook on human life portrayed in C.G. Jung's "Viewpoint of Analytical Psychology" was decisive in my realization of this fact. After returning to Korea in 1968, I saw that, as a Jungian analyst, I couldn't possibly understand my Korean patients without first understanding the symbolism found in shamanism and other folk beliefs, which played such an important role in their dreams, and, by extension, their unconscious. I realized that shamanism was much like a vessel in which all the archetypal images that formed the basis for what Jung called "the collective unconscious" were contained. By understanding Korean shamanism, which had been transmitted through history relatively 32

free of humanity's artificial intellectual embellishments, I felt I could achieve a deeper insight into the Korean unconscious.

In my work, I have found that the ideas of wholeness and the union of opposites are the most significant symbols in Korean shamanism. In the state of ecstasy, the shaman links this world, the human world, with the other world This process is identical to the psychological process used to break down the barriers between the unconscious and conscious worlds. In the shamanistic initiation process, the shaman often meets spirits in his or her dreams.

This could be called a hieros garna (sacred spirit) theme.

Actually, the concept of uniting two worlds, of fusing two opposites into one, can be found in all advanced religions.

What is unique to shamanism is that this experience is linked to ecstasy, a state of intense emotion. The symbolic "world tree" found among the nomadic peoples of Siberia is an example of the concept of "oneness" realized through a state of ecstasy.

In Siberian shamanism, climbing the sacred trees signifies flight to the heavens. In Korean shamanism, the concept of a sacred tree exists in the form of tangsan.

However, the concept of the center of the world is weak. The Korean tangsan are always referred to in pairs, such as the grandfather and grandmother tangsan, thus reflecting the totality of the concept.

Sacred bells, bird feathers, and brightly colored fabric are attached to the sacred tree, and when it is placed in the hand of the shaman it is believed to be the route by which the spirits descend to earth.

The Weltanschauung of the nomadic peoples of central Asia and Siberia is archaic compared to that of Korean shamanism.

In Korean shamanism, the concept of the boundary between the outside world and the village itself is much stronger than the world-centered outlook. This is why we see a leveling out of the Siberian concept of a three-dimensional universe (the underworld, the world on earth, and the heavens) in Korean shamanism. This is reflected in the Korean people's placement of guardian totem poles ( changsilniJ bearing the titles of "general of the underworld" and "general of the heavens" at the entrance to many villages. The symbol of wholeness found in Korean shamanism is expressed through the motif of harmony

or the union of opposites, a reflection of the relationship between yin and yang ( Dm)tlng in Korean).

However, both Korean shamanism and shamanism in general agree that this harmonization will not be achieved without conflict or pain. This is why we find pain, death, and resurrection in the shamanistic initiation process everywhere.

In Siberian eskimo culture, the prospective shaman must go into a cave and wait without food for days in hopes of seeing a spirit. If a spirit appears, the novice shaman adopts it as a guardian spirit.

However, in the nomadic cultures of central Asia and Siberia, the prospective shaman must endure a horrifying initiation rite involving dismemberment. During this initiation,.the initiator rips apart the flesh, eyes, and organs of the novice shaman and places the rest of the body in a cauldron to boil. When only the bones remain, the initiator selects a few and revives the dead by adding new flesh and orga:ns. Thus through death, the prospective shaman is reborn with a new body and is capable of curing the ill and guiding dead souls to the other world. The greater the pain one endures in this dismemberment process, the greater one's power as a shaman. I doubt there are many initiation processes that place this much emphasis on the significance of pain. For those of us in modern society, so eager to avoid pain at all costs, true shamanism shows us how the state of wholeness found in ecstasy cannot be achieved without pain Immense pain is also an essential part of the Korean shaman's initiation process.

Kangsinmu, shamans who receive their calling through spiritual possession, must undergo sinby5ng physical illness borne of a state of mental derangement, in the initiation process. Unlike the shamanistic initiations of central Asia or Siberia, sinby5ngis a form of spiritual possession.

Occasionally we find examples of dismemberment in Korean myths and legends, but the concept is not found in shaman chants or ceremonies. In the Korean shamanistic initiation, the prospective shaman or sindal (literally "spiritual daughter") is initiated into the calling through the naerim kutceremony under the direction ofthe sin 6m6ni (literally "spiritual mother"). Through this process, the "false master," the spirit who is causing

the sinbyong is driven out and a benevolent helping spirit (m6mju) is enshrined in the new shaman's body. Ecstasy is not simply the achievement of a high state of emotion; rather, the newly initiated must be able to deliver a spiritual oracle (kongsu) while in that state. The naerim kut goes on for hours until the kongsu is delivered, and if no oracle is announced, the kut is performed again on another day.

The rite of dismemberment practiced in central Asian shamanism reflects the

Above: A scene from the naerim kut in which the senior shaman, or spiritual mother, (sin iimlmt) initiates a yooog woman into her calling.

¡unique nature of a nomadic culture, while the concept of possession found in Korean shamanism is characteristic of the life of an agricultural people. However, both cases vividly reveal the importance of suffering to the process by which the initiated achieves the power to mediate between this world and the other world. One can only become a great healer after overcoming the pain of initiation.

The harmonization of totality is also a factor in the kutasa whole. Kutis gener33

ally composed of 12 acts, or karl; each k6ri a distinct unit involving possession by a different deity. The personalities of these various deities are unique - the taegam deity is greedy and crude while the Buddhist-influenced posal is mild and pious. The combination of these different deities over the course of the 12-act kut thus reflects the full range of human emotions. In each act, this world is linked to the other world through confrontation and emotional assimilation. The reconciliation of the living and the dead is not achieved easily; rather it is accomplished through a process of emotional confrontation. The kori begins with a flurry of complaints and threats from the deities in the form of the oracle or kongsu, but by the end, the living participants in the kut manage to extort the deities' forgiveness and blessing after considerable squabbling.

In the chosang kori (the ancestors' act) and the chinog; in which the angry spirits of dead ancestors are appeased, the dead express their resentment through the shaman, and the living voice their grievances in return. This practice of nok duri, the expression of grievances and resentment by both the living and the dead, has various psychotherapeutic implications. Perhaps most revealing is the paridegi portion of the chinogi Paridegi is a dramatic portrayal of the Pari Kongju myth (See Hwang Rushi) performed through song, dance and narration. This kori constitutes the initiation of Paridegi (Pari Kongju) into the ranks of the shamans and, to a certain extent, represents an effort to overcome the pain and discrimination suffered by the Korean woman in Korea's patriarchal society. This kori is performed after the n6k duri section where the living and dead express their resentment and pain.

The paridegi portion of the chinogi suggests that the despair of the living and the dead cannot be resolved through complaints alone. Rather one must realize that spiritual peace is only achieved through the endurance of pain.

Korean shamanism, and shamanism in general, stresses the significance of suffering and embodies the concepts of the accommodation of pain, the harmonization of opposites, and the existence of a single world that embraces this world and the 34

world beyond the living. However, what is the relationship between these concepts and the Korean psyche?

The Korean psyche is much more closely linked to the emotionality of shamanism than to its doctrine. The Korean people are ecstasy-oriented, whether it be on an overt or covert level. Koreans may seem very individualistic and independent on the surface, but once they discover a doctrine or object with sacred force that transcends the individual, they bind together firmly with religious intensity. In fact, in many ways, it seems that the Korean people are constantly searching for that sacred force, whether it takes the form of the Olympic Games, an export quota, a great leader, or even a revival meeting. This is why the ecstasy phenomenon is so vibrant in Christian churches in Korea today. The minister activates the archetypal elements within the believers, causing them to experience the sacred force and so curing their illnesses.

However, this emotionality can simply degenerate into a spontaneous festival of emotion, devoid of insight into the significance of the experience. That is to say, it can end in a sort of ego inflation, much the way the n6kduri allows for the expression of grievances, without ever advancing to the level of understanding found in the paridegi section of the kut Specific manifestations of Korean shamanism do not play an especially important role in the Korean people's consciousness or unconscious. That is to say, shamans or elements of the kut do not appear in modern Koreans' dreams on a regular basis, and if they do, they usually have a negative connotation. This is because in everyday life modern Koreans tend to hold shamanism at a respectful distance or ignore it altogether. However, if we analyze the Korean people's actions, we can find a number of elements emerging from the unknown world of Korean shamanism, elements such as irrational or superrational thinking and a tendency toward excessive emotion. I believe shamanism does not form the Korean consciousness but rather is a form of psychic energy already existing on the surface of the consciousness. Elements repressed in our unconscious are not irrational; rather they are rational elements essential to modern man, the unconscious shadow of the modern Korean. We only find uncon-

scious shamanistic elements in the cases of Westerners or Koreans who have been cut off from their indigenous culture through Western education. I first sensed this when I began my analysis of Korean patients in the 1970s, but there doesn't seem to have been much change since then.

The Korean psyche is a product of history, subject to the effects of time and regional differences, and therefore difficult to define in a simple phrase. However, I have always felt that Korean shamanism is one of several important cultures that contribute to the formation of the Korean psyche. Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, and other religious elements influence the unique nature of the Korean character together with shamanism. In fact, they play a decisive role in determining the Korean psyche. Throughout history, Confucianism and shamanism have been in conflict with each other. Confucianism is based on intellectualist, aesthetic, and patriarchal values while shamanism tends to construct anew order in the unconscious through religious spontaneity, emotional experience, maternal tolerance, and a breakdown of the existing society's ethical norms.

Confucianism was adopted as the official norm during the 500-year reign of the Choson Kingdom, however, and modern Koreans today continue to embrace this tradition, maintaining Confucian human relations sprinkled with touches of Buddhist, shamanistic, Taoist, or even Christian beliefs. The unique character of each psyche is influenced by the individual's religion. However, because of its unique nature as a primitive incantatory religion, I believe shamanism is alive in the depths of every Korean's psyche. In recent years, however, we have seen an increase in the number of Koreans for whom Confucian elements are relatively weak compared to shamanistic elements. In these cases, a number of uniquely shamanistic behavioral types appear in the form of what we could call "shamanistic human relations."

Unlike the uniquely shamanistic elements linked to the ecstasy phenomenon, these behaviors seem to be the result of the influence of Korean history on Korean shamanism. For example, the relationship between deities and humans in the kut is remarkably similar to that between our society's ruling elite and the common people. The authority of shamanistic deities is

not absolute; rather they reign as a relative entity who bargains with humans. The delivery of the deity's oracle in the kutis in many ways a dialogue between the deity and the human participants. The humans resist the deity's threats and use all manner of tricks and flattery to win the deity over to their side. This "bargaining" is very much like what we see in the market place or in exchanges between motorists and traffic cops everyday Indeed, this give-andtake is a common feature of Korean human relations, a feature quite removed from tradi tiona!

Confucian ethics in which vertical relations are strictly maintained ¡ The bawdy language and blatant references to worldly and sexual desires found in kut contrast sharply with the Confucian value system, which promotes self-control. At times, these particular aspects of Korean shamanism reflect the repressed unconscious of those thoroughly indoctrinated in Confucian culture. By freely expressing what lies deep in the unconscious of the Confucianized Korean, shamanism provides a shock to the existing value system, thus promoting a reconstruction of those values.

Where do we find shamanism in our society today? Right in the hearts of the Korean people. Shamanism is the world of our ancestors, the world of the dead, as well as the foundation of our consciousness. Over the centuries, man has explored the unknown world of the human mind The key to that search lies in shamanism, as does the wonder, fear, and yearning we feel toward that unknown world. It is universal and primitive, and thus not restricted to the Korean people alone. In the West, there may be no sorcerers referred to as shamans, but ideologies born of the ecstasy phenomenon, some-

Below: The senior shaman styles the hair of the young woman to be initiated ina noerim kut. In many ways, the shamanistic initiation ceremony resembles a traditional wedding.

thing which could be called a shamanistic complex, are found in many forms.

However, Korean shamanism is not identical to shamanism in general. Rather it is a synthesis of this general shamanistic complex and a variety of elements absorbed over the course of Korean history It also reflects one side of Korean human relations.

It clearly plays an active role in the Korean psyche. However, it is not the only factor involved. Shamanism functions in tandem with other religious cultures to create the Korean people's unique character. During the Three Kingdoms period, the Korean people's world view was clearly a combination of shamanism and Buddhism, while from the latter part of the Kory6 period through the Chos6n period; the Confucian world view dominated. From this time on ward, Korean shamanism generally served as a mechanism by which human resentment brought on by the cultural gap between shamanism and Confucianism was relieved. In contemporary society, shamanistic elements have moved beyond the kut to play a role in everyday human and social relations.

It is difficult to say whether shamanism plays a positive or a negative role in the Korean psyche. Koreans are no different from other people when it comes to psychic makeup. The psyche is composed of a number of contrasting elements - the rational and the emotional, the masculine and the feminine, the phenomenal and the superphenomenal. What Korean shamanic elements do and will continue to do is activate the latter elements in each of these dichotomies. +

35

The objective of this essay is to analyze the composition of shamanism and review its influences on traditional society and the arts. However, shamanism and tradition are far ed to explain in space, we will have to confine our study to the principles of shamanism as contained in shamanistic rituals.

Kormn Shamanism and

Its Intluen~ on iaditional Society and the Arts

By Kim Tae-Gon Professor, Department of Korean literature Kyunghi University

37

The Composition of Shamanism he simplest of shamanistic rituals is

T

pison, (literally "to rub hands") in

which one says prayers rubbing one's hands together with or without the help of shaman. More complicated and regular rituals include kut by kangsinmu (charismatic shamans who receive their calling by spiritual possession) and sesilpmu (hereditary shamans).

While the pisonis a ritual based on supplicatory words, the kut performed by the charismatic shaman is an act of imitation through which the shaman identifies herself (Korean shamans are more often female than male) with a god and assumes the stature of a deity herself.

While the hereditary shaman's kut is also an act of godly imitation, it differs from that of the charismatic shaman in that it does not actually deify the shaman since she lacks spiritual charisma. The shaman and the god are not united as one but rather counterpoint each other in a parallel relationship.

Thus shamanistic rituals can be categorized into three forms: (1) language-centered rites; (2) rituals centered around an act of identification with a god; and (3) rites in which the shaman acts in parallel with a god. Though different in form, all three rites share a similar ritualistic process divided into the following steps: the choice of the kut date and the observation of taboos; invocation; the reception of and supplication to a god; the sending-off of the god; and the final observance of taboos.

Since choosing the date and observing various taboos and purification rites prior to the ceremony serve to prepare the time and space for the invocation, these elements can be merged with the second step, invocation. Similarly; the observation of taboos at the end of the ritual might be included in the sending-off of the god as it is also an act of reverance of the divine being.

38

While modern man

trusts phenomena of the physiml. . world only, a shamanist,

equipped with a multi-dimensional view of existence, accepts both the natural and the supernatural worlds and places greater importance on the latter.

39

Principles of Shamanism he kut is an act that expresses the basic thought pattern of shamanism, which is a combination of philosophies embracing gods, the universe, spirits, and the afterlife, and shamanistic songs.

Shamanistic songs are verbal expressions of shamanistic thoughts chanted at rituals.

At presen~ some ~000 songs have been collected and recorded from across the country.

In addition to ritualistic chants used to

T

Above: The dramatic chaktu korl is an essential part of the naerlm ku~ the shanruurlsticuutiation~ony.

40

purify the ritual site and persons involved in the kut, or to invoke and send off gods, shamanistic songs mainly express the suppliant's reverence for his ancestors and desire for many sons, a long life, good fortune, protection from bad luck, healing, and a good afterlife. According to these supplicant songs, the ideal human life is one in which one comes to this life to succeed his ancestors, lives a long life blessed with many earthly goods, good health, and no misfortune, and, when one's life in this world is over, moves on to the other world and leads a good life there for ever after.

In short, a shamanistic ritual is an expression of man's aspiration for abundance, strength, and eternal life over poverty, weakness, and death. The shamanistic logic of reversal -- that is the concept of transforming the definite to the indefinite, delimited reality to unlimited eternity, death to life, and nothing to something - is beyond the reason of modern man, who would dismiss it as unreasonable and unrealistic.

While modern man trusts phenomena of the physical world only, a shamanist, . equipped with a multi-dimensional view of ' existence, accepts both the natural and the supernatural worlds and places greater importance on the latter.

The frame of mind that embraces both worlds stems from the archepattern philosophy of shamanism in which all beings of the universe originate from chaos, the non-spatiaL non-temporal state of confusion and disorder that preceded the emergence of the cosmos, that is, the spatial and temporal state of order. The word "arche-pattern" thus is a term for the shamanistic thought pattern in search of the source -- the arche -- of all existence. Although life and death and nothing and something are diametric opposites separated by an unbridgable chasm when viewed from modern man's perspective of reason and logic, they share a common origin coming from chaos prior to the emergence of the cosmos, or the separation of the cosmos from chaos, when viewed from the point of the shamanistic arche-pattem To believe in gods and the existence of spirits is to believe in intangible, eternal beings beyond the limit of time and space.

They belong to the realm of non-spatial, non-temporal chaos. Shamanism believes that man owes his birth to god, that when he dies, he returns to the other world in the state of a spirit where he will either continue to live in immortality or assume a human body and return to this world.

The shamanistic arche-pattern of thoughts makes it possible for man to commute between the two worlds because this world and the other world are not separated but

rather are still embraced in chaos.

Shamanistic rituals are based on this arche-pattern. They are manifestions of the eternal circulation of man beyond the limits of the cosmos to the eternal realm of chaos, where he regains the order of being and returns to the cosmos, and thence once more to chaos.

The concept of an arche-pattern, however, does not exist in the shamanistic tradition alone. It is a thought pattern that underlies Korean folk philosophies in general, including folk beliefs and seasonal customs, oral traditions, folk paintings and arts, although it is not so evident in these as it is in shamanism.

Since the tang kut is a communal event, the whole village is involved in its preparation. The villagers observe taboos together and avoid impurities together. For such a community rite, the taboo period is usually 21 days; however, in some coastal and island areas, it can be anywhere from 100 days to a year. Since the villagers share the belief that lax observation of taboos risks an assault from impurities and invalidates the ritual, thus resulting in a poor harvest or poor catches at sea, epidemics and other misfortunes, the entire population is united in observing the taboos. They also con-

Shamanism's Influences on Society and the Arts ith its multi-dimensional view embracing both the real but momentary world and the unreal but eternal world, shamanism appeases man's aspirations for eternal circulation more effectively than other religions and thus has a much broader appeal. This belief in the concept of eternal circulation is not simply a religious phenomenon but rather has made a profound influence on traditional society and the arts in general Shamanism's contributions to and influences on society can be reduced to three basic points. First, we can view shamanistic rituals as a means of perpetuating social orthodoxy. A traditional Korean village always has a shrine for its tutelary deity or deities and holds a community ritual periodically to pray for village welfare and prosperity. This ritual, tang kut(shrine kut), takes place every year or every three years depending on the size of the village and its religious fervor. By repeating the ritual in the same form and manner over hundreds of years and thus passing down the "pattern" of the life of their ancestors, the villagers reconfirm their sense of belonging to the community. Thus this ritual serves as the centripetal force that underpins community unity through the social fluctuations and perpetuates the traditional mode of life and orthodoxy in that society.

Second, we must note shamanism's contribution to the promotion of psychological bonds and solidarity within a community.

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tribute cash or grain to the ritual expenses to the best of their ability.

The day after the village kut on the eve of the First Full Moon by the lunar calendar, the villagers play a game of tug-o-war.

The game is usually played between two neighboring villages, and in some regions pits the men against the women. It is traditionally believed that the winning side will enjoy a bumper harvest and the loser a poor harvest, so villagers take the event quite seriously.

The village kut is an essential rallying point for the villagers, promoting commu-

Above: In some /m~ the shaman places the chaktu, razor-sharp fodder blades, on a swing and rides them. Injuries are rare as the shaman performing this feat is in a deep state of possessioa

41

nity solidarity and a sense of belonging, by encouraging active involvement by the entire community in the ritual from its earliest preparational stages, such as the observation of taboos and the contribution of expenses and labor, to the rite itself, and the ensuing activities, such as the tug-o-war and other games.

Shamanism's third major contribution to society has been its influence on the development of democracy. The procedures and details of the community kutare traditionally determined at a village meeting.

Villagers meet around the 20th day of the last month of the lunar year to elect the officiants, estimate expenses, and discuss how funds will be raised. These decisions are reached democratically with the opinions of every villager reflected in one way or another.

The morning after the kut; villagers meet again at the shaman's house by the shrine and partake of the foods that were offered on the altar during the kut. Expenses are accounted in detail, the result is posted, and the balance, if any; is put aside for future community expenses. Other important village affairs such as the building of a new bridge or a dam or the widening of a road are also discussed and settled at these meetings. The kut meetings are thus forums that promote democracy in traditional society.

Shamanism has had a great influence on the performing arts such as folk music, drama, dance and literature, especially in the genre of oral tradition and folklore.

In fact, one could say shamanistic rituals are an aggregate form of various folk arts.

The kut is composed of music, dance and drama from start to finish. The shaman sings and dances supplicatory messages and performs an extemporaneous drama, alternately enacting godly behaviours and supplicatory gestures. While it would be difficult to differentiate each element of music, dance and drama from the kutas an independent artistic genre, one can assume that the ritual is the parent body from which these art forms developed.

Shamanism holds an important place in the history of the Korean arts because it has been played a role in the development of almost all art forms. Paintings of shamanism's many gods were the first of religious paintings of Korea just as shaman42

istic sculptures were the predecessors for subsequent sculptural genre. Paper flowers, lanterns and boats used in the kut promoted the development of papercrafts, and the ritual costumes worn by shamans are an excellent source of information for the study of sartorial development in Korea.

The pom kut; a tiger mask dance drama included in the p:yO!sin kut held in some coastal areas of the Yongnam region, is for all intents and purposes a full-fledged religious drama. The masks employed in the t'al nor; or the masked dance and drama, are also related with shamanism.

The t'al nori was traditionally played after a village kut during the New Year season. The performances held around the First Full Moon in T'ongyong, Kosong, Suyong and Tongnae are believed to have originally been performed following the community kut on the eve of the First Full Moon. Inasmuch as the community kut is a celebration of the new year, the performance of the t'al nori in the "chaotic" transitional period between the old and new years is quite pertinent, especially because the t'a4 or the masks, symbolize shaman spirits. Thus masked dance drama is not simply a recreational program for the holiday season but also embodies the idea of universal circulation in which an old world ends and a new one begins.

Nong-ak, or farmer's music, is closely linked to shamanistic rituals. The musical instruments used in nong-ak, such as kkwaenggari (small gong), ching(gong), puk (drum), changgo (hour-glass drum), hojok (wooden oboe), and sago (small drum), are indispensable in the chisinpalpki, one of the New Year celebration programs in which the kut players and musicians dance throughout the village visiting every house to appease the earth god (chisin). Shamanism has done much to promote nong-ak as the farmers' band plays an important role in the village kut and other shamanistic events.

Shamanism has made a comparable contribution to the development of dance as well since dance is a natural part of any shamanistic ritual, especially when it is the exuberant farmers' music.

One can also think of the changsilngje, another New Year celebration held to erect guardian spirit posts (changsung) at the entrance of the village, as shamanism's contribution to the development of Korean

sculpture. The spirit post is re-â&#x201A;Źrected during the New Year season in the lunar leap year, which occurs every three years.

Generally carved from a pine tree, the post has a human face with bulging eyes, a protruding nose, and a ferocious slit of a mouth. Standing sentinel at the entrance of a village, these grotesque spirit posts have a special place in Korean sculpture.

Shamanism's influence on literature can be traced to the shamanistic songs chanted during the kut. Shamanistic songs have been passed down in the form of epics, lyrics, drama, and narrations. Shamanistic epics deal with shamanistic mythology, from which most of Korean mythology is derived. They are also the starting point for Korea's oral tradition.

A shamanistic epic depicts the life of a hero or protagonist in a biographical format composed of three parts -- the hero's birth, deeds, and death. This biographical structure is repeated continuously in Korea's foundation myths, legends, ancient novels, new novels, and modern novels.

Shamanistic epics are believed to have provided a platform for the development of a broad oral tradition including folklore and p'ansor4 a dramatic one-person opera.

P'ansori is especially noteworthy as its origins lie in shamanism, and it later developed into the ancient novel form.

A study of some 1,000 shamanistic songs supports the deduction that they began as religious myths of an epic style but later developed into narrative, lyrical, and dramatic songs as the result of the elimination of epic elements in the course of oral transmission. On the other hand, it can also be assumed that, with the loss of the epic theme, the mythical religious motif was revived in a lyrical style and further developed into a narrative style. This narrative style can, in turn, be seen as a transitional mode developed in the process of restoring the mythological epic style.

What is unique about each of these styles? Shamanistic mythology of the epic mode centers around an individual god as its hero and features an objective portrayal of his life: 1) his birth and growth; 2) his achievements and service to society; and 3) his death and enshrinement as a god. This genre is in short a three-part biography of a shaman god Lyrical songs, on the other hand, have neither a dramatic story line nor heroes.

They are arbitary prayers dealing with everyday needs and wishes that a shaman addresses to a god on behalf of humans.

Most of the shamanistic songs extant today belong to this type.

Ashamanistic narrative has no hero, and although it sometimes has a plo~ it generally lacks consistency and objectivity. It is usually a statement of facts about the universe and human relationships, a shaman's narration to a god about the wishes of the humans, or a narration to the humans about the god's thoughts and judgments.

The narration of a god's message is best exemplified by a charismatic shaman's oracle, or kongsu, in which the shaman claims the spirit of the dead speaks through her.

However, kongsu cannot be classified as a separate genre of shamanistic song.

Narratives of the second type, in which man's needs and wishes are relayed to the god is often confused with lyrical shamanistic songs. However, they should be differentiated because these narratives are meant to inform the god of human situations and are not actual prayers.

Some shamanistic songs are dramatic with consistent plot development. This genre can be divided into two categories: songs with dialogues for individual players; and songs with dialogues adapted from a plot by the shaman during her kutperformance. Neither, however, can be considered as an independent drama since in the first case the song is often contained in shaman epics and in the second case the song is more a spontaneous narrative in which the shaman relies heavily on her own resourcefulness than a consistent plot or development of events.

Shamanistic songs are a form of primitive literature with a mosaic of styles that are still in the process of developing into independent literary genres. For this reason, we cannot apply the same literary standards we use to analyze modern literary genre with fully established forms.

In summary, shamanism constitutes an effort by humanity to acheive its aspirations through the ku~ a shamanistic ritual based on a philosophy of eternal circulation in which poverty can be transformed to wealth, illness to health, a short life to a long life, unhappiness to happiness, and so on. This eternal circulation is in turn based on the shamanistic arche-pattern, a multi-

dimensional view of the universe in which chaos is thought to have reigned prior to the emergence of the spatial and temporal order of the cosmos.

The arche-pattern philosophy and the shaman ritual are closely interrelated.

When the kut is a community ritual, it serves the social function of promoting solidarity and perpetuating village orthodoxy.

When it is a simulation of divine behavior, it is a conglomeration of various arts, from which individual genres such as dance, drama, music and literature have developed

This arche-pattern philosophy has formed a religion by envisioning the transcendence of time and space by gods, and shamanistic rituals have provided an impetus for the development of a wide range of artistic genres. This is why I believe the shamanistic arche-pattern clearly deserves closer study as the driving force not only of a religion and the arts, but, more broadly, of civilization itself. +

Above: A charismatic shaman (kangsinmu) delivers the oracle (kongsu) from the spirit that has possessed her. In some cases, the shaman will deliver the oracle in the voice of the spirit or deity.

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THE IMPLEMENTS AND COSTUMES OF THE SHAMAN

By KimKwang-on Professor of Folklore & Director of Inha University Museum

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liD

o you know who I am? Don't you realize I'm the dignified, the heroic, the wonder-working General Ch'oi?'

"Oh yesr' 'Who gives you the clothes you wear, the things you use, the food you eat? Is this all you've prepared for the feast? I should slice open your bellies and cut your throats! Do you realize what your sins are ?'

The shaman (mudang) flings her folding fan open.

"What can we stupid humans possibly understand?" she cries. "We may eat rice with spoons, but we're no better than dogs or pigs. Please forgive us and accept our humble offerings. We already owe you so much, but please grace us with more of your. .. " The villagers rub their palms together, bowing over and over. Only then does the enraged general, embodied in the shaman, relent and bestow good fortune on them.

The above is the third scene (k6ri) of a traditional12-scene community rite (sansang kut). In this scene the village guardian deity, represented by Ch'oi Yong, a famous general from the late Koryo dynasty (918-1392), is invited to the ritual site.

The shaman dons an indigo coat and colored horsehair hat worn cocked to one side, a costume modeled after traditional military uniforms, and carries a falchion in one hand and a three-pronged spear in the other. At various points during the ku~ she wields these tools proudly to reflect the dignity of the spirit that inhabits her. The villagers hold their breath in awe, as if the ferocious general has really come back to life.

The falchion, or ch'6ngny6ngdo, has a SOcm long curved blade and a 70cm long wooden handle. The three prongs of the trident, or samjich'ang are each approximately 30cm in length and are connected to a wooden handle about 80cm long.

When in a state of ecstasy, the shaman stands her trident upright on a flat spot at the ritual site with a whole pig's or cow's head balanced on top of it. If the trident stands erect, it is considered proof that the shaman is truly possessed and the deity is partaking in the rite.

The shaman's blue coat, namch'6llik, was worn by military officials of the third rank or higher during the Choson period.

The coat has a straight neckline and is

Ashaman prepares to stand a full-sized pig on her three-pronged trident (samjich'an/P, just one of the ways she demonstrates her power while in a state of ecstasy or possession.

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pleated around the waist. The sleeves are long enough to touch the ground and have white bands along their edges. Colored horsehair hats were also part of the military outfits of the Chos6n era.

Afolding fan is an important multipurpose prop for all shamans. The fans are named for the colorful paintings that usually decorate them. For example, there is the sambul-son (Three Buddhas Fan), the ch'ilsong-son (Seven Stars Fan), and the irwol-son (Fan with the Sun and the Moon).

But who is this General Ch'oi Yong so widely worshipped as a deity in Korean shamanism? A famous military officer known for his moral character, Ch'oi served as commander-in-chief of the Kory6 army in the late 14th century He met a tragic death, however, at the hands of his deputy commander, Yi Song-gye, during the Koryo's campaign against Ming China in 1388. Yi then turned his troops against the Kory6 king and staged a coup d'etat to found the Chos6n Kingdom (1392-1910).

Ch'oi has been revered by Koreans over the centuries for his bravery in battle and undaunted loyalty to the Kory6 court. He was also a man of rare integrity, setting a model for the honest official. Along with General Im Kyong-op of 17th century Chos6n, Ch'oi is one of the most widely worshiped figures in Korean shamanism, seen as a benevolent god who can dispel evil spirits and bring happiness to people.

In view of General Ch'oi's reputation as a great military leader and loyal subject, it may seem strange that he should complain, through the vehicle of a shaman, about the food offered to him during a kut However, this simple fact reveals a fundamental

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characteristic of Korean shamanism as well as of the Korean people's outlook on life in general: for Koreans, the world of the spirits is governed by the same rules as the human world. There is even an old saying: 'Spirits will pay for the food they eat." This may also indicate that, in the old days, food was so scarce that people believed even a man as great as General Ch'oi could be moved to grant his blessing if offered opulent sacrifices.

Fodder cutters, or chaktu) are one of the most important tools used by shamans to demonstrate the mysterious power of the spirits that they embody A pair of iron blades, each about 80cm long, are placed parallel to each other, about 20cm apart.

Twice I've witnessed shamans dancing barefoot atop these razor-sharp blades without the slightest injury.

The preparation for this awe-inspiring feat is a meticulous rite in itself. The shaman sharpens the blades on a whetstone until they are sharp enough to cut through a tree branch with ease. The sharpening of the blades is an important procedure because the shamans believe that the spirits will be angered by improper or lax sharpening.

The freshly sharpened chaktu are placed upon a precarious platform made of several stout ceramic waterjugs stacked one on

Essential tools for every Korean shaman, these double-bladed fodder cutters (chaktu) are so sharp they can slice through a tree branch at a single stroke.

top of another. With people on either side holding the blades firmly in place, the barefoot shaman mounts the chaktu. The audience seems to hold their breath in amazement. I closed my eyes, and when I opened them a few moments later, the shaman was dancing on the blades, swinging her arms. No one could doubt the existence of supernatural beings at that moment.

Shamans also use sacred swords known as sink'a! in their rites. Sink 'a! consist of an iron or bamboo stick about 20cm long, which is draped with straps of white paper measuring about 40cm in length. The sink'al are waved back and forth at the beginning of the rite to chase away unwanted evil spirits. The swords are used again at the end of the rite to disperse any minor spirits that may have gathered near the ritual site.

Other tools of the shaman's calling include the my5ngdo, round brass plates, and myongdari, long strips of cloth used in prayers for newborn children.

The my5ngdo (also known as my5ngdu) is a convex brass plate, smooth and shiny on the protruding front and rough on the back, which is engraved with inscriptions of the sun, the moon, the seven stars, and Sanskrit lettering. At times during the ku~ the shaman places the my5ngdo on a pile of glutinous rice and offers a prayer. She then lifts up the plate to see how many grains of rice have stuck to the back. An odd number of grains indicates good fortune while an even number signifies bad luck. ¡ In certain regions of central Korea, my5ngdo reflect the status of the shaman.

A sin oman; the senior shaman (literally

"spiritual mother") presents her myongdo to one of her apprentices (sindal) as a sign of the latter's formal appointment as successor.

Myongdari, or "life strips," are long strips of silk or cotton, about 3m long and 30cm wide, on which the name, date of birth and address of a child is written in ink.

As late as 1945, the average Korean life span did not exceed 40 due mainly to the high infant mortality rate. Many women gave birth at home under insanitary conditions. Indeed, most Korean women over the age of 70 today gave birth to as many as ten children, but in many cases more than half of these babies died in infancy.

Thus it is only natural that Koreans of this period resorted to shamanism to pray for their offspring's health and longevity.

When the parents present the shaman with myongdari, she becomes the baby's adoptive mother. During regular rites held at her household shrine, the shaman dances about calling the baby's name as she holds its myongdari in her hand. The parents pay for this service.

The number of myongdari entrusted to a shaman serves as an indicator of her popularity and the breadth of her influence. Shamans known for their skill are entrusted with many myongdari, and the strips are handed down to their sindal when the senior shaman retires. When a shaman moves, she can even sell her myongdari to another local shaman. The strips are replaced with new fabric after a certain period of time.

Bells are an indispensable tool to the Korean shaman. The spirits are said to be lured to the ritual site by the sound of the shaman's bells. However, the speed with which the spirits respond to the ringing depends on the individual shaman's skill. Cho Yongja, a shaman who lived in Yangju County in Kyonggi Province during the 1960s, was actually called "The Bell Mom," because the spirits responded to her bells as soon as she picked them up.

Some scholars believe that the name Tan-gun, the legendary founder of the Korean nation, may be associated with the word tango! or tanggo~ which means customer or patron, or a favorite shaman in the vocabulary of Korean shamanism.

Some even contend that the Buddhist monk-historian Iry6n (1206-89) invented the name, Tan-gun, when he transcribed

The costumes, implements, and musical instruments of Korean shamanism reflect the folk belief's vitality.

Musicians provide the musical accompaniment to a shaman's kuton a variety of traditional instruments.

the pure Korean word tango! into Chinese characters in Samguk yu.st(Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms). Samguk yusa is the oldest reference to Tan-gun existing today.

Tan-gun is believed to have been a shaman ruler of the first kingdom to rule Korea. In the Ch6lla region of southern Korea, shamans are still called tanggol or tanggul Some scholars also contend that the three heavenly treasures brought by Tan-gun's father when he descended to earth were the sword, myongdo and the bells, three indispensable tools of today's shamans. Music is an essential part of any shamanistic rite. It serves to accompany the shaman's songs and dances. In the central regions of Korea, instrumental music has an important role in the kut Among the many musical instruments used in shamanistic rituals, the hourglass drum, or changgo, is certainly the most important. The changgo is used to accompany the articulation of the deities' blessing while the other instruments remain silent.

The changgo's unique sound derives from its special construction: one end of the drum is covered with ox leather while the other is covered with horse leather.

Shamans carry their own gongs (ching) and small cymbals (chegDm), but other instruments such as the p'iri; a short bamboo flute, the chOttae, a longer flute, and the haegDm, a two-stringed fiddle, are usually brought by the musicians, known as chaebi, who are often the husbands of the shamans. These men travel with their wives to ritual sites, preform odd jobs in preparation for the rites, and play the accompanying music. Large rites require several shamans, so the husbands make up a team of their own. In the rites performed in fishing villages along the East coast, these musicians are called hwaraeng-z; a terms that hints of a faint connection to hwarang or "flower knights," young men of aristocratic birth who underwent military and ideological training to prepare them for serving the Silla Kingdom in war.

In large shamanistic rites, the musical ensemble is made up of six musicians, two p'iri players and one person to play each of the other four instruments, the haegDm, the chOttae, the changgu, and the puk, a small single-barrelled drum. Smaller rites are generally accompanied by a duet consisting of one p'iri and a haegDm, or a trio of a p'iri, one haegDm; and one chOttae.

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A variety of different implements and materials are used for shamanistic divination. Coins are one handy device the shaman uses for fortunetelling. First the shaman reads her prayer, holding seven or nine coins in her hand, and then she throws the coins on a table to see how many land overlapped An odd number indicates good fortune while even numbers are considered unlucky.

This numerical concept holds true for divination using grains of rice as well. A pile of rice measuring 3 toe and 3 hop (1 toe equals 1.8 liters or 10 hop) is placed on a table. The shaman reads her prayer, calling out the name, birth date and address of the person whose fortune is being told, and then the fortune is revealed by counting the grains of rice scattered around the pile.

Bamboo strips inscribed with signs are also used for fortunetelling. A set of 60 strips, each measuring 0.5cm wide and 12cm long, are kept in a cylindrical container. The shaman shakes the container as she says her prayer and then selects one strip, which reveals the fortune of her client.

The costumes of the Korean shaman account for much of the visual excitement of the kut. Shamans from Hwanghae Province now in North Korea change their costumes for nearly every scene in the 12 kiM kut Costumes from this region are by far the most colorful found in Korean shamanism. Shamans from the central region including the Kyonggi and Ch'ungch'ong Provinces change costumes to personify the various deities that appear during the kut Shamans from Ch6lla Province in the south, however, wear the simple white chogori (jacket) and ch'ima (skirt), the traditional dress of Korean women, throughout the kut

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One shaman from Hwanghae Province brought six bags of costumes for a four-day kut held in Inch'on in 1963. I know of no shamanistic tradition in the world that can compete with that of Hwanghae Province when it comes to colorful costumes.

Let us take a brief look at the ritual costumes commonly worn by shamans from the central district. The basic outfit consists of a long indigo skirt and a light blue jacket, a traditional dress that could be worn by any ordinary woman. The shaman wears a coat, known as kugunbok, fashioned after the uniform of a Choson era military officer, over this dress when she embodies the spirit of an ancient general. The kugunbok is black and has narrow, red sleeves. The back is slit at the center to facilitate the energetic movements of the shaman when she performs in a trance.

Another traditional military uniform used by the shaman is the chonbok, a sleeveless blue coat with deep slits at the side and back.

Even more colorful than these military uniforms is the green coat with rainbowcolored sleeves, which is worn during the scene for worshipping the spirit of an entertainer, or ch'angbusin. This coat is slit up the sides to the armpits, and the panels in front and back extend only to the knees.

Of all the various headgear worn by Korean shamans, the most ostentatious is the ponggoji, part of the uniform of ranking military officers during the Choson period. The hat is made of cloud-patterned silk with a bright indigo lining. It is decorated with colorful tassels and a peacock feather. When a mudang wears this hat cocked slightly to one side, she personifies the rich sartorial tradition of Korean shamanism.+

The costumes of shamans from Hwanghae Province are vibrantly colorful Far left: The bodice of this shaman's costume resembles the designs found on the uniforms of officials of the Chos<m Kingdom Near left: The prmgg6ji, a hat made of cloud-patterned silk with an indigo lining and colorful tassels and feathers for decoratioiL Right: This green coat is wom during the scene of a kut in which the spirit of an entertainer is worshipped

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An Interview with

KimKum-hwa

By Yi Sung-nam Acting Assistant Editor

The Sisa Journal

YI: I was deeply moved by the words of the song performed during the naerim kut when you threw the fan and bells into the outstretched skirts of the newly initiated shaman. The song seemed to epitomize the life of the mudang Could you recite the words one more time for our readers?

ay a shaman be born to your household!'

That's what ashaman will say when she's really angry. It shows how cruel life can be for a mudang When Kim Kum-hwa, 61, acknowledged leader of northern-style ecstatic shamanism and 'living national treasure,' dances atop the razor-sharp blades of a double-edged knife during a ku~ she wields the power of the ancient generals, but things are a lot different when she steps back to earth "Over the years I've suffered a great deal. I've lost loved ones and money.

Until recently I felt as if I'd spent my life all alone hanging on the edge of a cliff. Only now, as my life is drawing to a close, have I been able to walk on stable ground" Perhaps this is why Kim cries each time she officiates at a naerim kut the initiation ceremony in which a spiritis enshrined in the body of a shaman. It breaks her heart to think of the hardships the newly initiated shaman will go through in his or her lifetime.

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KIM: let's go to be callOO. let's go to have our lives extendoo.

When you help people, whoever they are, love them and help them, even if they've been cruel You're going to be callOO. Your life will be extendoo.

Take hold of my skirts and rome clooer tome.

You can overoome your hardshi~ no matter how trying.

Take the just road, take the good road, with kindness in your heart Over the mountains, ~ the rivers Rise when you have fallen lie down when you've risen When you've fallen again, rise up and then go down once more.

And all the suspicion will disappear.

You can overoome it Accept i~ hold i~ dont let it go.

Ixmt ignore i~ keep it deep within your heart Accept i~ and then you must try once more.

YI: What are the symptoms of sinby6ng the mystic sickness caused by the descent of the spirit of a god?

How do you know it is sinby6ng and not an ordinary sickness?

KIM It starts as a lingering illness that cant be diagnosed or treated at a hospital

It can go on for months and, in &>me rnses, as long as 30 or 40 years. The patient's face turns a strange blackish-blue color, and they start jabbering. They grow weaker and weaker and start hallucinating and hearing voices. In extreme rnses, they run away from home and wander in the mountains. Sometimes when they're in a hallucinatory state, they go searching for shamanistic implements like the knives and bells we use in kut Their family tries all &>rts of treatments, but in the end nothing works, so they go to a fortuneteller.

That's when they're given the divination sign A person who has caught sinby6ng has no choice but to become a shaman It's either that or spend the rest of your life sick and hallucinating. The sickness is cured if you accept your fate and take part in the naerim kut The unique thing about sinby6ng is that there is no medical cure YI: Some scholars have advanced the theory that women are more likely to become shamans, especially uneducated women from impoverished family backgrounds. Generally speaking, what kind of people are struck by sinby6ng?

KIM: Sinby6ng can hit anyone, young or old, rich or poor. It is true that women who suffer from the psychological pain of economic hardship and family difficulties are most likely to contract sinby6n& but there are exceptional cases of upper class women, such as Ch'ae Hui-a, a graduate of Kyonggi Girls High School and the Music College of Seoul National University, who underwent the naerim kutin]une 1981 after contracting sinby6ng while she was studying ethnic dance at UCLA, and Kim Kyong-nan, a well-educated woman who graduated from Kyonggi Girls High School

and attended the Art College at Seoul National University.

YI: I witnessed a naerim kutbeing performed on a 42 year-old housewife in Ch'onmasan two years ago. Can you tell us her story?

KIM: That woman was struck by a mysterious illness, and while she was sick, many of her cl~ relatives, including her mother, older brother, husband and younger brother, died. The strange thing was she couldnt help laughing, even at her younger brother's funeral This caused her a great deal of shame. She wasn't able to walk for a long time after the illness spread to her legs, but during the naerim ku~ she spent the whole day dancing and even completed the chaktu Mri (a dance perfonned on a double-alged knife).

Yl: I remember the audience was amazed when the woman was possessed suddenly by the spirit of the late president Pak Chong-hui. She collapsed as if she had been shot and then began speaking in Pak's voice. How would you interpret this?

KIM: It is very rare for this kind of spirit to descend during a kut rd have to say this was a bad omen, considering the fact that President Pak died an unhappy death

YI: How many times have you performed the naerim kut?Did all the newly initiated go on to become shamans?

KIM: rve perfonned more than 20 naerim kut rve established a master-disciple relationship with each one of the newly initiated, but they haven't all become shamans, and I wouldnt want them to. In my view, the pUI'pQ'iC of the naerim kutis to treat people suffering from sinbylJng and help them recover their health and a happy family life. Why should they all become shamans? When I perfonn a naerim ku~ I make a clear distinction between those I plan to cultivate as disciples and those I want to simply treat and return to a normal life.

YI: What do you teach your disciples?

KIM: There are 24 courses. They look similar but actually each has its own

unique elements. For example, in some cases, there is theatrical dial~e, and other parts are very fun-loving. To the average person, it looks like the shaman is just dancing around a plate of ricecakes in the p'ungoche, the ritual for a bountiful catch in a fishing community, but actually the rite is an advanced art fonn incorporating many different elements. The apprentice shamans must learn all these elements : how to arrange the offerings on the alter. how to cook the food . the use of the various implements. the rules governing the perfonnance of the kut. etc. It is the elder shaman's responsibility to teach these ~ but the frustrating thing is we dont have the facilities to teach them well We have no choice but to use our performances at festivals or in actual kut as

To the average person, it looks like the shaman is just dancing around a plate of ricecakes in the p'ungoche, the ritual for a bountiful catch in a fishing community, but actually the rite is an advanced art form incorporating many different elements.

51

demonstrations, or to try to make due in our own homes or at local community centers. Actually, the best way to teach is by performing the ku( but it bothers the neighbors Yl: It used to be that Korean teachers would beat their students on the calves with a bamboo rod when they didn't behave. Is that practice used today?

I feel especially bad when I perform a naerim kuton a

KIM: What student would put up with that nowadays? You have to be atreful because if you say something the student doesnt like, they often quit in a huff. You cant scold students in this day and age. So I try to persuade them of the value of my teachings and admonish them to do the best they can

man. There are so many feminine aspects to the kut ---for example, performing

YI: I've heard that the male musicians who perform in the kut cannot become shamans even if they want to. However, there are male shamans known as paksu.

How do these paksu become shamans?

in a skirt, etc, ---that I can't stand to make the men go through the same thing as the women.

KIM: Some men will do anything to avoid becoming a paksu. I know of one man struck by sinlly(Jng who went all the way to Taiwan to study divination, just to avoid his calling. But in the end, he couldnt overcome his illness and had to undergo the naerim kut I feel espOOally bad when I perform a naerim kut on a man There are so many feminine aspects to the kutfor example, performing in a skirt, etc, that I can't stand to make the men go through the same thing as the women

n Before you were recognized as a major shaman (mansin), you must have had a difficult time. How did you come to be a shaman?

KIM: My maternal grandmother was a famous shaman back in my hometown of Ongjin County in Hwanghae Province, but she didn't like me so she never let me get near a kut When I was 11, I was struck a lingering illness but our family circumstances prevented me from receiving hoopital treatment I was marrioo at 13, but my husband desertoo me when I was 15. My illness grew more severe from that point Every time I saw a knife I felt the urge to grab hold of it Finally, my grandmother performoo a naerim kut for me, and my 52

illness was curtrl instantly. I marrioo again at the age of 25 and had a son, but my husband said he couldn't live with a shaman and left me for another woman. Since I was a shaman, I had no choice but to give him up. I livoo from day to day on relief packages distributed by the government Yl: What kind of training did you receive as a shaman?

KIM: After the naerim ku( I spent three years studying the kutwith An Mansin of Haenam and Kwon Mansin who had performoo kutin my hometown. I started by learning how to fold their costumes and shaking the bells. During the ku( I would assist my teachers and memorize the so~ The Komm War broke out just as I was beginning to make a name for myself in the Haeju region of Hwanghae Province, so I came to Inch'On with my family.

Yl: When did you first perform a naerim kut for someone else?

KIM: I performoo one for a 14 year-old cousin who contracted sinby(Jng when I was nineteen years-old

Yl: How does society perceive the shaman?

KIM: During the height of the SaemaUI. (New Community)Movement promoted by President Pak ChOng-hui, the public perreption of the shaman and the kutwas terrible. One of the Movement's favorite slogans was 'Stamp out superstition.'

Traditional shrines were destroyoo all over the country so we had no choice but to perform kut in private homes. The police would drag the shamans away, and scavengers would rip the leather off our drums.

People would come knocking on our doors, crying, 'Stamp out superstition!' and then they'd take our equipment and burn it I dont know how many times they ~oo me away.'

YI: Your neighbors couldn't have been too happy.

KIM: We didn't want to bother our neighbors so we always askoo for their understanding, just in case things got a little noisy. Some people understood but others

would report us to the police.

Yl: I imagine there was a lot of friction from the Christian community. How do they perceive the shaman?

KIM: Ifs changed quite a bit m:ently, but

back then everyone despised the shaman and would report us to the police at the drop of a hat Since the government had labeled shamanism a superstition, very few people were interested in holding a kut And all the while we had families to feed and raise. I tried my hand at business several times but I always failed Yl When did the public's attitude toward shamanism begin to change?

KIM: It began when the p'ungtJche was entered in the National Folk Arts Contest in 1966. That was the first time the kut was recognized as an art form. Before that everyone thought it was simply a matter of making some ricecakes, catching a pig, and dancing around with a drum At the time, I felt it was a great honor to be allowed up on the stage, so naturally I was amazed when I won the prize for an individual performance. And 111 never forget

how I felt that day in February 1984 when the p'ung6che was designated an Intangible National Cultural Property and I was named the official demonstrator of the kut Masked dance and traditional vocal music had been recognized long before, so I had always been frustrated by the neglect of shamanistic art fonns.

Masked dance and traditional vocal music had been recognized long before, so I had always been frustrated by the neglect of shamanistic

Yl: What is the difference between the p'ungocheand the paeyansin kut(the Rite for the Fishing Boat Spirit)?

art forms.

KIM: The p'ungiJche is a community rite, which appeals to the gods for a boimtiful catch, and the paeyrmsin kutis a rite performed by the captain of a boat asking for a safe purney. By performing a rite on the fishing boats themselves, the people in a fishing village acquire a sense of confidence and the courage to survive, even if they run into a typhoon or other problems at sea. It helps them relax and thus prevents accidents.

Yl You performed the chaktu kori in the United States in 1982 on the occasion of the lOOth anniversary of Korean-American relations. Did that constitute Korean government recognition of the kutas an art form?

Photo above: Kim Kum-hwa perfonning her speciality, the pungoclre, a fishing community rite in which the shaman appeals to the gods for a bountiful catch.

53

KIM: Originally, the Smithsonian Institution invited Korea to send a kut~­ former, but there were a lot of complaints here in Korea. People thought it would disgrace the natioiL The Korean Organizing Committee withdrew the kut from the Centennial program, but the Smithsonian insisted it be included. So we simply changed the name from mudang kut (shaman's ritual) to the OzPJimu/Dance.

When a shaman is up on those blades, she wields the

Yl: The Hwanghae naerim kut is especially famous for the pisugor; a unique form of the chaktu ki5ri in which the knife-riding general enters the body of the shaman and dances with the double-edged chopper. Can you give us a brief explanation of this portion of the kut?

run those blades across her arms and press it against her tongue. I know this is a dumb question, but have you ever tried that when you weren't performing a kut ?

KIM: You cant do it at any other time.

Yl: Experienced tight rope walkers say the rope actually looks quite wide after they've trained for a long time. What about the knife blades? Do they look sharp during a kut?

KIM: Of course. They1l slice a cucumber or pear in half at the drop of a hat The gods make sure the blades are sharp.

Yl: Aren't you afraid during the chaktu L.- '? ~on.

power of the great generals against all misfortune and evil spirits.

KIM: The alter consists of a seven-layer tower constructed from a steel drum, wooden dough boards, a small table, a pine board, a water pitcher and a brass bowl with the chaktu, a double-edged knife on the very top. The shaman presses the razor-sharp blades of the knife against her arms and legs and her tongue and inside her cheeks. There aren~ any cuts, just impressions where the blades have been pressed against her skin. Then she climbs up onto the blades and dances. It's at that point that she delivers the gods' messages to the audience. The apprentice shamans do exactly as the head shaman does.

Yl: It is said that the shaman embodies the spirit of military generals, such as Ch'oi Y6ng (1316-1388, one of the great generals of the Kory6 Kingdom), Yi Sun-sin(15451598, a Choson era admiral who fought the Japanese invaders) or Im Ky6ng-6m (15941646, a Choson era admiral who fought the Manchus), when she is up on the knife blades. Why is that? Why not the spirit of a king?

KIM The king ruled the state, but his servants, the generals, were the ones who wielded the actual power. For example, Ch'oi Yong fought gallantly for his kingdom and country but ultimately died a unjust death. When a shaman is up on those blades, she wields the power of the great generals against all misfortune and evil spirits.

Yl: It was hard to watch the shaman 54

KIM: After dancing around for a while, I can't tell if it's me moving or the blades themselves. You're not conscious of what you're doing. There are times when I'm afraid, usually when rm ill at ease or frustratOO.

Yl: Have you ever been hurt during the chaktu ki5ri?

KIM: Three times altogether. It was bernuse of contaminatioiL

YI: What kind of contamination?

KIM: The gods like pUrity. If your hands are dirty when you're preparing food, or if spit .gets in the food, it causes impurities.

And if a person with evil thoughts or someone who has witnessed a death recently comes to a ku~ it rnuses contaminatioiL

Yl: Could you describe the occasions when you experienced such contamination during a kut?

KIM Once when I was performing the chaktu kOri at the age of 19, a person carrying a dead child walked past. I didn't know this, but when I climbed up on the knife blades, I could feel them slicing my feet Another time I was performing a kut on DokchOkto Island off of Kyonggi Province. The owner of the house in which I was performing was having an affair, so his wife was upset and cried as she

prepared the food. This defiled the site.

The third time was when the knife blades werent sharpenoo properly. There is a special process for sharpening the blades, but on that occasion someone flung the door open and startoo nagging the knife sharpener. This interruption contaminated the kut Yl What do you do when that happens?

KIM: You sense something isnt righ~ so you have to shout 'Contamination, contamination,' before you get down off the knife blade;. Otherwise you can be badly hurt

YI: At one point during the naerim ku~ the shaman drinks the blood of a freshly slaughtered pig. The very thought of it disgusts me. Do you realize what you're doing at that point of the ceremony?

KIM: At that poin~ we don't think of it

as a dirty thing, but no one would drink it at any other time YI: I've heard that you always help people less fortunate than yourself, and that most of your income goes to charities.

Why is that?

KIM: Things were really bad during the Korean War when my family escaped to the South and back at the height of the Saemai11 Movement I had to make do on bean sprout porridge, but I always trioo to help others out by buying them a pound of meat now and then. Helping others can bring you happiness even when you have nothing.

YI: What has been the hardest thing for you to endure?

KIM: The worst thing has been the way people scorn me for being a shaman. rve made it a point not to attend happy occasions like weddings or birthday celebrations booluse people think a shaman brings bad luck

YI: What kind of advice do you give your disciples?

KIM: I try to teach them to be honest and sincere, but I'm often disappointed because many young people turn their backs

on me as soon as they've received the naerim kut They dont want to take the time to perfect their skills and become a true shaman. In the old days, the relationship between a master shaman and his or her disciples was like the relation between parents and their children, but since the Korean War, things have changed.

Everyone wants to keep moving and get things over with as quickly as possible.

Sometimes it seems like they're trying to exploit my reputation, just so they can say, 1 receivoo the naerim kut from Kim Kumhwa.' And then there are the people who've become interested in the kut after seeing the news reports about the movie actress, Kim Ji-mi, receiving the naerim kut YI: The kut is relatively small in scale compared to Christian or Buddhist services.

As a result, the sense of wonder or miracle experienced during the kut itself doesn't seem to last long. 'Considering shamanism's relative lack of evangelical power, what do you see as the future direction of the belief in Korea?

KIM: Actually, I'm concernoo about that

The government has no policy to preserve the ku( but I'm thankful they've designatOO it an 'important intangible cultural property.' The various Christian organizations are wrong to protest the inclusion of kut in overseas cultural tours, which already include masked dance and p'ansori. We haven't ever objected to Christian or Buddhist events, have we? Actually, those religions arent even indigenous to Korea, so why are they making such a big deal about shamanism, a religion rooted in Korea's own culture? I hope that the kut will be~ as an art form.

In the old days, the relationship between a master shaman and his or her disciples was like the relation between parents and their children, but since the Korean War, things have changed. Everyone wants to keep moving and get things over with as quickly as possible.

YI: However, if we look at the kutas a religion, rather than an art form, it is clear that people actually fear it. It seems this is the reason behind the difficulties you've had propagating the belief.

KIM: There's nothing to be afraid of.

Shamanism was the religion of our grandparents long before these other religions were introduced from abroad By believing in shamanism, we can unite as one, and isnt that the road to the unification of Korea?+ 55

APortrait of Magnolias By 0 016ng-hili translatOO by Brure and Ju-Olan Fulton

t looked hazy outside, and I wondered if the wind were kicking up some dirt. But when I wiped the condensation from the window with my sleeve and peered through the pane, it was snowflakes I saw; falling in fits and starts like swirls of dust.

I wanted to use the light of the fleeting winter afternoon, and so I continued to work on my still life, though I had to keep warming my hands in my armpits.

'Why not another magnolia? Or a mandala?' (j) I flinched at the echo of the voice in the empty studio and suddenly felt a draft on my back. I turned, and there was Han-su leaning against the door frame, face flushed with drink. He must have remembered the rash effort I'd put into painting magnolias before.

Painting magnolias! It was a fantastic thought.

Magnolias, purple magnolias, white magnolias - trees that in former times weren't planted in the family courtyard, but were reserved instead to invoke the spirits of the dead Aspirit blossomed from my mother's bones one night Firm like an artificial flower, it had burst into bloom and bobbed in the air, white like an incandescent bulb, the soul of an undefiled maiden.

Acluster of mouths, it bloomed eerily till daybreak, a suction cup drawing in the secretions of the night "At this time of the year it's impossible to find a flower to work from," I answered Han-su. A poor excuse, but it was the best I could do. The real reason was that I couldn't picture a magnolia in my mind The white magnolias bloomed every night from Mother's accursed bones - bones that wouldn't turn white even after the grass shrouding them had turned to dust and drifted away Every night the blossoms that spewed from her bones would flutter up, filling the firmament, but still the bones remained dark.

I had tried to paint those magnolias, scattering dots of white color over a blue background. "A mandala!" Han-su had once acclaimed while looking over my shoulder. My hear had felt all the more chilled at his remark, as if my hidden intentions had been revealed. I had turned the canvas face down and left the studio without a word Han-su now approached me and removed the vase and the pomegranates I was using for my still life. He squeezed one of the pomegranates, cracking it in two, then handed half to me and bit

I

into the other half.

"Sour, isn't it? See, that's it. The essence of pomegranates they're sour."

'Tm afraid I don't understand" "What you don't understand, my dear, is the Zen dialectic."

Han-su's mouth puckered up, and he tapped his lips with his fingers as if to soothe them. "Go, gentle lady, and look after your kid You're just faking it with these pictures."

I was about to leave anyway, and yes, I really was deluding myself trying to paint magnolias. No matter how frequently, no matter how precisely, no matter how prettily I painted vases and fruit, never would I be able to paint those magnolias in bloom, those magnolias that reminded me of a two-headed viper coiled to strike.

I laid my unfinished still life face down on the table and put on my coat. Now what? Did I want to put up with more of Hansu's venomous remarks, or should I simply nod and leave, hoping he wouldn't continue to block the door?

'Sorry if I bothered you," he said, placing one hand on my shoulder.

The instant he touched me I felt as if an overwound spring had snapped Was he about to take me in his arms? Suddenly I felt dizzy And then I was hit by the reek of liquor. "Goodnessr' Before I knew it I had squeezed by him into the hall. Han-su stuck his head out the door and stared at me as if to say, 'What the hell's gotten into you?' But all he said was, "So long."

I stood there a moment to collect myself. "Lucky I didn't fall on my face," I mumbled before turning and walking slowly down the concrete hall. The steep stairs at the end of this run-down building were always dark. I descended ever so carefully "Go look after your kid" That's what my husband had always told me. I felt the color drain from my face whenever he said it, but eventually I became so thick-skinned that I could bounce back without the anger and humiliation that had made my heart pound "I wouldn't be going around like this if she needed looking after," I had responded once. But I had to admit that now there was nobody to make such remarks. My circle of friends considered it a faux pas to mention my husband or daughter in front of me. They were all so very careful- not for my sake, but to prevent me from responding with something embarrassing to them.

Semi's old enough to be in kindergarten now, I thought.

CD Mandala: a mystical diagram, the contemplation of which is supposed to aid a Buddhist in his or her quest for enlightenmen~ a painting of various experiences of the Buddha on his path to enlightenment 56

look down and notice you" I wished I could have given him a decent answer. 'look at all this wonderful snow - now don't tell me you're going straight home." me.

I had learned the first of those songs from Mother: Too surprised for words, I simply smirked. Watching Han-su's Butterfly, butterfly, jar into the mountains 1m go heels as he swaggered along, I had to bury my head inside my collar to keep the melting snow from streaming down my face.

Swallowtai4 swallowtai4 you come too.

Judging from his attitude, or rather from the way he had been Colorful autumn leaves, bitten by theJros~ falling To little me, who had asked where those mountains were, acting until then, he wouldn't be satisfied with just a cup of coffee Mother would casually reply, while lighting a hand-rolled cigarette, before we went our separate ways. He kept peeking into the drinking places we passed, though it was still a bit early for drinking.

'1t's the place where people go when they die."

The snowflakes were a bit larger now. I reached into a pocket Not today, I said to myself, reaffirming the decision by shaking my for my scarf, then realized I'd left it at the studio. I turned up the head - already I was building things out of proportion. "Darling, I've known for some time that you've been collar of my coat living with your parents. I'm sorry, but I "Go look after your kid." Did Han-su haven't had the courage to write until now. know that my husband and I were sepaI really was deluding Yesterday I started counting the days- I'll rated, that I'd left Soni with my in-laws? be leaving on the 28th." I looked up and Well, even if he knew, I was sure he hadn't myself trying to paint wiped the moisture from my face. In gone out of his way to say what he did. It front of me Han-su kept taking his handwas probably just the way he talked. He magnolias. No matter how kerchief out and wiping the back of his thought that human history was like a rivneck. I couldn't tell the color of the hander- just flowing and flowing- with nothfrequently, no matter how kerchief, which I assumed was filthy'; this ing especially significant about it. He acted was something I probably wouldn't have like he was above it all precisely, no matter how noticed if I hadn't had to look after a man.

We'd gone out drinking a couple of The holes in the socks, the soiled collars, times. The first time I got stinko, and prettily I painted vases and the dirty handkerchiefs - useless worries couldn't remember when or where we but all of these things I happened to see. parted. My recollection of the second time fruit, never would I be able Let's you, SOni, and I get a place with a big is that I made a fool of myself bawling on his shoulder. It wasn't easy looking at myto paint those magnolias in yard outside of town. I've saved up enough money. When I think about it, huself in the mirror after that one.

My husband and I hadn't done much bloom, those magnolias that mans seem to have a knack for wasting their lives throwing themselves into such to mend our relationship. After we separated I fell into the habit of sleeping all the reminded me of a two-head- useless work. Darling, I love you. We can start all over again. We'll be happier than time because I was so depressed. And we ever were before. My life here is terriwhen I drank I'd sing that butterfly song, ed viper coiled to strike. ble. Some nights I can't sleep because of call Soni's name, and start crying. I was the rain and the mosquitoes, and I get so aware of these disturbing new habits, but helpless to rid myself of them. I used to drink with a certain angry - I can't believe what an idiot I was. I want to go home."

I lifted my head again and whisked away the moisture more crowd, and after one of our outings one of them told me how I'd been carrying on. I could have strangled him. There were finger- forcefully. So, my husband wanted to come home from distant Africa, the Dark Continent. So he wanted to start over again. But nail marks in my palms where I'd clenched my fists.

Han-su probably knew about these habits too. Did he also there's no such thing as a new beginning, I told myself. "We can know about the butterfly song coiled deep inside me that emerged start all over again"- wishful thinking, that's all it is. I had told him every night the magnolias bloomed in my dreams? Maybe that's that three years ago when I left him. He didn't try to stop me. But why he teased me - "Why not try another magnolia? Or a man- when I finally convinced him I was leaving, he said I was poison.

Like other women whose husbands had cheated on them, I dala?' wanted to go to his mistress's house, smash her mirror with a 'How far do you plan on going? At that pace you could probachamberpot, rip her quilts to shreds, and yank her by the hair. bly go forever."

I turned just in time to see Han-su come up beside me. He was Instead, when he stayed out late, I would wait up for him in the darkness at the comer of the alley to our house. When it rained, breathing heavily.

"I was watching the way you walked. You were going so slow I'd stand there until dawn with an umbrella, twirling it like a pinI couldn't help catching up with you," he said triumphantly. wheel It was then, in the early hours of the morning, that I would Catching up with me seemed to have put him in a good mood, un- see the idealized image of my mother, freshly washed face and all Mother had lived by herself in a secluded house in an island like earlier at the studio. But what he really seemed to be saying was something like, "You decided to walk slowly so that I could village. But I didn't consider that strange, because I really didn't

Butterfly, butterfly, jar into the mountains we go- she already had the rhythm down. It wouldn't be long before she'd be singing a kindergarten song instead Butterfly, butterfly, come flutter, fly, to

57

know Mother- couldn't even remember having lived with her. I lived with Father, Stepmother, and my stepbrothers and stepsisters.

None of them ever hid the facts about my real mother - that she had had a severe case of toxemia after giving birth to me, that the poison affected her legs, making it difficult for her to walk, and that finally she had been possessed by a spirit Wherever there was a shaman ritual, Mother could be seen in her sky blue jacket, crimson skirt, long indigo vest, and black shaman's ha~ holding a fan and bells.

Mother was unusually tall and large-boned, which made her look all the more nimble as she balanced herself and performed her jumps on the blue steel of the two straw-cutter blades without receiving a nick. But when she finished the ceremony, she could barely stand up and had to get around squatting like a crab.

She wasn't the least bit pretty. Her severely square face with its high, protruding cheekbones always had a bluish cas~ and her lips were even darker. I think this blueness was caused by her smoking. When she balanced herself on the blades of the strawcutter, sweat running down her face like raindrops and her features contorted as if pain were being wrung from her, she would begin to look like pictures I'd seen of the Spirit General, and I couldn't bring myself to believe that this was the woman who had given birth to me. And because I couldn't believe that, none of these things about Mother bothered me.

I used to visit Mother at all hours. I liked the ricecakes, chestnuts, and other goodies she always gave me. Father and Stepmother never stopped me from going to see her. If I got back after dark and rattled the locked door, Stepmother would take her time opening it and tell me she thought I'd decided to live with the spirit madam and never come home again Her voice had no touch of emotion. I could hear Father turn in bed, groaning.

Embarrassed by their silence, I held my breath and hugged the wall as I skirted my stepbrothers and stepsisters, who were sleeping all together like cordwood. No matter how bothersome it must have been for Stepmother to save a place for me to sleep, or to unlock the door for me, it never occurred to me to spend the night at Mother's house, which seemed to be occupied by the spirits of dead people, judging from the portrait of the Spirit Genera~ the shaman knives and spears, and the candles that burned day and night, seeming to make the gaudy paper flowers bloom brightly. What's more, I remembered being told that the spirit whom Mother served came to sleep in her house at nigh~ and that this was why she had arranged another woman for Father and then left him Mother always asked about Father as she fed me. I was so busy eating I couldn't answer right away. So Mother would sigh, pull the matchbox toward her, light a cigarette with a sweeping motion, and start singing, her shoulders moving in time with the song: Butterfly, butterfly, jar into the mountains we go.

Swallowtai4 swallowtai4 you come too.

Colorful autumn lea~ bitten by theJros~ falling.

Our lim as fleeting as the dew on the grass, we come with nothing. we go with nothing.

This was the image of my mother that would come to mind while I waited for my husband until the wee hours. And before I knew it I'd be singing this same song, which Mother had sung to 58

vent her passion, her sorrow; her spite. Wanting to avoid the clean, cold air of dawn, which felt stifling to me, I'd hurry home through the winding alley: 'This place isn't so bad"

Han-su lifted the canvas that draped a streetside drinking staR poked his head in, then looked back at me.

"Looks okay to me," I said after a moment's hesitation. I followed him in. It was still early in the evening, and there weren't many customers.

'What would you like?'

"Do I have a choice?"

Han-su gathered his hands before his mouth and whistled for the proprietor.

Awoman soon appeared with a small bottle of soju and two shot glasses upside down on a tray. Han-su uncapped the bottle with his teeth and filled my glass. I wanted him to give me the bottle so I could return the favor, but he assumed a serious air, shook his head, and filled his own glass. He gulped it right down the way a thirsty man would. I looked down at my glass, happy just to gaze at the transparent liquor, which seemed to reflect nothing. I picked up the glass, held it tightly, and gently swirled the liquid Not a drop spilled, though it came perilously close to the rim.

There were times when I had slipped out of bed at dawn on my husband's birthday and gone out to the soulless, freshly cleaned street to buy flowers for him. When S6ni was a hundred days old we took her to a photographer's studio and sat her between us against the hazy background of a distant church and steeple. The man photographed her while shaking a rattle and babbling to her. And one day we went to the opera. My husband burst into tears at Madame Butterfly's song 'Td rather die than live in disgrace." I had reached for his hand, repeating the sentence silently.

"You aren't drinking. What's on your mind?'

'1 was wondering if there was anything as clear as soju."

Han-su gave a hearty laugh. I noticed that the hand holding the glass was trembling slightly. Atouch of palsy, I quickly decided "Once I thought and thought about what could be as clear as darkness, as clear as the nigh~" Han-su said "Have you ever listened to the sounds of the night?"

You want to talk about the night? I thought. Well, I know something about that Nights, memories of nights, memories we all keep hidden deep in our hearts. I tossed down my soju.

Deep in the night Father had left Mother's island village with my stepmother, their children, and me in a single-oar rowboat. I listened until dawn, frightened and seasick, to Mother's voice. It was like the cry of the sea. Her butterfly song, accompanied by bamboo flutes, single-string fiddle, and drum, sounded dreamily throughout the night. Ever since then, the song has awakened me at night, whether I'm dreaming or no~ forewarning me, terrifying me, threatening to take over the tiniest part of my existence, muffling my passion for living and tainting life's purity.

"The night? Yes, I know enough about that," I said proudly to Han-su while lifting my second shot of soju to my lips.

'You mean the magnolias you're always dreaming about?"

"Did I tell you that? WeR I could tell you another story, too."

"I think probably everyone has a story about their own night, and I'm no exception," said Han-su. "To them it symbolizes the night - does that make sense? My story's about a man who played the bamboo flute."

Han-su's eyes were already bloodshot, probably because of his drinking that afternoon. I listened carefully to his story; feeling the liquor burn in my chest and churn in my stomach like a miracle drug I shouldn't have taken, the hot and strong tipsiness kindling every part of me.

This was the story Han-su told There was a man who had mastered the bamboo flute. One day he came drifting into a village. All the people who lived there were related and had the same surname.

The fact that his name was different immediately caught their attention. Nothing was known about him. He didn't have a regular calling, and his wife never appeared from their house - all these things helped to convince the people of this village, which the mountains surrounded so closely that the wind could scarcely penetrate, that he possessed some extraordinary talent. He occasionally earned money fixing chimneys, rebuilding collapsed mud walls, or thatching roofs after the harvest.

But he appeared to do these things the way other people cultivated hobbies, and so the villagers came to believe that he didn't have to work in order to eat The intoleran~ parochial people of this village came to regard him as a master of the flute. Yet no one had ever seen him play the flute; no one had even heard the sound of it riding on the wind to his ears.

But no one doubted that he was a master of the flute, or that the sounds he produced on his instrument were much more abstruse and delicate than the sound of the wind from high up in the mountains or the sound of the stream in springtime, which dawdled and then reluctantly visited this mountain village after the long, long winter.

Arumor began circulating that the flute master communicated with a ghost - for how long, no one knew. People said that a supernatural power rose within him on moonless nights and on nights when the moon waxed full and round. That belief may have arisen from his calm demeanor, which reminded the villagers of a person who had stripped off a layer of mundane affairs. As a matter of fac~ he gave the strong impression that he looked at the world and even his own life from a distance, as if he were watching a house on fire.

His wife was young and pretty. It was known throughout the village that the relationship between this man who was entering middle age and his delicate, youthful wife who rarely ventured outside was especially harmonious. But nothing more was known of them. The master and his wife lived like hermits, maintaining their distance from the tenacious stares of the villagers, who made

it their business to know exactly how many spoons so-and-so had, whose lives were as tedious and unchanging as stagnant water.

The man was neither too close to nor too distant with anyone.

He lived in the village, but he didn't really belong there.

When people asked him about his pretty wife and his flute, he merely chuckled He would never play the flute, whatever the occasion. Those who politely asked him a second time to play would end up chuckling along with him. His attitude led people to conclude to a certainty that he was a master of the flute, for no master could play when the spirit didn't move him, just as a cloudless sky couldn't bring rain.

Often on the moonless nights, and on the nights when the full moon shone, he didn't need to carry a lantern, and he would drink by himself at the village tavern till late at night.

Then, on the last night of the lunar cycle in November, a group of young fellows who had been displaced from their cozy den at home by their elders happened to be gambling in the inner room of the tavern. Gambling for cigarettes had been fun for awhile, but now it was boring.

Anyone who stayed up all night at this time of the year would naturally experience some unbearably lonely moments. And when the gamblers found themselves listening aimlessly to some sporadic barking in the distance, they started murmuring to themselves about whose dog it was, and whether a stranger might have arrived, and their curiosity overcame any enthusiasm they might have felt about gambling. And when the solitude of the world outside the tavern touched them, coursing throughout their bodies, young or old, they suddenly sensed the solitude of their own lives, and memories of the dead returned from dark oblivion. Such mom~nts were quickly followed by another round of drinks, and when a glib fellow among the bunch started a dirty joke, the rest diligently pounded their knees in laughter, as if trying to fill the emptiness that they had momentarily confronted On this particular night, you could hear wild animals crying in the distance, and outside it was so bone-chillingly cold that the mere sound of the wind raking down the mountain valleys could freeze you One of the young men happened to point out the flute master, who was about to leave the tavern. For some reason, he looked quite listless as he quietly paid his bill and walked out. The young man's friends noticed the same thing.

The master had no children. People said that he must be treating his wife's body too respectfully. And if their marriage was too harmonious, this would anger the three gods who governed childbirth. All the villagers wondered what it was that made such a good marriage between the shabby-looking master, who tottered along in his husk-like body, and his wife, whose eyes were long and thin and gentle.

59

The gambling had risen to a fever pitch but soon died down. crawled out of her room onto the veranda, the flames were licking Now the tavernkeeper was not so busy serving kettles of liquor. at her waist. I had stood petrified at the brushwood gate. From The long, moonless evening, when the master would be communi- there it was only a few steps to the veranda. The fire had crawled cating with a ghost, had passed the midnight hour. The dealer cut along the main crossbeam, engulfed the thick rafters, and spread the deck of flower cards. The first to draw a plum blossom, he de- unobstructed throughout the house. clared, would have to learn the secret of the master's mystical talMother managed to cross the veranda, but just as I thought she was about to roll down onto the stone shoe-ledge she suddenly ent that very night.

The fellow whose lot it was to follow and observe the master stood up. I couldn't believe how tall she looked. By then, the fire saw him walking like a phantom, swinging his arms in the moon- had reached the sl~eves of her jacket. The flames fluttered like a less night. At the entrance to the village, a dog was barking. The curtain in a breeze. Mother was a tree on fire. For a moment, unmaster drove the dog back with a sudden sweep of his arm. The able to bear the hea~ she looked as if she would hurry off to extinmovement was as supple as that of a phantom performing a dance. guish the flames, but instead she remained where she was and beThe follower's eyes glittered in the darkness and a lump rose in his gan sweeping her long arms in the air and leaping up and down as if she were dancing in a shaman ceremothroat. The dog disappeared, but as the ny -- a huge, flaming tree. Hiding among master walked along he continued to It was at night that the flustered onlookers, who dared not swing his arms, a.S if he were dancing. jump to her rescue, I watched until the The master's house was apart from her bones shone white. end, thinking Mother wasn't dying but inthe other dwellings, which were spread out like a skirt at the foot of a hill. The master They e just like flowers, stead was calling forth all the spirits to perform a grand, once-in-a-lifetime cerepassed by houses lying still as death, and mony when he reached the low mud wall of his flaring open with own house, he took his flute from his vest My sou4 oh my soul Green willows, deep mountains, your pocket. He took a deep breath and started bluish-white sparks. first visit there, to play What strange sounds he produced!

Place my soul in its receptacle, my godThey were like the staccato hissing of A white flower bloomed snakes slithering through the grass in June giwn l:xxty in a caske~ Looking up, I see valley after mountain looking for mates. from every joint all through Instead of going through the brushvalley, peak after pea~¡ Looking down, a white sandy waste wood gate, the master walked around the the night, and finally wall of the house, playing all the while. land !ve come. Here I am. !ve borrowed the When he had made a couple of circuits, the they merged and became door opened. The doorway loomed sudl:xxty of this spirit madam, I speak through her mouth; unfulfilled in denly large in the light of the kerosene one huge blossom my life, !ve become a traveler to the lamp inside, and flickers of light reached out to the stone steps. Ashadow emerged, hereafter. and soon disappeared into a darkness deeper than the gloom surI realized then that Mother was singing the song from the rounding the house, The door closed and the light was extin- chinogi ritual - the ceremony for the restless dead - that she used guished. The master hid the flute in his vest pocket and quickly to perform. And then she collapsed. But like a green pine bough opened the gate. she kept burning for the longest time, the flames feeding on the oil But the young observer from the tavern could see nothing, for from her body And then the main crossbeam, like some great serthe moonless night was such as to hide any shadow or footprint pen~ fell upon her.

Mother's body was placed on a hill behind the village and cov1t sounds like the story of Ch'5-yong." 0 ered with grass. The villagers said that only when the grass de"Doesn't itr Han-su inattentively answered with a weak laugh. cayed, her flesh rotted, and her bones turned white would her spirHe was looking toward me as he laughed, but he seemed to be gaz- it travel to the hereafter. All summer and autumn her body ing somewhere far off -listening, perhaps, for the sound of a flute. swarmed with blowflies, was violated by every bird and beast It was completely dark outside. I wasn't sure why, but tears gath- imaginable. And then her bones were enveloped in the snows of ered in my eyes. Maybe it was th~ liquor. Warmth and weariness winter. But still they didn't turn white. The following spring, the spread through me. I felt I could have fallen into a sound, dream- thick covering of grass dried up and scattered like dust, but even less sleep if I were just to lay my head on the table. But then the then her bones with their few clumps of dried flesh remained hem of Mother's shaman's vest slid into view before my watery mostly black. eyes. I wondered if I would dream about magnolias again, as I had It was at night that her bones shone white. They became just on the other nights fd gone to bed drunk. like flowers, flaring open with bluish-white sparks. Awhite flower Mother had been consumed in a fire. To me she had looked bloomed from every joint all through the night, and finally they like a tree radiating flames. Her skirt had caught fire, and as she merged and became one huge blossom. But in the morning the

ÂŽ An ancient Korean tale involving possession by a plague spirit 60

bones would be even darker and more rotten, like a tree that had bloomed for countless years and now was only a piece of bark around a rotten stump.

I couldn't forget how imposing Mother had looked standing so tall - a woman who could walk only in a squatting position - nor could I forget the sight of her collapsing like a flaming tree. And it had always bothered me that her bones had never turned white.

Mother's death was the source of endless whispering among the villagers. Some said she had caught fire because she violated the taboos of cleanliness during a period of purification, and her bones hadn't turned white because no one had performed a chinogi ritual to pave her way to the hereafter. Word went around that on rainy or thick, foggy nights you could hear the spirit madam's sad song of grief for her untimely death. More and more on such nights I would see the faces of my father and stepmother tum pale in the light of the kerosene lamp.

We had left Mother - left in a rowboat one foggy night. But even as an adult I often dreamed of Mother and saw the magnolias blossom from her bones. I sublimated my deep-seated hatred for my husband in my burning desire to paint the magnolias that I always saw in my dreams when he didn't come home.

As soon as we finished our second bottle of soju, Han-su clapped his hands and the proprietor brought us another.

Han-su's hand trembled as he poured himself a drink. I took the bottle from him and filled my own glass carefully so that nothing would spill. It seemed to be snowing harder now.

Newcomers coated with snow stamped their feet as they entered the stall.

As Han-su was about to order bottle number four, I took his arm and led him outside. He lurched along as if he'd forgotten how to walk, whereas I felt dear-headed. I put my arm around Han-su to support him and we walked down an alley lined with drinking houses. We had just emerged into the street when Han-su wrenched himself free, squatted, and began vomiting. What is this?

I said to myself, screwing up my face. I began patting his back.

'1t's okay - don't bother," he said He tried to push me away as he kept retching, but I continued to pat him on the back. I could feel his ribs beneath the single layer of his jacket. The gentle tattoo of my hand produced muffled thumps. For a moment I stopped and rested my palm against his back. I was surprised at how warm it felt. "During these awful nights of rain and mosquitos, I think only of returning to you. I love you We can start all over again" 'Td rather die than live in disgrace" - we'd cried at that.

I instinctively shook my head. The snowflakes on my face couldn't cool the fever I felt.

'We can go now," said Han-su.

With a hand in each armpit I helped him to his feet. His stomach must have felt better, because he wasn't trying to resist me now. I left my hands where they were.

'Til walk you to the bus stop. Which way are you going?'

Han-su was silent. It must have been near curfew, because the traffic was flying by. The slush covering the asphalt glittered from the glare of the streetlights, and still it snowed. The two of us stood there beside the street for quite some time. Finally I asked again which way he was heading. Barely opening his mouth, he

said in a low, blunt tone, "You know better than I do." My head jerked up. He was looking at me without a trace of a smile. I let go of him and covered my face. I felt the same torrents of darkness rush over me as I had the night we abandoned Mother, and deeper inside I could hear white magnolias exploding - flowers that would sink me forever into a darkness even more profound. So this is what I've been living on, I would realize upon waking from the chaotic field of my dreams on the nights my husband stayed out, shuddering at the chill of my hands in the washbasin early the next morning - I've been living on blind sensation, like an insect with feelers. And every time this lucid realization jolted me, like a tiny chisel poised to split my skull, every time I felt a nagging urge to make a mess of myself - a torrid, overwhelming desire for every kind of degradation, a burning desire to sin - I could feel the magnolias that blossomed from Mother's bones living within me, hidden, gently reminding me of their presence.

"All right." I felt very comfortable linking arms with Han-su Now and then the snowflakes flying pell-mell throught the air would be caught like fluttering butterflies in headlights.

Everywhere I looked they were swept into sight, a gray cloud, a blur, vague and fathomless.

We looked at each other as perfect strangers might, not trying to hide our hostility toward the signs of weakness we each saw in the other. We began to make our lonely way down the street, like wayfarers seeking the witch of legend who ceaselessly scattered white rice flour.

Butterfly, butterfly, off to the mountains we go.

When~ you say? Here, right here.

We quickly crossed the dark expanse that lay before us.

The butterfly song circled about in my ears all night long, tying me in knots.

My sou4 oh my sou4 Green willows, deep mountains, your first visit here, Place my soul in its receptacle. . . ..

But night after night of hopelessness, ecstasy, and despair followed by deep sleep could not have helped root out the magnolias that bloomed inside me.

Blooming on the nights I'd waited for my husband, blooming everywhere he'd left a trace of himself, like a brand, they had blossomed into thousands, tens of thousands of scattered mandalas, but I would never, ever, be able to paint them.

0 CMng-hili was born in 1947 in Seoul and studied creative writing at Sorabol College of the Arts. She is the recipient of the 1979 Yi Sang Literature Prize for her story 'Evening Game" ( Ch6ny6gi1i Keirn) and the 1982 Tongin Literature Prize for "The Bronze Mirror" ( Tonggy6ng) and is recognized as one of Korea's most demanding yet rewarding contemporary authors. "A Portrait of Magnolias" (Mongnyonch'o) was first published in Munhak 5asangin May 1975.

Bruce and Ju-cllan Fulton are the translators of Wor~ of Farewell (Seattle: Seal Press, 1989), a collection of stories by 0 Chong-hill, Kang Sok-kyong, and Kim Chi-won, and, in conjunction with Marshall Pihl, are currently completing work on an anthology of post-Liberation Korean stories, lÂŁmd of Exile, to be published by ME. Sharpe. + 61

Korean Shamanism -From the Outside

By Barbara R Mintz Administrator Asian Division, University of Maryland

n the not so distant past, you could hear the clang and clamor ringing out from a neighborhood house -even in Seoul. As foreigners, we certainly wondered what was going on the first time we heard it. When we asked a Korean friend the next day, we were told, "Oh, it's a mudang Someone must be sick, so they're having a kut." Since then, I have attended several mudang (shaman) kut as an interested observer.

The first observations are always those of the noise and action. There's the music: the rattle and thump of drums, the clash of cymbals, the piercing shriek of woodwinds, all in a brisk, insistent rhythm. Then there's the dance of the shaman herself: dr~ed in brightly colored robes, she jumps and twirls, waves her arms up and down holding an open fan in one hand and a short baton festooned with small jingling brass bells in the other. At times, she waves a sword and trident or colorful flags she uses later for fortune telling. She frequently changes costumes - different robes and hats - depicting which of the many spirits is currently inhabiting her body and speaking through her.

The next thing one notices is the setting.

Whether outdoors, in a private home, in the Kuksatang (the National Shrine near Tongnipmun in Seoul), or the shaman's own private shrine, there are low tables loaded with offerings -- sweet ricecakes and dates; stacks of apples, pears, dried fish; vases of artificial lotus flowers; fragrant smoke rising from a pot of incense; bowls of makkolli (rice wine); tall white candles on the center table flanking, most spectacular of all, a whole pig's head, ears and mouth stuffed with money. Even if the kut occurs outdoors, portraits of various personages and spirits provide the back-

I

62

A kut appeals to the foreign observer first, I think, as a theatrical event- all the color and action, but, in fact, the most interesting features lie beneath the surface. drop: the King of the Sea riding his dragon over the waves, the Spirits of the Seven Stars (the Big Dipper), or, perhaps, Queen Min herself.

And of course, one can't forget all the participants: the musicians, the mansin, a polite term for mudang and her helpers' and the suppliant (with her family) rubbing her hands together, patiently waiting for the shaman to finish a dance and speak to her in the voice of the spirits.

These sights and sounds strike even the most casual observer. As time went on, I learned that each kut has a different purpose: to heal the sick; to bring good fortune to an individual or family: to help the dead to their rest : that the ritual varies from province to province; that the music is more complex than foreign ears may realize at first; and that there are indeed a few male shamans (paksu) in Korea.

A kut appeals to the foreign observer first, I think, as a theatrical event -- all the color and action, but, in fact, the most interesting features lie beneath the surface.

For instance: What is the origin of shamanism in Korea? What is its relation-

ship to the other great religious systems in Korea -- Buddhism, Confucianism, Christianity? Why does a woman (since most shamans are women) become a shaman, especially in today's Korea? And why do suppliants (almost always female) engage a shaman's services? Why, indeed, does shamanism continue to survive, in fact, appear to flourish today?

I'll leave these questions to the scholars who have contributed to this volume, but I will offer one tale that may be relevant here. I recently was told of an all-night vigil at the bedside of a young man dying of cancer. As they had several times before, a man and a woman, next-door neighbors, came to pray for his recovery and did so loud and fervently with the assistance of the young man's wife and mother. In the middle of the night, the mother reported that a spirit appeared to everyone in the room. A threatening and frightful sight, the spirit was finally repulsed by their redoubled prayers. A Christian version of a kut? The young man died a few days later.

Professor Hwang Rushi has explained the difference between hereditary shamans (sesupmu) and kangsinmu who receive their calling through possession by a spirit or deity after experiencing a "spirit sickne;s," or sinbyong The hereditary shaman is quite comprehensible: the mudang has always occupied the lowest rungs of the Korean social ladder. Born to a shaman family, one would have little choice but to become a shaman oneself. But what about the possessed shaman? Where does the "sickness" come from? Some scholars diagnose the shaman as a recovered neurotic, someone whose personality does not fit the social norm but who nevertheless finds a useful role to play. In Korea, an intelligent, independent, articulate, somewhat manipu-

lative woman does not fit into the social norm and sometimes finds herself at odds with the behavior expected of a well-bred woman. What then to do? Or, rather, since it probably isn't intentional, what happens?

She falls ill and turns, reluctantly, to the spirits for help. She says that she is a shaman against her will, because she was chosen by the spirits.

As a mudang, she finds both acceptance (albeit at the bottom of the social ladder) and power. For, as I have said elsewhere, to be successful, she must be sensitive to her clients' needs, she must be persuasive and convincing. If she isn't, she won't attract or keep clients.

A mudang does not advertise; prospective clients learn of her by word-of-mouth from satisfied customers.

To satisfy her clients, the mudang must understand them and their needs. She must, of course, be convinced of her calling.

When the spirits speak through her, she can move her clients to laughter or tears. I have seen a client speaking to her dead mother through a mudang break into tears when her mother said how much she had been worrying about the family. They fell into each other's arms weeping.

These clients are nearly always female.

Scholars have suggested that although males in Korea dominate the highly visible social rituals of Confucianism in particular, shamanism gives women a ritual role, albeit less visible (indeed, sometimes alto-

Is this why shamanism survives, even flourishes, today? Its present popularity is at least partly the result of the general interest in traditional Korean folk and art forms among college students. However, is it possible that, with increased opportunities for independence and freedom of expression in modern society, a woman who, in¡ the past, would have fallen ill from "spirit sickness" and become a shaman will instead find other avenues for her energies? And if Korean women do find ways to enhance their roles and influence in society (or if men come to share their ritual roles with women), they may no longer require the services of the shaman and her spirits. If this happens, shamanism will decline in Korea, and the old spirits may fade away as did the Greek gods and goddesses.

On the other hand, the vicissitudes of the ~ human condition may ~ continue to require someone to alleviate them, someone who can comfort a bereaved family, someone to soothe the mind of a troubled housewife. In that case, shamanism may never vanish from the Korean scene. + m

gether repressed), but one of some power nevertheless. Awoman's role in the family is to care for its health and welfare. One way to do so is to enlist the services of a shaman and thereby the influence of powerful spirits to keep the family healthy and prosperous.

63

One American's Spiritual Insights

By EdwardR Canda Assistant Professor of Social Work Associate of the Center for East Asian Studies University of Kansas

y vantage on Korean shamanism is that of an American of European ancestry who is often disenchanted with the prevalent secular materialism and consumerism of his culture of origin.

Excessive materialism and consumerism have promoted the unrestricted exploitation of the natural ecology, leading to now familiar catastrophic effects, such as holes in the ozone layer. Korean shamanism suggests an important alternative view: human beings have a responsibility to live in harmony with the plants, animals, spirits, ancestors, and other spiritual powers of the earth, the sky, and the world below

M

I lived in Korea for the first time from March 1976 to May 1977 as a Fulbrightsponsored anthropology student and Graduate Fellow of East Asian Philosophy at Sung Kyun Kwan University in Seoul.

This was a critical formative period for me, my first international experience after graduating from college, an opportunity for both study and pilgrimage. I was already disillusioned with the materialism and secularism of Western industrial society and eager to explore Korean Confucianism, Buddhism, and shamanism.

Life in the megalopolis of Seoul quickly shocked me out of any naive assumptions about liberating myself from "Western industrialism" by simply traveling to the other side of the world. Initially, I was overwhelmed by the crowding and rapid pace of life and felt the need to journey for extended periods to the countryside.

My first personal encounter with a shaman occurred during such a trip to Kyongsan near Taegu. A Korean friend introduced me to his relative, a practicing mudangwho graciously received us in her 64

home. Although I privately considered my trip a personal pilgrimage, I came prepared with a set of questions intended to elucidate the content and structure of the shaman's beliefs and practices, so I could place them in an erudite (but secular and academic) frame of analysis. However, she quickly pierced my facade of academic objectivity.

Before she would respond to my questions, she asked me to answer one of hers: "When you go walking in the mountains, what do you experience?'

I was stunned for a moment. She required me to stop thinking about shamanism and start experiencing it. I explained what I experienced during many hours spent trekking through the midwestern American woodlands of my home, how I felt the creatures and natural forces of the woods are living, sacred beings who have much to teach those who pay attention. That was one of the few times I had said. this to anyone, since most of my American peers and elders might have thought I was peculiar, if not mentally unbalanced. But I felt reassured by the shaman, because her question implied that it was acceptable, even desirable, to experience such things. She shook me out of my timidity and academic abstractions and returned me to the clarity of direct experience.

The mudang, apparently satisfied with my answer, then recounted her own relationship with the mountain spirit(sansin).

For her, the mountain spirit was not merely a concept or symbol but rather a living entity with superior power and wisdom.

Her account was a challenge - if someone is to understand her experience, they must pursue the mountain spirit through direct experience.

During this brief encounter, the shaman imparted a message that has guided me ever since - spiritual questions and direct experiential answers about the nature of reality are more significant than academic inquiries and speculation, for they provide guidance in the conduct of life.

During my first few months in Korea, it became clear I could not rely on occasional trips to the countryside for personal renewal or for my research on shamanism. I needed sources of traditional insight in Seoul. My Confucian mentors at Sung

Kyun Kwan University introduced me to places of Confucian and Buddhist wisdom in the capital, but I had not yet encountered shamanism there. I was particularly interested in exploring Korean shamanistic percussion performance because I felt it could provide a creative outlet for the energy that had built up within me as I tried to remain polite and on guard in an unfamiliar cultural environment. A string of inquiries brought me in contact with Kim Byong-sup, a master of nong-ak, farmers' music traditionally performed for planting

and harvesting rites, the blessing of new homes, exorcisms, military marches, and entertainment. I visited Kim's studio in Seoul where the master and his American student of several years demonstrated a highly complex version of changgo nor; a dance performed by a drummer playing an hourglass-shaped drum ( changgo). The two men danced in tandem, like mirror images, weaving patterns around the room while playing intricate rhythms on their drums. I felt overcome by the power and beauty of the performance. Master Kim 65

accepted me as his student, and I studied for the remaining year of my visit. This provided me with my most thorough experiential exposure to Korean shamanism.

Master Kim and I didn't speak much of each other's languages, and he used a traditional teaching style, asking me to imitate his movements until I perfected each action. This was ideal for me because it forced me to practice the Kyongsan shaman's principle of learning by direct experience.

The master explained very little to me; I learned about the traditional meanings of the performance in a cognitive way, mostly from other people, and much through spiritual osmosis from my teacher. After I had learned to play sufficiently well, we played together with a rapport so deep it is best described by the Korean expression isim chonsim, or 'transfer from mind to mind."

It was an incomparable feeling of exhilaration, as if I were flying through the air as I danced. Perhaps this is the state of mind shamans describe as sinmj5ng or spiritual ecstasy At first, the musical rhythms and body movements were entirely alien to my cultural conditioning. I felt like I had to rewire my nervous system, to open myself to absorb the pulse and sway of the performance, letting the powerful impact of sound and movement reconstruct my culturally ingrained habits of perception and action.

The performance also forced me to integrate all aspects of myself, an enormous task. My mind had to become quiet, clear, and attentive, my body strong, coordinated, and highly energized, my soul expansive and unfettered. Divisions between mind, body, and soul had to disappear in the spontaneity of each moment of the perfor66

mance. Once these qualities were achieved, the performance flowed effortlessly, the master and I in complete synchrony Then, new kinds of spiritual awareness opened up for me. The environment was alive with spirit, and the drums and gongs called out with their own voices.

I asked my American nong-ak friend about the voices I heard calling from the changgo, kkwaenggwari (small gong), and ching(large gong), and he said I wasn't the only one to experience such things. When I asked Master Kim about this, he responded in his usual way, brief and to the point: ' Yes, of course these voices are calling. What you see and hear is not unusual Be aware of it, but don't be distracted. If you are distracted by these happenings, you will lose the flow of your performance.'

Truly, when I allowed myself to become distracted by these seemingly magical events, my internal integration and rapport with the performance were interrupted, and I made mistakes. I learned that the ecstatic trance had to integrate a clear awareness of the performance with a sense of being carried away by its momentum, as if possessed by it.

Master Kim's teaching helped me experience directly the joy and exhilaration that comes from integrating all one's faculties while in deep rapport with the surrounding world This is an experience tha~ while rich in wonderful sensation, carries one beyond ordinary sensibilities into a transcendental awareness of everything in unity During my stay in Seoul, a fellow Fulbrighter informed me of a three day kut being performed in honor of Taegam, the Great Overseer, the principle guiding spirit of the presiding mudang. Ashrine

67

h e mudangchannelled the awesome power of the spirits into a disciplined performance of balance, grace, and apparent mastery of ordinary mortal vulnerability.

She brought to fruition the promise embodied in the paksu's intense performance- chaos balanced with order generates creativity.

had been set up in the shaman's house.

Paintings of spirit entities adorned the length of one wall, and copious offerings of food, money; and colorful decorations were displayed on the altar. Arow of musicians sat to one side, playing drums, gongs, and wind and string instruments. They established a baseline rhythm, gradually building to a crescendo while the shaman danced. The tempo subsided when the shaman conversed with the spirits, sang, or delivered messages from the spirits to the participants.

The intensity of the ritual increased as a paksu, a male shaman, performed a series of dances with knives, swords, tridents, and colored flags. As the rhythm quickened, the shaman became hyper-animated, his eyes rolling back in their sockets and his limbs jerking with the music. After the dances, he hoisted a large pig carcass onto his back and rushed through the house, scattering participants in his wake.

His spirit-compelled behavior contrasted sharply with the decorum and emotional restraint common to daily Korean behavior, especially that of the scholars with whom I spent most my time, and yet his chaotic behavior had its own meaning and purpose within the context of the ceremony; testifying to the presence and power of the spirits. Indeed, the sense of chaos was counterbalanced by the shaman's discipline. Throughout his frenzied dance, the shaman never lost his balance, and the participants seemed confident in his precision since they never retreated, even when his blades drew near.

The next day a shrine for the spirits was set up near the entrance to the courtyard where Taegam lived. The presiding mudang did a series of knife dances, but in a slower, more reserved, and imperious 68

fashion than the paksu. During her last knife dance, she put fodder chopping knives (chaktu) into her mouth, pressing them into her cheeks and running her tongue along their sharp edges, all without a cut. Finally she placed the chaktu on a six foot-tall tower constructed of tables and barrels and climbed to the top, symbolically ascending to the sky-world of the spirits.

She danced atop the blades for an hour, and then returned to the ground where she delivered divinatory messages to the participants, providing them with answers to troublesome personal questions.

The mudangchannelled the awesome power of the spirits into a disciplined performance of balance, grace, and apparent mastery of ordinary mortal vulnerability.

She brought to fruition the promise embodied in the paksu's intense performance chaos balanced with order generates creativity.

My memory of this kut has helped me be aware of the potential for resolution, transformation, and spiritual growth, even in the midst of crisis, whether in personal or community life. Discipline, clarity; perseverance, and balance are personal qualities suited both for response to life crises and ritually induced chaos.

From one approach, Ma-i Mountain in North Ch6lla Province resembles a pair of horse ears. As I walked into the valley nestled between the two peaks, I heard the reverberations of shamans' gongs. Many miraculous stories and religious activities in the Buddhist, Confucian, and shamanic traditions are associated with this place.

I was most impressed with the collection of rock towers dedicated as a prayer for the relief of human suffering, which was so intense during the Korean War. The towers,

ranging in height from several feet to approximately 50 feet, were created in the 1950s by a Buddhist monk named Yi Gaplyong. According to the local people, Hermit Yi had been called to Ma-i Mountain by visions of the mountain spirit (sansin) who instructed him to build the towers there with rocks gathered from many different places. It took him more than ten years to build the towers since he meditated over each stone to discern its Om or yang (feminine or masculine) energy quality in order to maintain a balanced state of energy in each structure. The towers are either columnar (phallic) or conic (breast-like), reflecting the notion that all things, while containing both yang and Om energy; have a predominant quality of either one or the other. Hermit Yi's labor helped me realize that the shamanic view is a reversal of the secular materialist industrial view. While secularism perceives a mountain as nothing more than inanimate rocks and minerals, shamanism perceives a mountain as a living sacred being.

While secularism believes that one may destroy a mountain with impunity, shamanism believes that when the spirit of a mountain gives an order, the human must obey. For Hermit Yi, the term "vocation" (having a "calling") was not metaphorical as it usually is in secular industrial societies. Sansin called and he responded by profoundly changing his life.

Hermit Yi's story also shows how important it is for people to discern the qualities of spiritual energy inherent in particular things and places. This notion is central to p'ungsu;the Korean art of geomancy. Both p'ungsu and Omyang theory suggest that human well-being is affected by how we orient ourselves to the environment.

Nature-human relationships must be guid-

Photo: The stones used in these towers on Ma-i Mountain were selected for their unique masculine and feminine qualities in order to maintain a lralanced state of energy within each tower.

ed by principles of balance and harmony. I have found this a refreshing contrast to the common materialist assumption that natural resources exist merely for human consumption and exploitation.

After an absence of ten years, my return to Korea in 1987 completed a cycle of my life in which I finished my graduate studies and obtained a professorship.

It was a time for reconnection with a country fondly remembered for its many insights, and for renewal of ties with Korean relatives, friends, and mentors.

While in Pusan, I visited a shaman who kept a shrine dedicated to the Buddha and the Dragon King (yongwang) who, according to Korean tradition, rules the fortunes of those who make their living at sea. She, like many other shamans, combined Buddhist and shamanic symbols and beliefs in her daily practice.

My mood was pensive as I sat in her shrine room reflecting wistfully on the decade spent away from Korea and the sense that I missed living in a place where the spirit and human worlds seemed closer. I wondered if my spiritual development might be enhanced by living in Korea.

The shaman urged me to diligently pursue my spiritual development, and I asked

how, since I was living in the United States, so far from my Confucian and shamanic mentors in Korea. Simply practice regular meditation wherever you are, she said, and if necessary, find a Buddhist temple in the United States, but most importantly, remember your spiritual development will

unfold naturally if you make a regular, diligent effort no matter where you are.

She seemed to realize my nostalgia for Korean connections was leading me to a false sense of discouragement. Since my first visit to Korea, I have sometimes fallen into the mistaken notion that 'the grass is always greener on the other side of the hill, "to use an American aphorism

During young adulthood, in an overzealous criticism of Western social problems, I tended to reject my own cultural heritage.

This shaman reminded me of what my Confucian mentors, Professors Yi Dong-jun and Lew Seung-Kook at Sung Kyun Kwan University, taught me in 1976-77: respect for one's cultural roots and ancestry is itself an integral part of one's spiritual development All religious and cultural traditions have flaws, but so also do they have beauty and wisdom By rejecting my own heritage, I would lose that beauty and wisdom, and probably fall into the flaws of another tradition. So over a span of ten years , the Confucian scholar and the shaman helped enliven an appreciation of my own Czech-American Catholic heritage.

Throughout the past 16 years my Korean teachers have inspired me to work toward a mutual understanding and reconciliation of Eastern and Western spiritualities.

This task is worthwhile not only for my personal development, but also for the development of global cooperation. It seems to me now that developing oneself just where one is, and sharing with others just where they are, contributes to the spiritual development ofwhere everyone is. +

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ChaebOl Autohi-waphies Stir

Up the Publis · Wlrld

''I

'm just an ordinary guy who's worked hard to realize his dream. fm nobody special."

During the Sixth Republic, "The Age of the Great Common Man" according to President Roh Tae-woo, there have been an inordinate number of books written by VIPs claiming to be "common men." A prime example is "Ordeals but No Failures'; the autobiography of Chung]u-Young, the Unification National Party's newly nominated presidential candidate and honorary chairman of the mammoth Hyundai Corporation. Chung's book starts with the quote that opens this article and goes on to document the trials and tribulations of his battle to the top of Korea's business world Forever "modest," Chung writes: "''m simply a wealthy 'laborer,' a guy who has produced wealth through his labor."

Autobiographies by the heads of powerful conglomerates, known as chaebOl, are nothing new in Korea. Prior to the Sixth Republic there was a long tradition of rags to riches stories written by corporate chiefs who had pulled themselves up by their bootstraps. However, these books were generally carried in corporate magazines or published for the "benefit" of the corporation's employees alone.

Aglance at publication and sales records for the chaebOl autobiographies released in the last few years, however, reveals a new trend in the Korean publishing world For example, Daewoo chairman Kim Woo Choong's autobiography, "Every Street is Paved with Gold," has really been a gold mine with more than 15 million copies sold as of early 1992. In fact, Kim's book was the first million seller in the history of Korean publishing. What's more, it has been translated into a number of foreign Ian70

guages and exported to the United States, the former Soviet Union, Hungary, and other foreign countries.

Chung and Kim aren't the only ones banking in on the business autobiography bonanza. Other titles include: ]indo Vice-

By Kang Yun-Joo Reporter Saemikipunmul

Chairman Kim Young-chul l's "There is No Border in Love or Business;" Samik Music's President Yi Ho-jin's "To the Young People Who Will Lead the 21st Century;" Ssangyong Chairman Kim Chae-kyum's "From a Point to a Face;" Lucky-Goldstar Chairman Ku Cha-Kyung's "There is No Other Way;" and Chung Ju-yung's second book, "The Age of Success," which was translated and published in Japan before it was released in Korea.

These autobiographies can be divided into two basic categories: first, "the success story"of a boy, born into heart-wrenching poverty, who struggles against all odds to make something of himself and ultimately becomes the head of a major corporation; and second, "the business philosophy"genre interspersed with generous examples of the author's thrift, industry, and sincerity.

Who's buying all this books? First of all, there are the employees of these corporations. For example, the 80,000 member "Daewoo Family" is responsible for putting Chairman Kim Woo Choong's autobiography on the bestseller list. And Hyundai and Lucky-Goldstar employees and their families did their share to boost sales of their bosses' books, both out of a sense of loyalty and curiosity.

ChaebOl autobiographies are also bought by people eager to find out about the personal lives of famous people, and of course, many of these readers would love to learn how they too can become a business mogul.

Local publishers have profited nicely from this new trend, so it's no surprise that they're always on the lookout for more potential blockbusters. Lately the publishing community has echoed with jealous rumors of how Kimyongsa, Kim Woo Choong's publisher, was able to buy a new

office building and send many of its employees on overseas training thanks to Kim's book.

The public relations departments at these corporations naturally welcome the new fad. In this age of "image making," what better way to promote the corporation than to have its leader portrayed as a model citizen? What's good for the chairman is good for the corporation.

However, this fad has spawned an interesting counter-trend: the publication of books criticizing corporate leaders. One example of this genre is "Our Anger, Our Love"

by Pak No-hae, a labor activist and poet. In this book published as a refutation of Kim Woo Choong's "Every Street is Paved with Gold", Pak picks Kim's book apart sentence by sentence.

Interestingly enough, many intellectuals who have never read Kim's autobiography are buying Pak's book, so, in a way, Kim's book has not only been a success in its own right but also has found a whole different market thanks to Pak No-hae.

Chung Ju-young's books have their own critical counterpart: "The Humble Philosophy of a Great Businessman" by Yi S6ng-t'ae, a self-described "chaebOl expert. " Yi's book, subtitled, "A Critique of Chung Ju-young's "Ordeals but No Failures," a selfdescribed" analysis of the origins of the chaebOl way of thinking and the problems embodied in that thinking."

Both these critics argue it is deceitful for these business leaders to assert that, in this society where educational opportunities are so unevenly distributed, one can become a success solely on the basis of one's sincerity and hard work. They argue that the chaebOl leaders' value system is founded on elitism and "the historical perspective of a talented few.''

I!HWl Above: Kim Woo-Choong's. ''Every Street is Paved with Gold" Below: ChungJu-Young's "Ordeals but No Failures"

However, the middle class reader takes a somewhat different view. After reading these autobiographies, many may feel that Korea has finally reached the point where a entrepreneur with a solid philosophy can make a fortune and gain influence. Doesn't the fact that Korean business leaders can write their autobiographies, as did Carnegie or Rockefeller, mean Korea has developed to the level of the United States?

"Chung Ju-young and Kim Woo-Choong are businessmen and the two richest people in Korea today. Readers aren't trying to find out about their private lives or personalities. They want to know how these guys got to be the richest men in the Republic of Korea. I buy these books because I feel I can learn from them," says a director at a major business group.

In 'What Makes a Good Biography?' literary critic Yi Dong-ha writes, "A good biography presents a detailed and objective discussion of the subject's life and accomplishments, eva)uating the information on a comprehensive and impartial basis so the reader feels as if he or she is meeting the subject in person."

Can't these same standards be applied to an autobiography? lf so, how objective are these chaebOl autobiographies? That's not reflected in their sales records so we'll have to ask the readers to read carefully and judge for themselves.

All the debate and backbiting that has followed the release of each of these autobiographies reveals just how influential these businessmen are in our society But in the end, is "the common man" asking too much for these men to simply write frankly from the viewpoint of a professional entrepreneur and one of the richest men in Korea ? +

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CURRENTS

THE KOREA FOUNDATION GALLERY OF

Korean Art at the British Musemn

By Jane Portal Curator, Department of Oriental Antiquities, The British Museum

orea's unique culture is represented in the British Museum by a substantial collection of antiquities, ceramics, paintings, and ethnographic and numismatic materials. Some of the most beautiful ceramics ever made come from Korea, and their qualities have long been admired in Britain. The British Museum is determined to build on this appreciation and extend the understanding of Korea in Great Britain and in the West.

The British Museum is at a turning point in its long history: Founded by an Act of Parliament in 1753, it has occupied the same site in Bloomsbury since 1820. However, during the period 1992 to 1996, the British Library, which separated from the British Museum in 1973, will move to a new building near St. Pancras Station, leaving the Museum with more space to create new galleries. It is in some of this space that the Korea Foundation Gallery of Korean Art, funded by a ÂŁ 1,200,000 grant from the Korea Foundation, will be established One of the world's oldest and most comprehensive museums, the British Museum is concerned with the cultural history of man from prehistoric times to the present. It houses more than 5 million items and maintains renowned collections of ancient cultures from all over the world. In addition, the Museum has extensive holdings for all periods of European history: The Museum is renowned for its scholarship and its staff includes leading academics in many specialized fields. It has an important Research Laboratory and one of the largest Conservation departments of any museum in the world ln 1991, it attracted over 5 million visitors, making it by far the most popular museum in England. It is proud of its policy of free admission to all.

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Korean Portrait Inscription: Kugilto tae, SOnsa, Tun~ Ch'onghodang painted in colour on silk.

The Asian Collections are housed and displayed on the north side of the building.

There are substantial collections from China and India, Japan and the Islamic world, Southeast Asia, and Korea. ln recent years, new galleries have been constructed for Islamic art and Japanese art.

The Museum has long had an interest in Korea. In 1984, it mounted the successful 'Treasures from Korea" exhibition in collaboration with the National Museum of Korea. ln the light of the success of this exhibition, the Museum determined to expand its collection, display, and study of Korean art and archaeology: The Korean collection is notable for its

broad range of art. Not only does it have an excellent collection of Koryo celadon (including a very rare underglaze red bowl) and Choson porcelain, but also less common items such as paintings, lacquer, metalwork, and early archaeological pieces.

The Museum has a collection of tomb pottery from the Three Kingdoms period as well as stone tools and bronze belt buckles.

Unique among European museums is a group of gold earrings and hairpins dating from the Silla period. There are also fine Buddhist bronzes, including an incense burner inlaid with silver, small Buddhist figures, mirrors, bells, razors, kundikas, and altar vases. AKoryo lacquer sutra box inlaid in mother-of-pearl is extremely rare as is gold painted Koryo sutra dated 1341 A.D. Chos6n dynasty paintings include Buddhist figures, genre scenes, and portraits, and the decorative arts of this period are represented by fine inlaid lacquer pieces as well as punchong stoneware and procelain There are approximately 1,000 pieces in the Korean Collection in the Oriental Antiquities Department. In the Coins and Medals Department there is also a collection of over 2,000 Korean coins and coinshaped charms from the Koryo dynasty to the 20th century: The British Museum is fortunate to have a collection of several hundred ethnographical items from the late Choson dynasty, including costumes, accessories, utensils, weapons, tools, fans, pipes, hats, and models. These are presently housed in the Ethnography store rooms.

There was no contemporary Korean art in the British Museum until1991. Recently retired Director, Sir David Wilson, felt the collecting of contemporary art was an important function of a national museum, and the British Museum is pursuing this policy under its present Director, Dr. Robert

Anderson. Therefore, the Museum has now embarked on an exciting new stage of collecting contemporary Korean art and crafts. With the assistance of curators from the National Museum and the National Contemporary Art Museum, a considerable number of purchases of contemporary ink paintings and prints, ceramics, lacquer, and other crafts have already been made. The British Museum's contemporary art policy is to try and select high quality items, which show a continuous development from the country's native traditions. This does not mean that it only collects "traditional" arts and crafts, but that there should be some element that can be identified as uniquely "Korean." Korean paper, for instance, has a long and important tradition that manifests itself in contemporary Korean art in manifold and diverse ways.

Pottery also has an illustrious history in Korea, and the British Museum is eager to collect the works of contemporary potters who have absorbed this history, from totally traditional celadons by Haegang to absolutely contemporary punch'ong by Yun

The British Museum

Gwangcho or porcelain by Kim Ikkyung, Works by all these artists have been collected and the Museum is grateful for generous donations in some cases. It is particularly pleased that such a prominent artist as Professor Suh Se-ok has donated a painting entitled "People Dancing." This is a fine example of the way in which the long tradition of Korean ink painting has been incorporated and transformed into a beautiful but completely modem work of art In collecting crafts, we would like to show that ancient traditions handed down from father to son, such as lacquer inlaid with mother-of-pearl, iron inlaid with silver, painted oxhorn, or woven horsehair, are still alive and flourishing in modern Korea. The Korean practice of designating National Treasures and Intangible Cultural Assets is a splendid way of ensuring that high quality traditional craftsmanship is

preserved. However, we would also like to represent contemporary transformations of these traditions and look forward to exploring these areas in the future. There is still much to be seen and learned in this field The British Museum continues to collect antiquities when they come up for sales in the West. In the last two years, the Museum has managed to purchase in the West several pieces of Koryo celadon and metalwork as well as Chos6n paintings and sculptures and even a large stoneware vase from the Three Kingdoms period However, prices at recent auctions of Korean art reflect the increasing respect for and interest in Korean antiquities. Purchasing is, therefore, no easy task.

We are also purchasing items of folk art such as folk paintings, onggi pottery, and traditional Korean games such as yut, changg; and paduk. Printing is another area in which Korea has played an important role and we have started to build a collection of traditional printing blocks.

Our collecting policy has been greatly 73

do,:na~--.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~¡

enhanced recently by a magnificent tion of 70 items by Dr. AG. Poulsen-Ha~n, a Danish doctor who worked in Korea during the 1950s and is now living in London.

During his stay in Korea he amassed a collection of Korean ceramics, metalwork, and paintings, showing great discernment.

The Korea Foundation Gallery will consist of a 400 sq meter display area in which Korean art and archaeology from ancient times to the present day will be exhibited.

Approximately 500 objects will be displayed, divided into chronological sections showing archaeology, the Koryo Dynasty, the Choson Dynasty, ceramic technology, printing, coins and charms, folk art, and contemporary art. The latter section will be somewhat separate, and the exhibits will be changed frequently to allow the display of different artists' work The Gallery will be situated on the north side of the Museum, between the Chinese and Japanese galleries. It will have a main entrance from the north staircase and will lie on one of the main routes through the building.

As an integral part of the Museum's work on Korea, we plan to increase publications on Korean objects in the collection and will publish a substantial book to accompany the new gallery. To this end, the Museum is funding language training for a curator as well as the increased level of purchases.

In this way, the British Museum aims to increase visitors' awareness of Korea's culture and its pivotal role in Asia, both in the past and the present. +

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Slow Busin~ for Loral Filmmakers he Korean film industry has been in the doldrums throughout the first half of 1992. This is not surprising considering the industry's short history, but what makes this year's record particularly worrisome is that many new films that had been expected to do well fizzled both critically and at the box office. The list of flops includes comeback efforts by experienced directors and debut works by a number of young directors.

Veteran directors, Lee ]ang-ho and Bae Chang-ho, both emerged from hibernation with new films this spring. Lee made his debut in the mid-1970s, and drew the attention of foreign critics with his "Declaration of Fools"and "A Wayfarer Never Rests on the Road" in the 1980s. Bae, Lee's former apprentice, was the star director of the 1980s. After declaring his independence from Lee with "The Slumdwellers," Bae turned out a number of well-accepted works including "Whale Hunting," "Deep Blue Nigh~" and "Hwang Jin-i."

Both directors have been in active in the 1990s, however. In Lee's case, the main reason seems to have been his new movie studio, which forced him to set aside his directing for awhile. Bae, on the other hand, was deeply discouraged by the viewing public's failure to appreciate his experimental approach to cinematic beauty. After their long absence, the news that these two directors were releasing new films this year naturally elicited a wave of interest not only from theater goers but from the critics as well Lee's latest work, "Myongja, Akkiko, Sonya," depicts the tumultuous life of a woman who is swept up in the vortex of history. Myongja was an ordinary Korean woman who was first transformed by the forces of history into a geisha by the name

By Kim Hong-Sook Film Critic

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of Akkiko and then into a woman living in Sakhalin under the name of Sonya. She spends her days pining for her homeland to which she can never return. Her life with all its suffering and bitterness personifies Korea's contemporary history.

When filming began on "Myongja, Akkiko, Sonya" expectations were high, but in the course of production, many cuts were made because of the long running

time, and as a result, the portrayal of the characters and social realities of the period is thin. Considering the enthusiasm with which the production team launched this venture (so enthusiastic, in fact, that they pushed ahead with the shooting schedule despite the tense atmosphere in the Soviet Union caused by the unexpected coup against Mikhail Gorbachev last August), the outcome was disappointing to say the least.

In contrast to Lee's globe-trotting work, Bae's film, "The Glorification of Death," based on the life of one of Korea' s earliest film actresses, dealt with his favorite themes, love and humanism. This film is both unrealistic and lacking in any sense of universality as a result of Bae's overemphasis on "pure"love. On the technical side, the long takes and illumination characteristic of Bae's earlier work failed to provide any freshness to the new film. In the end, the critics panned it on artistic terms and Bae's faithful fans were sadly disappointed Long known as Korea's Spielberg, Bae hasn't been able to live up to his reputation in the 1990s.

Amidst this succession of cinematic fiascos, the release of director Chang Son-u's "The Way to the Racetrack" managed to attract some attention as it ignited a debate on postmodernism in the local film community.

Chang is a talented young director who first won acclaim for his vivid portrayal of the socially alienated in works such as 'Jesus of Seoul" and ''Love among the People of Umukpaemi." His latest work, "The Way to the Racetrack,"is an adaptation of Ha llji's controversial novel by the same title. By remaining faithful to the original novel, which caused quite a stir in domestic literary circles, the film has brought the postmodernism debate to the film community.

This film revolves around conversations between J and R, a young "postmodern" couple. Critics have been divided about the film: some scathingly criticized it for disregarding the difference between literature and cinema, while others have praised it for broadening the scope of Korean film.

Thanks to this controversy, "The Way to the Racetrack" did well at the box office, but it came up empty-handed at the Grand Bell Film Festival this spring.

Korean directors can be divided into three groups according to the period in which they made their debuts and their experiences: the experienced; the young; and the new The young directors were born after the Korean War, are now in their mid-thirties, and made their debuts almost simultaneously during the mid-1980s.

In the years since then, these directors, including Chang Son-u, Kwak Ji-gyun, Chang Gil-su, and Park Kwang-su, have been extremely active and, to a large extent, have overshadowed the more experienced directors.

Park Kwang-su won acclaim at the Nantes Film Festival for his debut work,

Above: Chang Gil-su's ''Silver Stallion" has won acclaim at a number of international film festivals.

"Chilsu and Mansu," and Chang Gil-su's film, "Silver Stallion," took the Best Actress and the Best Script Awards at the 1991 Montreal Film FestivaL Park's 1991 release, "The Berlin Report," was a disappointment, however, and Chang Gil-su is now studying in the United States, so Kwak Ji-gyun's latest production was the object of special attention this year since he was the only "young" star with a new release.

In the past, Kwak has generally made sentimental dramas that appealed mainly to young college students, but this year, he produced a melodrama focusing on a woman in her mid-forties. The response from the fans was cool, and the critics faulted the film for harking back to the tearjerkers of the 1960s.

This year's crop of new directors can best be described as "poverty amidst abundance."

While we've seen more new faces emerging

this year, the general quality of their films has been disappointing.

Novice directors can be divided into two basic categories: those who have accumulated a certain amount of experience working under a senior director; and those who have skipped the apprenticeship stage and made their debuts through independent productions.

Generally, the first group are stronger in the area of dramatic composition and shooting technique, while the second group tends to emphasize visual images over content. This year, neither group has had much to offer in the way of new ideas. In fact, the only new directors worthy of our attention were Kim Young-bin, who directed "Kim's War", and Chang Hyon-su, who directed 'Walking to Heaven" Local audiences may have shunned Korean films, but a wide variety of foreign films were popular at the box office.

Prior to the implementation of the direct distribution system, which allows American distributors to handle the distribution of their own films on the domestic market, there was usually a considerable 77

time lag before Oscar-winning films made it into Korean theaters. However, nowadays, many Oscar-nominated films open here before the Academy Awards Ceremony even takes place. 'Cape Fear,' "Bugsy;' and 'The Prince of Tides' are just a few examples of this new trend 'JFK' was released after some delay because of the local national assembly elections, but is doing well at the box office now, thanks in part to director Oliver Stone's visit to Seoul.

Imports of cheap Hong Kong films declined this year, while, on the other hand, a number of high-quality French films has managed to penetrate the Korean market.

"Manon des Sources,' "Les Amants duPontNeuf,' "The Return of Martin Guerre,' and "Delicatessen' have attracted Korean Fans by offering something American films have lacked Many of these foreign films have done well in Korea, both in terms of box-office and critical appeal. Indeed, these films have refined the tastes of Korean filmgoers in a way that local films have not. In the latter half of the 1980s, morale was high in the local film community because fans en78

Top: Director 1m Kwon-taek's 'The Son of the General: Part n."

Above: An SOOg.gi plays the lead in ''White Badge," a film based on AhnJung-hyo's novel abont the VietnamWar.

joyed domestic pictures, but now spirits are low because of the enthusiastic response to foreign films.

There is a growing awareness that measures must be taken to revive the local film community and rekindle audience interest in Korean films. A number of new films are oow in production for release this summer. At the top of the list of upcoming films is veteran director Im Kwon-taek's 'The Son of the General Part Ill," a sequel to the two previous "General" films, which set a combined box-office record of 680,000 viewes. Also forthcoming is "White Badge," the film version of Ahn Jung-hyo's novel about Korea's role in the Vietnam War, and a teen melodrama handled with a comic touch. Several directors are also promoting films that deal with the reunification theme, an issue very much on the minds of Koreans today. However, if none of these films manages to recover some the ground lost by the local film community during the first half of this year, 1992 will be remembered as a year of crisis in the history of Korean film. +

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