Koreana Winter 2002 (English)

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[bokjumoney] A Korean traditional pouch which is supposed to bring fortune and wealth.

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BEAUTY OF KOREA

Yunnori Stick Game

Yunnori is a unique Korean game that has been played on the Korean peninsula since the Three Kingdoms period over 1,500 years ago. It can be played anywhere at anytime, but is traditionally enjoyed during the two weeks between Lunar New Year and Daeboreum, the first full moon of the lunar year.

To play yunnori, you need four yut sticks made of birch or red bush clover (each about 15 centimeters long with a rounded and flat surface), 4 markers for each player or team, a game board, and a mat. The game can be played individually but is usually played by teams. The teams take turns throwing the yut sticks into the air, and move their . markers around the game board according to the throws. The first team to move its markers all the way around the board is the winner.

A team can move its markers after a throw depending on how many sticks land with their flat surface up. The number of moves are named do (pig) for one, gae (dog) for two, geol (sheep) for three, yut (cow) for four, and mo (horse) for five, when all flat surfaces land down. The score for each animal is said to reflect its size and.. speed of movement. For a yut or mo throw, the player gets another turn.

In olden times, Koreans played yunnori not just for fun but to foretell the fortunes of the coming year and whether or not they would have a bountiful harvest. But the most important function of the game was to bring family members and villagers together to enjoy friendship and community. •

KOREAN ART & CULTURE Cover: T he 2002 W inter issue of KOREANA exa mines Korea n perceptions of death along with related traditions and customs . The cover features ancient tombs at Neungsami in Buyeo (historic site No . 14).

The tombs are tho.se of kings and royal fa mily members of the Baekje Kingdom (18 B.C.A.D. 660).

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Korean Perceptions of

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Life and Death

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Koreans' Perceptions of Death Kim Yol- gyu

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10 Burial Mounds Kang In-gu

18 Customs for the Dead: Ancestral Memorial Rites Joo Kang-hyun

24 Feng Shui (Pungsu): Chain of Life that Connects Ancestors with Descendants KimDu-gyu

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KOREANA Internet Website

Today's Funeral Culture Na Kyung-soo

http://www.kf.or.kr/ koreana

38 Š The Korea Foundation 2002 All rights reserved. No pan of this publication may be reproduced in any form without the prior permission of the Korea Foundation.

The op inions expressed by the authors do not necessarily represent d10se of the editors of KOREANA or the Korea Foundation.

KOREANA, registered as a quarterly magazin e with the Ministry of Culture and Tourism (Registration No. Ba-1033, dated Aug. 8, 1987), is also published in Chinese a nd Spanish.

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Pioneer ofReahsm Kim U-jong_

A"iuckyDay

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eople maintain diverse attitudes toward death.

Koreans are no exception. For ancient Koreans, contrasting images of light and dark, hope and despair colored their view of death. They also held numerous subtleties of optimism and gloom toward death. A blend of notions ranging from light to dark influenced their image of death, their thoughts revolving around a conglomeration of varying degrees of hope and despair.

Here, discussion of the dark and dismal image looming over death will generally be avoided, such that the more positive aspects of death might help to brighten the here and now. It is hoped that reflecting upon death can serve as a guiding light for experiencing a more fulfilling life.

It would be appropriate to first discuss the symbolism of traditiQnal Korean graves. Until very recently, the graves in which Koreans were laid to rest typically resembled a flower bud about to blossom. A low semicircular wall around the grave formed the shape of a. calyx, while the body was laid where the "stamen" would be.

These flower-shaped graves were far more attractive than the rectangular graves of more recent times. Today,

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Koreans build uniformly rectangular graves in large park cemeteries, a development that I find regrettable.

The folktale "Sim Cheong" has long been a favorite of Koreans. Sim Cheong, who agreed to be thrown into the sea as a sacrifice so that her blind father might regain his sight, is reborn from within a lotus flower with the help of a sea god who took pity on her. For the pious daughter Sim Cheong, the lotus flower was a womb of resurrection.

As such, traditional Korean graves are often shaped like a lotus flower.

Hoping that their soul would be reborn like Sim Cheong, Korean graves resembled budding flowers, which were beautiful in appearance as well as thought.

The Baekje Kingdom (18 B.C.-A.D. 660) offers another example of Korea's traditional "flower-shaped graves" in the tomb of King Munyeong (r. 501-523), located in Gongju, a former capital of Baekje. This royal tomb resembles a perfectly re-created lotus flower under the ground, featuring a large arch-shaped vault with another small arch. This is a typical lotus design that is commonly found in Buddhist temples. The people of Baekje had thus laid their king to rest within a lotus flower.

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Moreover, the walls of the tomb were constructed with specially designed bricks, with each pair of bricks coming together to form the shape of a lotus flower. This cr~ated the effect of countless lotus flowers blossoming within the tomb, whose overall shape is like that of a lotus flower as well, reinforcing its elaborate lotus-flower motif. Within the tomb, the bodies of the king and his queen were placed at the center of the lotus, like a pistil and stamen.

The walls of the toml5 indicate that oil lamps had been kept lit for at least a year or two, creating a paradisical scene with thousands of lotus flowers in full glory under subdued lighting. The king and queen, their bodies adorned in gold from head to foot, reposed side-by-side at the heart of this flower, which when it blossomed would return them to the world of the living.

Thus, the flower-shaped tomb is not just beautiful; it also represents the dream of eventually returning to the world of the living, like a flower seed buried under the ground that comes to life as a blossom. The flower-shaped Ancient tm_nbs have become part of the natural landscape (opposite page) A traditional funeral procession passing through a barley field (above) People tread on a freshly dug grave to pack down the earth amid drumming and chanting (right).

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The flower-shaped tomb is not just beautiful; it also represents the dream of eventually returning to the world of the living, like a flower seed buried under the ground that comes to life as a blossom. The flower-shaped tomb is a symbol of revival.

tomb is a symbol of revival, while burying one's body in earth is akin to a seed falling to the ground.

As fruits mature, they drop to the ground. Seeds develop within the fallen fruit, waiting to take root and grow into fruit again. Such is nature's cycle of life. Koreans harbored such a sentiment with their flower-shaped tombs, while viewing death as an opportunity to gain a new life.

Life and death, inextricably linked to each other, are part of an endless cycle. Acc01'dingly, the small flower-shaped graves for ordinary people were no different from the resplendent lotus-flower tomb of King Munyeong in what they represented.

A similar dream and concept of life and death is reflected in the humble graves of the poor, including those for infants. In the ancient past, slash-and-burn farmers prepared a special grave for infants. In hoping for an afterlife for their child, the body was wrapped and then suspended from a tree branch or trunk Perhaps this was too humble af.ld simple to be thought of as a grave.

But that was how these poor farmers, who eked out an existence by living off the land, put their beloved child to rest. When I first saw such graves, I wondered how the 8

parents could be so heartless. "How could anyone make such a miserable grave for their beloved child?" I thought.

So why did ancient Koreans make such seemingly wretched graves for infants? It seems that they were meant to resemble cocoons.

The wrapped body of a child symbolized a cocoon containing a pupa. Within the cocoon, a pupa survives in a kind of suspended animation throughout winter, but come spring, it is transformed into a butterfly, through a metamorphosis process.

The parents' sorrow over their lost child was behind their preparation of a cocoon-like grave, as they prayed their beloved child would gain a new life like the butterflies that emerge in spring.

Even further back in time, Koreans maintained profound and desperate thoughts about death.

Prior to the time that Silla (57 B.C.-A.D. 935) became a formal state, the people living near Gyeongju prepared "sunflower graves." These graves were built so that the corpses would be laid with their head facing the east. But the bodies were positioned to face the east at slightly different angles, depending on their time (season) of death.

During the year, the point on the horizon where the with the changing seasons. sun rises will shift slig~ty Although the sun always rises from the east, the point on the horizon where the sun rises shifts from slightly northeast in summer, to due east in spring and autumn, and slightly southeast in winter.

The people of Silla thus positioned graves in--accordance with the direction of the sunrise. By doing so, the deceased would be directly aligned with the rising sun from the time of his burial, thereby maximizing his exposure to the warmth and light of the sun, a symbol of eternal life. For this reason, Silla graves came to be known as "sunflower graves," which like a sunflower in bloom, faces the sun.

At the time, the Silla people did not equate west and north as directions of death and the world of the dead. As such, they did not think that the compass direction of death (west) was opposite to that of life (east). Just as life was naturally oriented toward the direction of sunrise,

Silla people prayed for death to also be aligned with the sun. In general, Koreans built their houses to face southward, but with the front gate facing eastward, to take advantage of the sun's warmth and light as much as possible. In the same vein, they likewise hoped for the afterlife to be filled with warmth and light.

Prior to the time of Silla sunflower graves, there is yet another example of a symbolic Korean grave, which could b.e described as "returning to the origin of birth." When these graves were built in hilly areas, the deceased would be laid parallel with the flow of a nearby river, with the head facing upstream. In doing so, the deceased was aligned toward the upstream, the direction of the source of the river.

Earthen tile with landscape motif found at an ancient temple site in Buyeo (opposite page) Blue dragon mural of a Gogmyeo Kingdom royal tomb (below)

Indeed, the dead lie awaiting an opportunity to return to the source and origin of life. For death does not mean the end of life. Dying enables returning to the source of life, where the dead can regain a new life.

Ancient Koreans referred to dying as doraganda, or "returning," such that death meant returning home, to the source of life. A similar notion is behind the reference to death as gwicheon, "returning to heaven." In this case, as the soul of the departed lying at the foot of a mountain moved upstream toward the source, it would scale the mountain peak and ultimately reach heaven. Death thus meant a return to heaven.

As such, Koreans would not allow dark thoughts to cast a shadow over them as they lay within flower-shaped graves, cocoon-shaped graves, or graves facing upstream.

They hoped for a death with light and warmth, a hereafter within the eternal reincarnation of life. •

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Burial Mounds Cultural Time Capsules Filled with the Breath of Ancient Koreans Kang In-gu, Professor Emeritus, Graduate School of Korean Studies, the Academy of Korean Studies Suh}ai-sik, Photographer 10

Burial mounds are a treasure house of artifacts that allows us to understand the history, culture and thought of these past times. Burial mounds contain a variety of relics, while through the burial method and contents of the grave later generations can gain valuable insight into the thoughts, beliefs, customs and institutions of these ancient people, as well as their culture, arts and handicrafts.

he foundation of Korea's burial mound culture was formed during the Three Kingdoms period (1st century B.C.-A.D. 7th century).

During this period, the four states of Goguryeo in the north, and Baekje, Silla and Gaya in the south, competed against each other while reinforcing their national strength and culture. However, after Silla allied with Tang China, it overthrew Baekje and then Goguryeo, thereby unifying the Korean peninsula in 668.

This was the beginning of the Unified Silla period, which provided an opportunity for the intellectuals of the three

kingdoms to gather in the Silla capital of Gyeongju and cooperatively engage in cultural pursuits.

During the Three Kingdoms period, the Bronze Age cultures of advanced continental states in China and Siberia, Han culture, and Buddhist culture were introduced to the Korean peninsula, building a new culture on the foundation of the indigenous culture that had been passed down from the previous era. Consequently, this new culture has been handed down to us today through such relics as fortresses, burial mounds and temples. Among these, the burial mounds of Baekje and Silla are the most well-pre11

served, enabling us to uncover the history, culture and thought of the time. Distinctions in social status due to a class system were rigid, with the size and styles of houses, tombs and clothing differing according to social standing.

Though the houses and clothing have long disappeared, the burial mounds remain, a treasure house of cultural artifacts. Burial mounds were created in a variety of forms according to the period and region, and also depending on the tomb's occupant.

During¡ the 700 years between Baekje's foundation and its demise, it maintained three different capitals: Hanseong (today's Seoul), Ungjin (today's Gongju) and Sabi (today's Buyeo). Each time the capital was moved, the people of Baekje developed a new style of burial mound. During the Hanseong period (1st century-5th century), when Baekje was influenced by the northern cultures of Goguryeo, Nangnang (Lolang) and Daebang, they built four styles of burial mounds: pit tombs, earth-mound tombs, stonemound tombs, and stone-chamber tombs.

The pit tomb was built by first digging a rectangular pit, placing a wooden coffin containing the body inside the pit, and then covering it with earth to create a burial a semimound. The burial mounds included two t y p~s: spherical shape that looks like a ball cut in half, and a square shape with flat top that looks like a pyramid with !'he top cut off. Such tombs have been discovered in Seoul's Garak-dong and Seokchon-dong areas. Pit tombs were the first type of tomb to be developed; they began with digging just below the surface of the ground and burying the body. This burial method has been used commonly throughout the world. The majority are small-scale burial mounds, a style still prevalent today on the Korean peninsula. However, large-scale pit tombs were developed

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with the introduction of Bronze Age culture from China's Yellow River valley. Wooden coffins and wooden chambers were installed and corpses were buried with weapons such as bronze swords, accessories such as bronze mirrors, and earthenware.

A second type of burial mound, the earth-mound tomb, was made by laying the corpse on the surface of the earth, building a mound over it, building another similar burial mound next to it, then building a large mound that covered the smaller mounds. Most of the burial mounds were of the aforementioned square shape with flat top. A large number of these have been discovered among the tumuli in Garak-dong and Seokchon-dong, Seoul. However, various burial methods were used in earth-mound tombs, including laying the body directly on the earth, laying the corpse on top of a stone or wooden surface, or placing it in a jar coffin. The distinguishing characteristics of these burial mounds are that river valleys were selected as the burial sites while two or more bodies were buried together in a burial mound on the surface of the ground. This style of burial was influenced by the raised burial mounds of China's Yangtze River valley. The well-known second mound in Garak-dong measures 15 meters by 12 meters and 2.2 meters high.

A third type, the stone-mound tomb was built by piling stones up in a square shape. The stacks of stones included three levels, each level smaller than the one below, like a staircase. In the middle of the uppermost level was a box-shaped coffin of cut stone, into which the corpse and burial items were placed, and then covered with stones. This burial mound style was popular with the Goguryeo inhabitant;; of Jiban in the Yalu River valley, and spread as the residents moved about. A large

number of these tombs have been found in Seokchon/ dong, Seoul, with the best-known of these being the third and ¡ fourth mounds. The third Seokchon-dong mound, which is the largest, is presumed to be a royal tornb. It measures 555 meters by 43.7 meters at its base and stands 45 meters in height.

A fourth type, the stone-chamber tomb comprises a rectangular main chamber with four stone walls. It includes a passageway (seondo) in the south wall that is used to access the tomb. The tomb is covered with a large stone slab, and earth is piled up over it to form a semispherical mound. For a family tomb, the passageway is opened each time a family member died so that the body could be interred within. In this way, the long-cherished hope of humanity is fulfilled through advancement in construction technology. This style was transmitted to Nangnang in the Daedonggang River valley by Eastern Han. It began with a belief that humans enjoyed an afterlife similar to their previous existence, and thus tombs were built to accommodate the dead accordingly. The

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The tomb of King Munyeong exemplifies the unique features of brick-chamber tombs (opposite page, left).

Jangunchong, a pyramid-like Goguryeo stone-mound tomb (opposite page, right), and Baekje tombs at Seokchon-dong (above)

fifth Garak-dong mound is the most representative of this style; the interior of the stone chamber measures 2.8 meters by 2.25 meters, and is 1.7 meters in height from floor to ceiling. In this tomb type as well as the three aforementioned types, burial items were buried together with the corpse; these items were thought to be essential in the afterlife and were intended for the deceased's use.

The second capital of Baekje, the city of Gongju, was located in the Geumgang River valley. The burial mounds here were influenced by the traditions of the fifth Garakdong mound, and included two types: stone chamber and brick chamber.

The stone-chamber tombs differ in their ceiling architecture. They include flat ceilings, formed by covering the walls of the main chamber with a large, stone slab; dome ceilings that arch upward; and sloped ceilings, formed by leaning two stone slabs against each other to form an inverted "v." Flat-ceiling stone-chamber tombs are the most typical style and found in the greatest number in the Gongju area. The fifth Songsan-ri mound is an example of a dome-ceiling stone-chamber tomb, the most popular style in China. The first and second Simok-dong mounds in Gongju city are examples of sloped-ceiling stone-chamber tombs.

The vaulted ceilings of brick-chamber tombs look like 13

railroad tunnels, and are thus called "tunnel ceiling?." There are only two examples of brick-chamber tombs: the sixth Songsan-ri mound and the tomb of King Munyeong. The sixth Songsan-ri mound is a mural tomb; the brick walls were covered with clay and painted with images of four deities from an ideology that was popular in ancient China. The four imaginary beasts represented the four cardinal directions and maintained order in the universe. The blue dragon symbolizes the east, the white tiger the west, the black turtle-snake the north, and the red phoenix the south. Judging from the style of the murals and the inclusion of the four deities, it is presumed that this tomb is modeled after the mural tombs of China's Southern Dynasties. The custom of painting the walls and ceilings of burial chambers first became popular in Han China, while on the Korean peninsula it was first adopted and became popular in Goguryeo burial mounds. It is said that the practice of painting the four deities in burial chambers originated from the Taoist philosophy of Feng Shui (Chinese geomancy).

The tomb of King Munyeong is built of brick imprinted with lotus flowers and other patterns, but it includes 14

no mural painting. A memorial stone inscribed with the date of birth, date of death, and achievements of the deceased was found in the tomb. It was also learned from this stone that King Munyeong was buried with his queen. Hundreds of royal tombs were built during the Three Kingdoms period,. but there are only a few tombs whose occupants have been identified. For this reason, the tomb of King Munyeong is all the more valuable. The king and queen were buried in highly crafted wooden coffins, along with a wealth of accessories, such as gold crowns, earrings, belts, and gilt-bronze shoes, as well as a large number of relics, including bronze mirrors and swords, which reflected the exceptional craftsmanship of the time.

After the Baekje capital moved to the Buyeo area, the side-entrance style stone-chamber tomb became widely popular. These included two types: one built of flat stone slabs and the other built of earth and stone. The stone-slab Daerungwon, where a Silla tomb is located at the center of Gyeongju city (above) Gwaerung, a Silla royal tomb surrounded by pine trees (opposite page)

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chamber tombs were generally reserved for the upper class, including the royal family, while there are numerous earth and stone-chamber tombs to be found among medium- and small-sized burial mounds. Aside from the royal tombs at Neungsan-ri, which feature flat ceilings or vaulted "tunnel" ceilings, a majority of the stone-chamber tombs have an angular-vaulted ceiling, a style originating in Buyeo that gained popularity. The Buyeo-style ceiling was built by placing two long stone slabs atop opposite walls leaning in at an angle, then placing another long slab flat on top of them, creating a hexagonal-shaped cross-section.

Donghachong, one of the royal tombs at Neungsan-ri, Buyeo, is a flat-ceiling stone-chamber built from stone slabs, with its ceiling and all four walls being painted with murals. Clouds and lotus flowers are painted on the ceiling and the four deities on the walls. The surface of the stone slabs were finished smooth as glass by polishing them with water. These royal tombs were plundered early on, and only a few funerary items have been recovered from them.

A large number of the stone-chamber tombs in the Buyeo area have been preserved in their original condifew tion. However, even if these were to be e x cavte~, artifacts would likely be found inside. There are two possible explanations for this lack of relics: one is that due to the spread of Buddhism during the Sabi period, austere funerals were carried out in a simple Buddhist manner; the other is that the people of the time adopted the Tang

Chinese funeral philosophy that called for only a few burial items to be placed in a tomb.

Another characteristic burial mound style of the Sabi period is the straightforward cremation tomb, which housed an urn containing cremated remains. This burial method was also prevalent during the Unified Silla period, and was regularly practiced primarily by Buddhist monks and lay believers. A good example of this sort of tomb is the well-known Mt. Dangsan cremation tomb in Jungjeong-ri, Buyeo.

There are three main types of tombs from the Silla period. The first is the pit tomb, in which the body is buried in a rectangular pit dug into the earth. The second is the wooden-chamber stone-mound tomb, which consists of a wooden chamber covered with a partial stone mound that is covered with an earthen mound. The third is the sideentrance stone-chamber tomb that was popular in Baekje.

There are early and later styles of the pit tomb. In early style pit tombs, the body was placed in a wooden coffin and buried in the pit. These tombs had no wooden chambers. They contain a large number of bronze items, such as swords and mirrors, as well as a small number of iron items, and were built from roughly the first century B.C. to around the start of the A.D. era. The later style tombs included a wooden chamber inside the burial pit, where a wooden coffin containing the body was placed. A greater number of the burial items were made of iron than bronze. These tombs were popular from the first century

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Burial mounds, which were built for the dead by the living, were greatly influenced by the Buddhist belief that life continued on in the afterlife. However, within the burial mound culture that has been handed down from the time of the Three Kingdoms period until today, there is an originality that has adopted and assimilated.foreign cultures.

to the third century. This style of pit tomb, originally introduced from the Yellow River valley, was brought south by people who were displaced from the Daedonggang River valley when Gojoseon (Old Joseon) fell. Wellknown examples of this type of tomb are the Gujeong-ri, Joyang-dong and Sara-ri tumuli.

The wooden-chamber stone-mound tombs are distributed primarily around downtown Gyeongju. All of the tombs built on flatlands with large mounds are of this style, which include a large number of royal tombs. Largescale burial mounds were built by first constructing a tomb base from earth and stone and then building a wooden chamber atop it. A stone mound was then created over the wooden chamber by piling up smooth stones, which was then covered with earth to form 21: s~mi-pher­ cal earthen mound. Small and medium-size tombs were

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made by first digging a pit in the ground, building a wooden chamber within the pit, filling the space between the walls of the pit and the wooden chamber with pebbles, piling rocks atop the chamber to form a stone mound, and finally building a semi-spherical earthen mound. Many of the large burial mounds contain only one body. However, some of the small and medium-size earthen mounds were reopened and stone chambers built inside in order to bury additional bodies; these are generally family tombs.

It was the custom to place a variety of burial items in wooden-chamber stone-mound tombs, in accordance with the influence of Han Chinese traditions and customs. All

The tomb of General Kim Yu-sin (left) and one of the twelve zodiac figures adorning the tomb (right)

1. Sikri, a pair of29.3-centimeter-long gold shoes (Three Kingdoms Period, 5th-6th century) 2. Decorative attaclunent of the queen's crown from the tomb ofKing Munyeong (National Treasure No. 155) 3. A gold headpiece from Cheonmachong (National Treasure No. 189) 4. A hairpin from the tomb of King Munyeong

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of the valuable gold, silver, bronze and jade burial items have been excavated from burial mounds of this type, while various weapons, armor pieces and earthenware pottery have been recovered as well. Wooden-chamber stone-mound tombs probably contain the most burial items of any type of burial mound. This is due to a firm belief in the afterlife, and the fact that many of the ;earthenware vessels were used as ceremonial vessels during the funeral. There are many varying opinions as to the origin of this type of burial mound, but this writer believes that they were prevalent in the Gyeongju basin from the .second or third century until the sixth century, and were developed by combining the stone-mound style handed down from Goguryeo with the wooden chamber of the Chinese-style pit tomb that had been previously introduced into the area. Th ~s style can be said to be the most unique tomb style of Silla.

Hoenghyeolsiksuksilmudeom (stone-chamber tombs with side entrance) introduced from Goguryeo and Baekje were popular after about the fifth century, while Sui and Tang Chinese styles were introduced and became popular after the sixth century. These tombs are characterized by a long passageway, domed ceiling of the main chamber, and square-shaped floor layout. As in China, Goguryeo and Baekje, the tombs were built with a belief in the afterlife.

They were also built so that family members could be buried together over time. Well-known examples of this type of tomb are the Chunghyo-dong and Seoak-dong tumuli.

The last type of burial mound to be discussed is the royal tomb, a number of which can be seen at the foot of mountains near the Gyeongju city basin. The royal tombs are dome-shaped earthen mounds, with an interior that

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includes a stone chamber with a side entrance. Stones carved with the twelve signs of the zodiac are placed in a circle around the base of the tombs, while the ground around the tombs is flagged with stones and fenced in with a stone railing. In front of the tombs are a stone altar and a stele, along with various stone figures being arranged around the tomb. The decorating of royal tombs with various stone figures was introduced from China; however, the custom of arranging stones carved with the signs of the Oriental zodiac as guardians of the tomb is unique to Silla. These royal tombs reflect the wealth and power of the nation, and thus are believed to have originated from a belief in the Bhaisajyaguru Buddha (Buddha of Healing) and the 12 signs of the Oriental zodiac.

On the other hand, as Buddhism became popular, the royal tombs began to take qn the shape of Indian stupa containing relics of Sakyamuni Buddha. This type of royal tomb was handed down from the Goryeo period (9181392) to the Joseon period (1392-1910). Locations for royal tombs were predominantly selected according to geomantic principles (Feng Shui) since the first half of the sixth century. This began with the four royal tombs in the hills in Seoak-dong, starting with the tomb of King Muyeol.

Well-known royal tombs include those of Taejong (King Muyeol), Queen Seondeok, King Sinmun, General Kim Yusin, King Seongdeok, King Gyeongdeok and the Gwaereung Tomb.

The Buddhist cremation tombs of Baekje became more popular as Buddhism took firmer root. These were a simple stone structure for housing an urn. Placing only a cremation urn inside a side-entrance stone-chamber tomb was also popular. • 17

SPECIAL ISSUE: KOREAN PERCEPTIONS OF LIFE AND DEATH

Customs for the Dead: Ancestral Memorial Rites Festival of the Living in Memory of the Dead ]oo Kang-hyun, Chief Researcher, Korea Folklife Institute Seo Heun-kang, Photographer

The practice of holding ancestral

rit~s,

jesa, is not related only to death. Although it is true for

most people today that jesa means a rite held in memory of ancestors, the term originally referred to all rites in general that were conducted for the gods of heaven and earth and to pray for good fortune.

rom long ago, the people of Asia have performed rites for a number of animate and inanimate objects ranging from heaven and earth, the sun, moon and stars to gods of the wind, rain, land, grains, mountains, rivers and streams as well as late kings and ancestors. National rites were conducted every year at sacred mountains and rivers around the country, while these rites became even more important as geomancy principles took stronger hold in Korea.

But when Confucianism began to pervade all aspects of life during the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), memorial rites became a symbol of filial piety. As such, filial piety to ancestors and loyalty to the state became the primary ideals of Joseon Dynasty society. When Chu Hsi's book Family Rituals was introduced from China, it spread widely among the Korean people such that the custom of holding memorial rites from a Confucian perspective became deeply entrenched among not only the ruling elite but commoners as well. In fact, these rites have 18

endured for centuries and even in the 21st century are still as much a force in the lives of Koreans as in the past.

According to Family . Rituals, a shrine to the family's ancestors is required as a necessary part of the home.

Moreover, memorial rites to ancestors are closely related to beliefs about the afterlife. Because it was believed that the soul lives on after death and a dead person should thus continue to be respected, the rites maintain a strong ancestral worship character even from a Confucian perspective.

According to the ancient Korean book Yeseo (Book of Etiquette), there are five types of memorial rites commonly held in Korea: sadangje, sasije, ije, giilje, and myoje.

Those still commonly held today include charye, which was originally held on Lunar New Year's Day, the first full moon of the year, and the dead ancestor's birthday, and have now become simplified ceremonies held on major holidays such as Lunar New Year's Day and Chuseok; gije which is held in the home before the cock crows on the

Ancestral rites to honor the kings and queens of the Joseon Dynasty are still being performed at the royal shrine Jongrnyo.

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A memorial service held on the anniversary of an ancestor's death (left).

Confucian services to honor the renowned scholar Yi Hwang at Dosan Seowon (below).

Music and dance performances of grandiose scale accompany the memorial rites at the ancestral shrine of the Joseon Dynasty (opposite page).

anniversary of the ancestor's death; and sije, which is held on an extended family basis in the tenth lunar month with funds collected from relatives. From the time that people began to understand the unbridgeable chasm between life and death, death has invariably been perceived as something fearful. Prehistoric people did not know how to deal with the dead, other than to simply leave the dead body alone. Over time a funeral ceremony was eventually developed. And as the people of any community came up with their own ways of remembering the dead, Koreans too developed their unique memorial rites. Although the basic parameters for Korean memorial rites were introduced from China, Korean rites are not Chinese; memorial rites for the dead were in fact a wellestablished custom among Koreans long before the introduction of Confucianism.

Apart from Confucian culture, Korean memorial rites include numerous indigenous elements. They were originally held as traditional shaman or Buddhist rituals while the etiquette specified in Family Rituals was incorporated later on. Nonetheless, the etiquette of Korean memorial rites was more strictly adhered to during the Joseon Dynasty than in any other period or even country.

Not only foreigners but Koreans as well regard memori20

al rites to be very solemn affairs. However, such solemnity is only one aspect. To be sure, at the funerals and memorial rites held in Korea today the mood is weighed down with solemn etiquette and it seems that anyone who might laugh aloud would be sternly punished for lack of decorum. But there is evidence that funerals and memorial rites were not only a family-based ceremony to mourn the dead but part of a celebptory culture and an occasion for social bonding. Death was a personal affair but memorial rites were held for a social purpose. A memorial rite for an ancestor was an occasion to hold a household "festival," bringing together all the relatives who had not seen each other for a long time.

So how did the festive customs related to death, which were established long before Family Rituals became such a pervasive influence, originate? In the book Suishu (History of the Sui Dynasty), published in China, the chapter on Korea's Goguryeo Kingdom (37 B.C.-A.D. 668) says: "When a person dies, at first the people wail and lament but when the funeral takes place they beat drums and play music." This indicates a unique folk tradition in sharp contrast to the later Confucian-style funeral.

About 1,000 years later, volume 15 of Joseonwangjosillok (Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the annals of King Taejo,

notes: "In the countryside, on the day of a parent's funeral, the family members gather bier-carriers from around the community and drink and sing songs and do not seem to lament at all." The system of hyangdo is a good example of the tradition of community support. Originally an "organization of people to keep the incense burning," hyangdo eventually became a mutual aid society or work cooperative in rural communities, evidence of the communal aspects of the customs associated with memorial rites.

Thus death is not just a personal affair. Death means the end of personal relations with all those people one used to associate with in life. Therefore, although death itself is an individual event, all deaths involve social aspects. Hyangdo was thus a communal organization of residents who - helped out at funerals and memorial rites, fulfilling a social function. ¡ The raucous hyangdo-style customs began to disappear from the early ]oseon Dynasty when Confucian principles calling for solemnity were emphasized. Fortunately, in various remote districts such as the islands of ]indo and

Jejudo, hyangdo customs are still observed in part, but it has become more difficult for these practices to be observed.

But even Jongmyo Jerye, the memorial rites for Joseon Dynasty kings which has been designated a World Heritage by UNESCO, was a large-scale spectacle that included musical groups and a troupe of dancers, reflecting its festival-like atmosphere.

Korean memorial rites include not only Confucian elements but numerous shamanic features as well. On the island of Wido, Jeoilabuk-do province, there are many homes where ancestral tablets are hung from shelves in every room of the house. This is a case in which the worship of tutelary deities has been integrated with Confucian etiquette prescribed in Family Rituals. Therefore, when memorial rites are observed on major holidays, they are performed before the shelves or memorial tablets or a ritual table placed on top of a grain-filled jar that symbolizes the household god kept in the maru, the covered wooden hall in a traditional house. On Jejudo, a shaman perfocms a

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Although the basic parameters for Korean memorial rites were introduced from China, Korean rites are not Chinese; memorial rites for the dead were in fact a well-established custom among Koreans long before the introduction of Confucianism.

rite with chanting and singing to pray for the good fortune of the home and the prosperity of the family business.

For charye, a ritual table is prepared for the ancestors, and when grain is harvested, a rite is performed for the household god and the god of heaven. The rites are held at the head house of a family, that is, the home of the eldest son, and when a shaman rite is performed, a separate table is prepared for the ancestral memorial .rites. Any special foods or dishes are first offered to the ancestors before being eaten. As ancestral worship gradually became more deeply rooted, centered around the yangban class through the widening influence of Family Rituals, the tra-

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ditional custom of ancestral worship could be seen in the ancestral gods. As such, it is incorrect to regard ancestral worship as being wholly Confucian in nature.

As for customs related to memorial rites, one of the biggest misunderstandings involves the issue of women's participation. Times have changed greatly and in many homes women now take part in memorial rites, but in most cases women's participation is still limited to preparing the ritual food in the kitchen. This monopolization of memorial rites by males, however, is wrong.

When a parent dies, it is not only the males who mourn. According to Family Rituals, from the beginning, the memorial rites were held by both husband and wife.

The man offered the first glass of wine, choheon, and the

Confucian academies which provided local education house memorial tablets of Confucius and other revered sages (opposite page, top).

Confucian scholars holding Confucian memorial services (opposite page, bottom) A shaman exorcist ceremony intended to guide the soul of the dead to heaven (above)

wife offered the second, aheon. But aheon was later taken over by male, family members, and thus women came to be excluded from the ceremony. In contrast, in traditional shaman ancestral rites, it was the women who performed the ceremonies for the ancestral gods. In indigenous religions, the women took the .lead in ancestral worship to the extent that it was the men who were left out.

I believe that some of the customs of memorial rites deserve to be criticized-the complexity and rigidity of the formalities, discrimination between men and women, and ever-rising cost of keeping up appearances. In addition, it is wrong that women have been excluded.

This article has sought to identify misconceptions surrounding various customs that over time have been taken for granted. It takes much effort and active interest to understand any culture and the same is true for Korean ancestral rites. It should be recognized that the many books written on the subject by Koreans contain inaccuracies as well as errors. The starting point in gaining a proper understanding of memorial rites is an acknowledgment that the related customs were pluralistic and much more complex and diverse than has commonly been believed. • 23

Chain of Life that Connects Ancestors with Descendants

oday, Feng Shui (pungsu in Korean) is accepted not only in East Asia, but it is also gaining acceptance in the United States and Western Europe, thus becoming an internationally recognized philosophy. Since Feng Shui did not originate on the Korean peninsula, it is necessary to summarize its introduction to Koreans, as well as how it has been changed and adapted. In doing so, we will be able to understand the characteristics of Feng Shui on the Korean peninsula and its significance to Korean thought of life and death.

Feng Shui was first introduced to Korea at the end of the Silla period (57 B.C.-A.D. 935) by the monk Doseon (827-898), who reformulated the Chinese theory of Feng Shui so that it was more compatible with the natural fea-

tures of Korea, thereby creating a "Korean Feng Shui." Of note, texts on Feng Shui continued to be introduced from China through the fall of the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), which exerted various influences on Korean Feng Shui.

Thus, although similar to the Feng Shui that was first developed and practiced in China, Korean Feng Shui has been adapted to the specific natural features of the Korean peninsula.

How should Korean Feng Shui be defined? Based on the various applications of Feng Shui that have been commonly practiced in Korea, the following three characteristics may be said to define Korean Feng Shui.

First, it involves examining the chi of the earth and then determining a use for the site that is suited to its chi.

What sites or areas are suitable for graves? What locations are suitable for homes, temples, or schools? What areas have the potential to become cities? As indicated in these questions, Feng Shui is typically applied to three areas: Feng Shui for gravesites, Feng Shui for residential sites, and Feng Shui for village, town and city sites.

Second, after determining a suitable use for the land, Feng Shui determines the spatial arrangement and structural layout of the selected site in accordance with the "native properties of Asia:" yin-yang, the Five Elements, Eight Trigrams and the unique theory of Feng Slmi. In the case of a residence, Feng Shui is applied to determine the physical layout of such elements as the front gate, bedroom and kitchen. Today, this type of Feng Shui is being widely used in the United States and Western Europe as well.

Third, a central tenet of Feng Shui calls for the alteration of sites that do not correspond with the two aforementioned principles so .that they conform to Feng Shui concepts. This is known as complementary and suppressive Feng Shui; such that, "good" sites are complemented, "bad" sites are suppressed.

Complementary and suppressive Feng Shui practices were especially prevalent during the Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392), when a government office was established in 1198 for the study of the chi of all of the nation's land and implementing a balanced and harmonious administration of the land based thereon. The most prominent character-

A geomancer's map of the city of Seoul during the Joseon Dynasty (above) Haeinsa Temple sits snugly amid lush forests (below).

This sculpture of haetae, a mythical beast, stands in front of Gwanghwamun for protection against the powerful force of Mt. Gwanaksan (opposite page).

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istic of Goryeo Feng Shui was its application as a "national land Feng Slmi." Examples of complementary and suppressive Feng Shui can be seen in a variety of cultural monuments and sites. Another characteristic of Feng Shui during the Goryeo Dynasty was its primary use for determining residential sites and village, town and city areas.

Complementary and suppressive Feng Shui are attempts to rectify deficiencies in Feng Shui for residences as well as village, town and city sites.

Complementary and suppressive Feng Shui were observed during the Goryeo Dynasty because Feng Shui was a primary means of managing national lands, while Feng Shui in the ]oseon Dynasty was focused on identifying propitious sites for graves. This change from "national land Feng Shui" of the Goryeo Dynasty to "gravesite Feng Shui" of the ]oseon Dynasty is most evident in the changes in the test administered by the state to certify Feng Shui masters. Both dynasties conducted a test on nine different

Feng Shui subjects. However, the nine subjects of each test were completely different, without even one subject in common.

The reason for this involves the different national religions of Goryeo and Joseon. The national religion of Goryeo was Buddhism, under which Buddhist elements strongly emphasized defense of the nation. Therefore, the Feng Shui of Goryeo adopted a similar nature. Temples were established at sites that were known to be complementary and suppressive, which tended to be areas of strategic military importance, where troop movements could be easily observed, or areas for posting sentries to monitor natural disasters. ]oseon Feng Shui, on the other hand, was wholly different in orientation. During the Joseon period, when the national religion was Confucianism, in particular Sung Confucianism, "Confucian Feng Shui" became popular.

Because Confucianism regarded filial piety as a fundamental 27

tenet, Feng Shui was changed to promote filial piety, along with the examination for certifying Feng Shui masters as well. The situation was different in China, where such philosophies as Buddhism, Taoism, and the teachings of Wang Yang-ming existed along with Sung Confucianism, while in Japan, a strong tradition of Buddhism and the teachings of Wang Yang-ming took root. In Joseon, Sung Confucianism was sanctioned as the official code for ethical conduct, while Korea's gravesite Feng Shui gained a unique character.

From the point of view of Sung Confucianism, the most fundamental means of realizing filial piety involved taking proper care of one's parents while they were still alive.

Thus, how should one's parents (and ancestors) be treated after their death? It was thought that burying one's parents in a place deemed propitious under Feng Shui principles was a way to demonstrate filial piety.

As a result, gravesite Feng Shui naturally became unique to Korea and its people. However, people began to spend so much time and money seeking propitious gravesites, this became a serious social problem in the latter Joseon period.

This blind faith in gravesite Feng Shui was not simply a problem of the common people-it was even more serious among the royals and nobility. '

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For example, in 1846, Heungseongun (Yi Ha-eung), a descendant of the Joseon royal family, moved the grave of his father Namyeongun from Yeoncheon-gun, Gyeonggido province, to a hill beneath Mt. Gayasan in Yesan-gun, Chungcheongnam-do. He did this because the Feng Shui master Jeong Man-in had prophesied that this was a propitious site from where two rulers might emerge. Thereafter, Heungseongun's second son became Gojong (r. 1863-1907), Joseon's 26th king, who proclaimed himself emperor, while Gojong's son became the next and final emperor, Sunjong. People believed that this occurred because of the propitious site to where Heungseongun had relocated his father's grave.

Even now, 100 years after the fall of the Joseon Dynasty, belief in propitious gravesites has not been fundamentally changed. The belief in gravesite Feng Shui remains strong today as evidenced by the fact that even the former and current presidents, as well as the leaders of major political parties, have moved their ancestors' graves or searched for propitious gravesites.

Donggang ofYoungwol (below) Based on Feng Shui for villages and towns, this rural village is located on an auspicious site (opposite page).

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To Koreans, death is not a one-time event when a person suddenly ceases to exist forever.

It is a process in which one lives on through the lives of one's descendants. It is believed that in this way all people can enjoy eternal life. Korea's Feng Shui is a chain that connects people with their ancestors and descendants.

The reason Koreans prefer sites which are deemed propitious under Feng Shui principles is a belief that good fortune comes from propitious sites, which could be called the central tenet of Feng Shui. According to this theory, if a person lives on a good site he or she will be influenced by that site and become successful (housing site Feng Shui), and if an ancestor is buried at a good site, his - descendants will prosper, but if an ancestor is buried at a bad site, his descendants will suffer misfortune (gravesite Feng Shui). A "good site" is one that satisfies the principles of Feng Shui. Propitious sites are determined by the lay of the land, which requires a balance among the Blue Dragon (of the east), White Tiger (of the west), Red Phoenix (of • the south) and Black Tortoise (of the north). This sort of thinking strongly influenced people's belief in gravesite Feng Shui in later joseon.

Why then did Sung Confucian scholars as well as' many / regular Koreans believe this "fortune comes from propitious sites" concept of gravesite Feng Shui, and why is it still believed by many today? Is this the fault of an unenlightened spiritual culture of the time? This is not at all the case. It is because the "fortune comes from propitious sites" ¡ ~ concept of Feng Shui coincides in part with Koreans' understanding of death.

Why do people seek out sites deemed propitious by Feng Shui as a means of ensuring their descendants' prosperity and ability to observe ancestral rites? Ultimately, this question needs to be considered in relation to an individual's understanding of life and death. There is a fear that, with biological death, all existing relationships will be severed and all aspects of one's life will disappear. In the opinion of Kim Ki-hyun, professor of Eastern Philosophy at Chonbuk National University, the wish that one's descendants prosper and observe ancestral rites is rooted in a belief that although the body may die, the spirit lives on through the lives of one's descendants.

Youngreung, the tomb ofHyojong, the 17thkingofJoseon, and Queen lnseon (opposite page) The tomb ofYi Yulgok, a politician during the mid Joseon Dynasty (above)

Koreans did not think of death as a negation of life, and thus did not fear it. Rather, they sought to weave death into their lives in an effort to harmonize life and death.

This can be seen even today in the fact that elderly Koreans prepare their own burial clothing and even try them on, while deciding in advance on their gravesite and often visiting there. To Koreans, an individual is of course a living being born of his parents, but he is also part of an unbroken chain that connects him to his ancient ancestors.

Just as I cherish my ancestors, and just as my ancestors live forever in me through these rites, though my body may die, I will live forever i?- my descendants. Therefore, ancestral rites are a solemn ceremony that prays for the continuation of the chain of life that runs from ancient ancestors to not-so-distant descendants. In order for this to be realized, it is necessary that one's descendants are able to prosper. From this point of view, it is only natural to seek propitious sites for graves and homes so that such prosperity can be assured.

To Koreans, death is not an eternal end of all things, but merely a process in which one continues to live on through the lives of one's descendants. In this way, everyone can maintain a belief in and enjoy eternal life. In this process, Feng Shui plays the role of a chain of life that connects an individual with his ancestors as well as descendants. This is why Feng Shui has continued to be influential despite its being constantly criticized as a superstition. • 31

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Today's Funeral Culture Changing Concepts of Life and Death Na Kyung-soo, Professor of Korean Language Education, Chonnam National University Seo Heun-kang, Photographer

heard from a folklorist sometime ago that an elderly woman had asked a foreign priest to perform a service for her son who had just begun a new business.

The foreign priest, however, having never heard of the jaesu (good fortune or luck) service, asked the folklorist about it.

The jaesu service the woman asked the priest to perform was just another form of the jaesu gut that in the past Koreans asked shamans to perform to wish for good fortune or luck For the woma':l, it did not matter whether a Catholic service or a shaman rite was conducted; all that mattered was for her son to be blessed with jaesu, or good luck The meaning of the old Korean proverb, ''You never know which cloud might hold rain," was behind her indifference.

Most cultural phenomena take on all kinds of forms in the process of undergoing transformation over time.

While culture is rarely created autogenously, many cultures have undergone notable transformation in the course of exchanges with other cultures. Many aspects of Korea's traditional culture did not originate from indigenous roots. New customs and traditions are often created through cultural assimilation. Korea's rites of passage, which reflect the culture and psyche of the Korean people, have undergone numerous changes as a result of the changing times and cultural assimilation.

According to Koreans' traditional concepts of life and 33

death, the here and now is the world of the living, while the afterworld is the world of the dead. However, life and death do not happen just once. The world where one lived prior to being born is the world of the dead, and the world that one goes to upon death is also the world of the dead. This belief is reflected in the use of the Korean phrase, doragashida, "having returned," in reference to someone who died. Since the expression means returning to the place you came from, it signifies ultimately returning to your place of birth. This expression originated from a belief that the place you lived before birth is where you return upon death.

Other commonly used Korean phrases include sangoga deureotda, "entry through childbirth," to describe the birth of a child, and chosang -i natda, "departure of the deceased," to say someone has died. These phrases indicate that birth and death are regarded as the entry and departure to and from the world of the dead and the living.

The traditional funeral based on the Korean concepts of life and death is a ritual for returning a dead person back to their place of birth. The funeral encompasses a variety of ritual acts performed from the moment death is con34

firmed until burial. The traditional Korean funeral as it is observed today has been passed down in a form that combines Korea's unique shaman rites with such foreign religions as Buddhism and Confucianism.

Certain shaman rites for the departed are still performed as part of the funeral cerein various parts of the c~untry mony. The shaman burial rites are performed for the soul of the departed, not the physical body. Because Koreans believed death meant the separation of the soul from the body, the shaman performed symbolic ritual acts to help guide the soul of the dead to the other world. ¡ Unlike the soul, however, the body of the deceased was required to undergo detailed funeral procedures before being buried in the ground. Generally, the burial would take place three days after death. During the three-day period before burial, the deceased is dressed in a silk shroud, placed in a coffin, and prepared to be dispatched

Relatives of the deceased wear special mouming clothing (above) A funeral bier decorated in the five traditional colors (red, blue, yellow, black, white) (opposite page)

to the other world. The coffin is kept in a room for mourning, where the children of the deceased, clad in traditional mourning garments, greet condolence callers. They also selected an auspicious gravesite based on geomancy.

All the ritual procedures performed during this period are Confucian-related, thus extremely rigid in detail and solemn. Three times a day, food is placed on the table used in the memorial service, just like regular meals, while tl;le principal mourners-the direct descendants of the deceased-bow deeply before the altar-table. On the day the funeral procession departs for the gravesite, the coffin is placed on a bier, which is borne by 32 carriers. From the moment the bier leaves the house until it arrives at the burial site, the bier-carriers sing a song of wrenching grief followed by the lamentable wailing of principal mourners as well as friends and acquaintances of the departed. Most of the lyrics are Buddhist in origin, attesting to the pervasive influence that Buddhism has exerted on Korea's funeral culture.

Today, however, modern funeral rites reflect numerous changes. In particular, an increasing number of people have services at hospital mortuaries or funeral homes instead of conducting funeral activities at home. '{he influence of Christianity is also readily evident in today's'funer/ al rites. These trends indicate the extent to which Korea's traditional culture is being modernized and Westernized.

The introduction of foreign religions can influence local culture in numerous ways, but for the followers of these religions, the greatest impact involves new concepts of life and death. To understand Korea's funeral culture, it is necessary to discuss the various cultural influences of Buddhism since its introduction. One of Buddhism's most significant influences is its belief in another life after death.

As previously mentioned, the Korean people regarded life and death as the entry to and departure from the world of the living and the dead. In contrast, the concept of Paradise taught by Mahayana Buddhism, which was introduced to Korea from China, led to the development of a totally different perception of the afterlife.

According to Buddhist teachings, Paradise is the place where people go upon their death. In contrast to the traditional Korean belief that placed greater importance on the present life than the afterlife, as evident in the old saying that the "present world is better even if one has to roll in muck," the Buddhist concept of Paradise emphasized the afterlife. The influence of the Buddhist concept of lif~ and death, which regarded the current life as continuous hardship and the life after death as blissful joy, is vividly reflected in the bier-carriers' song.

A specific example is the song's refrain, namuamitabul gwanseeumbosal, which refers to returning to Amitahba and Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva, who are said to

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The introduction of foreign religions can influence local culture in numerous ways, but for the followers of these religions, the greatest impact involves new concepts of life and death.

The Christian concept of life and death is vastly different from Korea's traditional beliefs.

A key difference is the Korean perception that life and death can occur repeatedly.

guide the way to ensure safe passage into eternity. Almost every Buddhist temple in Korea includes a Myeongbujeon, a hall dedicated to praying for the repose of the soul of the dead, which is not found in the Buddhist temples of other countries. This is another example of how the Buddhist concept of Paradise has influenced the Korean psyche and culture.

However, Mahayana Buddhism's concept of Paradise originated from the traditions of China, which had maintained similar views of life and death as Korea. Buddhism is also fundamentally grounded in the concept of reincarnation. This was why, despite such differences, it could be easily assimilated with Korea's unique concept of the afterlife.

The Christian concept of life and death is markedly different from Korea's traditional beliefs. A key ..difference is the Korean perception that life and death can occur

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repeatedly. Another is the exclusive dogma that only people who believe in Christ can gain redemption and enter Heaven. With the arrival of Christianity, Western funeral practices were introduced together with Christian teaching, some of which are being observed in Korea today.

As for examples of some of the superficial changes in funeral customs, in the past the principal mourners wore white mourning garments, but today, most people wear black Western-style suits. In addition, white chrysanthemums are offered to the departed instead of lighting incense or offering cups of traditional wine.

1. Most funeral services these days are held at hospital mortuaries.

2. Wreath-decorated mausolewn 3. People pray for the soul of the dead as they walk around a pagoda.

4. A typical public cemetery in Korea

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More fundamental changes include Christian families having a priest or minister conduct a mass or service, which would have been performed by a shaman in the past. All kinds of services are held, including a service asking for God's mercy for the departed held upon the confirmation of death, a wake held before the funeral, and a burial service asking for God's mercy while performing the burial, a service held three days after the funeral, and a service performed at the end of the mourning period. And of course, Christian prayers have replaced the traditional Confucian rites.

Assorted combinations of traditional and modern, Eastern and Western culture exist in Korean society today.

Traces of disparate cultures also coexist in the funeral culture, which reflects the nation's essential interpretations of life. This may be a process of establishing a new order and post-modernism phenomenon characterized by cultural diversification and globalization.

But most importantly, the Korean people's unique concepts of life and death and traditional funeral customs are still at the heart of Korean culture, notwithstanding the growing forms of acculturation. • 37

FOCUS

A New Cultural Mode that Reflects Reality

The World of Internet Games Park Sang-woo Game Critic

Internet games are a new cultural mode created on the Net. Internet games are an important research model for understanding how games are transplanted from cyberspace and become established as a cultural mode and mirror of the kaleidoscope of today's society.

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he invention of movies was the most revolutionary breakthrough in the history of popular culture, which led to the development of television, thus opening a new cultural era. Visual images are on display wherever there are people, from the peaks of Tibet to the islands of the Pacific. They are with people "from the cradle to the

grave." The phrase "from the cradle to the grave" was first used to describe lifetime social welfare coverage. But in the fast-changing 21st century, it is now being used to describe many other aspects of society as well.

Today, when people awake in the morning there may be a television nearby, and the same is true when they close their eyes at night. It has not been easy to reach this point. One

hundred years have passed since the invention of the magic box that projects sight and sound to its ubiquitousness in people's lives today. In comparison, the Internet has become a part of our lives much more quickly.

As soon as you wake up in the morning you get onto the Net. You visit a music site, turn on some music, chec;k your e-mail and scan the latest news. The music continues while you are getting ready to go out. Even in the subway, you can hear a constant stream of Internet news and broadcasting. While you listen absentmindedly, something catches your attention, and to get more information you use your mobile phone's wireless Internet service. When you get to the office, your day's work begins by turning on the computer.

As the system begins running, the People enjoying Internet games at a PC room (left) Internet game competition (opposite page)

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instant messenger program comes onto the screen at the same time. The .1 role that telephones and faxes play in a day's work has been reduced to less than 1 percent. They cannot compete with a messenger service that enables you to handle work more efficiently _ and in real time. For many, it is more comfortable to communicate with colleagues through computer messaging than face-to-face.

After work you should go straight home but sometimes you drop by a "PC room," where the realm of online games presents a whole new world.

The time spent playing online games is much more exciting than real life but you cannot live in that world forever. The sun will rise again tomorrow and you have to return to the comforts of home to recharge for another day's work. But even at home, electronic home appliances are Internet-linked as well. Through your audio system you can download music, and there is a web phone on

your hoJ!le security system. From any public telephone booth, you can access the Internet. In a very short time, the Net has come to accompany us "from the cradle to the grave."

The Net links together people and objects, objects and objects, and people and people, but paradoxically, the Net itself is a lonely void. It is filled with data and myriad worlds but none of these things seek you out.

You have to enter the Net and make them your own.

The bigger the new world that the Net opens up, the lonelier it is. In contrast to the West, where the standing of the individual has been firmly established in society, in Korea there is still a great longing for a sense of community. This influences people sometimes in a positive way and at other times negatively. No one can be completely independent of a sense of belonging or community. This is why Koreans tend to sense more keenly the loneliness of the Net. And as soon

as people became conscious of this problem, a unique game mode was created to overcome this.

Before Net games became widely popular, Korean garners used to play mostly stand-alone games. As recently as five or six years ago, the number of garners in Korea would barely have amounted to 500,000. However, was dramatically altered the sit~aon by two games. Blizzard's "Starcraft," which depicts a colossal war on the Net, and NC Soft's "Lineage." It would be no exaggeration to say that these two games served to transform Korea into the world's leading online game power. Through these two games, a countless number of people now enjoy the new culture of computer games. Consequently, the rapidly increasing popularity of online games has led to explosive growth in the Net world.

Although StarCI¡aft was not developed in Korea, it has nevertheless become recognized as a "national 39

game." More copies of Starcraft have been sold in Korea than in the rest of the world combined. At the time it was released, a different real-time simulation (RTS) game was dominating the market, but Starcraft quickly overtook it in popularity. As for the reasons Starcraft became so wildly popular, its surprisingly rapid pace of play is most impressive. This does not mean that the images move more quickly but that the game progresses very quickly from start to battle to all-out war. Though it takes some more time for a complete victory, players can enter a realistic game without going through a lengthy preparatory stage. As compared to other RTS games, Starcraft requires a focus on strategy and careful .execution rather than simply featuring thrills and excitement. Accordingly, Starcraft players derive greater personal satisfaction.

There are two types of satisfaction that a gamer seeks from games. One is the enjoyment of the game as it progresses and the other is the result.

In a strategic game that requires fast thinking, it is the progression of the game that is important. The braingoes into the game is itself work ~hat the challenge of the game. The question of victory or defeat is rather secondary. But in Starcraft, the fast pace of play does not leave room to enjoy the progression of the game.-Much of the thrill and pleasure of the game is derived from the end result.

The shift of focus from progression to result is something that existing stand-alone garners often complained about. But they discovered a new kind of game experience. In the past, computer games were something you played at home by yourself after parting with your friends for the day. The experience of match-

The attraction of Starcraft and Lineage is not found in the game itself so much as the new relationships that are developed. People stop by a PC room after work not to play a game, but to play a game with someone. It is this relationship factor that has lured so many people into the game world.

ing wits with a real opponent to seize victory was surprising and novel, and more than anything else, exciting.

Whereas Starcraft won over Koreans with its fast pace and battle for victory, Lineage dominated the market with its broad appeal. Lineage differs greatly from the role-playing - style of games popular in Japan and the West. It is not complicated like , American role-playing games that are marked by a detailed system of rules developed over a long period of time, nor is it docile like the Japanese role' playing games featuring cute characters. Lineage boldly adopted a roguelike role-playing style that was previously enjoyed only by hard-core > game buffs. Though not widely known, rogue-like games are regarded as highly addictive and absorbing.

NC's challenge turned out to be an unexpectedly promising strategy. _ However, without one critical factor, Lineage would not have succeeded in the end. As the name suggests, -'\ Lineage introduces a blood alliance concept. A community is formed in the game world, and anyone who attacks one family is subject to a counterattack by the entire community. The underlying psychology of such a response is exhibited more fervently in the game than in the real world. Unlike a similar Americanstyle game, in which people gather temporarily to solve problems and then separate again, after entering into a blood alliance, Lineage players The sprouting of PC rooms all across Korea reflects the popularity of Internet games (right).

stick together until the end of the game. This formation of groups joined by a blood alliance is very powerful in maintaining garners' interest.

These two "national games" share a common point. That is, people find enjoyment not so much in the game itself but in the new human relationships formed therein. People go to a PC room not so much to play Starcraft but to play Starcraft with someone. It is this aspect of games that has attracted not only garners but also people who previously would not have given games a secondthug~.

The Net, which so tenaciously captures our attention, used to be a lonely place. But games like Starcraft and Lineage have provided opportunities for people to form new relationships; a relationship in which people could always come together and have fun together. Starcraft and Lineage have served ¡ to make the Internet socially

acceptable to many. In this process, the two games have led to the creation of a peculiarly Korean Net culture, especially in terms of online games.

Internet infrastructure was established in Korea much faster than anywhere else in the world. Because everything happened so rapidly, there was not enough time to absorb the conventional cultural aspects of the Internet. As a result, in the Net world of Koreans, there is a kind of emotional void. Starcraft and Lineage .help fill this void in a unique manner.

Related to this, the Korean game industry has found its feet. The games have become the source of a new cultural mode and at the same time, this new medium has led to the formation of a unique cultural domain.

At the same time, there are some problems created by the new Net culture. In the real world, there are things that are overlooked when you are in a. hurry, like in Starcraft. The popular appeal of Lineage has given rise to the potential of mass egoism and mass violence. The unique game culture that has been created on the Net is now facing a time of -qualitative adjustment.

It may not be that the Korean Internet game culture will become a global standard. Also, it may not be that Korean games have a significant comparative advantage over others.

But one thing is certain: it is essential for research to be conducted to understand how culture in the real world is being transplanted onto the Net world. • 41

INTERVIEW

Shin Joong-hyun Living Chronicle of Korean Rock Music Yoo Meoung-jong, Poet Choi Hang-young, Photographer

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,_..__.. he father of music" is a title generally applied to classical composers such as Bach Whereas Germany has Bach, the maestro of classical music, Korea has Shin Joonghyun (65), the godfather of Korean rock. It is no easy matter to reach the top in any field, let alone for a popular musician to earn the title "maestro," a distinction usually reserved for the classical sphere. But in Korea, no one would object to conferring this title on Shin. Such an honor would help to break down the prejudiced view of classical music as lofty and popular music as crude, and to set Shin in his rightful place within the world of Korean music.

For it was Shin who first planted the seed of Korean rock music, introducing rock to Korea in the 1960s when the very genre was virtually unknown. This caused a great stir in the world of Korean popular music, which at that time was dominated by Japanese-style "trot" songs. In 1962, Shin formed Korea's first rock band, Add 4, and released the country's first original rock record, "The Woman in the Rain." This provided a model for the Korean-style adaptation of rock 42

When it comes to Korean rock music, Shin Joong-hyun is the person who planted the seed as well as reached the top of the tree.

Throughout a musical career spanning 40 years, he has striven to create a Korean rock sound drawing on traditional Korean music. .Known as the godfather of Korean rock, Shin Joong-hyun has become a living legend. music. What is particularly remarkable is that as Shin continued to release rock records into the 1970s, he always kept pace with the best bands from the birthplace of rock music, Great Britain.

"It's a big mistake to see Korean rock music as a mere imitation of Western rock. Like all music, rock is a universal language. What's important is to put something of your own culture into the international style of rock. If you just imitate foreign music,

you end up producing a rootless culture. Whether it be rock, jazz, or rap, Korean music should have a Korean flavor."

Shin's songs are full of Korean feeling. Although he plays the guitar, when listening to his music you may be reminded of the traditional Korean zither gayageum, or the traditional vocal form pansori. This is perhaps the most distinctive feature of Shin's music. His experimental drive to create a uniquely Korean rock music is clearly illustrated by his 1970 recording, "Beautiful Woman."

The introduction to "Beautiful Woman" is remarkable for its descending line, la-so-mi-re-do, borrowed from the pentatonic Korean scale gung-sang-gak-chi-u, which leaves out the fa and si of the . Western seven-note scale. The melody, too, echoes that of the cheerful Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) song Taryeong. The accompaniment is played on a guitar, but evokes the sound of the gayageum. In the lyrics, the line "Everyone loves her, me too I love her" (modu saranghane nado saranghane) suggests the rhythms of pansori. But Shin's efforts to perfect a Korean-style rock music do not end

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there. In his search for a truly Korean rock-and-roll sound, he has even rebuilt his electric guitar.

"In today's Korean music scene, there are many attempts to graft traditional and Western music together. But the public response has so far been tepid. It is no simple task to blend musical styles that have been formed in different cultural environments."

From this point of view, Shin deserves high praise for his ability to impart a Korean flavor to his music without losing the true essence of rock 44

To be ahead of your time is not to follow every superficial fad. Perhaps this is why the public, ever sensitive to fashion, turns away from anything that bears a label like "avant garde" or "experimental." This is what happened to Shin's early work His band had a very cutting-edge sound for Korea at the time, and his lyrics were fresh in their understated restraint.

But he was too far ahead of his time to make a big hit from the beginning, and Korea's first rock band, Add 4, broke up after just three years.

But instead of giving up, Shin made a new effort to establish a Korean group sound. He pioneered a unique sound combining the rockand-roll beat with traditional Korean rhythms. After Add 4, he formed a series of bands-Jokers, Donkeys, Questions, The Men, Shin Joong-hyun and the Coins, and most recently, Kim Sakkat-but they all pursued a single goal: to perfect a distinctly Korean style of rock music.

Another important characteristic of Shin Joong-hyun's music is that it retains the authenticity of traditional music without losing the contemporary sound. This can be seen from the way his songs of the 1970s and 1980s are constantly being revived by younger singers. This music. does not seem at all old-fashioned today, even to young listeners. That his music could remain popular through changing times is the result of his determined efforts to create truly original music.

Together with this up-to-date sensibility, another quality that should not be omitted from any discussion of Shin's music is the deep resonance that sets it apart from other rock music. This resonance is Shin's artistic spirit pouring out from within. When he wants to express, for example, sadness, he does not try to grasp the intense emotion of the moment when sadness is at its- peak, but instead focuses on the drained feeling that comes later when one has no tears left to shed. The deep resonance

Shin is also a songwriter with more than 300 songs to his credit (top).

Shin in deep thought, perhaps searching for the right lyrics (above).

"Body & Feel," an album released in 2002 (opposite page)

felt in his music arises from this reflective restraint.

Perhaps this is why he insists that the nature of rock does not lie in "letting yourself go."

"There is a big difference between making noise and turning noise into music. What matters is not letting y ~: mrself go but finding your inner resonance. It is a question of restraint and moderation. Even when relying on tradition, we must not lose the contemporary feeling; even the avant garde must be human."

This helps to explain why of all the different instruments he has stuck to playing just the guitar. Not only can the electric guitar interface with computers and machines, but Shin considers it the only instrument • capable of raising noise to the level of music.

For 40 years, Shin has devoted himself to rock music. In all that time, he has never turned aside from his chosen path. He has lived only for his music, and found happiness in making music. Why has he always clung so tenaciously to rock music? What charm does he find in it?

"To me, rock is the genre that can embody life with the most frank and uninhibited expression. From rock, I learned that even noise and dissonance can be music. Rock is surely the most vibrant and immediate form of music."

Shin has been called a living chronicle of Korean rock music. This can also be seen in the all-embracing scope of his musical activities. He has written both the lyrics and music of over 300 songs, and has been dubbed the Jimi Hendrix of Korea for his

exceptional guitar playing. He is both a vocalist and a talent scout with a knack for discovering promising young singers. Although he has not often sung his own songs on the stage, his husky voice, at times melancholy, at times murmuring sarcastically, remains in the hearts of his fans.

But Shin's life has not been one of constant sunshine. On the contrary, the light in his life has been brief and the darkness long. In the 1970s, just as rock music had finally managed to enter the mainstream, it suffered a hard frost on the grounds of its supposed hedonism and immorality.

Associated with hippie resistance to the patriarchal order and the defiant spirit of the blue-jeans culture, rock music was rejected by the ruling ideology of the Park Chung Hee regime, which had seized power in a coup

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In today's Korean music scene, there are many attempts to graft traditional and Western music together. But the public response has so far been tepid. It is no simple task to blend musical styles that have been formed in different cultural environments. From this point of view, Shin deserves high praise for his ability to impart a Korean flavor to his music without losing the true essence of rock.

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d'etat. Not only rock musicians but folk singers, who constituted another major sector of popular music in the 1970s, were branded as marijuanasmoking entertainers and arrested in large numbers. Shin was a victim too.

On the pretext that Shin's songs were hedonistic, his singing style vulgar, and his lyrics liable to fuel social and political unrest, 100 of Shin's songs were banned, and Shin had to step down from the stage at the height of his career.

But Shin turned his frustration into a new opportunity. Thereafter, he paid less attention to harmony than to his depth of voice and the spirituality of his music. At this time, he became deeply interested in Oriental philosophy. This enabled him to produce his much-discussed albums of the 1990s, "Nature at Rest" and "Kim Sakkat," in which the traditional instrumental solo genre sanjo is transferred to the electric guitar. These albums owe much to the naturefriendly philosophy of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, who believed in a unity of nature and people. Indeed, many of Shin's 300 songs deal with nature themes. He once remarked in an interview: "If I could be one with nature, I would wish for nothing more." But what is the essence of the music he pursues?

"It's not a problem of instruments, but of musicality. If you become too attached to harmony, you lose the true essence of music. Music without

artistry is nothing more than noise.

Music must have an inner depth that produces sound and moves the heart by human effort. Only then will there be a true harmony of sound between human voice and instrument. The important thing is to keep the middle path without leaning to either side, and to build up your inner strength. If your own world doesn't waver, you can express your whole musical life with a single guitar string, or even with a single note."

The pl~ce where Shin has been standing during his 40-year musical career is not under" a spotlight on a gaudy stage.

"I prefer the small theater to the TV studio, the shade to the dazzling sunlight. The few times I have appeared on TV, I felt that I had become a showman, somehow artificial or insincere. And so I made himself a promise: Rock is an art for the people. As long as there is even one person who appreciates my music, I will not refuse to perform, no matter how small the venue."

And he has kept his promise to this day. Perhaps it is this steadfast faith that has made him a maestro.

Shin's name is often attached to the words "the first," and another "first" came in 1997 when a group of younger singers made a splash with an album entitled "A Tribute to Shin Joong-hyun," the first Korean tribute album in honor of a living musician.

But Shin is not content to be called

"the first." Instead, he seems immersed in building a legend that will be "the longest." This can be seen in his latest album, "Body & Feel," in which he looks back over his musical career at the age of 65. What makes this album special is that he not only wrote all of the lyrics, music, and arrangements, but handled the whole production process himself and even sang most of the songs. And in September 2002, he began a sixmonth series of twice-monthly free concerts that will continue until March 15, 2003, at his own performance venue, Woodstock "The reason I keep performing live is that I believe music should be real music that lives and breathes with people face-to-face. And the reason I keep playing the guitar is that I want to break down the prejudice that lumps al~ rock together as noisy, hedonistic music. There is an urgent need to create a cultural climate in which rock can be properly appreciated."

Today, Shin dreams of a rock revival. He has no fear of old ·age. He makes me feel that the old saying, "Old soldiers never die, they just fade away," will have to be changed to "Old soldiers never fade away."

When I ask: "How long will you go on performing on stage?" He answers without hesitation: "Until I die."

This inscrutable expression reveals the secret of a maestro who has himself turned into an extraordinary medium and instrument. • 47

ARTISAN

Jangseung Sculptor Lee Ga-rak Breathing Life into Wood Carvings Park Ok-soon, Poet Choi Hang-young, Photographer

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favorite destination of foreign visitors, Seoul's Insa-dong streets are lined with countless galleries, art shops, frame shops, and antique dealers. At the entrance to this time-honored district, a pair of wood sculptures glare at passersby with huge, bulging eyes.

Glaring eyes notwithstanding, their mouths under the big potato-like noses are split ear to ear in a welcoming smile. ]angseung, as these wood sculptures are called, are anything but beautiful. Though rarely attractive, they are memorable. Some look humanlike, others more like monsters. The grotesque features reflect the free spirit of their sculptors, who, after chiseling them roughly in a creative frenzy, seem to have forgotten to return for their finishing touches. But then, such abandon and a grotesque look are the charm of jangseung, and the drive that has kept Lee Garak carving them for more than 20 years.

The only state-designated master artisan of jangseung 48

sculpture in the country, Lee operates a workshop, Namunara (Wood Country), in the suburbs of Chuncheon, a lake city northeast of Seoul bordered by the Soyang, Uiam and Chuncheon lakes.

'Jangseung are ugly and irregular.

The uglier and more irregular, the better. Bold elimination, unfettered composition, abstract expression, sub-

tle symbolism-such are the charms of jangseung. But then, you mustn't miss the basic features."

The basic features Lee holds essential in jangseung are the bulging, dishsize eyes, a big potato-like nose and a wide mouth splitting ear to ear. Lee says the rest is all up to the imagination and innovation of the sculptor. His motto is free improvisation based on tradition.

Jangseung, or beoksu as they are called in some regions, have been familiar to Koreans from ancient times.

They were totems of clans and, in the Three Kingdoms period (1st century B.C.-A.D. 7th century), became objects of national veneration as well as tutelary deities of folks who prayed for their protection from evil spirits and disease. Standing at the entrance of villages and temples or by the road or town wall, their more practical function was to mark boundaries or distances.

Jangseung are usually made from the trunks of pine, chestnut, alder, or birch trees that grow on nearby hills and fields, but in the southern regions

Jangseung, or spirit poles,

are a unique and symbolic cultural expression of Korean heritage from time immemorial.

Standing at the entrance of a village or by the road, they demarcated boundaries, served as mileage markers, and sometimes were objects of folk worship as tutelary deities that protected a village and its residents from evil spirits and disease.

such as the Jeolla-do, Gyeongsang-do and Jeju-do provinces, they are sometimes made of ¡stone, the best-known / example being the dolharubang (stone statues of old men) of Jeju-do.

Though Lee began to carve jangseung some 20 years ago, it was long before that he first encountered what _ would become his lifelong passion.

When he was in eighth grade, he was browsing through a magazine his older sister was reading when a black-and-white photograph of a jangseung caught his eye. He was so riveted by the photo that he accidentally ripped the page. His sister almost skinned him alive, but he was elated.

He thought that was the most beautiful thing he had ever seen.

However, it did not occur to him at the time to become a jangseung sculptor. He majored in mechanical engineering in college and became an office worker after graduation. He left the office before long, however, because he hated the tedious work and did not want to be trapped by a

monotonous daily routine. It was then that he began to work with wood.

"I was good with my hands from boyhood. I liked to make thingskites, tops, even A-frames, with which I roamed the hills to gather firewood. Once I began working with wood, I knew that it was the thing for me. So I left home for Gangwon-do without giving it a second thought. It wasn't that there was

anybody I knew in Gangwon-do, but I vaguely thought there would be a lot of wood that I could use."

Lee Ga-1-ak carefully examines a piece of paulownia wood, before carving a small jangseung (opposite page).

Jangseung ballpoint pen is handcrafted by Lee (top).

Examples of jangseung figures by Lee Ga-rak, who adapts his works to the wood's natural features (above).

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At first he made baduk (go) game boards, seals and other everyday items to earn a living in a place where he was a stranger. He began to carve jangseung in the early 1980s but he had to teach himself because he could find no teacher to show him how to do it. Jangseung carving was not considered a field of sculpture but a simple folk craft that produced figures for village festivals or rites, jangseungje. In fact, it is thanks to the tradition of jangseungje that the craft was able to survive.

Jangseungje is a community festival held on the first full moon of the lunar year to venerate jangseung, the guardians of the village. On the morning of the festival, villagers cut down trees and carve the trunks into a pair of jangseung, a male called Cheonhadaejanggun (Great General under Heaven), and a female , Jihayeojanggun (Great General of the Underground). They are erected at the entrance of the village and a rite held with food offerings to pray for the welfare of the villagers and a bumper harvest. All the villagers partake of the food offerings after the rites are completed.

"Ancient people reaffirmed their community spirit through the jangseungje. Every part of the festival was prepared through communal efforts, with everyone pitching in.

Jangseung too were not' carved by one specific person; anyone with a little bit of skill could lend a hand."

Jangseung are never carved by a professional sculptor. Lee stresses that the very lack of a professional touch is the source of the jangseung's charm. The "technique of no technique," as he describes it, allows the sculptor to work his way with the chisel as his heart commands, with the end result being a unique jang50

seung with no match in the world.

Lee Ga-rak conscientiously makes the most of the shape and grain of the wood while boldly skipping details. At the touch of his deft hand, the gnarl of the trunk becomes a comical mouth. A varmint-ravaged trunk becomes the body of the jangseung and the stub of a broken branch its nose. For some jangseung, he removes the bark from the trunk and for others he leaves it on. Fresh wood or dry wood, either will make a good jangseung.

Lee's jangseung are humorous, and very diverse in expression as well as size. Some are so tiny that he needed magnifying glasses to carve them and others are so big that their ears are over 3 meters long. The array of chisels of every size, large axes and sickles, wood hammers and drills neatly arranged on one side of his workshop testify to the diversity of his jangseung. At work, he wields the chisels with a sure hand and without restraint. Although he works spontaneously, the secret of the weathered artisan is ingrained in the wood.

Lee's jangseung are marked with folksy earthiness, a simplicity that shies from sophistication. With a creative spirit that rejects stylization, he tries to re-create the naturalistic sensibility unique to jangseung. Though unaffected by outside influences, he is eager to promote jangseung across the country and abroad because he believes that a tradition, however desirable it might be, cannot be perpetuated without public interest and

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participation. His concern these days is developing jangseung items with commercial portential. He has already devised jangseung necklaces, ballpoint pens and cell phone pendants, and is preparing them for marketing. He also holds workshops as often as possible so that people can become familiar with the process.

Since 1995, Lee has been busy introducing jangseung to France, Italy and other European countries. So far he has donated more than twenty jangseung: four to Dijon, six to Valence, and four to Orleans, all in France; four to Firenze; and two to Luxemburg. His jangseung stand in many other countries, proudly testi-

fying to the Korean ethos. Much as jangseung of old served as landmarks, jangseung of today serve as cultural ambassadors.

Lee's long-cherished ambition is to erect 100 pairs of jangseung in 100 countries. He worries that he is not getting any younger and might not be able to fulfill his dream; but then he trusts that his faithful apprentice will carry on if he is unable. A shy young man by the name of Yeom Chan-dong, he has been carving jangseung under Lee's guidance for the past three years.

Lee's comment at the end of the interview that he was prepared to venture forth and erect jangseung wherever they are wanted epitomizes the spirit of a devoted artisan. • .

Cheonhadaejangun and Jihayeojangun greet visitors to Lee's workshop Namunara (right)

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ON THE ROAD

Snowfall at the Home of Rivers

Winter in Gangwon-do Kang Woon-gu (Text and photographs) Writer and Freelartce Photographer

Gangwon-do is where rivers are born. Gangwon-do is like an air duct of the Korean peninsula where beautiful mountains, rivers and the sea are relatively unscathed.

Gangwon-do is home to two different cultural zones with different climates and customs, divided along the Taebaek Mountain ·Range. /

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angwon-do lies in the middle of the Korean peninsula, adjacent to the East Sea. The heart of the Taebaek Mountain Range, the backbone of the peninsula, lies in Gangwon-do. Known for its steep and rugged mountains, the 800meter-high Taebaek Mountain Range splits Gangwon-do into eastern and western sections. In the old days, when traveling was not as easy as it is now, people on both sides maintained different customs and lifestyles. The area to the west of the ridge is called Yeongseo, and to the east Yeongdong (yeong means "high ridge").

Both sides have different climates.

During winter, the east, which meets the East Sea, enjoys mild weather due to warm ocean currents, whereas sea52

sonal winds make the west unbearably harsh and cold. An oceanic climate and a continental climate coexist on both sides of the Taebaek Mountain Ridge. Fohn, or chinook, as this phenomena is known in the United States, results when both climates meet, causing fog, rain, and snow in the Yeongdong area on many days. The record-breaking rainfall which wrought havoc in the Gangneung area, east of the ridge in the summer of 2002 can be explained by such geographical features.

Gangwon-do means "where the rivers begin." Numerous rivers flow through the valleys of the province's rugged mountains and eventually into the sea. Both the 525-kilometer Nakdonggang, the longest river in South Korea, and the 481-kilometer

Hangang, the second longest, originate in the mountains of Gangwondo. The home of many rivers, Gangwon-do is like a fresh air duct of Korea, its beautiful mountains, rivers, and sea relatively unscathed by civilization.

The rapid and vast scale of Korea's industJ.ial development has led to setious degradation of its natural resources. · Ironicall y, people with financial resources seek leisure activities during weekends or holidays in the natural environment. Gangwon-do is where people go to enjoy beaches, ski resorts, and national parks such as the Seoraksan (1,708 meters in height) and Odaesan (1,563 meters in height) national parks.

Gangwon-do encompasses 16,873 square kilometers of land and has a

population of 1.6 million. Wonju, Chuncheon, and Gangneung, its three major cities, all have populations over 200,000. Many Gangwon-do residents work in agriculture, fisheries, and livestock, but the industrial sector is growing in the region thanks to major roads and highways that have been ¡constructed through the mountainous areas. Gangwon-do residents hope more industries will settle in the region, whereas outsiders hope that its natural environment will 54

remain undeveloped, unlike other regions of the country.

Northern Gangwon-do is adjacent to North Korea. The Unification Observatory is located in the hilly sections of Goseong. The view from the platform, however, reveals the harsh reality of the division between South and North Korea. Across the demilitarized zone in North Korea are countless mountains, including Geumgangsan (1,638 meters in height).

Geumgangsan is well known for its

breathtaking scenery, boasting some 12,000 or so peaks.

Efforts to thaw the chilly relations between the two sides have resulted in an agreement that allows South Koreans to visit Geumgangsan. For a fee, South Korean residents can now go on sightseeing trips to limited areas of the famed mountain.

Although the agreement is currently one-way, with North Koreans not being allowed to visit the South, South Koreans hope that this interac-

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The only mountain in the South that can rival Geumgangsan is Seoraksan at Sokcho, Gangwon-do.

The two mountains are geographically close and share similar scenic landscapes. Their peaks and ridgelines feature bare rock The rugged peaks are simply gorgeous, as are the falls and streams flowing between them.

In autumn, when Seoraksan begins to

display its glorious fall foliage, visitors are inevitably mesmerized by its magnificent radiance.

Winter shows another side of Seoraksan, which is a favorite tourist attraction for visitors from Southeast Asia who come to enjoy the snow.

Seoraksan National Park is divided into Outer Seorak and Inner Seorak Outer Seorak, where many scenic

tion will eventually contribute to improving inter-Korean relations. An overland route, bypassing the demilitarized zone, is expected to open some time in the near future. For now, however, visitors must travel on cruise ships departing from Donghae Port, Gangwon-do.

A fannhouse in a valley ofYoungwol Baekduk Mountain Range (above) Gangwon-do livestock must endure harsh winter conditions (right)

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peaks are found, offers easier access to tourists. Inner Seorak, on the other hand, presents another aspect of Seoraksan with streams flowing through deep valleys. Slash-and-burn farmers, who used to reside in the Inner Seorak area, were forced to move out when it was designated a national park Buddhism prevailed during the Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392) and continued well through the ]oseon Dynasty (1392-1910). Its growing influence, however, was opposed by some people, which eventually drove the Buddhist temples into the deep mountains. This is one reason why buddhist temples are often found in the mountains. Both Seoraksan and Odaesan are home to a number of

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ancient Buddhist temples which have become major tourist attractions with various cultural assets, including Buddhist sculptures and pagodas.

Sinheungsa Temple in Outer Seorak, Baekdamsa in Inner Seorak, Oseam, Bongjeongam, W oljeongsa and Sangwonsa of Odaesan, and Naksansa near the seashore at Yangyang all house cultural assets designated as either national treasures or treasures by the Korean government. These treasures have miraculously escaped the numerous wars that swept through the nation during its tumultuous history. What would seem as simply charming to foreign tourists is regarded with great affection. and pride by Koreans. Each civilization has its own unique history.

As for Korean history, it resonates with considerable hardship.

Much of Korea is mountainous, Gangwon-do especially. In a desperate attempt to make a living from the barren soil, Gangwon-do residents would follow the plow wherever they could find level land, even in the deep valleys. Slash-and-burn farmers once lived in the remote mountains. Owning no land, these farmers would venture into the mountains, burn down trees and shrubs, and cultivate the land.

Neowajip, a slash-and-bum fanner's house (below left) A fanner clears a path along his neighborhood (below right) The snn briefly appears in the seemingly always overcast winter skies (opposite page)

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But life began to change for these back regions once new roads were built for vehicle transport. Residents who lived in areas that were newly designated as national parks were forced to find new homes. Nowadays, slash-and-burn farmers are nowhere to be found.

I once interviewed an old slashand-burn farmer who lived in Inner Seorak in the late 1960s. He and his

family had settled there in the late 1950s right after the Korean War. He cut down pine trees to build a home and grew corn in open areas. He gathered and dried vegetables and medicinal herbs from the mountains to sell in the market. He said: "It's often hard because we never have enough to eat, but it's psychologically comforting since we're isolated from the complexity of the outside world."

He told me about his first attempt to set fire to a mountain area to create a field. He cut down trees to block off the area before setting it on fire and took special care to pick a day when there was no wind. He said: "I could feel the blood rushing to my face as my heart pounded for fear of the blaze spreading out of control."

Slash-and-burn farmers built houses, neowajip, with wood, clay and stones.

Gaps between logs piled up as walls were filled with clay to prevent cold air from penetrating the house.

Boards 60 centimeters by 30 centimeters by 3 centimeters made from pine . trees up to 60 years old were used to build roofs. Heavy rocks were placed on the roof to keep the boards from

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A fishing village of Gangwon-do (left) No escape possible from the ubiquitous snow (above) Peaks ofDaegwallyeong stand 832 meters in height (opposite page)

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• being blown. off by strong winds.

Only three such houses remain, all located in Sin-ri, Dogye-eup, which are now used for research purposes.

The residents of Gangwon-do / have to endure a long winter, especially those living in the deep valleys, where huge amounts of snow fall.

Winter was once a time of virtual hibernation for the residents of Gangwon-do, but now the valleys where slash-and-burn farmers lived ......, like hermits bustle with visitors enjoying their leisure time.

Jeongseon-gun, one of Gangwondo's 14 counties, is located in the south. ')eongseon Arirang" is a melancholy folk song that originated in the region. Among the various "Arirang" versions, ')eongseon Arirang" is the most popular, most well-known and oldest.

There is only one melody to ')eongseon Arirang," but over 500 sets of lyrics¡. The people have poured their heart and soul into the lyrics, reflecting their hardships throughout the years. Lyrics filled with a sense of

The residents of Gangwon-do have ~o

endure a long winter,

especially those living in the deep valleys, where huge amounts of snow fall.

Winter was once a time of virtual hibernation for the residents of Gangwon-do, but nowadays the valleys where slash-and-burn farmers lived like hermits bustle with visitors enjoying their leisure time.

void and sadness have a cathartic effect as people come to accept resignation. One version goes: "Will it snow, will it rain, will it flood uncontrollably /Dark clouds are rushing toward Mansusan/ Arirang Arirang Arariyo/ Pass me over the Arirang peak" It has a worry-filled tone that

uses the weather to suggest an unstable political climate.

Despite the changing times, people still express immediate concern and worry at the slightest inkling of heavy snowfall. Children and visitors at ski resorts, on the other hand, welcome the news of snow. At first regarded as a blessing, the snow quickly turns into a disaster when it falls for three days in a row. Silence is disrupt_ed by the sound of tree branches cracking under the weight of the snow. Roads remain closed despite the busy movement of snowplows. People, at last, succumb to the power of nature, which still possesses the ability to dictate human action and psychology.

Without showing any signs of relenting, snow on mountaintops, however, disarms itself at the first sign of spring. Snow slowly transforms from a cold radiant whiteness to green vegetation. In all seasons, Gangwon-do is home to a natural beauty that once blanketed the entire nation. • 59

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n May 2000, an ultra-big, ultramodern shopping mall opened in the Korea Trade Center, in Samseong-dong, Gangnam-gu, Seoul. Covering an area of 118,000 square meters, it is the biggest underground shopping center in Asia.

The Trade Center includes first-class hotels, a department store, Korea City Air Terminal and a convention cen. ter, while the space underneath these facilities houses diverse shopping and recreation facilities. With its longest passageway measuring 18 meters in width and 663 meters in length, the COEX Mall is a shopping center on a grand scale with some 200 diverse retail shops and all sorts of convenience facilities that attracts hordes of visitors on a daily basis.

Millennium Plaza, one of the entrances to the COEX Mall, is easily reached from the Samseong Station on subway line No. 2. It is located underneath the Korea Trade Center, which is also connected to Korea City Air Terminal, from where express

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At the Aquariwn Restaurant, enjoy their meal while a diverse visitors ~ variety of fish swim by (left).

Main entrance to the COEX Mall at night (below)

limousine buses depart to Incheon International Airport. Therefore, the COEX Mall is convenient for business travelers to Korea and foreign visitors who are only staying for a short time.

The Trade Center complex includes Korea's biggest exhibition center and a convention center, thus offering a variety of things to see and do all year round. The same applies to the COEX Mall underground.

From the beginning, the COEX Mall, an integrated shopping complex, was designed according to a detailed plan centered around a river theme: The river flows along the walkways of the shopping mall, starting at the Millennium Plaza to Summit Walk, Lake Walk, Forest Walk, and Waterfall Walk. Canyon Walk, Riverside Walk, Tropical Walk, and Ocean Walk lead to the Event Court and on to the northern end of the ASEM /

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Plaza. The river motif is not only featured in the different paths and sections of the mall, but also on the ceiling, floor, and pillars which have been designed in such a way to emphasize the image of flowing water. It is fun to see how the theme designated in the name of each walk has been brought to real life.

A good starting point for a tour around the COEX Mall is the Millennium Plaza, which expresses a primitive nature theme. From here, there are myriad retail outlets and facilities to explore. The shops feature the latest in clothing, cosmetics, accessories, eyeglasses and other products, giving a quick and overall picture of the latest trends in Korea.

The young fashion plaza, which covers an area of 3,300 square meters, is a gigantic fashion center with more than 400 separate stores. Unlike other

fashion markets in Korea, this center does not adopt a low-price approach but offers a wide range of high-quality fashion goods of various brands.

If you get hungry while shopping, you can stop at a family restaurant, McDonald's, or Burger King. While eating, you can sit back and relax and watch the people pass by. The food court offers a great variety of outlets providing customers with a wide choice of food and drink Anywhere crowds of young people gather is likely to be a place that sells leisure and sports gear or gamerelated equipment. The game-related stores sell some of the most advanced game software in the world. Because the paths of the COEX Mall are wide and the surface smooth, teenagers zoom along them on in-line skates, which are currently hugely popular in Korea. They can often be seen in a

The COEX Mall is a new cultural venue that reflects the dynamic and ever-changing tastes of Koreans.

Not only are special events, fashion, movies and games held here all year round, it is connected with hotels, a convention center, and Korea City Air Terminal. It is easily accessible for foreign visitors.

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1. cqEX Mall walkway designed to reflect the complex's water theme.

2. Fashion center offers the most recent fushion trends.

3. Music store where customers can listen to the latest hits.

4. Megabox, a 16-screen multiplex theater.

corner performing tricks on their skates surrounded by crowds of onlookers.

If you want more information about Korea, Bandi & Luni's (Latin for "fireflies" and "moonlight") is the place to go. It stocks over two million Korean and foreign books for readers of all genres. Generally, in Korean bookshops you may freely browse through 'the books even if you do not purchase anything. Bandi & Luni's has gone a step further, installing several seating areas where

customers can sit and look over books in comfort without feeling burdened to buy.

When books lose their allure, try the movies. Megabox, a cinema complex that covers an area of 21,120 square meters, offers the fun of choosing from a wide selection of movies. The 16 cinemas are classified as small, medium and large depending on the number of seats. So you can choose the movie you want to see in the type of cinema preferred, according to your personal tastes.

Dynamic Theater is equipped with 3D simulators and offers a new and different movie experience. ·· The Megabox at the COEX Mall is a popular venue for foreigners in Korea. Because it attracts so many moviegoers, Megabox always has a long line waiting in front of the box office. Here KOREANA met Craig Dowsett from Oregon, USA KOREANA: "Is this your first visit to the COEX Mall?"

Dowsett: "No. I came to Korea in April and I often come to the COEX 63

People browsing in a bookstore (above) VIsitors to the COEX Aquariwn can feel like they are inside an ocean (opposite page).

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Mall with my friends. The transportation is convenient and the facilities dean. It's a different kind of fun every time I visit."

KOREANA: "What did you do here today?"

Dowsett: "Well, I first bought some books. It's convenient because you can easily buy books in English here.

My friend will be meeting me here soon and we're going to see a movie."

KOREANA: "Have yo u seen a movie here before?"

Dowsett: "Of course. I still don't speak Korean very well so I mostly see American movies. I have always liked movies and Megabox is comfortable because the seats are big.

Westerners, who are on average bigger than Koreans, can sit in comfort.

The sound system is top rate as well and compares to the best theaters in other big cities of the world."

At the COEX Mall, it is easy to forget the passing of time. This is 64

because it is underground and brightly lit all over. And because it also has a quality ventilation system, it does not get stuffy or uncomfortable no matter how long you stay.

This much of the COEX Mall covered thus far is a not short distance.

However, there is still much more to see. One place that must not be missed _is the aquarium. Right from the entrance, which looks like shark teeth, you get the feeling of entering an undersea world. The aquarium is home to 40,000 sea creatures of 500 different kinds, while in the tunnel where the fish swim overhead you can see the menacing teeth of a giant shark up close.

Have you tried kimchi before?

Kimchi, a traditional food that is representative of Korea, has become quite popular around the world for its high nutritional content and unique taste. Anyone with an interest in Korean food should visit the Kimchi Field Museum in the COEX Mall, which gives an interesting introduction to the world of kimchi that is as diverse in type as French cheese and savory as well.

Though most of the COEX Mall is

underground, the parts that can be seen above ground are just as eyecatching. Particularly notable is the glass pyramid which stands 16.4 meters high in the center of the mall, starting underground and rising above ground. It has the same classic beauty as the Louvre pyramid designed by Ieoh Ming Pei. The COEX Mall frequently appears on TV ads. The message that the COEX Mall has it all is conveyed in various ways and anyone who has visited it will certainly agree. It is especially attractive for young people, for the game center and events that are staged in the central plaza as well as the dance parties held in the nightclubs. The unique interior decorated according to a unified theme also makes it popular for family outings. Moreover, since it is connected with a first-class hotel and convention center, it is easily accessible for foreigners and an ideal place to experience diverse aspects of Korea during a short stay.

"You must be competitive to survive." This is the slogan that is catching on among Korean markets that are becoming more large-scale and intc:grated in function. The COEX Mall reflects this trend most adeptly.

It also vividly expresses the Korean love of dynamism and change, thus having a different kind of appeal from traditional Korean markets.

There is a saying that to know the people of a country you should first visit its markets. The COEX Mall in the heart of Seoul, a metropolis of ten million people, is a Korean market that e mbraces the people of the world. Consisting of exciting, interesting and creatively designed spaces, it is where you ca n experience the vitality of the Korean people. •

CUISINE

Dongji Patju Winter Solstice Favorite Dispels Misfortune in the Coming Year Koo Chun-sur, World Food Research Institute Suh}ai-s~, PhotograJ)her

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Winter solstice, or Dongji, that falls on December 22, is when night is the longest and daylight is the shortest.

Adzuki bean gruel, or patjuk, is a delicacy enjoyed on this day.

It contains small dumplings made of rice powder, the number of which should match the person's age.

The red color of the adzuki bean is believed to dispel bad luck and signal good fortune for the coming year.

hildren in Western countries enjoy listening to fairy tales such as "Cinderella." The memories of listening to such stories last lifetime. Korean children also enjoy a similar story known as "Konjui-Patjui," a story of unknown origin that has been passed down orally from generation to generation.

Children would empathize with the main character, experiencing joy and anger while listening to the story.

Once upon a time, during the midJoseon Dynasty (1392-1910), there lived a government official named Choe Man-chun. He lived a happy life in Jeollanam-do province, renowned as the breadbasket of the country, with his wife Cho and a daughter Konjui. But his wife Cho suddenly died of illness. Most government officials in those days were financially well off, so Choe remarried a widow named Bae. They had a daughter named Patjui. For whatever reason, Patjui was a mean-tempered girl. In fact, Konjui's stepmother Bae, and stepsister Patjui, began to abuse Konjui in every way they could

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Dongji Adzuki Bean Gruel and Mulgimchi

think of. Fortunately, a fairy came to Konjui's rescue and she was abje to marry the top official of the county.

Konjui's stepmother and Patjui then came up with a wicked plan to get rid of Konjui, and they succeeded by drowning her in a pond. Konjui, however, returns to life and takes revenge against her stepmother and stepsister.

As a result of hearing the tale of "Konjui-Patjui" as a child, Koreans often develop strong impressions about kong (bean) and pat (red bean). Adzuki is a bean whose red color is believed by many Koreans to possess the power to dispel demons.

The red color is also linked to concepts of yin yang and the Five Elements (metal, wood, water, fire, earth), the foundation of Oriental medicine. According to the principles of yin yang and the Five Elements, all matters pertaining to humans and the universe can be explained through yin and yang. The creation and destruction of all things are explained by the transformation of the Five Elements, while the five colors-blue, red, yellow, white, and black-are identified with the Five Elements.

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An offering ofbean gruel is made at the ancestral shrine (right) as well as the sauce jar terrace (above) and applied on buildings to scare away bad spirits.

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Wmter Solstice and Celebrations In the beginning, humans lacked an understanding of how nature worked.

One of the natural phenomena that especially mystified the people was the cycle of night and day. Especially for those living around the earth's mid-latitude, the changing of the seasons further added to their confusion.

Moreover, they were intrigued by natural phenomena such as thunder, rain, and clouds, while fearing fierce animals and disease. Faith or religion, which originated from such fears, developed to take on a more systematic approach to understanding natural phenomena as society evolved from food-gathering to agriculture.

Stars, which were first thought to appear in the same place in the sky, were later discovered to move around during a year. The sun, the biggest star, rose in the morning and set at night.

The changes of the sun were relatively easy to understand compared 68

to 路that of the moon. The moon not only appeared at night but also could often be seen during daytime. Its shape also changed from a full circle to a half circle and then disappeared.

As the tide also changed with the seasons, depending on the cycle of the moon, they thus discovered a natural cycle that repeated itself. 路 Observing that the cycle of the moon repeated itself 12 times a year, people began to develop calendars.

People also found that the daytime hours would shorten and lengthen during a year. A shorter daytime meant colder weather and longer nights, which was accompanied by a fear of the unknown. Fortunately, daytime would begin to lengthen at a certain point, which is now referred to as the winter solstice.

Longer sunlight symbolizes the beginning of brighter days. Ancient Koreans called this day Ase, and also referred to it as "little new year's day."

Daytime begins to shorten from the

summer solstice and becomes the shortest on the winter solstice.

Daytime, in turn, begins to lengthen starting with the winter solstice, the day on which "the sun returns from the dead." People thus celebrated this day and prepared a feast for the God of the Sun. In Korea, adzuki bean gruel with sm~ l dumplings was prepared on the winter solstice. The number of dumplings would match the diner's age, while the red color of the gruel was believed to dispel evil spirits.

The bean gruel was 路路 sometimes applied to the doors of a house to discourage demons from entering.

Servings of the gruel were offered at the ancestral shrine, as well as to the gods of each room of the house, storage areas, and the sauce jar terrace.

Family members would gather afterward to eat the gruel after it cooled down.

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LIVING

Revival of Traditional Furniture Choi Tae-won, Freelance Writer Suh}ai-sik, Photographer

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ike most things made by man, furniture reflects the external conditions that surround us. If the "bones" of a piece of furniture can be said to be the materials of which it is made, then its "flesh" is the natural environment, national character, and such lifestyle aspects as housing, food, and clothing. This is as true for the furniture of Finns, who live among dense forests and lakes, as it is for Italians, influenced by the mild Mediterranean climate.

Korean furniture, too, developed in response to external circumstances.

Fitted together by framing techniques that are not dependent on glue or nails, the modest size and balanced proportions of Korean furniture • were influenced by the lifestyle of ancient Koreans and the land where they lived.

A traditional Korean house is .1 humid during summer, but in winter the underfloor heating makes the air very dry. Wood swells when moist and shrinks when dry. It was thus to prevent damage from this seasonal expansion and contraction that the Korean method of framing furniture was devised. The design of traditional --<. furniture is also the product of the Korean custom of sitting on the floor.

Korean furniture is low in height for easy use by someone seated on the floor, and for storage of traditional clothing that does not need to be hung up right in a wardrobe.

Most wood used for traditional furniture comes from the trunks of mature trees. But in Korea, mature trees are frequently rotted-out and

hollow at the center, which makes it difficult to obtain boards that are wide and thick. This drawback is turned into practical and aesthetic advantages by using numerous small pieces of wood and creating attractive designs out of their varied lines and surfaces.

Due to various influences, it is inevitable for furniture to change with the times. As Koreans gradually adopted Western modes of dress, food, and sleeping, they spent more time standing or sitting on chairs instead of sitting on the floor, and their furniture changed accordingly.

With the spread of apartment living came a natural demand for convenient, f).mctional furnishings. Thus,

mass-produced brand-name furniture gained ground at the expense of traditional wooden furniture and accessories, which were left to be rummaged through by collectors in the antique markets of Insa-dong and Janganpyeong, or preserved as artifacts in museums.

But today, this long-forgotten traditional furniture is again enjoying a place in everyday life. The all-purpose bandaji chest, once found in every room from the master bedroom to the rice pantry, now appears in the living room in place of an etagere, while the chantak cupboard now holds a stereo or TV instead of food and dishes. The yakjang medicine chest, which can still be seen at ...

Traditional low desk complemented by customary items (opposite page) Three-tier chests decorated with longevity symbols (right)

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Oriental pharmacies, now tends to be used as an organizer for everyday articles instead of household medicines. Compact traditional furniture makes efficient use of space and avoids the heavy, oppressive feeling of bulky modern furniture. Its renewed popularity is also reflected in the growing number of social clubs for amateur woodworkers.

Why is traditional furniture enjoying this sudden comeback? Is it simply that fashion is cyclical? Is it part of the current yearning for things of long ago? Or is it yet another manifestation of the globalization catchphrase, "The most local (Korean) is the most global?" But a local development often follows a global trend, and Korea's traditional furniture boom seems closely related to the latest international trends in furniture design.

At the International Furniture Fair 2002 in Cologne, Germany, which provides a comprehensive view of the latest trends in furniture design, much attention was focused on "Zen style." Western interest in Zen Buddhism began with meditation and related religious practices, but nowadays it has spread to material objects, including clothing and furniture. Subtle changes in Western living styles have led to low beds with the mattress close to the floor like a Korean botyo, and tables designed for sitting on the floor.

The popularity of this Zen style was confirmed at the Milan Furniture Fair, known as the "Olympics of the furniture industry." Much of the furniture exhibited at this year's fair consisted of low, wide beds, low sofas with practically no legs, and chests of drawers or wardrobes with paired doors like those of traditional Korean furniture. Oriental spatial concepts like the use of empty borders, Zen aesthetics, and the colors of nature, seemed well-suited to European tastes and sentiments. The materials also showed a growing popularity of ramie fabric and bamboo.

The Zen style goes hand-in-hand with a trend toward Orientalism and natt,Jralism that is spreading rapidly throughout the entire design field.

Much discussed since the late 20th century, Orientalism represents what might be called a spiritual character of furniture. It is not so much a vague longing for the mystery of an exotic civilization as a reaction to the materialism of the West and a borrowing of Eastern spirituality and philosophy for Western expression.

The most conspicuous characteristic of Orientalism in domestic furniture is an introspection that stresses restraint and simple, orderly forms. A piece of furniture is no longer simply an object for convenience in daily life. It now serves as a mediator, smoothing out discord between man and space, or a means of communication that can bring a sense of spiritual bliss and comfort to the weary and downhearted.

In the headlong mechanization of Western society that followed the

A cedar chest typically used for stming books or clothes is today used as a cabinet or console (left).

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Industrial Revolution of the 18th century, a plethora of convenient products became readily available. Industrial development led to standardized mass production and mass consumption, while Descartes' dictum "I think therefore I am," gave way to "I consume therefore I am."

But as consumption burgeoned, so did the production of industrial waste. The other side of the coin of material abundance was environmental pollution and the destruction of natural ecosystems. And that's not all.

With the emergence of what Alvin Toffler called the "Third Wave"- the

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information society-that made possible incredible advancement in technology, people found themselves deluged with an excess of information in a hyper-competitive society.

Whatever is excessive must overflow, and that which overflows will need a new vessel to contain it. Like a patient suffering from a respiratory ailment who needs fresh air, Western society needed breathing space. This is undoubtedly why Westerners have recently taken such a keen interest in naturalism. And this international trend has influenced Korean society as well. Always sensi-

tive to fashion, Korean designers have been quick to keep pace with the international currents. At the same time, the financial crisis in 1997 redirected Korea's social ethos away from a "money talks" mindset, with little regard for human welfare, and toward a humbler, simpler lifestyle in which the "natural" look of traditional wooden furniture was very much at home.

The revival of traditional furniture is also underpinned by the advent of a fully developed appreciation of beauty among Koreans. Modernization in Korea was always equated

with Westernization. Intellectuals judged everything by Western standards and accepted Western values as superior. Reflection on this fallacy has thus raised issues of identity: What is it that truly impresses Koreans? What makes something "Korean?" This has been another factor in the traditional furniture revival.

Somokjang, the woodcraftsmen who make traditional wooden furniture, gather their wood in winter when growth is halted and tree sap is dried up. Only then is the wood suitable for making furniture. Once cut, the wood is stacked up and left to 73

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dry outside for several years.

Knowing when the wood is ready is an important facet of the somokjang's expertise. Making furniture is a process of coming to understand the supple yet durable quality of the wood. The somokjang does not rush, but patiently listens for the resonance of the wood, while the wood, likewise, responds to the call of the somokjang.

Traditional furniture is born of this natural and intimate relationship between the somokjang and his wood. Its distinguishing features are simple beauty, exquisite craftmanship, and functional design. Since the natural wood is finished with camellia or pine-nut oil rather than varnish, its quality and appearance will be enhanced with usage.

Furniture designed for living close to the floor can create drawbacks if

A piece of furniture is no longer simply an object for convenience in daily life.

It now serves as a mediator, smoothing out discord between man and space, or a means of communication that can create spiritual bliss and comfort for the weary and downhearted. not adjusted for today's users, since lifestyles and culture have changed so dramatically since olden times.

Accordingly, Korean furniture companies are consulting with traditional furniture craftsmen and cultural specialists in their efforts to develop hybrid; neo-traditional designs. Their

goal is to produce furniture that preserves the essence of traditional qualities but is better suited to today's "standing" lifestyle.

Traditional Korean furniture enables users to enjoy a sence of balanced spatial aesthetics. Western furniture, with its technical excellence and exuberant, elaborate design, is impressive in external appearance, but lacks the subtleties of modesty and restraint. In a competitive society where the strong trample the weak and everyone scrambles to get ahead, traditional furniture can open a deep inner world. Spatial compositions of large and small parts, coloring that ripens naturally with age, and wood grain as elegant as a painting-these are all natural aspects, not art~ficl.

And this is why traditional wooden furniture is so beloved by Koreans. â&#x20AC;˘

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okdo, the easternmost island group of Korea, is located 92 kilometers southeast of Ulleungdo Island. Its exact location is 131° east longitude and 37onorth latitude, while its address is 1-37 Dokdo-ri, Ullung-eup, Ullung-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do province. It is about 18.6 square kilometers in area, spanning about 400 meters in length and width.

Dokdo is a volcanic island group that was formed approximately 2 million to 4.6 million years ago by an undersea eruption. The Dokdo volcano is an enormous cone, with a huge underwater volcanic base measuring approximately 20-25 kilometers in diameter at its base, 10 kilometers in diameter at its top and standing approximately 2 kilometers in 78

height. The island group, which was formed entirely from lava, consists of 36 large and small volcanic islands, including east and west islands.

Aside from a relatively small area halfway up its slope, the eastern island cliffs are treacherous with a severe slope of 60 degrees or greater.

In the center is a large, round crater connected to the ocean by a cave that runs to the northeast. The western island is considerably higher and steeper than the eastern island. The cliffs in all directions are so precipitous that it is extremely difficult to approach the summit. The reefs to the north and west of the island are relatively wide and well-formed.

Interestingly, between the eastern and western island, which stand side by side like brothers, is a strait. This

strait, which is approximately 150 meters in width, 330 meters in length, and 10 meters deep, separates as well as connects the two islands. In addition. to the eastern and western islands, there are 34 other volcanic islets, known as Seal Rock, Independence Gate Rock, Candlestick Rock, and Face Rock, according to their appearance.

The Dokdo Islands enjoy a moderate maritime climate due to the warm ocean currents that flow by. The average temperature is 1° Celsius in winter Qanuary) and 23° Celsius in summer (August). 'The average yearly rainfall is 1,324 millimeters. There are often rainy or snowy days throughout the year, and there is also much fog, making clear days a rarity (only about 57 per year).

The seas between Dongdo and Seodo (opposite page) Sunset at Seodo (right) Wmter at Dokdo (right below)

Due to strong prevailing sea winds and rocky, barren soil, vegetation does not grow well on the islands.

The soil does not retain water very ' well, and if no rain or snow falls for some time, the islands suffer severe drought. The intersection of warm and cold currents around the island / group is also a factor in Dokdo's unique climate.

Historically, Dokdo has been part of Korean territory since 512 (the 13th year of the reign of Silla King Jijeung), ¡~ when Silla absorbed Usanguk. This fact is recorded twice in Samguksagi (The History of Three Kingdoms), in -"" Silla's records of the 13th year of King Jijeung's reign, and the biography of Yi Sabu. Usanguk included Ulleungdo and Usando (called Matsushima in Japan before 1880) when it was absorbed by Silla, which is recorded in a number of ancient texts including Sejongsillokjiriji (Gazetteer of the Annals of King Sejong) published in 1481; Sinjeungdonggukyeojiseungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) published in 1531; Mangiyoram (Guidebook of State Affairs); and Jeungbomunheonbigo (The Augmented Reference Compilation of Documents).

After Japan plundered Ulleungdo, incurring heavy human casualties, King Taejong of the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) ordered the residents of Ulleungdo be brought to the mainland in 1417, under an "empty island" policy that prohibited people from residing on the islands due to concerns for their safety. This "empty island" policy for Ulleungdo was then repealed in 1883 when King Gojong implemented a resettlement policy and allowed residents to return to the island.

In 1849, the French whaler Liancour~

after observing and surveying Dokdo, named the island group after their ship, calling them the Liancourt Rocks. After this, many Western maps and geography texts identified Dokdo as the Liancourt Rock Islands.

According to the Japanese government, the first Japanese text to mention Dokdo is Onshushichogoki (Records of Observations of Onshu).

However, according to this text, Dokdo (called Matsushima in Japan at that time) and Ulleungdo (called 79

The Dokdo Islands are rich in marine life, inhabited by a variety of fish and shellfish, and a popular resting place for sea birds. Recently, the islands have served as an inspiration for the creative energies of Korean artists. The islands are now being transformed from a historical location into an ecological treasure house and cultural and artistic attraction.

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Takeshima in Japan at that time) were part of Goryeo territory, with Japan's northwestern limit being clearly delineated as Oki Island, thus confirming that Dokdo and Ulleungdo were part of Korean territory.

During the Tokugawa period, Japan recognized and respected the fact that Ulleungdo and Dokdo were part of Joseon territory. For example, the distinguished Japanese scholar Hayashi Shihei (1738-1793) produced two maps, "A Map of Three Adjoining Countries" (Sangoku setsuchizu) and "A Map of the Japan Empire" (Nihontaigokuchizu), in which he identified national boundaries and territories by using different colors for each nation, yellow for Joseon and green for Japan. He placed Ulleungdo and Dokdo at their proper locations and not only colored them yellow, but also noted "Belonging to Joseon" next to the islands, clearly recognizing them as Joseon territory.

In addition, in 1876, the Department of the Interior of Japan's Meiji government ordered each prefecture 80

to draw a map of its territory for a national geographic survey and map prdduction initiative. At this time, the governor of Shimane Prefecture asked the Department of the Interior whether Takeshima (Ulleungdo) and Matsushima (Dokdo) should be included in the Shimane Prefecture map and geographical survey. After spending a little over five months researching materials related to Ulleungdo and Dokdo, such as documents that had been passed back and forth between Japan and Joseon at the end of the 17th century, the Japanese Department of the Interior concluded that Takeshima and Matsushima were Joseon territory and were thus "of no concern to Japan."

Until December 1904, there were numerous Korean and Japanese texts indicating that Dokdo was Korean territory, but no document indicating that Dokdo was Japanese territory.

This is because it was an obvious historical fact that Dokdo was Korean territory.

On January 28, 1905, the Japanese government decided at a cabinet meeting that, since Dokdo had been ownerless up until then, it would be incorporated into Japanese territory.

However, knowing full well that Dokdo was Korean territory, the Japanese government did not conduct an inquiry, issue a report to the Korean government, or print this news in the regular government documents, only publishing a small notice in fine print in the Shimane Prefecture report on February 22, 1905, so as to not raise attention from the Korean government and people.

In 1910 Japan annexed ¡au of Korea . as a colony. When Korea was liberated on August 15, 1945, based on the Cairo Declaration, the Potsdam Declaration, and the document of Japan's surrender, the Supreme Command for the Allied Powers (SCAP) ordered that all "territories seized through violence or greed or wars of aggression after 1894" be returned to their original owners. To this effect, on January 29, 1946, the

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SCAP (the U.S. military government in Korea at the time) had Dokdo permanently excluded from Japanese territory and returned to Korea under international law (SCAP Instruction SCAPIN No. 677). Thereafter, on June 22, 1946, SCAP ordered that Japanese fishermen could not approach within 12 miles of Dokdo and its territorial waters (SCAPIN No. 1033). These measures further confirmed, under modern international law, Korea's ownership of Dokdo.

1. Sea urchins 2. Sea anemones 3. Sulpaeraengi blossom in the snow 4. Seagulls fly by the navigation assistance station on Dokdo

When the Republic of Korea was established on August 15, 1948, the U.S. military government transferred Dokdo to Korea. The United Nations recognized the Republic of Korea on December 12, 1948, as well as its control over the Korean peninsula and ancillary islands, including Dokdo.

At the time that the government of the Republic of Korea was established in 1948, Dokdo was also transferred to Korean control from the U.S. military government in accordance with international law. Since then, Korea has exercised continuous practical control over the island group until this day. Therefore, Dokdo is clearly the territory of the Republic of Korea, both historically and by modern international law.

Efforts are now under way to pro-

mote a cultural understanding of Dokdo from a contemporary point of view. As part of the Dokdo Cultural Awareness Campaign, the Seoul N:ational University Museum has held two special modern art exhibitions on Dokdo since 2001: "History, Understanding and Dokdo" in 2001, and "History, Understanding and the Scenery of Dokdo" in 2002.

Th~ painters and photographers invited to these exhibitions expressed the essence of Dokdo in a variety of ways.

The artists captured Korean cultural sensibilities as well as traditional aesthetics and values in ink drawings, while also creating realistic landscape paintings reflecting the beauty and mystery of Dokdo. One eye-catching work fantastically captures the con81

stellation of the Dokdo Islands in blue-green imagery. The exhibited works show that Dokdo is no longer a lonely island group located on the outer edge of the Korean peninsula, but has been reborn as a fertile ground that can inspire the creativity of artists. Dokdo is now taking on a cultural and artistic prominence in addition to its historic significance.

In 1997, the Dokdo Museum was established on Ulleungdo, nearby Dokdo. Lee Jong-hak, the first director of the museum, displays a diversity - of materials related to Dokdo gathered at home and abroad over a period of some 30 years, as well as the personal effects of the late Hong Sunchi!, chief of the Dokdo Volunteer Garrison, and materials donated by the Dokdo Volunteer Garrison Fellowship and the Society for a Green Dokdo. The Dokdo Museum regularly unearths and collects mate/ rials related to Dokdo. It also engages in exhibitions, education, and publicity based on the results of this research, striving to promote Dokdo as an important historical and cultural ¡ ~ landmark of Korea.

Because Dokdo is an island group, freshwater is always scarce, while its -"" strong, salty sea winds make for a highly inhospitable environment for plants and animals. However, despite the barren environment, there are insects, sea birds and marine life that make Dokdo their home. In particular, the ocean around Dokdo, where warm and cold currents intersect, is

rich in marine life, home to a variety of fish and shellfish such as whale, octopus, pollack, saury, squid, shrimp, abalone, turbo, and sea cucumber.

Among these, abalone, turbines and crabs are considered Dokdo's most valuable marine resources.

Dokdo is also a popular rest stop for sea birds. It is well known as a nesting place for the storm petrel, streaked shearwater, and black-tailed gull, and is inhabited by 22 species of birds, including the kestrel, osprey, and Naumann's thrush. In order to protect the rare birds that gather here, the Korean government designated Dokdo as Natural Monument No. 336 in November 1982. In this way, it has become a sanctuary for migratory birds to rest their tired wings, and a residence for 7 orders, 26 families and 37 species of insects, including dragonflies, earwigs,

grasshoppers, ground beetles and butterflies.

Due to Dokdo's strong sea winds and barren soil, only a few types of plants originally grew in the cracks between the rocks. However, pine trees, camellias, black pines, spindle trees, wild grapes and other types of trees have been transplanted here, thereby adorning these islands with their flowers. Many plants commonly found on the mainland can be seen on the islands, such as dandelions, wood sorrel, foxtails, finger grass, purslane, wild spinach and plantains.

Holly ferns grow wild near the crater on the eastern island and along the cliffs of the western island. As such, Dokdo, a rich natural environment with a diverse ecosystem, is scheduled to be designated part of the Ulleungdo National Marine Park, perhaps by 2004. â&#x20AC;˘

Crater at Dokdo, SonJang-seob, watercolor, 2002 (opposite page, top) Greeting the Stars at Dokdo, MinJoung-ki, oil, 2002 (opposite page, below) Dokdo, Park Dae-sung, ink, 2002 (right)

83

MASTERPIECES

Sarira Casket of Gameunsa Temple Quintessence of Korean Buddhist Craftsmanship Shin Dae-hyun (Text and photographs) Research Institute of Temple Culture

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ameunsa Temple was dedicated in 682 to the memory of King Munmu by his son King Sinmun soon after Silla unified the Korean peninsula by defeating the neighboring Goguryeo and Baekje kingdoms. According to legend, King Munmu, having unified the peninsula, vowed that he would become a dragon in the East Sea to protect Silla from Japanese marauders from across the sea. Traces of an underground tunnel from the temple to the sea were found during excavations of Gameunsa in 1959 and 1979, suggesting that it was not just a legend but a Silla belief that the dragon came to the temple at night to rest.

A pair of three-story stone pagodas still stands on the Gameunsa site.

Designated National Treasure No. 112, they are representative of the Silla stone pagodas of the late seventh century. A sarira reliquary was recovered from the west pagoda when it was dismantled for repairs in 1959. It has since been designated Treasure No. 366. Another reliquary was found in the east pagoda when it was dismantled for maintenance in 1996.

A sarira reliquary is a container made to enshrine the sari, or calcified 84

Lavish and elaborate, the sarira casket of Gameunsa Temple is recognized as the quintessence of Korean Buddhist craftsmanship.

Unique in design and form, it is the result of the innovativeness of the Silla artists who created their own style after absorbing influences from China, India and Persia.

remains, from the cremation of Buddha or renowned monks. The practice of enshrining sari in reliquaries began in India, where Buddhism was founded, and was transmitted to China, Korea and Japan, in that order, as well as various Southeast Asian countries. The reliquaries recovered from the Gameunsa pagodas are similar in style with slight differences in detail, but the one from the east pagoda has been better preserved.

The Gameunsa reliquary introduced here is from the east pagoda. It is a masterpiece recognized as the quintessence of Korean Buddhist craftsmanship. It is composed of an outer casket and an inner casket. The outer casket is square, with a cover, and stands 23.6 centimeters in height.

Figures of Sacheonwang (Lokapalas) who guard th e Buddha Land are .carved in relief on its four sides, in keeping with the belief that the reliquary that enshrines the most sacred sarira is itself a Buddha Land. The Lokapalas are remarkably realistic and reflect influences of fourth and fifth century Chinese and Persian styles, proof that the Unified Silla Kingdom enjoyed active cultural exchanges with foreign countries far and wide. The pyramidal cover of

the casket is also remarkable for its unique shape.

The inner casket is especially elaborate. As the sarira of the Buddha was revered like the Buddha himself, the inner casket was designed with the thought that it was a structure where the Buddha would be seated.

The casket thus includes a foundation, upon which there is a sarira seat to hold the sarira bottle, and above it, a canopy that represents the roof of a building.

The foundation .is 6.5 centimeters high and three-tiered, with each tier being separately prepared for assembly. The lowest tier is decorated with an arabesque pattern along with 48 lotus petals. Since 48 is a multiple of 8, a number held sacred in Buddhism, the number of lotus petals must have been intentional. A lion stands at each corner of the lo west tier.

Although they are only 2.3-2.8 cen/ timeters in height, all four lions are quite detailed with different expressions and postures. As lions are not native to Korea, the sculptures must have been the result of influences from Persia.

The middle tier is highly sculpted, with tiny bodhisattva guardians of --<. Buddha, with their body details, expressions, and clothing exquisitely depicted despite their diminutive size.

The uppermost tier is surrounded by 64 lotus petals, another reflection of Buddhist symbolism, much like the 48 lotus petals of the lower tier.

Atop the foundation sits a 3.65-centimeter-high crystal sarira bottle. The bottle has a hexagonal cover lavishly decorated in gold filigree. A total of 54 sarira are enshrined in the bottle.

The canopy is supported by four bamboo-shaped columns extending from the four corners of the uppermost tier. It is fashioned like a Persian-style roof, very similar to the roof of No. 285 grotto, one of the earliest Makgogul, and No. 390 of the Sui-Tang period of Tunhuang Caves in China. The underside of the canopy is decorated with seven boatshaped ornaments; four are flowers

in full bloom and three are bodhisattvas. Though their details are not clear, the bodhisattvas are seated on lotus pedestals and their hands are clasped together below their chests.

The Gameunsa reliquary has no equal in terms of the exquisiteness of its Korean Buddhist craftsmanship. Its unique design is not found in other countries such as India or China, from where Buddhist influences originated. It is an eloquent example of Silla's global interaction and artistic creativity that blended foreign elements from India, China and Persia into a unique Korean style. â&#x20AC;˘

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Lokapala, a guardian of Buddhism, carved in relief on the side of the outer casket (opposite page) The inner casket (right)

85

ART REVIEW

Contemporary Korean Photography Promoting a Global as well as Local Presence }in Dong-sun Photo Critic

hotography was first introduced to Koreans around 1880. With a relatively short history of 120 years, only recently has photography been able to gain the recognition it deserves in Korea. It was in the late 1980s that photography first began to be regarded as an art form in Korea.

Thanks to its dynamic economic development that enabled the sue-

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86

cessful hosting of the 1986 Asian Games and the 1988 Seoul Olympics, Korean photography entered the international scene with support from the Korean government, which implemented the active opening of local markets to the outside world. In turn, the photography of other countries found its way to the Korean public.

Two exhibitions- "Photography,

New Wave" held at the Walker Hill Gallery in 1988, and "Horizon of Korean Photography," held at the Total Museum in Jangheung, Gyeonggi-do province in 1991paved the way for opening a new era in Korean photography. The exhibitions reflected the modern artistic capability of Korea's photography community as well as its efforts to introduce itself to the world.

DreamingofDeliverance 2, Lee Gap-chul, Haeinsa, 1993 (opposite page) Sea Series, Bae Bien-u, 2002 (above) / Pine Tree Series, Bae Bien-u, 1992 (below)

Korea 's

photography circles to reach a global audience while at the same time striving to attain domestic recognition. Such efforts included active training and education programs, with many students going abroad to study advanced photography. Those who returned became photographers who laid the cornerstones to improve the quality of photography in Korea. The past 20 years have been an especially dynamic period for Korean photography. Much of the time was spent on building a foundation, filling in the gaps and steadily maturing. Specialized training, building infrastructure for exhibitions, publishing journals to promote critical review, and holding private as well as group exchange exhibitions were all part of the efforts to enhance the quality of Korean photography and gain recognition in the international arena. In response to such efforts, the Korean government designated 1998 as "The Year of Photography," giving impetus endav

¡ or~d

to Korean photographers' attempts to establish a global presence.

In 1998, the Museum of Contemporary Photography of Chicago invited Korean photographers to participate in a touring exhibition of the United States entitled "Alienation and Assimilation." In 2000, the Houston Photo Festival invited Korean photographers to present their works in a Korean .Contemporary Photography exhibition to introduce Korean photography to the world.

These two exhibitions, for which a group of Korean artists gathered for the first time to present Korean photography to a global audience, enabled Korea's leading photographers, including Koo Bohn-chang, Bae Bienu, Atta Kim, Min Byung-hun, Lee Jung-jin, Lee Gap-chul, and Oh Hyung-kuhn, to gain international exposure.

The two exhibitions were historically significant as Korean photography was at the center of the world spotlight. Works by Koo Bohn-chang 87

The past 20 years have been an especially dynamic period for Korean photography.

Active international exchange introduced the unique artistic sentiments of Korean photography abroad while a variety of events held in Korec;t expanded public interest in the art noticeably.

Hands ofTime, Koo Bohn-chang, gelatine silver plint, 1996

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and Bae Bien-u received critical acclaim at the "Alienation and Assimilation" exhibition organized by the Museum of Contemporary Photography of Chicago, while Atta Kim laid the groundwork for establishing herself as an international artist with her dynamic works at the Houston Photo Festival.

Korean photographers have relentlessly pursued efforts to gain global recognition. In 2000, the Odense Foto Triennale, held every three years in the city of Odense, Denmark, invited Korean photographers to introduce modern Korean photography to European viewers.

The International Fototage Herten of Germany invited Korean photographers in 2001, followed by the Korean Photography Today exhibition at Montpellier in 2002 that showed the works of young Korean artists. Works by Lee Gap-chul and Gang Jae-hun received much praise and interest during the Montpellier event. Exchange exhibitions among 88

Asian countries, including Korea , China, Japan, and Taiwan, also reflect collaborative endeavors to promote Asian photography throughout the world.

Korean photography, however, is not preoccupied with ex pansion beyond our borders. World-class exhibitions and events to facilitate interaction with the Korean public have been held, triggering an explosive increase in the number of photo exhibitions throughout the nation.

The level of popularity is truly unprecedented, with interest pouring in from local governments and prominent art galleries.

Daelim Museum, a gallery specializing in photography, has held a number of international exhibitions, as has the Gana Art Museum, which in 2001 and 2002 presented the Gana Art Photo Festival, reflecting international trends of the photography world. The Samsung Museum of Modern Arts also hosted a large-scale American Modern Photo Exhibition,

contributing to the popularity of photography among the general public.

Commercial galleries have also organized exhibitions by worldrenowned photographers on an individual basis, another sign of photography's fast-rising popularity in Korea. Local governments have also jumped on the photography bandwagon. Youngwol-gun, Gangwon-do pro~ince has designated a photo village and held the Donggang Photo Festival, the first-ever photo exhibition by a local government. Hanam City, Gyeonggi-do province followed in its footsteps with the Hanam International Photo Festival in 2002.

Behind the scenes are leading artists, such as Koo Bohn-chang, Bae Bien-u, Atta Kim, Mim Byung-hun, and Lee Jung-jin, to name a few, who are actively promoting their art in Korea as well as abroad. It is through their unique and artistic talents that Korean photography has been able to realized a growing appreciation among world audiences. â&#x20AC;˘

HÂ¥eon Jin-geon

Witness of History and Pioneer of Realism Novelist Hyeon Jin-geon Kim U-jong Literary Critic

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yeon Jin-geon (pen n;;tme Bingheo) was born in Daegu in 1900, the son of Hyeon Gyeong-un, a post office manager. At an early age, he was sent to Tokyo to study at Seijo Middle School, and then studied German at Hujiang University in Shanghai, before returning home to Korea. He began his literary career with the short story "Sacrificial Flowers," which was published in the literary journal Gaebyeok in 1920. The story received a scathing review from poet Hwang Suk-woo: " 'Sacrificial Flowers' is not a work of fiction. I don't know what Hyeon was thinking when he wrote it. It is neither a story nor a confession, but a piece of nondescript prose that records the facts just as they are, without bothering to give them any kind of artistic form."

Hwang's criticism might have made Hyeon's literary career short-lived. Yet Hwang himself, as well as such writers as Yi Gwang-su, Kim Dong-in, and Na Do-hyang made their literary debuts by publishing pieces which were not particularly well-received.

Although Hyeon was singled out for derision by Hwang, he soon began to demonstrate noteworthy potentiaL The following year, he began to publish such works as "The Destitute Wife," "A Society That Drives You to 90

Drink," "The Degenerate," "A Lucky Day," and "Fire." In these works, he distinguished himself among his fellow contributors to the journal Baekjo as an exceptional short story .writer and literary realist who would leave a significant mark on modern Korean literature.

However, from around 1927, when the proletarian literature movement was. at its peak, he essentially abandoned creative writing to devote himself to journalism, which served as an outlet for his nationalism. In 1936, while working for the Dong-A llbo newspaper, Korean runner Sohn Kee-chung won the marathon at the Berlin Olympics that year. In its coverage of this event, Dong-A llbo published Son's photograph, enlarged to about twice the size of a postcard, with the Japanese flag on his jersey obliterated such that it was indistinguishable. As head of the newspaper's culture department, Hyeon was arrested by the Japanese colonial authorities for this act of subversion, along with a photojournalist, and thrown in jail for a year. In 1939, the serialized publication of his historical novel Heukchisangji in the newspaper was halted when it was deemed ideologically unsound. Then, in 1943, just two years prior to Korea's liberation from colonial rule, Hyeon succumbed to illness.

Baekjo (White Tide) was one of the three leading Korean literary journals of the 1920s, along with Changjo (Creation) and Pyehro (Ruins). Although Hyeon was affiliated with Baekjo, the most romantic of the three, unlike his associates he was deeply concerned with the tragic plight of his. country.

"Nothing exists apart from time and place," he wrote in the January 1922 issue of Baekjo. "It's time to stop walking on the moon. It's time to stop playing in the clouds. As Korean writers, I believe we must stand firmly on Korean ground" This statement confirms that, despite his affiliation with Baekjo, Hyeon pursued his own literary path above all. Indeed, his call to stop "walking on the moon" and "playing in the clouds" indicated that he was moving in an opposite direction from the dreamers of Baekjo. On close examination, the statement succinctly reveals Hyeon's literary philosophy. First, he chose a path of realism as a witness to ¡social and historical truth. Second, while embracing a strong nationalist consciousness, he rejected any literature that ignored the reality experienced by the Korean people. Both these aspects can be seen in his representative work, "A Lucky Day" (1924).

"Don't go out today. Please, for my sake, stay home today. I'm terribly

sick. .. " she said, her voice a murmur like the buzz of a mosquito, her breathing labored. Kim Cheomji made light of it. "What are you saying? You should be whipped, talking nonsense like that. Who do you think will feed and look after us if we sit here holding each other?"

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Thus, rickshaw-puller Kim Cheomji, ignores his dying wife's plea that he not go to work This is the kind of dilemma that people living in poverty are faced with. -But beneath his seemingly uncaring exterior, Kim Cheomji's heart bleeds for his wife, and even while pulling his rickshaw he stops and stands still, staring into space. On this day, at last, he is able to buy a bowl of stew to take home to his wife. But his wife is already dead.

What Hyeon sought to express through this incident was the extreme suffering that the impoverished Korean people endured under Japanese colonial rule, and especially the cruel reality that for the lower classes there would be no miraculous stroke of luck For even on the day when Kim Cheomji is lucky enough to earn a few coppers for a decent meal, his wife has already passed away, ending in another personal tragedy.

Whereas "A Lucky Day" depicts the suffering of the laboring classes, "A Society That Drives You to Drink" (1921) focuses on the travails of intellectuals. The husband comes home drunk every night. Previously, when he returned from studying in Japan, his wife was filled with high hopes for his future, but all she sees everyday is her husband fretting to himself and drinking. He tries to explain to her why he drinks: "It's this societyour Korean society-that drives me to drink It's my good fate to have

been born in Korea ... " To which his wife, who does not understand the word "society," responds: "You don't have to visit that 'society' place every day, even though it's in Korea."

This dialogue is rich with symbolism. The wife is not just the woman of the house, but the whole ignorant populace of Korean society at that time: the people who lived in poverty with little education. And the leaders who should be guiding this populace are intellectuals like the husband.

Hyeon has earned his place in Korean literary history thanks to the short stories he published over a five- to six-year period beginning in the early 1920s.

It is the works of those years that most fully embody his sense of obligation as an author and personal witness to the hardships of his countrymen at the time.

The people are ignorant and the leaders incompetent. Not only are they incompetent, but instead of working together cooperatively, they form factions and squabble among themselves. Hyeon's critical view of both the populace and the intellectuals is reflected in his depiction of the dark realities of his time.

Other notable works by Hyeon include "The Degenerate," "Dear Glaring Eyes," "Blind Man's Bluff," "The Dormitory Inspector and the

Love Letters," and The Shadowless Pagoda Among these, "The Dormitory Inspector and the Love Letters" is considered a masterpiece for its condemnation of the Japanese colonial education system and vivid portrayal of an elderly woman's psychological vacillation between an inferiority complex, self-torment, and loneliness.

Hyeon's novel The Shadowless Pagoda adapts the legend of Seokgatap, a pagoda at Bulguksa Temple, into a touching account of a working-class mason, his dedication to art and religion, and his love for his devoted wife Asanyo.

Whereas The Shadowless Pagoda displays Hyeon's talent as a writer of historical fiction, The Tropic reveals his creative gift in crafting rom~ntic novels. Although this work unfolds with a continuous string of dramatic incidents characteristic of a popular novel, its superb prose and unique creativity unveil another facet of Hyeon's literary prowess.

Nevertheless, among his body of work, Hyeon has earned his place in Korean literary history thanks to the short stories he published over a fiveto six-year period beginning in the early 1920s. It is the works of those years that most fully embody his sense of obligation as an author and personal witness to the hardships of his countrymen at the time.

Realism first came to fruition in Korean literature through the stories of Hyeon. His realism was not a photographic technique intended to reflect minute detail, but a mode of expression that sought to capture and convey the benighted condition of the Korean people. As a realist writer and teller of Korea's painful history, Hyeon Jin-geon was a pioneer driven by a resolute sense of commitment. •

91

NEW

FELWWSHIP PROGRAMS

The Korea Foundation launched its Advanced Research Grant and Postdoctoral Fellowship programs in Korean studies starting in early

2002.

ADVANCED RESEARCH GRANT ·· /

The Advanced Research Grant program is designed to provide support for the scholarly research and writing activities 9f Korean studies scholars related to the humanities and social sciences fields, which will advance scholarship in Korean studies. Eligible projects involve research efforts that result in scholarly publications, which are to be disseminated in languages other than Korean.

·~

• ELIGIBILITY: Overseas Korean studies scholars with a Ph.D. degree in a subject related to Korea and who are currently engaged in Korea-related teaching and research activities • GRANT TERMS: Personal remuneration and project-related research expenses • GRANT PERIOD:Six to twelve consecutive months • REQUIREMENTS: Grantees are expected to devote full-time effort to the research and writing during the grant period.

The Foundation fully expects that the proposed research will result in the publication of its results.

POSTDOCTORAL FELLOWSIDP The Postdoctoral Fellowship program provides promising and highly. qualified recent Ph.D. recipients with the opportunity to conduct research at leading universities in the field of Korean studies so that they can further develop their scholarship as well as have their dissertations published as manuscripts.

• ELIGIBILITY: Non-Korean scholars who have received their Ph.D. degree in a subject related to Korea within five years of their application but do not currently hold a regular faculty position • FELLOWSHIP GRANT: Stipend support for a 12-month period • FELLOWSHIP PERIOD: A 12-month period in accordance with the academic year of the affiliated institution • OBLIGATIONS OF FELLOWS: - Fellows shall be in residence at the affiliated institution during the academic year, and are requested to participate in the affiliated institution's activities.

- Fellows shall revise their doctoral dissertation in the field of Korean studies to produce a publishable manuscript.

•INSTITUTIONAL AFFILIATION: A formal affiliation is required with a university or research institution, other than that from which the applicant has received his/ her Ph.D, that includes faculty and reference resources related to the applicant's research field.

APPLICATION DEADLINE: February 28, 2003 For further information, please contact: Fellowship Program Team The Korea Foundation Seocho P.O. Box 227 1376-1 Seocho 2-dong, Seocho-gu Seoul1 37-072, Korea Tel : +82-2-3463-561 4 Fax: +82-2-3463-6075 E-mail: fellow@kf.or. kr http://www. kf.or. kr

The Korea Foundation's other fellowship programs include: Fellowship for Korean Language Training: Designed to enhance practical use of the Korean language among overseas Korean studies scholars, graduate students, and professionals in Korea-related fields, by providing an opportunity to undertake intensive Korean-language training at a leading Korean university.

Fellowship for Field Research (formerly Fellowship for Korean Studies): Intended to promote Korean studies and facilitate research work by Korea-related scholars and specialists by supporting their onsite study and research activities in Korea.

Fellowship for Graduate Studies (formerly Graduate Scholarship): Aimed at fostering an expanded pool of young scholars majoring in Korean studies by providing scholarship assistance for graduate students in Korea-related fields at various universities in North America, Europe and Asia.

Publication Subsidy Program: Provides financial support for the publication of Korea-related books by major university presses and leading academic publishers worldwide.

e b u < ~t , d , a t All six million of its peopl cattered across ""' ' ' . world are precious assets "-to' Korea. .,"" The Overseas Koreans Foundation' is working unified Korean community by expanding cooperative ties. between Koreans both at home and abroad.

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Fax. 82-2-3463¡2555 www.korean.nei ~

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