Korea Focus December 2014 (English) by The Korea Foundation

Table of Contents

- Korea Focus - December 2014 - TOC - Politics 1. Regaining Wartime Control is the Key to Unification and a Strong Military 2. Will Unification be a Bonanza for Korea’s Neighbors? 3. Weapons Procurement Scandals and Military-Industrial Complex 4. How Much Does Park Know about the Military? 5. Parties' Roots Matter

- Economy 1. Chinese Economy’s Slowdown and its Irksome Truths for Korea 2. The Power of Capital in Changing North Korea 3. Talk of Crisis in Korea’s Manufacturing Sector 4. Are Wealthy People Criminals? 5. Documents on Inequality in Financial Assets

- Society 1. Fate of the Costly College Scholastic Ability Test 2. Microsoft's Action to Protect Customer Data 3. Return to a Medieval Hereditary Society 4. Disregard for Writing Theses in Korean 5. Politics of Collective Corruption 6. A Newspaper’s Evaluation of Universities

- Culture 1. Let’s Use More Korean on Shop Signs 2. The Odyssey of 20-Somethings 3. Hongdae District with No More Counter-Culture 4. Cultural Industry Needs ‘Golden Time’ Strategy 5. Preservation of Cultural Assets Also Has a ‘Golden Time’

- Essays 1. Labor Productivity of South and North Korea

- Features 1. ‘Seoulism’ Lures Foreigners Seeking New Challenges 2. Singles Share Living Spaces and Lifestyles

- Book Reviews 1. Where is the Middle Class? 2. Virtue is the Key to Happy Longevity

- Interview 1. Twenty-three Years Devoted to Easing Hunger in Africa 2. Kim Gi-hyeong Infatuated With Korean Dictionaries 3. Lee Sir-goo “I’m not sure about beating Naver, but I am confident we can do a better job than them.”

- COPYRIGHT

- Regaining Wartime Control is the Key to Unification and a Strong Military - Will Unification be a Bonanza for Koreaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Neighbors? - Weapons Procurement Scandals and Military-Industrial Complex - How Much Does Park Know about the Military? - Preparing for Unification Wisely

Regaining Wartime Control is the Key to Unification and a Strong Military

Song Min-soon Former Minister of Foreign Affairs

Distinguishing between operational control of the military in peacetime and wartime is realistically inconceivable. Even in peacetime, General Curtis Scaparrotti, commander of the Combined Forces Command, steers war planning, crisis management and other core military operations. Thus, the term “operational control in wartime” has no distinction. The return of operational control was first put forward in the U.S. Senate’s 1989 Nunn-Warner Amendment. Washington and Seoul reached agreement on the transfer of control in 2007, based on the mutual security needs of the two governments. This October, the two sides agreed to delay the transfer indefinitely.

In principle, operational control resides in the authority of the Korean and U.S. presidents, but entrusting key military powers to a foreign country is not normal. However, rather than viewing Korea’s position in terms of sovereignty or national pride, it is preferable to look at the nation’s real security situation.

The first argument for entrusting our military to the United States has been that a unitary command structure is more effective. The U.S. control over the 28-member North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) military forces is offered as an example. But, this is not true. Each NATO member assigns 5

about 10 percent of its military to NATO’s rapid response forces and the other 90 percent is controlled by the respective member country. South Korea is the only country that does not control its own military. The second reason is North Korea’s nuclear and missile threat. However, the United States guarantees the security of all of its allies with a security umbrella that includes U.S. nuclear might. This so-called “extended deterrence” is not premised on the United States directly controlling the militaries of its partners.

The third argument is that U.S. military control will facilitate the arrival of reinforcements in an emergency situation. However, dispatching additional troops is not contingent on having operational control, as seen with NATO, Japan and all other U.S. allies.

The fourth argument is that we must have the Combined Forces Command for the United Nations Command to exist and for U.N. troops to be dispatched to Korea. However, the U.N. Command has no bearing on sending U.N. troops to Korea. That would require a resolution by the U.N. Security Council, where China and Russia have permanent seats.

We have to lose so much because of these weak arguments. Above all else, we cannot have a strong military. Without operational control, we cannot develop a strong military by merely focusing on upgrades in personnel and weaponry. We cannot nurture a strong military by purchasing advanced weapons that we lack the authority to use.

Moreover, the North Korean regime is maintaining its hereditary dictatorship and regime ideology by claiming that the United States is using its operational control to occupy South Korea with the aim of invading the North. Border provocations are continuing. During the North’s shelling of Yeonpyeong Island in 2010, Seoul could have ordered an air attack on the artillery launching sites, but the United States rejected this option because it did not want to risk further escalation. This kind of thing can be repeated.

Without operational control, we cannot resolve the North Korean nuclear issue or find a path to unification. In the event of unification by the South, will China accept South Korean troops on its border if they are controlled by the United States? It will be difficult to shift operational control overnight if that were to happen.

Even if relations between the United States and North Korea as well as North and South Korea normalize and denuclearizing the North comes into focus, progress would be difficult. The North would only want to sign a peace treaty with the United States since it controls the South Korean military.

Without operational control, South Korea cannot be in a position to improve relations with the North and win over Korea’s neighbors diplomatically on the path to unification. In spite of this situation, Seoul is taking steps backwards and serving up reasons that are contradictory. This is even seen in taking the lead on defense.

In 2004, Seoul and Washington jointly assessed the array of North-South military capabilities to be balanced. South Korea had the lead in conventional weapons expenditures. South Korea’s command, control, communications, computers and information (C4I) capabilities were compatible with America’s and it was believed that South Korea would be ready to assume operational control in 2012 with the combined capabilities.

Seoul has developed the Korean Joint Command and Control System and land-sea-air C4I capabilities and since 2006 Seoul has taken the lead in “Ulchi Freedom Guardian,” a military exercise for transferring operational control.

However, in 2009, the Lee Myung-bak administration decided to delay the transfer of operational control to 2015. At the time, the Ministry of Defense admitted, “we have developed the ability to take the lead in defending Korea, but for political reasons, the leaders of the two sides decided to delay the transfer.” In order to respond to North Korea’s nuclear and missile threat, the South is still far off from completing its missile defense and “kill chain” capabilities. The North Korean nuclear threat also shows no signs of being resolved anytime soon. However, instead of trying to reduce the threat, Seoul is focused on building up its defense against the North.

The nature of the situation in Northeast Asia inevitably spurs both compromise and confrontation, but the regional environment tilts to conditional stability. Seoul must use its growing influence and take the lead in promoting cooperation over confrontation in the region.

The words of a senior U.S. official who visited me when I was the Blue House National Security Advisor are still fresh in my mind. He told me, “The transfer of operational control is changing who 7

drives the car, but the United States is not getting out of the car. The problem is that some in the Korean military consider the transfer of operational control to be part of the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Korea and they think that Korea must achieve America’s level of military capabilities before the South can assume control. If that is the case, then the United States is the only country in the world that can have operational control of its military.”

This is a vicious psychological circle. The military is delaying the transfer because it is trying to achieve conditions that can never be achieved and the people do not trust a military that says it is not ready. Regaining operational control is a core task for Korea’s future. It extends beyond the military dimension and includes security, diplomatic and unification considerations. It is time to break free from the chains of fear of regaining control of our military.

[JoongAng Ilbo, November 12, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Will Unification be a Bonanza for Korea’s Neighbors?

Lee Do-un Deputy Managing Editor The Seoul Shinmun

The U.S. Embassy in Korea recently arranged for a Korean peninsula specialist from the United States to meet with reporters during his visit to Seoul. North Korea’s nuclear activity and Korea-Japan relations were the main topics, but at the end of the conversation, I asked, “Some say that North Korea presents a huge investment opportunity. Do you agree with that assessment?” The specialist immediately responded with his own question, “Who would trust North Korea as a business partner?” He continued, “Hasn’t there been little progress in the Mt. Kumgang or Kaesong projects promoted by Seoul? Investors want predictability, but North Korea presents too much of a political risk.” I then asked, “Hasn’t an investor like Jim Rogers said that he wanted to invest his whole fortune in North Korea?” The specialist responded dismissively, “I don’t know if Rogers has been successful at investing, but in the U.S. he is considered a maverick.” The American insisted that he was not speaking for the U.S. government, but perhaps the Obama administration has a similar view.

During her keynote speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos at the start of the year, President Park declared, “Unification will be a bonanza (daebak) not just for South Korea, but for our neighbors as well.” This message to the international community was just as important as the president’s “unification bonanza” message to her domestic audience. The fact that Seoul will not monopolize the fruits of unification and instead will share them with her neighbors should ameliorate apprehensions 9

and increase our neighbors’ understanding.

The North Korea question is complex in terms of diplomacy and security as well as trade and investment. Korea’s neighbors already have business interests and investments in North Korea. By cultivating the understanding of our neighbors now, we can ensure that after unification, their investments will proceed smoothly.

China currently enjoys a virtual monopoly on economic cooperation projects with North Korea. Large-scale infrastructure projects like a high speed rail line and port facilities near their border already are under day. China also is buying up North Korea’s natural resources, like rare-earth elements used in China’s high tech industries, at fire sale prices. There is no reason for China to be pleased about South Korea or other countries doing business with North Korea. Last year, even Russia opened a railway line from Khasan to Rajin. In Russia’s view, doing business with North Korea is a way to rebalance itself from Europe to Asia. However, this is different from the former Soviet Union, which made large-scale investments in its neighbors for geopolitical reasons. Russia has considerable interest in North Korea, but it is being prudent, wary of any major investment that could cause a loss to its enterprises or become the target of international sanctions. If the North-South railway were to be reconnected to the Trans-Siberian and Chinese railways, Japan would become anxious because Korea would be closer to the European market and likely be the starting point for Europe-bound goods originating from Northeast Asia. The United States might feel uncomfortable with the notion of a unification bonanza for Korea’s neighbors. Early last year, I asked a senior State Department official, “Would the United Sates approve of a gas pipeline running from Russia to North and South Korea?” He replied, “We would not have a problem with this, but it would be even better if South Korea bought energy from the United States and Canada.” He also informed me that the United States, Canada and Japan were in the middle of developing a plan to create a pipeline and that it would be great if South Korea also participated. In the event Russia, North Korea and South Korea build a gas pipeline (forming a “super grid”) and the North-South railway is reconnected to Russia and China (creating an “Iron Silk Road”), the United States would appear to be excluded from a large-scale infrastructure development project that has North Korea at its center.

The United States may not have reasons to explicitly reject these projects, but it would not likely 10

welcome them. As a result, one of the most important tasks for the Korean government is to find an appropriate role for the United States to play in the â&#x20AC;&#x153;unification bonanza.â&#x20AC;? For example, it would be wonderful if U.S. and Korean companies could develop projects in North Korea related to rare-earth elements, medical services, green energy and information communications technology. Only then will unification be a bonanza for our neighbors.

[October 11, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Weapons Procurement Scandals and Military-Industrial Complex

Kim Young-hie Senior Journalist The JoongAng Ilbo

Recent National Assembly audits uncovered widespread graft in a number of weapons deals. The cases of corruption are shocking crimes against the nation. High-ranking active duty and reserve officers colluded with defense contractors for their personal gain, sacrificing the nation’s military preparedness with the tacit approval of the Defense Acquisition Program Administration.

For starters, these self-dealing officers bought Vulcan anti-aircraft guns which are incapable of nighttime use against low-altitude intruders. The obsolete computers running the combat operating system in Korea’s most advanced destroyer, King Kwanggaeto the Great, have broken down frequently and Korea’s most up-to-date Aegis-class destroyer, the Yulgok, has lost its ability to defend against torpedoes because the tubes for its anti-torpedo weapons were not resistant to corrosion from seawater.

Moreover, the Defense Acquisition Procurement Administration paid 950,000 won (approximately US$900) for USBs worth 10,000 won. The DAPA overpaid for a 200 million-won sonar system for the destroyer Tongyeong, thereby depriving state coffers of a whopping 4 billion won. It was commonplace to erase the purchase of weapons from the Joint Chiefs of Staff’s registry and falsify test results. Despite the tricks perpetrated by these unscrupulous officers, the K-11 assault 12

weapon program is going forward, even though it has malfunction issues.

The nations with advanced militaries are competing feverishly to develop a fifth-generation fighter plane with stealth capabilities. In the United States, the world’s largest defense company, Lockheed Martin, is developing the F-35 stealth fighter. One of these planes costs over 100 billion won. Lacking the ability to develop such a plane on its own, the South Korean government has agreed to import 40 of these planes from 2018 at a cost of 7.3 trillion won. Although the DAPA was informed last June that defects had been discovered in the engine of the F-35 and the Air Force determined that the engine should be redesigned, administrators signed a formal contract to introduce the fighter.

In January 1961, at the end of his two terms in office, U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower famously warned, “In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex.” It was the first time that the notion of a military-industrial complex was identified as a problem in the United States. The individuals behind corruption in Korea’s military-industrial complex are guilty of crimes that are tantamount to treason. Whether they know it or not, they are also contributing to the profits of America’s huge military-industrial complex. In the United States, the military-industrial complex is seen as a necessary evil for the economy. One-third of all technicians and scientists engage in militaryrelated work. The top nine defense-related companies employ a total of 900,000 people.

The end of the Cold War could have led to the decline of the defense industry, but the never-ending conflicts in the Middle East and the opening of the Eastern European market, as well as the rivalry between the United States and China for supremacy in the Asia-Pacific, reenergized the industry. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s expansion to the east was a veritable blue ocean for the military-industrial complex. The Ukrainian crisis arose from the extension of the NATO line. The military-industrial complex can only prosper when tensions and conflicts continuously erupt in the world.

In Northeast Asia, these forces exaggerate the notion of a China threat. Defense companies generously sprinkle research grants to Washington think tanks, which produce papers that call for fatter defense budgets and never-ending upgrades of weapons systems. The expansion of American bases in Guam, the deployment of additional B-1 and B-2 bombers and the building of a missile defense

system are not unrelated to the lobbying and public relations efforts of the military-industrial complex.

For the stealth fighter F-35 Lightening II project alone, 39 members of Congress support it. They are all from districts that have factories producing the fuselage or the various components, according to the Hankyoreh newspaper (October 20). There is not even a hint in their minds of Eisenhower’s warning from 53 years ago. Pursing the interest of the businesses in their home districts is everything.

The missile defense hardware that the United States is pressuring Korean officials to introduce is extremely expensive. The lobbying revolves around the terminal high altitude area defense (THAAD) battery. However, installing just one THAAD missile battery is estimated to cost 1 trillion to 2 trillion won. Instead of agreeing to deploy a THAAD battery to the U.S. military base in Pyeongtaek, it has become known that the Korean government proposed that Washington provide THAAD’s X-band radar detection system. This is a desirable solution, but can Korea really overcome all the pressure being brought to bear by America’s military-industrial complex?

It is not enough to only deal with the abuses perpetrated by the military mafia (gunpia). The alliance between Korea’s military and industrial contractors is but a small cog connected to the massive military-industrial complex. Taking on the kunpia as a means of dealing with procurement graft is a stopgap measure.

The American and European military-industrial complexes are beyond our control, but while we are looking at this entire food chain-like ecosystem, we can deal with the defense procurement graft and decide on the introduction of THAAD and the F-35 fighters. Those found guilty in this latest round of defense corruption have committed treason and therefore must be punished to the full extent of the law. And, the full picture of their relationship to the military-industrial complex must be revealed.

[October 24, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

How Much Does Park Know about the Military?

Bae In-joon Chief Editorial Writer The Dong-A Ilbo

North Korea has failed in economic self-reliance, while South Korea has failed in achieving military self-reliance. The North's failure is so bad that even pro-North Korean activists in the South are reluctant to live there. But we have mixed emotions over the current situation in which our own defense continues to lie in U.S. hands. The transfer of wartime operational control of South Korean troops to Seoul has been delayed indefinitely as we face what the defense minister calls "advancement of technology of miniaturizing nuclear warheads" by North Korea.

The Park Geun-hye administration and the military postponed the scheduled 2015 transfer of wartime operational control from the United States, citing a change of circumstances ― the mounting nuclear threat from the North. Then, it should be necessary to restructure the military in accordance with the "changed security environment." Defense Minister Han Min-koo has said that the military is “firmly determined” to take over full operational control, but it needs to reform itself to become a "military that can win wars."

The Army accounts for an overwhelming proportion of the military. But its operations to deter the North seem to be irrational, inefficient and wasteful. Who will change this? Does President Park know how to streamline the military budget? Do the Army chief of staff, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the defense minister, and the national security adviser, who is a retired Army general himself, 15

give the president objective and honest briefings about a fair distribution of resources among the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marines, regardless of the Army's dominant position? Although the North Korean Navy has a larger fleet than the South’s Navy, 800 to 200 ships, the tonnage of the South’s vessels are about double that of the North. This is because the South Korean Navy has many large vessels, including Aegis destroyers, while the North has many smaller boats, such as submarines and high-speed boats. The North attempts to attack South Korean vessels with 3to 4-seat submersible boats. The Navy corvette Cheonan was torpedoed by the North in such a maneuver in 2010.

The military seems to be focusing too much on its outward appearance, doesn't it? Who has created the environment in which many Navy officers apply for retirement when they are ordered to serve on a submarine?

Of course, the Air Force needs F-35 fighter jets that the North is fearful of. But at the same time, it has to make the most of unmanned aerial vehicles and also pay attention to manufacturing drones, regardless of the need to train pilots. It is necessary to augment special ground forces and Marines. Should the North attack us, the Marines would have to land on Nampo, South Pyongan Province in a blitzkrieg operation and play a key role in seizing Pyongyang. If the status of the Marines remains weak it will contradict the nation’s objectives for military readiness.

Despite its lack of wartime operational control over troops, the Joint Chiefs of Staff still seems to operate the entire military in a state of alert for a full-scale war. Rather, it should focus on peacetime operational control, which we have already taken over from the United States. That means concentrating on superiority in small-scale skirmishes to convince the North to not even dare a reckless provocation. It is up to the president and the defense minister to help the JCS improve the military's agility and maneuverability. They themselves should take part in drills aimed at improving the military's response to sporadic skirmishes.

The government would fail again in national security, if we should be attacked again as in 2010, when the Cheonan was torpedoed and Yeonpyeong Island was shelled by the North, just because we wallow in protection provided by the United States. Our military is not reliable. Many senior military officers seem to be engrossed in playing golf with U.S. officers, sprucing up in a suit and tie, putting on fancy sunglasses and hair gel, and lobbying for their own promotion or prominent posts, while disregarding the military spirit. Do they know that many people are worried about "bureaucratic military leaders 16

and pencil-pusher soldiers"?

Can a military, which doesn't have sufficient martial spirit, fight battles well? We need to make a clear distinction between those soldiers who have endured tenacious training and hardship in dangerous duties, and those pencil-pushers who are keen on applying skin and body lotions. For example, it is essential to give better treatment to officers who have volunteered to serve on submarines despite poor working conditions, than to those who have had only ground duties.

Of course, it is necessary to root out violence in the barracks like what occurred recently at the 28th Army Division. But there is concern that the presidentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s immediate response of replacing the Army chief of staff after the fatal incident could mislead all the troops. If we aspire to have self-reliant defense, "accident-free barracks" is an irrational notion. Soldiers who seek only safety in peacetime would never display bravery and valor in wartime. The military should build itself up to a point where the government would not hesitate to spend more than 10 times than the North.

The president is surrounded by military leaders who don't hesitate to speak only for their own branch of the military, so it may be difficult for her to make decisions on her own about forming an optimal military structure that is fully funded. The president needs to maximize the use of expertise and wisdom from civilian security experts. She should be the "commander-in-chief" who never hesitates to root out "security-related crimes," including corruption in the defense industry, once and for all.

If the military indulges in a Peter Pan syndrome and never grows up, it would be a national disgrace. Such a military will put the people's lives and property in grave peril before making them ashamed of it.

[October 29, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Parties' Roots Matter

Lee Young-jack Former Chair Professor Hanyang University

Korean political parties make no apologies about changing their names. Take the ruling Saenuri Party as an example. According to the party’s history posted on its own website, the Saenuri (“new world’) is rooted in the Grand National Party, which was founded as a result of the merger of two parties, the New Korea Party and the splinter Democratic Party, on November 21, 1997. But the website makes no mention of its earlier roots beyond the NKP and the DP, or its conservative legacy going even further back.

The GNP changed its name to Saenuri in February 2012, fearing defeat in the 19th parliamentary elections in April the same year. The GNP was established hastily after President Kim Young-sam left the NKP in November 1997 shortly before the 15th presidential election. The NKP was founded by Kim himself in 1992 to build a "new Korea," when he ousted President Roh Tae-woo from the Democratic Liberal Party and was nominated as the party’s presidential candidate.

The DLP was launched by the merger of the Democratic Justice Party led by Roh, the Reunification Democratic Party led by Kim Young-sam, and the New Democratic Republican Party led by Kim Jong-pil. The Democratic Justice Party came into being in January 1981 after coup leaders, Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, took power. Kim Young-sam, a democracy activist, decided to change his new party's name to the NKP, apparently because he was ashamed to become successor to the 18

coup leaders. When he established the GNP in 1997, Lee Hoi-chang must have felt compelled to cut his ties to the NKP, because he was upset with Kim Young-sam.

The DJP was successor to the Democratic Republican Party founded by former President Park Chunghee. The DRP was, in turn, succeeded the Liberal Party, which was created by then President Syngman Rhee in 1951. All this shows clearly that the Saenuri is rooted in the LP, which the party is reluctant to reveal.

The history of opposition parties is more complicated. The main opposition New Politics Alliance for Democracy was founded in March this year. It is already showing signs of vanishing into oblivion in no distant future. The party never came from God knows where, but its website is completely blank about its roots. It must be reasonable to say that the NPAD is rooted in the Democratic Party established by opposition leaders Shin Ik-hee, Chough Pyung-ok and John Myon Chang in 1955.

It is not easy to trace the legacy of the original DP, which has been splintered into several parties and merged with other parties so many times since its founding. One of its successors joined hands with military dictators. Another successor, the RDP, merged with the DJP, a party led by coup leaders. A progressive splinter and a successor to the Party for Peace and Democracy led by Kim Dae-jung, DP merged with the conservative NKP. As it turned out, descendants of the original DP have united with progressive and conservative parties, crossing ideological lines as needed.

Ancestry DNA determines genetic descendancy. The Bible does not hide embarrassing facts about the ancestry of Jesus. Korean parties have tried to hide their own identity by frequently changing their names in a bid to conceal their past, but they can never hide their DNA. If they are to break away from backward consumptive politics and practice advanced politics, they should reveal their roots and identity.

The NPAD (New Politics Alliance for Democracy) retains the word "democracy" in its name. But the name "Saenuri" does not show exactly what kind of party it is. The names of the Republican Party and the Democratic Party in the United States, an advanced country with representative democracy, and the Conservative Party and the Labour Party in Britain, the cradle of democracy, themselves tell everything.

The Saenuri originated from the right-wing LP and the NPAD from the left-wing DP. The right-wing-

ers had Korea's "founding father" (Syngman Rhee), who defended the country from invading communists, and "the most respected president" (Park Chung-hee), who led the nation to overcome chronic economic hardships and achieved industrialization, despite their dishonorable moniker â&#x20AC;&#x2022; â&#x20AC;&#x153;dictator.â&#x20AC;? The left-wingers had a president (Kim Dae-jung), Korea's first Nobel laureate who was respected globally, and another president (Roh Moo-hyun), who is still loved by many people in spite of his family's involvement in a corruption scandal. Besides, both right- and left-wingers have a history of honor and disgrace.

The preamble of Korea's Constitution reads in part, "To afford equal opportunities to every person and provide for the fullest development of individual capabilities in all fields, including political, economic, social and cultural life, by further strengthening the basic free and democratic order conducive to private initiative and public harmony...." We can say that giving equal opportunities to all citizens is a principle of democracy, while providing for the fullest development of their capabilities is a principle of freedom. It is now high time that the Saenuri and the NPAD were reborn as the LP and the DP, respectively, and pursued political reforms to defend freedom and democracy according to their own DNA.

[Chosun Ilbo, October 22, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

- Chinese Economy’s Slowdown and its Irksome Truths for Korea - The Power of Capital in Changing North Korea - Talk of Crisis in Korea’s Manufacturing Sector - Are Wealthy People Criminals? - Documents on Inequality in Financial Assets

Chinese Economy’s Slowdown and its Irksome Truths for Korea

Yukiko Fukagawa Professor, School of Political Science and Economics Waseda University

Not many Koreans would like a foreigner to comment on grave issues of their immediate concern. A foreigner tends to think of potential risks when Korea is in good shape but of possible opportunities when Korea is low in spirits. While the latter is well received, the former tends to be ignored. This was the case when Korea’s economy was recovering from the 2008 global financial crisis. At the time, I warned of a flight of short-term capital out of the country, pointed out that export-driven growth would not lead to an increase in employment, and suggested it was necessary to boost domestic demand. I had a similar experience when Korea’s reliance on China for its exports peaked in 2013. At the time, I called on Korea to diversify its export markets instead of concentrating on China. Coming into this year, with economic slowdown in China becoming more apparent, Korean exports to China began to fall below the previous year’s level. Now Korea faces two irksome truths. First, China’s slump is not the result of contraction in the global economy or the normal domestic business cycle. Instead, it is underscored by complicated structural problems, ranging from inflated property prices and shadow banking to discontent with income inequality, corruption and manufacturing overcapacity. Second, the structural reform needed in China 22

will require more time than expected.

The protracted reform process will cause more pain to Korea, where industry is led by private business enterprises, than to China, where heavy and petrochemical industry is dominated by state-run enterprises.

Korean maritime transportation and shipbuilding companies already are in trouble. In recent years, they expanded their operations in response to Chinaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s seemingly insatiable hunger for natural resources in foreign countries, and last year began to suffer from rapidly deteriorating business conditions. STX Pan Ocean went into a court receivership while Hanjin Shipping and Hyundai Heavy Industries had poor performances. It wonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t be easy for China to turn around its ailing steelmaking and petrochemical industries, recipients of huge state investments. As a consequence of Chinese excess investments, Dongkuk Steel of Korea has been in trouble. Prospects also are not bright for Hyundai, SK and Samsung groups, which have expanded their facilities for paraxylene production.

Another problem is the division of labor between Korea and China, which is now in transition with China heavily investing in technology-intensive sectors. A case in point involves investments by Xiaomi, Huawei and Lenovo in the production of low-priced smartphones. Samsung Electronics, whose rapid growth had been powered by smartphone sales, saw its operating income in the third quarter plummet 59.6 percent year-on-year.

The technical standards and life cycles of digital products have a shorter span than that of analogue products. It is easy for latecomers to the digital industry catch up with the leaders. Moreover, China can demand its rivals transfer technology to gain access to its huge market. When Chinese corporations were pushing their local production of LCD TV panels, Samsung had to produce them in China as well. The traditional division of labor with Korea producing parts and equipment and China assembling products with them is leveling off.

Competition between Korea and China is destined to intensify in the years ahead. Japanese corporations, which have reduced their investments in China where the business environment is worsening for them, appear to be even pleased with Korean corporations replacing them.

An immediate task for large Korean corporations is to determine how best to respond to the China 23

risk rather than to the weakening Japanese yen, which is often cited as a critical threat to their business. The weak yen has provided little relief to Japanese heavy and petrochemical producers. With exports not rising, they are curtailing domestic production capacity and shifting some of their production abroad.

Japan is no longer a rival to Korea when it comes to the mass production of smartphones and other items. China is emerging as its rival. This is the truth, even if Korea is reluctant to acknowledge it. It is misleading for Korea to blame the weak yen for its economic difficulty.

Blaming the weak yen keeps Korea from recognizing what it needs to do to help its industries revitalize their competitiveness. Korea needs to confront this irksome truth and acknowledge it, push for its own structural reform, and determine where to compete or cooperate with China. The only way to break through a crisis is to launch a frontal assault against it.

[Maeil Business Newspaper, October 30, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

The Power of Capital in Changing North Korea

Ahn Eui-shik Political Editor The Seoul Economic Daily

Inter-Korean relations are on a rollercoaster. South and North Korean patrol boats exchanged fire near the Northern Limit Line on the West Sea after three senior North Korean officials, including Hwang Pyong-so, new director of the General Political Bureau of the army, made a surprise visit during the Incheon Asian Games. South and North Korean gunners also exchanged fire in the Demilitarized Zone after South Korean civilians released balloons carrying leaflets critical of the North Korean regime.

Among the series of incidents, the visit of the senior officials to Incheon apparently gives a glimpse into the North Korean leadership’s thoughts on inter-Korean relations. The most plausible is that it wishes to normalize relations as a prelude to welcoming South Korean capital into the North Korean economy.

Since Kim Jong-un emerged as its supreme leader in December 2011, North Korea has reportedly focused on improving the livelihood of people and boosting its economy. Of course, these efforts are made to legitimize the three-generation power succession ― from Kim Il-sung to Kim Jong-il and then to Kim Jong-un ― and secure public support. Accordingly, the current regime is pushing for market-oriented economic reform, offering incentives and expanding the role of the market in its economy. 25

It is generally agreed that the North Korean economy is improving, albeit slowly, thanks to expanding economic exchanges with China as well as reform measures. According to a report from the Bank of Korea in the South, North Korea’s gross domestic product increased at an annual rate of about 1 percent from 2011 to the first half of this year. Since the second half of last year, it has added 19 new economic development zones. This is nothing short of an open invitation to foreign capital to spur economic development. The three senior North Korean officials’ visit to the South may be seen in this context. The reason for their unexpected move is that the North is afraid potential foreign investors may be dissuaded by its failure to maintain peaceful relations with the South. For the North, it is all the more urgent to induce capital from South Korea. The North’s ambitious projects for economic development zones cannot succeed without South Korean capital. Few foreign investors would venture into those zones when South Koreans shun them.

One report after another from the North describes the changes that have been made and spreading benefits of a market economy. BMW, Mercedes-Benz and other luxury passenger cars have been seen on the Pyongyang streets along with signs of a middle class taking shape. But South Korea has been turning a cold shoulder to the North’s reach for capital. Among the South Korean government agencies, the presidential office is especially adamant in its opposition. It is blocking any attempts to promote inter-Korean exchanges so long as they are designed to channel money from the South to the North.

The exchange programs that have been recently approved by the South Korean government are mostly those concerning history, culture and religion ― the projects that do not cost much money. The programs approved for humanitarian assistance are limited to shipping goods. No cash is provided for fear that it could be diverted to military purposes, including the development of nuclear weapons. In addition, the sanctions the United Nations is maintaining against North Korea include a ban on the flow of bulk cash into the communist country.

However, in what appeared to be a departure from her earlier policy, President Park Geun-hye in March offered to help build “composite agricultural complexes” in North Korea, which would be modeled after the New Community Movement the South launched in the 1970s. The project, she said, 26

would combine South Korean capital and technology with North Korean resources and labor for the creation of an economic community on the Korean peninsula. The plan was presented in her “hit the jackpot” speech in Dresden, Germany.

President Park also suggested a mutual pursuit of prosperity on the Korean peninsula and in Northeast Asia through the ongoing logistics projects in Rajin and Khasan among South and North Korea and Russia and future projects in Sinuiju among the two Koreas and China. That was in reference to North Korea’s special economic zones.

Ultimately, the driving force behind changes in North Korea will be the power of capital. A solution to the problem concerning North Korea’s nuclear weapons development should be found in the broader context of North Korea carrying out reform and opening itself up to the outside world.

North Korea pushed harder to develop nuclear weapons when inter-Korean relations were disrupted and when it felt it was being contained. What should be placed at the core of normalizing inter-Korean relations is a combination of South Korean capital and technology with North Korean resources and labor, as President Park stressed.

[October 14, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Talk of Crisis in Korea’s Manufacturing Sector

Kim Se-hyung Editor-in-Chief The Maeil Business Newspaper

Samsung Electronics, the largest manufacturer in Korea, has delivered another earnings shocker ― this time its worrisome performance in the third quarter. Its net profit and turnover plunged 60 percent and 20 percent, respectively, from a year ago.

Samsung Electronics is not alone. The Hyundai Motor Group, the second-largest manufacturer in Korea, is faring only a little better. No wonder their worsening performances are fueling talk about Korea’s manufacturing sector being in a crisis and even speculation that the era of electronics, shipbuilding, petrochemicals and steelmaking has virtually ended. Chung Mong-joon, a former lawmaker, who recently toured Alibaba and Lenovo in China, said, “I’m worried that the upsurge of Baidu, Alibaba and other business enterprises managed by young Chinese entrepreneurs may deprive us of our business opportunities in the world.”

Samsung Electronics reportedly feels that its smartphone business is more threatened by low-priced Xaomi or Huawei mobile phones than by the powerful Apple iPhone 6.

The difficulty the Korean shipbuilding industry was experiencing was disclosed when Hyundai

Heavy Industries announced a 1.1 trillion won “shocking loss” for the second quarter. Shale gas production in the United States, which is reshaping the global energy market, has dealt a blow to the Korean shipbuilding industry, whose business is centered on the construction of offshore platforms. Moreover, Korean shipbuilders took a beating in bidding for drillship orders against low-cost rivals.

Now, even the Samsung Group would reportedly like to part with its shipbuilding and petrochemical business. The government attempted to persuade major players like Samsung, LG and Kumho to streamline the petrochemical industry. But none of them would listen to the government’s proposal for downsizing. To make matters worse, Japan, riding on a low yen, is planning to corner Korean companies with new source technologies it has developed in what is dubbed as its “lost two decades.” Ahn Hyun-ho, vice chairman of the Korea International Trade Association, who authored “Economic Romance of the Three Kingdoms ― Korea, China and Japan,” says, “I have crisscrossed China, inspecting its business sites, during the past three years. Now I can say that China has already caught up with Korea in all business sectors except in auto making.” He may be correct.

Yet another depressing picture emerges for the Hyundai Motor Group, which says it is fighting an uphill battle against its Japanese rivals, who are vowing to drive the Korean carmaker out of the market. With the yen weakened against the U.S. dollar, they can afford to cut their auto prices by 20 to 30 percent and, by doing so, expand their market shares in the United States. But Hyundai Motor cannot gain momentum against the pricing pressure. Korea’s prowess in manufacturing helped the nation emerge from the 1997 financial meltdown and the 2008 financial crisis, less scathed than many other countries. A weakening won helped Korean companies gain a competitive edge, which helped Korea bounce back from the crises without too much difficulty.

Hardship for blue-chip manufacturers is a serious problem for Korea, with manufacturing accounting for one-third of the nation’s employment. China has caught up with Korea, and Japan is trying to push it aside with its high technology. It is little different from Korea being placed between the arms of the nutcracker at a time when its service industry is not mature enough to provide ample jobs.

Korea is a model case of the flying geese paradigm, with the production of goods moving continuously from the more advanced countries to the less advanced ones. If Korea has successfully copied goods produced in advanced countries, so can others. As such, it has had to move to the production 29

of high-end goods and develop new source technologies. But it has not done so.

Japanese corporations took in as much as $28.4 billion in royalties for the use of their technologies by others last year alone. Japan was second only to the United States, the biggest royalty earner in the world. Korea, which paid $5.4 billion in technology royalties, ranked second from the bottom among members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.

It has been assumed that China would need another two to three years to catch up with Korea, given the gap between the overall levels of technologies. But that assumption is apparently misplaced. When I asked the Korean government and government-funded think tanks for data concerning the technology levels of the two countries, they said they had little available.

Is the era for Korean manufacturing really ending? Politicians are well advised to stop fighting over the Sewol ferry disaster and embark on inspection tours of Chinese and U.S. manufacturers. They need to learn about the crisis in the Korean manufacturing sector that is much talked about. Why do the government and the National Assembly remain silent on the issue? I would be happy if I heard the government refutes the talk of manufacturing crisis with data collected in a scientific manner.

[October 8, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Are Wealthy People Criminals?

Park Jae-hyun Senior Editorial Writer The Maeil Business Newspaper

At a recent dinner gathering, a person asked what needed to be done to boost domestic consumption. A former cabinet member said that it could be easily done when the National Assembly and the news media behaved themselves. His reply, though it might have sounded like a joke, was actually straight to the point.

Indeed, these all-powerful institutions can make or break almost anyone or anything. The National Assembly wields power with little self-restraint. When hundreds of news outlets cover an event in the nation, they always exaggerate. Still worse, their coverage is often warped by the ideologies they espouse. The National Assembly and the news media often pay little attention to national interests in pursuit of their own.

These institutions are vociferous in their opposition when a policy being formulated appears to benefit the wealthy or large corporations. They insist that no additional favor be given to them, claiming that the government has pampered them too much in the past. In other words, they are fanning social conflict. 31

A case in point is their strong opposition to a proposal of leniency for chairmen of large business concerns serving prison terms.

The minister of justice recently said that imprisoned business tycoons could be granted parole if they met certain conditions. He added they should not be discriminated against simply because they are wealthy and powerful.

Now Choi Kyung-hwan, deputy prime minister for economic affairs, who was concerned about the ill effects of shrinking corporate investments on the economy, has proposed amnesty for them as a way out of the predicament. He apparently wanted to send a message to the corporate community to help him turn the ailing economy around. At the same time, he wanted to invigorate the dispirited business community. Yet, the National Assembly turned a deaf ear to the deputy prime ministerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s call. Instead, its members, divided into two opposing camps, have exchanged verbal volleys, with one side claiming that rich people, when guilty, go unpunished simply because they are wealthy and the other insisting that they are already guilty for being wealthy.

They need to awaken to the reality that there is no easy way to turn the economy around. The economy cannot recover unless large corporations make huge investments and wealthy people open their purses.

Many Koreans simply cannot accept rich people being rewarded, albeit legitimately. It looks as if they are guilty for being wealthy. For the Koreans, it is correct and just to heavily tax the wealthy. Under these circumstances, few can propose a tax cut for the wealthy. Instead, demand for a tax raise for them has been gaining momentum since French economist Thomas Piketty, an advocate of a wealth tax, recently visited Korea.

Who would like to pay more in taxes and live in Korea if he is constantly troubled and persecuted for being wealthy? Will more taxes from them be of great help to the middle and lower classes? Indeed, 1 trillion won in additional tax revenues is a large sum of money. Yet it would not be much if it were divided and given to millions of people in lower income brackets.

In its first year of office, the Park Geun-hye administration harassed corporations with tax audits. 32

Now the Sewol ferry tragedy has created an anti-business sentiment in society. The economy is heavily affected by a change in public psychology, and money tends to hide when tax audits are frequently conducted.

Tax audits have already been conducted more than sufficiently. Who would believe the administration when it says it will now waive regular tax audits for small- and medium-sized enterprises? On the contrary, many believe it will seek to collect more taxes from large corporations and wealthy people to close an anticipated gap between this yearâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s tax revenue and revenue projections made earlier.

Of immediate concern to wealthy people and large corporations now is the threat of impending tax audits and investigations into funds parked in offshore tax havens. In addition, the National Assembly is demanding a list of people who have spent much money on their credit cards abroad.

It is also distressing that remunerations for people in the highest income brackets are at the risk of being made public. Canâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t the administration, if necessary, conduct tax audits and take other action, not with fanfare, but in a low-key manner?

Since the Sewol tragedy, the administration has publicly threatened to launch special investigations into corruption in the bureaucracy, injecting fear into society. Brokerages are on the verge of a nervous breakdown, with the Financial Supervisory Service, the Financial Services Commission and the prosecution preparing to conduct joint investigations into alleged stock price riggings.

Money will seek to hide if the financial agencies and the prosecution look into so many financial accounts. Their departure is little different from a decision by many to leave Kakao Talk when the prosecution threatened to monitor private chats on the messenger service. People are sensitive to any threat to their privacy.

Another case involves a threat in March to scrutinize high rents for apartment houses. The threat sent a shock wave to the market, freezing property transactions.

It is necessary to investigate embezzlements and other corruption cases. But the authorities concerned will have to take caution lest the wealthy tighten their purse strings. They should be encouraged to spend more money on stocks and homes because their purchases will help enliven the markets, give rise to consumption and fatten the pockets of people in lower income brackets.

Again, the National Assembly and the news media will do well to exercise self-restraint and keep the nationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s economic difficulties in mind, instead of attempting to tighten the screws on the wealthy and driving them to spend money abroad. They will have to understand why Korean tourists are setting a new record in spending money in foreign countries when a holiday season comes. The wealthy ask simply to be left alone, denying that they are calling for any perks. Letâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s leave them in peace and help them open their heart to society.

[October 23, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Documents on Inequality in Financial Assets

Editorial The Hankyoreh

Tax assessments showing inequality in financial assets and income from them have been made public for the first time. The documents reveal that the top 10 percent of income earners take more than 90 percent of the annual dividend and interest income in the nation. Inequality in financial income is severer than that in labor income or business income.

According to the documents on the percentiles of dividend and interest income in 2012, inequality in financial income is nothing short of shocking. The documents, made public on October 7, had been submitted by the National Tax Service to Representative Choi Jae-sung of the New Politics Alliance for Democracy, a member of the Strategy and Finance Committee of the National Assembly.

In 2012, 11.3 trillion won was paid out in dividends. The top 1 percent of income earners took 72.1 percent of the dividends, and the top 10 percent took 93.5 percent. In the case of interest income, the top 1 percent took 44.8 percent of the 29.9 trillion won and the top 10 percent took 90.6 percent. Dividend and interest payments are income from two financial assets, stockholdings and deposits. Inequality in financial income is vast because the top 10 percent of income earners hold a huge portion of financial assets.

There has been much talk of economic inequality in the past. Yet, it has hardly developed into a productive discourse. The reason is that little information has been provided on financial income 35

distribution, unlike the transparent labor income distribution. Now the documents Representative Choi made public provide data on inequality in income from financial assets. The documents do not include data on income from real estate.

Statistics Korea compiles data on financial income when it collects information on household income. But it is highly likely that high-income households underreport their financial income when Statistics Korea examines household income. For this reason, the data on dividend and interest income from the National Tax Service are assumed to be much more accurate that those from Statistics Korea.

The data from the tax authority is highly valued. Yet, more important will be analyses of inequality in financial income and research on how to reduce the inequality. It is now proven that inequality in financial assets and income from them has reached an extreme in the nation, as many economists have feared. In his book, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Capital in the Twenty-First Century,â&#x20AC;? the French economist Thomas Piketty warns that an increase in income inequality will spin out of control and the economy will rapidly lose its vitality if the value of capital income divided by national income continues to rise. It may not be necessary to borrow Pikettyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s theory to envision an economy in which money earns money at a faster rate than labor and what dreadful consequences it will have.

The one and only way to reduce inequality in overall income distribution is to make taxes more progressive and strictly levy taxes on income from financial assets. In this vein, the administration will have to withdraw its recent appeal to the National Assembly to facilitate higher dividend payments. An increase in dividend payments would be little different than a tax cut for the wealthy.

[October 8, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

- Fate of the Costly College Scholastic Ability Test - Microsoft's Action to Protect Customer Data - Return to a Medieval Hereditary Society - Disregard for Writing Theses in Korean - Politics of Collective Corruption - A Newspaperâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Evaluation of Universities

Fate of the Costly College Scholastic Ability Test

Yang Young-yu City Desk Editor The JoongAng Ilbo

The College Scholastic Ability Test (CSAT) is in tatters. In the past two years, errors have been found in questions and to make things worse, doubts are being raised about its credibility to assess students’ scholastic ability accurately. I hear the sigh of test-takers and their parents here and there.

The responsibility certainly lies with the Ministry of Education and the Korea Institute for Curriculum and Evaluation (KICE), which is in charge of administering the exam nationwide. The KICE came under fire recently when it acknowledged that there was an error in one question of the World Geography section of last year’s CSAT, nearly one year after the test was given. The institute admitted again today that there were two correct answers (rather than one) to two questions in the English and Biology II sections of this year’s test, which was conducted on November 13. This is unprecedented chaos since the CSAT was introduced in 1993. Totally at a loss with the “foggy college entrance exam,” students and parents rush to private cram schools or briefing sessions for tactics on college entrance. Once again, educational authorities are fanning the fever for private education. This is the portrait of Korean education that U.S. President Barack Obama has praised and envied.

The CSAT is not free. This year, about 600,000 test-takers across the country paid an average of 38

42,000 won (approximately US$40) each, which was 25 billion won in total. These fees were for four major test sections: Korean, English, math and science.

Administering the CSAT costs about 35 billion won each year, with the difference of 10 billion won provided by the Ministry of Education in the form of special subsidy. Of this amount, the KICE spends 9 billion won to pay 500 teachers and professors who write and review questions, and 200 management commissioners.

Regardless of whether they make mistakes or not, each exam writer is paid an average of 10 million won (300,000 won a day) for working on the exam for a month and a reviewer 5 million won (200,000 won a day). Since this is a hefty amount outside of their regular paychecks, some people criticize the so-called CSAT mafia for “offering pocket money to cliques.”

This year, at 1,216 test venues across the country, more than 100,000 teachers were mobilized as supervisors (and paid 120,000 won each for a day). For these supervisors alone, 12 billion won was spent. Costs for printing, delivering and grading test papers were also paid with test fees paid by students.

The CSAT is a humongous money eater. Its face value is 35 billion won but the additional cost to ensure test-takers don’t get stuck in morning traffic and can clearly hear the audio portion of the test is astronomical. On test day, government offices and public organizations open later in the morning, subway operations are extended, and airline operations are disrupted.

How many people are cashing in on the CSAT? Not only universities, who use the test results free of charge, but also the Educational Broadcasting System (EBS), private educational institutes and even sellers of chocolates and glutinous rice cakes benefit from the examination. On the other hand, testtakers pay dearly each year.

Surgery on the college entrance exam is inevitable. Half-baked ideas are rife. Those who suggest turning the CSAT into a qualifying test or an absolute evaluation system are apparently swayed by ideological biases. None of these seem satisfactory. This means Korea’s college entrance system is that much complicated and factionalized.

The Ministry of Education intends to form a task force to draft a comprehensive reform plan for the college entrance exam. However, a hasty move merely aimed at saving its skin can bring about a 39

greater disaster. There are several essential matters that should be kept in mind.

First, politics should not be allowed to influence the college entrance exam. After all, the fundamental cause of the current CSAT conundrum was provided by the successive administrations. Former President Lee Myung-bak’s insistence on “easy college entrance exam,” which required taking 70 percent of CSAT questions from EBS workbooks (2010), continued into the incumbent Park Geun-hye administration and finally has come to a head now. The president’s concern is very much appreciated but it is not desirable that the whole college entrance exam is affected by a comment by the chief executive. Have you ever heard of a foreign head of state meddling in details of his/her country’s college entrance system?

Secondly, the exam needs to be complemented right away but the three-year advance notice system should be observed in an overall reshuffle. Before carrying out reform, a pool of outstanding professors and teachers should be secured and as many teachers as possible should be allowed to participate in writing test questions. Also required are measures to reward their efforts as academic achievement or talent donation.

Switching the CSAT into a qualifying test or an absolute evaluation system is interlocked with the controversy on the “three no policy,” which forbids universities from accepting financial donations to admit students, conducting their own entrance exams, and ranking students based on their high schools. This is an explosive issue demanding fierce debate and sufficient time. Thirdly, the government should stop feathering the EBS’s nest. The EBS makes 100 billion won, nearly half of its total annual income, from publishing workbooks. It is hard to tell if it is a public broadcasting company or a private publisher. Fourthly, they say that “even God can’t properly adjust the difficulty level of the CSAT,” but I think this is a fabulous excuse. The core of a relative evaluation system is whether it can accurately distinguish students’ ability. In spite of the principle of adhering to an easy college entrance exam, maintaining an appropriate difficulty level is a must. A test is acceptable only when a student can be top ranked with at least two or three wrong answers. The perfect score on the U.S. Scholastic Ability Test is 2,400 points, but U.S. universities regard that there no big difference in academic ability among those who get 2,250 points and higher.

Lastly, I propose the creation of an independent organization to take full charge of college admissions. I can say for sure that the next government will also try to reform the college entrance system to show off that it cares about it. Since the nation gained independence from the Japanese colonial rule in 1945, the frame of its college entrance system has been revised as many as 19 times. It appears as if the successive administrations have had a love affair with the private education market.

To break out of the vicious cycle, an independent organization should be entrusted with governing college admissions. This is the only way to ensure fairness, objectivity, autonomy and acceptability in college admissions.

[November 24, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Microsoft's Action to Protect Customer Data

Son Tae-gyu Professor of Journalism Dankook University

Negative effects of technology are dreadful, just as its benefits are awesome. Stunning communications technology is abused to eavesdrop and spy on our lives. The targets include mobile phones, emails and social media. We are under constant surveillance not only by pernicious hackers, but by the government. Nobody knows when or how the accumulated information about us may be used, legally or illegally.

This fear was confirmed by the revelations of Edward Snowden, a former Central Intelligence Agency agent, last year. He disclosed that U.S. and British intelligence agencies have used PRISM, a surveillance program to record the phone and Internet usage of ordinary people around the world.

The latest scandal in Korea about the surveillance of chat records on Kakao Talk was no less a shock than Snowden's disclosure. Koreans in particular are unnerved by "surveillance," as we still vividly remember the spying of military dictatorships.

Protecting privacy is vital because the more other people know about us, the less space and ability we have over our own lives. The ability to keep information private is the ability to protect our dignity, honor and property. When ensured of privacy, people can control levels of social transactions and communications. 42

Regrettably, however, many people have no clear boundaries on privacy. They don't hesitate to share their personal information with others. They share music, videos and even their own diaries. They consider such activities a genuine part of the life in the digital era. But when people spread private information about others, it removes their privacy. It is contradictory to worry about information leaks and surveillance under such circumstances.

People have the freedom and right to communicate with others as they please. It is up to the government and the court to protect such freedom and right. It is only natural that state agencies should never eavesdrop on people illegally. Given the latest surveillance case, it is imperative to first remove people's suspicions that law enforcement agencies are recklessly requesting warrants and getting nearly unconditional acquiescence from courts.

Internet service developers are also responsible for fanning mistrust, suspicions and fears about the digital era. In retrospect, they themselves laid the groundwork for the deep and wide-ranging surveillance. It behooves these firms to reduce their users' mistrust and fears, considering that they have collected a fortune with their technology over a short period of time.

From this point of view, Daum Kakao Co-CEO Lee Sir-goo's refusal to obey a surveillance warrant is a "digital coup." Do the creators of a trendy creative culture think that the obstruction of law and order without any justifiable reason is a creative activity? Instead of defying law enforcement, Lee should pay attention to consumers, the foundation of the digital society.

Daum Kakao's action is in sharp contrast with what U.S. firms have done. In December last year, Microsoft received a National Security Letter (NSL) from the Federal Bureau of Investigation asking for account information on an enterprise customer. That kind of letter is as legally binding as a warrant in the United States.

In response, Microsoft announced that it would notify its customers if it receives a legal request from a government agency for the customer information and that it would wage a legal battle if the government blocks its efforts. Soon afterwards, Microsoft challenged the NSL in federal court and the FBI withdrew the letter.

Microsoft was motivated by an action taken by a small communications firm in San Francisco three years earlier. This firm has been in a legal battle against the FBI, unlike hundreds of other companies 43

that have complied with the NSLs and gag orders that forbid the companies from informing the targeted customer about the NSL. Google is also in a similar legal battle. So is Twitter.

Twitter filed a lawsuit with the court on October 8 after the Department of Justice ordered it not to disclose the number of NSLs it received last year. Early this year, Twitter, along with four other companies, agreed with the FBI to publish a "transparency report" on the FBI letters. Nevertheless, Twitter filed the lawsuit, contending that the FBI should reveal in detail what customers it targeted and the information sought.

All such actions are rational activities taken by companies with state-of-the-art technologies in response to the government's surveillance. In a word, this is a strenuous effort to protect their customers' vital private information, as well as boost customer trust. The reckless and irrational actions by Korea's digital conglomerates, which have earned both money and influence in a short period of time, are undermining the value of the digital revolution in Korea, an ICT powerhouse.

[Dong-A Ilbo, October 16, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Return to a Medieval Hereditary Society

Song Ho-keun Professor of Sociology Seoul National University

Golden rice fields look forlorn and serene. The scenery of harvest, the result of farmers' sweaty work, looks picturesque. But it has a heartbreaking story of political economics of its own. Farmers make a living, send their children to school, and help them raise a family by working on an average 9,900square-meter plot of land for about 50 long years. Most farmers give their nest eggs to their children living in cities and return to their field, as if nothing had happened. Full of pride, farmers don't mention their body aches. When they retire, their small plot of land will be handed down to their children.

Inheritance occurs on larger scales in cities. Buildings, apartments and houses in large cities are the inheritance of the next generation. Red and green colors flash fast alternately on the electronic quotation board of the stock exchange, indicating the size of capital to be inherited by the minute. Children, who have already inherited some of their parents' properties, stocks, bonds and savings, have secured a beachhead for their own upward mobility. Those who must start with nothing have to work hard to secure a beachhead of their own.

The era of industrialization featured people trying to secure "achiever status." But now we are in an era in which inherent â&#x20AC;&#x153;vested statusâ&#x20AC;? determines a personâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s future. A medieval hereditary society, in which inheritance gives rise to a propertied class, has returned in the 21st century, just when people are advocating for a creative economy, warns Thomas Piketty, a newly emerging French economist. 45

Hereditary capital, the main culprit for widening inequality, is gathering momentum around the world amid slow economic growth and shrinking populations. Naturally, it behooves parents to support their children, who find it hard to find jobs with their income resources dwindling. Simply put, parents' capital flows to their children. This results in an inequality between those who have an inheritance and those who do not.

Korea, stuck in a trough of low economic growth and a declining population, is now in such a situation. The level of inequality in Korea already has reached that of the United States, according to Korean economists. In the United States, a country synonymous with wealth and inequality, inequality has already reached the nation’s record pre-World War I levels. The global income inequality had rapidly declined since the early 20th century. But it started rising in the 1950s and peaked again in the early 21st century. Dishonorably, Korea has joined the top group alongside the United States in terms of economic inequality.

Inequality discourages people and deflates their sense of justice, undermining the foundation of society. This is really serious. Under these circumstances, the young Korean people also are in a "Rastignac's dilemma," as Piketty calls it. Eugène de Rastignac is a main character in "Le Père Goriot" ("Father Goriot"), an 1835 novel by French writer Honoré de Balzac. An impoverished aristocrat, Rastignac dreams of becoming a lawyer. He is persuaded by Vautrin, an experienced con man. Which is a better and wiser choice ― working all his life as a lawyer or seducing an heiress and getting rich quick? Of course, the latter is better. After attending Goriot's funeral, Rastignac shouts, "Henceforth there is war between us." Piketty adds simply: "His sentimental and social education is over.”

Global conglomerates, such as Samsung, LG and Hyundai, have drastically reduced hiring this year, citing sluggish sales, labor disputes, wage hikes, and the transition of the legal status of many nonregular workers to that of regular employees. Only about 20,000 young people will likely be recruited by the 10 largest conglomerates this year, at a time when some 950,000 people, including college grads and perennial job seekers, are looking for work. This situation has led to a glut of young jobless people and the inheritance of hereditary capital.

Korea, which is reeling from the "China shock," will become further mired in such a situation. It will take seven to eight years for those who have beaten the fierce job market competition at a ratio of 100:1 to buy a home in provincial regions and twice as long as that in Seoul. The aforementioned farmers, if they have to give their nest eggs to their children in urban areas, will end up dividing their 46

property and returning to the edges of society themselves, just as I, a baby boomer myself, have experienced.

You would never end up like Goriot, who dies in poverty after giving all his property to his daughters, because you are at least entitled to the income from pensions. Nevertheless, you will still have retirement anxiety. According to an international agency for the human rights status of the elderly people, Korea ranked 50th, below China and Vietnam, in the index of wellbeing in the older population in 2014. The patrimonial capital destroys the health of society, just as chemical fertilizers undermine soil health. There is no future in sight.

Piketty coldly described 21st century capitalism, particularly the reality facing Korea: "The past tends to devour the future." A journalist was right when he said that the national wealth, which has been accumulated with a "hungry spirit," is now giving rise to an "angry spirit."

Nonetheless, I don't agree with Piketty's call for exorbitant punitive taxes on the global and patrimonial capital. High income and capital taxes have the risk of blocking the creation of jobs and creating a vicious cycle. As an alternative I am suggesting innovative distribution, reform of welfare programs and restoration of the community spirit.

In Korea, public debates on such an urgent alternative suggestion have flared up during presidential election years. Some fancy word ending with "-nomics" is nothing but a political slogan the winner of each presidential election advertises during their five-year term in office. Then we have no other choice but to bring the short-lived, "revolving-door" administrations into the permanent public debates.

[JoongAng Ilbo, October 7, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Disregard for Writing Theses in Korean

Kim Hei-sook Professor of Philosophy Ewha Womans University

Recent research has found that U.S. students fall behind their Asian counterparts in mathematical ability because English lacks rationality in counting. It is not difficult to acknowledge the fact that language controls a person’s thoughts and thoughts in turn controls the person’s life.

More than 500 years have passed since the Korean alphabet, Hangeul, was invented, but it was only with the advent of the generation who received education in Hangeul, after Korea’s independence from Japanese colonial rule in 1945, that the nation’s own script came to encompass both the market and the domain of intelligence.

A culture requires various language experiments and conceptual games and multiple layers of language practices are required to gain depth and dignity. Abstract language games of the top class exist only in the academic world. At a glance, those statements look like jargon clad in thick conceptual armor but without such writing or thinking, it will be hard for the Korean script and the culture based on it to escape from an easy and cheap one dimension.

These days, universities are intensifying their demand on professors to write theses in English and publish them on international academic journals. Some universities even offer as many as five times more incentives for theses published in the journals listed on the Science Citation Index than for those 48

in domestic academic journals.

No wonder young and talented professors, who need to have their retirement age guaranteed, give up writing their theses in Korean and adhere to writing in English. As for lectures, which are supposed to polish studentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; intellectual thoughts, universities frequently ask professors to abandon the mother tongue and give their lectures in English.

Academic journals perform an important role in forming the academic ecosystem. Academic journals published in English are read and distributed among people who understand the language. An entire culture is involved when people communicate their thoughts. To write a thesis in English, the norms of English culture should be followed not only in your academic agenda and intellectual curiosity but also in the style and logic of your writing. Only then can you communicate with people in the culture.

Speaking and writing in English is an act of enriching English culture and taking part in the lives of people who share the culture. Imagine Korean sociologists devoting their most productive years to writing in English. What would happen to our culture pivoting on our script? I fear that we might have a society in which we use Korean for daily conversations but have to use English for theoretical and conceptual discussions.

Already, our academic and technical terms are mostly in English and some scientists believe that accurate communication is possible in English only. For Korea to become an academically and culturally advanced country, the domestic academic ecosystem should first become healthier. The deplorable climate that dismisses domestic academic journals and theses written in Korean should be changed.

Evaluations on financial assistance and research support programs for universities should no longer be misused to distort the direction of academic learning and the lives of future generations. Dissertations written in Korean and published in domestic academic journals should no longer be discriminated against because of the bias toward those written in English and carried by international journals.

This argument, of course, will be more convincing when the level of domestic academic journals improves. Only when problems in our academia and academic policies are sufficiently discussed and reviewed to be properly resolved, our academia and culture will be upgraded one notch higher.

[Chosun Ilbo, October 7, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Politics of Collective Corruption

Yoon Pyung-joong Professor of Political Philosophy Hanshin University

Shocking college admission fraud has been uncovered. A student, who had forged his entire application including awards and volunteer service, was accepted to a prestigious university in 2012 and again in 2013 through admissions officer screening. At a time when the college entrance system is regarded as the last bastion of Korean society’s fairness, such a blatant fraud incites extreme public wrath. In particular, the rage of high school seniors and their parents is on the verge of exploding. Admission fraud is a serious crime but what is more worrisome is the mindset of the student’s mother who masterminded the fraud. The mother, identified as a university lecturer, reportedly complained to the police, “Why do you blame only me? Everyone else does it.” It is really terrifying: not her shamelessness but the level of corruption in Korean society that her remark exposes. The student’s mother is not simply an isolated figure. All of us could be in her position, though in varying degrees. This is not to say that we should give her immunity. She should be sternly punished but we also need to take note of the abominable connotation hidden in her remark. Her simple statement, “Everybody else does it,” is the self-portrait of modern Koreans. This is our response when we are caught doing something wrong. Experiences in modern Korean history, in

which masters of unlawfulness and irregularity have gained power and those faithful to law and consciousness suffered disadvantage, have turned “honesty” into a synonym for “inflexibility” or “stupidity” in the everyday world of Koreans.

Hence few people consider it unusual that former President Chun Doo-hwan, who reaped a record amount of bribes in Korean history, could resist the law by saying, “Why are you only picking on me?” Hwang Woo-suk, former professor of Seoul National University who created the country’s worst scientific fraud, is seeking to recover his reputation. After all, “Everybody else does it” is the 21st century version of “Everyone is a thief,” a famous buzzword from a TV drama in the 1980s.

As a result, whenever corruption is uncovered, the perpetrators rarely plead guilty. Life is a process of social learning. The impudence of criminals is a “protest” against the unfair society overflowing with preferential privileges for retired bureaucrats (jeongwan yeu) and leeway to pardon crimes of the rich (yujeon mujoe). Making an excuse in a desperate situation caused by one’s own fault is close to a human instinct. However, the politics behind the statement, “Everybody else does it,” is becoming a fatal obstacle to the advancement of Korean society. It is blocking the development of Koreans into mature individuals who can cope with their own destiny. The act of shifting responsibility to others ― unspecified masses or the entire society ― has become habitual for Koreans.

There is a meaningful statistics related to this. On October 9, the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, a nonpartisan U.S. think tank, announced the results of its worldwide public opinion survey on opportunity and inequality. The survey involved 44 countries and nearly 49,000 interviews.

What especially captured my attention was the question asking whether success can be determined by things outside an individual’s control, such as luck or being born into a wealthy family. Seventyfour percent of Koreans said “yes” compared to an average of 51 percent in advanced countries. This shows most Koreans believe that success is out of their control.

Another noteworthy question was what they believed was important in getting ahead of others in life? Only Koreans answered that knowing the right people (39 percent) is more important than hard work (34 percent) and education (30 percent). All of the respondents in the rest of the 43 countries said that education and hard work are most important. This shows that they value subjective and voluntary factors. 52

Even the Chinese, who regard personal relations (guanxi) very highly, also chose education (27 percent), hard work (18 percent) and knowing the right people (12 percent) as the keys to success.

The survey results clearly describe the naked face of the Koreans. As they think highly of outside factors even when they discuss success, it is natural that Koreans shift the blame for their illegal acts or failures to factors other than themselves. We are that far from self-reliance deep in our hearts. People who can’t take responsibility for their own action usually react harshly to others’ faults. For this reason, few people admit “It’s my fault,” while those blaming other people or their country are everywhere. “Everybody else does it” is an excuse that keeps people from standing on their own feet and harms a democratic republic.

However, there are also many people who reject this sophistry. Even though they may have to suffer a loss, they try not to do things that they believe are not right. According to the Pew Research Center report, the belief that “future generations will be financially better off than the present generation” was by far the strongest in Korea among the group of advanced countries. Hopes for the future and self-esteem can’t be obtained for free. You can live “properly” as a human being only when you brush aside the temptation to say “Everybody else does it.”

[Chosun Ilbo, October 17, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

A Newspaper’s Evaluation of Universities

Kim Nury Professor of German Literature Chungang University

University students are raising their voices against a newspaper’s evaluation of universities. After the student council of Korea University officially declared a “campaign against evaluation of universities” on September 22, the student bodies of eight universities including Korea, Kyung Hee, Kookmin, Dongguk, Seoul, Sungkonghoe, Yonsei, and Hanyang held a press conference on October 6, hoisting a banner reading, “We Oppose the JoongAng Ilbo’s Evaluation of Universities that Lines Up Universities.” On October 11, student council leaders of all universities participating in the campaign gathered at Hanyang University to hold a forum, under the title “For Whom the Universities Line Up.” This is the first time that university student councils have united to object to the newspaper’s annual rankings of universities, which began in 1994. The nation’s university community is paying keen attention to whether the campaign will be able to halt the “massive collapse” that Korea’s universities have suffered amid the winds of neo-liberalism over the past two decades and to serve as the starting point for a “massive change” for universities to recover their true nature.

The primary reason why students oppose the ranking is because it stratifies universities. This is absolutely true. The rankings have further solidified the stratification of universities and “academic cliques” that are chronic evils in our society. The problems do not stop here. We need to pay attention 54

to the fact that, while the pro-business newspaper has been leading the evaluation, the universities have unwittingly succumbed to big business.

In the last two decades, universities in Korea have degraded themselves into colonies that provide corporations with resources (human resources), technology (patents) and ideology (corporate discourse), while their essential nature eroded. In this process of colonization, university rankings have been the most powerful and effective weapon used by capitalists. The annual evaluations are based on indicators created by the conglomerate media group and tailored to fit its taste. Instead of rejecting such evaluations, universities have competed to “reform” themselves in accordance with the standards given by the media company, voluntarily subjugating themselves to big business. Of course, the JoongAng Ilbo emphasizes the “objectivity” of its evaluations. However, no evaluation can be absolutely objective. All of the newspaper’s evaluation indicators are expressed quantitatively. They are nothing but numerical descriptions of ideal universities desired by big business. The indicators contain the intention of corporations to strengthen their control on universities and suppress critical voices of academia.

An individual newspaper, without any authority, evaluates universities based on its arbitrary indicators produced from a thoroughly capital-oriented perspective. And universities, which think of themselves as the “hall of intelligence,” submit to the evaluation. This reality is nearly a tragicomedy.

The colonization of universities has led to miserable consequences. The most serious problem is that the last watchdog to check the absolute power of big business has collapsed. In the current neo-liberal environment where economy is consolidating its superiority over politics, it is a matter of tremendous concern that academic and moral authority, which is supposed to control the arbitrary power of big business, has been incapacitated.

The devastation of the academic world is also serious. The academic disciplines that are critical of big business have been weeded out or reduced in the name of “restructuring.” In particular, the humanities and social sciences, which are the “spiritual pillar” of universities, suffered a direct hit. The intellectual level of university students has also hugely dropped. As corporations want functional and practical knowledge, students have long been avoiding subjects about humans, society, history and culture.

The evaluation of universities by a conglomerate newspaper should be sternly rejected. This is a 55

desperate request of the times to our universities and academia. Students took action. Now it is time for professors to respond.

[The Hankyoreh, October 20, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

- Let’s Use More Korean on Shop Signs - The Odyssey of 20-Somethings - Hongdae District with No More Counter-Culture - Cultural Industry Needs ‘Golden Time’ Strategy - Preservation of Cultural Assets Also Has a ‘Golden Time’

Let’s Use More Korean on Shop Signs

Lee Keon-bum Chairman Hangeul Culture Solidarity

The central government and local autonomous bodies are actively promoting the use of plain public language to ensure everyone is informed and to prevent discrimination, which might arise if difficult words are used.

A cabinet meeting in October last year discussed this issue, and the council of the spokespersons for the government ministries and agencies representing 44 organizations held a rally in March this year to declare that the use of plain language is integral to the public’s basic rights.

As part of this effort, sample press releases from government offices are now being evaluated. Also, on July 17, the metropolitan government of Seoul implemented an ordinance encouraging the use of Korean, and last week, the provincial council of Gyeonggi also approved an ordinance concerning the use of Korean. The local governments’ action is a step forward in ensuring proper Korean words are used in public documents, as stipulated under the Basic Act on the Korean Language. The Seoul city government’s ordinance contains provisions encouraging citizens to use words widely used in everyday life and to avoid using vulgar or discriminatory expressions, foreign languages and newly coined terms. Numerous foreign words, particularly their Korean transliterations, are being used in public documents, which is a violation of the Basic Act on the Korean Language. Such English 58

words as “risk” and “kick-off” that can be easily replaced with the corresponding Korean words are commonly used. These habits should be eliminated as soon as possible. Korean transliterations of foreign words, such as “sinkhole,” should be replaced with Korean words with the same meaning like (gudeong-i, meaning “hole”) or (ddang ggeojim, meaning “ground collapse”), in order to prevent unnecessary confusion. The Seoul subway lines 5 to 8 now have (anjeonmun, meaning “safety door”), instead of (screen door), which is a good example of clearer Korean instead of transliterations. Secondly, foreign words that lack clarity should be avoided. For example, “cool biz” is a newly coined term that is obscure. The Seoul city government changed it to (siwon charim), a Korean expression meaning a cool outfit.

It is not only because Korean and Hangeul, the Korean script, are our native means of communication that we should develop the Korean-language culture. From the viewpoint of language use, it is necessary to foster the community spirit geared to ensuring the people’s rights to equality and to being informed. Development of a language community is the foundation for development of a political community where the basic human rights are duly respected. Applauding the efforts of the public sector, I want to propose changing our language culture in the private sector. Above all, let’s change outdoor signs. Signs are a medium of the most eye-catching text information as well as essential elements of cityscapes. Signs show characteristics of our culture to foreigners. While many small-time shops have signs written in Hangeul, an overwhelming majority of convenient stores, bakeries, coffee shops and bars have signs in the Roman alphabet, and the trend is spreading rapidly. These signs determine the landscape of public byways.

France has a law mandating the use of French on all commercial signs, as well as public postings. If foreign words are used, they must not stand out more than French words. Using foreign letters in France would not be an issue as serious as in Korea because they are mostly in the Roman alphabet. There is a big difference in the shapes of Hangeul and the Roman alphabet, hence the bigger problems. But we have no specific regulations concerning the matter.

Some may argue that the government should not meddle with commercial signs of private businesses. They may ask, “Although a sign may look a little strange, if it is eye-catching and helps generate profit, what is the problem?” When we have few Korean signs in our streets, however, our linguistic 59

sensibility to our native tongue will become dull. When foreign words we hear are reinforced visually, they will seep into our day-to-day lexicon, raising the risk that our language culture will be thrown into great confusion. Eventually, those who are unfamiliar with foreign languages will be victimized.

The current move by the Ministry of Education to consider the simultaneous use of Chinese characters in elementary school textbooks also is provoking fears of a similar disaster. The move is tantamount to nullifying the results of a “literary revolution,” which has been achieved by the nation since the late 1980s to end our age-old dependence on Chinese characters. When we are attracted to foreign languages and scripts, our own language and script will be relatively belittled, denting our cultural productivity.

On the 568th anniversary of the proclamation of Hangeul, let us all ruminate about the intentions behind King Sejong’s effort to create the nation’s own writing system.

[September 15, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

The Odyssey of 20-Somethings

Hahm In-hee Professor of Sociology Ewha Womans University

A recent posting on a humor website reads, “Ten-somethings have no discretion; 20-somethings have no answer; 30-somethings have no house; 40-somethings have no money; 50-somethings have no job; 60-somethings have no strength; and 70-somethings have no pleasure.” Because my job requires me to mingle with 20-somethings, my attention was naturally drawn to “20-somethings who have no answer.”

Researchers taking note of the phases of life of those 20-somethings have begun making interesting assertions. They observed that in the past the life cycle of an individual was divided into four phases ― childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age ― but now the cycle is segmented into six phases ― childhood, adolescence, odyssey, adulthood, active retirement, and old age. They explain that an “odyssey” refers to a decade of wandering and exploring, accompanied by challenges and frustrations, which many young people experience between adolescence and adulthood. There is a good reason why an individual’s life cycle has been subdivided. Life cycle researchers share the view that adulthood means accomplishment of four major milestones: leaving the family home and living in one’s own place; marriage; starting a family; and full financial independence. U.S. statistics say that 70 percent of 30-year-olds reached these milestones in 1960, but only 40 percent did in 2000. The ratio is said to be even lower in Europe, and no doubt the trend is rushing to Korea, 61

too. The “odyssey” period may also be seen as a time in which social maturity significantly lags behind biological age. Some call this period “endless adolescence.” Others call it “emerging adulthood.” In a survey that asked Koreans between 25 and 29 years old to identify the most stressful experience in their lives, 98 percent said it was job hunting, giving it 69 points in a 100-point scale. Starting their first job was second at 60 points.

The stress due to a breakup with a lover was given 57 points; the stress about finding the right spouse 55 points; and the stress from the first sexual experience 37 points. The figures alone may seem insignificant, but clearly contrast with the comparable generation of the past who married mostly in their mid-20s. Also noteworthy is that those in their 20s, befitting the moniker “odyssey,” have work ethics and values that are quite different from older generations. Indeed, when asked whether they have any intention to change career or workplace within three years, one of three 20-somethings replied affirmatively, regardless of the size of the company they work for or the type of job.

Asked to explain why, many say their trial and error in employment stems from being taught since childhood to “achieve your own dream,” though they actually may not have clear “dreams.”

This generation never experienced poverty while they were young, so their criteria for choosing a career or job are different from those of the older generations. The highest priorities for the middleaged and older generations have been financial compensation and stability, but 20-somethings tend to change their job or career in consideration of how much they enjoy their work, their relationship with colleagues and workplace atmosphere, and whether the job can enhance their personal development. I suggest the older generations refrain from calling young adults “immature,” “irresponsible,” or “having no answer.” Instead, we should offer them warm encouragement and sincere assistance so that they can spare themselves from excessive trial and error in a period of exploration, and bounce back and stand up in a period of wandering, without yielding to frustration.

[Seoul Shinmun, September 2, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr 62

Hongdae District with No More Counter-Culture

Kim Zak-ka Pop Music Critic

People still commonly refer to Hongdae, or the neighborhood of Hongik University, as the “street of the youth,” but it is not necessarily the case since those looking for something hot and hip have shifted to Yeonnam-dong and Gyeongnidan-gil. If you ask them to hang out in Hongdae, they will say the neighborhood is for the kids. There is a bit of truth in that since Hongdae is now full of either Chinese tourists or kids in their early 20s lining up in front of clubs and “booking pocha,” or dive bars where they try to meet with the opposite sex.

Because these youngsters opt for the cheap and familiar instead of more expensive and authentic taste, most of the new stores that open in Hongdae sell street food like gimbap and ddeok-bokki, or rice rolls and spicy rice cakes. In that sense, Hongdae indeed belongs to the youth, but those who want another type of “youth” have no particular reason to go there anymore. No one would argue that it is going downhill culture-wise, following the footsteps of Sinchon and Daehangno.

It is a worldwide trend to see culturally flourishing areas hollow out because they cannot withstand commercialization and rising property prices. However, there is a stark difference between the current “it” neighborhood and Hongdae in its heyday, and that is creation of culture ― alternative or counterculture, to be precise.

It was gourmet restaurants, or matjip as known in Korean, that made Yeonnam-dong and Gyeongnidan-gil famous. These restaurants popped up in small alleys, and suddenly became popular by word of mouth online. Food lovers began to flock in, and dying neighborhoods came to life. If there was a beautifully decorated café that served exquisite coffee nearby, then all the better. Wining and dining is all that matters, nothing more. Let’s look back to Hongdae in the mid-1990s. It was considered the outpost of Sinchon and new spaces were being created. Bars playing certain genres of music such as punk and reggae opened. In the 1990s when all the popular bars in Seoul were playing tunes from the 1970s, the youth in their 20s began to crowd the Hongdae in search of contemporary music.

If it had stopped at the emergence of new consumer class, then it would have been considered one of many fads. However, culture began to flourish. Mainstream underground bands mostly played heavy metal and blues, but newcomers played punk and alternative rock. They played terribly with their spiked dyed hair, beat up jeans dripping with chains. However, they had an attitude, an antagonistic attitude toward the establishment, mainstream music and even toward the previous wave of underground music that revolved around heavy metal.

It was not only about music. Aspiring movie directors defying the apprenticeship system of Chungmu-ro made independent films, and artists rising up against the exclusive art circle created independent art. They staged hybrid events, crossing over between concerts and exhibitions in disregard of genres, and they shot music videos with virtually zero capital. Thus, the Hongdae culture was born, and it was dubbed “indie.” Because the lines were blurred between consumers and producers, yesterday’s audience could become today’s band, writer, and director. Their desire to create something eventually replaced the old order and culture. This was the common denominator found in all the spaces that gave birth to new youth culture since the 1960s. This resembled the beginning of Myeong-dong, Daehangno, Itaewon and Sinchon, when new culture blossomed, and this is exactly what is lacking in the new “hot places” of the 21st century.

Propensity alone cannot enable creation or production of new culture. It must be combined with certain attitudes, desires and philosophy. Western subculture ranging from hippie to hipster and counterculture are testimony to that.

Instead of the counter-culture unsettling the established generation, the culture written in the grammar of the old order proliferates. Those who follow the footsteps of their fathers, instead of disobeying them, become powerful. They become ultra right-wing posting inconsiderate and obnoxious messages on the web. This is the result of counter-culture lost. How terrible.

[Kyunghyang Shinmun, October 1, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Cultural Industry Needs ‘Golden Time’ Strategy

Rhee Dong-kee Professor of Global Strategy Graduate School of Business, Seoul National University

Movies as a mass cultural medium were introduced in France. In 1895, the Lumiére brothers showed “Arrival of a Train at a Station” on the outskirts of Paris. The admission fee was one franc. The world’s first movie studio Gaumont Pathé already had the whole system in-house from production and distribution to screening in 1910, and it was a global company with 40 branches in 10 countries.

The landscape changed with World War I. France, one of the major Allied Forces, missed the opportunity to amass capital and quickly went downhill. Meanwhile, the United States installed the “Hollywood system” which was capable of churning out movies through division of labor and collaboration as well as distribution and theater networks that could monetize the films.

Since then the United States has never lost its grip. The four years between 1914 and 1918 were, in hindsight, the golden time of the world’s cultural industry. France, which had missed its chance, poured out numerous policies for cultural reinvigoration, but it failed to regain its top position in the global market. Even its local market is threatened nowadays by Hollywood productions. The first golden time in the world’s cultural industry was dominated by the United States and Britain. Now, in the second golden time, it is Asia’s turn to be a growth engine. The most ambitious country is China. Even though the average number of movies watched by a single Chinese person as of year66

end in 2013 was a mere 0.4, China already has a film market worth US$3.5 billion on an annual basis, second only to the United States. If it grows to the size of Korea (4.22 movies watched per person on average), then the market will grow ten-fold to a $35 billion market.

There are other countries besides China. Vietnam, home to 100 million people, and Indonesia with the world’s fourth-largest population of 250 million have an average number of movies watched per person at only 0.18 and 0.23, respectively, suggesting incredible potential.

Korea has the upper hand in Asia in that Korean actors and idol singers have the highest star power capable of relating to all Asian audience. In addition, directors and excellent staff have the best knowhow in content production and planning. As beads sewn together make up a beautiful necklace, these individual beads must be connected and packaged as a cultural export throughout Asia. This can be done by the deep-pocketed, giant culture companies that are equipped with the right network. What is the situation like in Korea? It is confined in a closed system of large conglomerates’ monopoly and vertical integration. CJ Group’s cultural content and platform business size is only one-twentieth of Hollywood media companies and Lotte’s business size is much smaller at one-ninetieth of its U.S. counterparts. They are like mom-and-pop stores in the global cultural industry.

Against this backdrop, recent moves made by China are quite threatening. The IT kingpins Baidu, Alibaba and Tencent set up movie production houses and are investing heavily in content production. Alibaba which opened a branch office in Korea this year created a Korea-China fund of 100 billion won, taking the lead in joint film and drama production. Youku Tudou, dubbed China’s YouTube, teamed up with SBS to produce “Super Junior M’s Guesthouse,” and it announced plans at the Busan International Film Festival to support Korean directors’ movie production. Despite it being a low season, the Korean movie “Slow Video” which brought in 1 million ticket buyers in just 10 days was financed by 20th Century Fox, Hollywood’s third largest studio. Time has already come for these wealthy U.S. and Chinese media groups to invest in Korean content.

The cultural industry has a different learning curve from the manufacturing industry in that one needs to go through trial and error many times to accumulate know-how and make it one’s own, whereas it is relatively easier to catch up in the manufacturing sector by following an operating manual and repeating the process over and over. Despite the time consumption, twice as many jobs can be created 67

in the cultural industry compared to the manufacturing industry.

Manufacturing titans such as Samsung Electronics and Hyundai Motor spearhead the Korean economy but are vulnerable to crises. Culture may be the most promising candidate for the next-generation economic engine. However, if the next two to three years of golden time is wasted without a global strategy, then the window of opportunity open to hallyu may close forever. We must ask ourselves if we have the proper golden time strategy for the cultural industry.

[Seoul Shinmun, October 14, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Preservation of Cultural Assets Also Has a â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Golden Timeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

Han Yun-jeong Culture Editor The Kyunghyang Shinmun

Years ago, I went to Egypt to report on tourism there. At that time, I learned that grave robbery had been widely accepted as a decent job in ancient Egypt. There are, without exceptions, villages of grave robbers where there used to be pyramids, tombs-cum-temples and deep valleys with royal tombs. In these villages, a father taught his son the whereabouts of graveyard entrances and distribution channels for stolen goods, and thus their family business was carried on.

In that sense, it was natural for tomb robbing to be an important economic component. Pharaohs who wielded absolute power mobilized all the national resources to build their worlds in the afterlife. Instead of leaving these assets buried with dead pharaohs, looting and circulating the objects became a way to generate added value.

The recent incident of retrieval of Buddhist cultural properties reminded me of the practice of grave robbery in ancient Egypt because the publicâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s awareness of cultural preservation in Korea hardly seems higher than that of ancient Egyptians.

Apprehended by the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency in cooperation with the Cultural Heritage Administration and the Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism was a man surnamed Kwon, 73, director of a well-known private museum in Seoul. Kwon was arrested on charges of purchasing 49 artifacts 69

stolen from 20 Buddhist temples across the country and stowing them away in secret places under disguised ownership between 1988 and 2004.

He was caught putting some of the stolen items up for auction in order to pay off personal debts. Among those stolen items, a painting of the Assembly at Vulture Peak, taken from Yongcheon Temple in Cheongdo, North Gyeongsang Province, had an estimated asking price of 600 million to 700 million won. The Korean cultural circle has been taken aback because Kwon is a well-known figure who has served as vice president of the Korean Private Museums Association and co-representative of the Guardian of Cultural Heritage.

Kwon opened his museum in 1993. He was deeply fascinated by Buddhist art as a young man and began collecting Buddhist paintings and statues. When his collection surpassed 200 objects, he felt that “these artifacts are no longer mine.” So he decided to establish a private museum. Like other collectors, he spent his own money, time and effort to purchase cultural properties because he did not want to see the nation’s precious cultural heritage being destroyed or disappearing. He acquired outstanding connoisseurship and some items in his collection earned state designation as treasures.

This is not the first instance of his involvement in a case of cultural robbery. Baegyang Temple in Jangseong County, South Jeolla Province reported to the police in 2006 that a scroll painting for outdoor rituals that had been stolen from the temple was on display at Kwon’s museum. Kwon was not prosecuted, however, because the seven-year statute of limitations on the case had already expired. His insistence on legitimate acquisition was recognized, so he did not have to return the painting in question.

As a matter of course, stolen relics become legitimate objects after being purchased on the black market and stored for a certain period of time. This is not simply a matter of moral integrity on the part of a suspect. When a collector sets his eye on an object, he would even make a deal with the devil in order to obtain it. In this regard, a collector deserves praise for his lifetime devotion to gather cultural assets together and exhibit them for the public.

The problem is that in reality cultural properties that should be regarded as public assets are traded on the black market. Legal loopholes in the nation’s cultural heritage management system, including the statute of limitations and good faith acquisition, have not been removed, even after the Baegyang Temple incident, which illuminated major problems. In addition, private museums that were founded as a foundation, a corporation, or a private business, practically lie beyond public control. 70

As in Kwon’s case, cultural properties are exhibited in a museum for the public when the owner is doing well financially, but they may be put up for sale if the owner is financially constricted. Thus, private museums are raising the need to differentiate the support for museums according to the levels of collections and make it obligatory for all private museums to register as a foundation so that the state can regulate transactions and movements of their collections.

None of the issues related to the management of cultural heritage can be handed lightly. Numerous historical sites are waiting to be excavated, and countless excavated relics remain slumbering in museum storages with their value yet to be properly appreciated. Amid the vicissitudes of modern history, a considerable number of Korea’s cultural properties have been taken out of the country illegally. We do not know their exact whereabouts, let alone how to bring them back. As witnessed in the case of Sungnyemun gate, reconstruction of a destroyed historical building also involves numerous problems.

All of these issues need to be addressed simultaneously. More urgent than anything else, however, is to preserve cultural assets that are on the brink of vanishing. Next is care of discovered assets. Third is recovery of more assets. Coming last is restoration, or production of a replica.

At this juncture, it is a pressing issue to look back at how our society handles cultural heritage. The investigation of the shoddy restoration of Sungnyemun, National Treasure No. 1, which was destroyed by an arsonist, led to the punishment of a few artisans, including the head carpenter, roof tile maker and woodwork painter, for fraud. During the investigation, sensational reports by some news media instigated unfounded fears that Seokguram grotto temple and Cheomseongdae astronomical observatory, both outstanding cultural properties dated to the ancient Silla Kingdom, will collapse, wasting the government’s administrative power.

In the meantime, preservation of the Bangudae Petroglyphs, invaluable prehistoric rock carvings in Ulsan, South Gyeongsang Province, is going nowhere, although the incumbent Park administration has declared a strong commitment to resolving the longstanding issue. Some experts have raised concern that a kinetic dam, or a polycarbonate wall that would encircle the rock engravings, which was proposed as a stop-gap measure to prevent further damage to the riverside heritage, may fall apart due to buoyant force. The first point of action is to work on the danger of missing an opportunity. The rule of “golden time” 71

is also vital to preserving endangered cultural properties.

[October 27, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

- Labor Productivity of South and North Korea

Labor Productivity of South and North Korea Lee Yong-hwa Senior Researcher Hyundai Research Institute

Lee Bu-hyoung Senior Research Fellow Hyundai Research Institute

I. Overview Slow economic growth and a sharp drop in labor productivity has shrunk North Koreaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s real gross domestic product by 12 percent since 1990, when it was 35.0 trillion [South Korean] won. In 2013, the Northâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; real GDP was 30.8 trillion won. A further decline in labor productivity will create additional problems in the course of reunification of the Korean peninsula. The labor productivity gap between North and South Korea will widen and the cost burden of reunification on South Koreans could rise exponentially.

Expansion of economic cooperation between the two Koreas could close the widening gap in labor productivity. The possibility for improvement has been displayed already at the Kaesong (Gaeseong) Industrial Complex, a showcase of inter-Korean economic cooperation. At the cross-border joint industrial park, per capita labor productivity reached a relatively high 10,500,000 won in 2012 (or 10,080,000 won in the average of the 2006-2012 period).

This study seeks to identify North Korean labor productivity and examine ways to help raise it from the viewpoint of reducing the unification cost that South Koreans would have to bear.

II. Comparison of Labor Productivity 1. Labor Environment in North Korea

1) Demographic Structure and Educational Level North Korean population has remained stagnant since the 1990s. The North had about 24,500,000 people in 2012, an increase of 3.5 million over 20 years. The South Korean population grew by 6 million during the same period. Natural disasters in the North and subsequent severe food shortages during the 1990s are widely blamed for its slow population growth.

The total number of universities in North Korea is about one-third of that in South Korea and the number of university students in the North is about one-sixth of the Southâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s. However, when adjusted by population, the number of educational institutions and students in North Korea are about the same

as those of South Korea. Considering the Northâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s general socio-economic environment, its educational level is fairly high. This is a positive factor for social integration in the event of unification of the two Koreas.

2) Industrial Structure and Employment The economic structure in North Korea today resembles that of South Korea in the 1970s, with the primary sector (farming, fishing, mining and forestry) leading the national economy.

The weight of nominal value added of industries in the North in 2012 was the primary sector accounting for 37.4 percent, the manufacturing sector 21.9 percent (light industry 6.7 percent, heavy industry 15.2 percent), SOC/construction 11.3 percent, and services 29.4 percent. In contrast, in South Korea, the service sector contributed 58.2 percent and the heavy industry provided 27.2 percent in 2012.

In North Korea, the primary sector has 5,110,000 workers, or 42 percent of the total working population, followed by the service sector with 3,610,000 workers, or 29.6 percent, and the manufacturing sector with 2,880,000 workers, or 23.6 percent. South Korean statistics show the service sector has 17,180,000 workers, or 69.6 percent of the total working population, followed by the manufacturing sector with 4,100,000 workers, or 16.7 percent, and the primary sector with 1,540,000 workers, or 6.2 percent. 76

2. Labor Environment in North Korea

1) Method of Estimating Labor Productivity and Assumptions This study assesses the per capita labor productivity of South and North Korea by dividing their respective value added of industries by the number of workers in all the economic sectors. Labor productivity is the ratio between the amount of labor input and the amount of material output per worker in a given time. In computing labor productivity, production function is used to calculate material labor productivity. But due to the limited availability of economic data from North Korea, this study had to rely on GDP and industry-by-industry employment statistics to calculate per capita labor productivity. North Korea’s GDP is quoted from Bank of [South] Korea statistics while its employment figures are based on the 2008 North Korea census report. North Korea’s nominal GDP by sector is also taken from the BOK’s estimates (2010 prices). The North’s employment figures by sector are based on the 2008 UNFPA report and North Korean Central Bureau of Statistics reports, assuming that the North’s employment rate remained unchanged between 1990 and 2012. For easier comparison, the same computing method is applied to both Koreas. 77

2) Estimate of North Korean Labor Productivity North Korea’s per capita labor productivity has increased by only about 1,100,000 [South Korean] won over the past 20 years. Average labor productivity per worker reached 1,600,000 won in 1990 and then barely progressed in the ensuing years as the country went through the “Arduous March” due to natural disasters and international isolation after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The North Korean regime implemented a set of economic measures on July 1, 2002, but they ended up only adding 1,100,000 won to the average per capita labor productivity.

By sector, SOC/construction has had the best performance, falling from 4.6 million won in 1990 to 3 million won in 1998 amid the severe famine, and then climbing gradually to 6.3 million won in 2012. Most other sectors have been in doldrums with the light manufacturing and the primary sector at the bottom with 1.7 million won and 2.4 million won, respectively.

3) Comparison between South and North Korea The average per capita labor productivity in North Korea can be compared to the level of South Korea 78

in 1980, which was 2,850,000 won (calculated by dividing the year’s GNP by the workforce total). In 1990, the North’s labor productivity was one-seventh of South Korea’s, fell to 1/16 in 1998 and sank further to 1/21 in 2012. The North’s SOC/construction led labor productivity in 2012 while light manufacturing ranked last. Yet, the North SOC/construction still remained at one-seventh of South Korea’s average, followed by the primary sector at one-ninth. Overall manufacturing sector productivity was 1/38 of the South Korean average, with light industry especially low at 1/39.

III. Estimated Cost of Increasing North Korean Labor Productivity 1. Methodology

Capital investment (investment in production facilities) and development of human capital are needed to raise the labor productivity in North Korea. Generally, R&D investments and increases in physical and human capital are key factors of higher labor productivity. This study excludes input of capital 79

goods in consideration of the special circumstances of the Korean peninsula and estimates only the cost of efforts to develop human capital.

Development of human capital requires relatively more time than facility investment. This is why South Korea needs to raise labor productivity in the North ahead of reunification by enhancing its human capital. Assuming that South Korea invests in public education and vocational training in North Korea to help increase its labor productivity, the cost of such endeavors may be calculated by referring to the South Korean government’s previous expenditures in such areas because no statistics on educational costs in North Korea is available. The South Korean government’s spending for human capital development includes overall educational expenditures and the Employment and Labor Ministry’s project funds (nominal) for development of vocational capabilities.

In this study, the target levels for North Korean labor productivity are set at $5,000 and $10,000. South Korea reached $5,000 (10 million won by the exchange rate at the time) in per capita GDP in 1988 and doubled it to $10,000 (25 million won) in 1995.

2. Estimates Based on South Korean Expenditures

South Korea spent about 28 trillion won for development of human capital over nine years before it reached $5,000 in per capita GDP in 1988, and again expended about 70 trillion won for seven years until it attained $10,000. It breaks down to an annual spending of 3 trillion won, or 680,000 won per capita, between 1980 and 1988, and then 10 trillion won annually, or 1,640,000 won per capita, between 1989 and 1995.

The estimation based on these figures shows that a total of 55 trillion won will be required from 2015 through 2023 to develop human capital in the North to achieve $5,000 in per capita GDP, or 6 trillion won per year and 2,200,000 won per capita. In order to raise the North’s per capita GDP to $10,000 through increased productivity, an additional 85 trillion won, or 12 trillion won per year and 3.4 million won per capita, would be needed from 2024 through 2030.

IV. Policy Suggestions Although labor productivity in North Korea is about a quarter century behind that of South Korea, the experience of jointly operating the Kaesong Industrial Complex suggests that the North’s workforce is relatively well-educated and is quick in learning technologies. If inter-Korean economic cooperation is ratcheted up to provide development aid to the North and educational exchanges and training programs are expanded, the North’s labor productivity could rapidly increase and eventually help reduce the costs associated with reunification.

First, efforts should be made to reopen inter-Korean economic cooperation projects. South Korea needs to help revive North Korea’s economy to create a virtuous cycle in which labor productivity pushes upward and the economy improves.

Second, avenues to expand technological and educational exchanges should be explored to effectively cut the estimated cost of 140 trillion won for building up North Korean labor productivity. Higher labor productivity in manufacturing through effective technical training would significantly help improve the standard of living in North Korea. As a pioneer project, a vocational school could be opened in the Kaesong complex to provide technical training to North Korean workers.

Third, multinational cooperation projects involving South and North Korea, China and Russia are desirable to upgrade the Northâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s labor productivity to global standards. Future joint ventures among these nations could give hiring priority to North Korean workers to speed up development of human resources in the North.

[Weekly Economic Review 14-42, No. 613, October 24, Hyundai Research Institute]

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- â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;Seoulismâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Lures Foreigners Seeking New Challenges - Singles Share Living Spaces and Lifestyles

‘Seoulism’ Lures Foreigners Seeking New Challenges

Kim Mi-ri, Choe Bo-yun & Jeong Sang-hyeok Staff Reporters The Chosun Ilbo

“The number of foreign tourists in Korea has really grown. Even rents have gone up. I may have to move to another area,” laughed Canadian artist Paul Kajander, 34, as he looked out the window of his third-floor apartment in Seoul’s traditional neighborhood of Bukchon (Northern Village). Since coming to Korea three years ago, Kajander has been creating video installations. The Canadian settled in Seoul after several friends participating in the “Media City” exhibition at the Seoul Museum of Art in 2010 excitedly told him that Seoul was brimming with energy and cutting-edge art was being created.

Yong Sin, a 29-year-old dancer from Malaysia who has spent the last six years in Seoul, echoed Kajander’s words, “In the dance world, both my Asian and European friends told me, ‘Go to Seoul now! Seoul is the hottest and trendiest city in the art world.’” Seoul’s sudden status as a cultural hub for artists from around the world has generated a different inflow of foreigners. Unlike overseas fans of K-pop and Korean dramas who make short visits to Korea, the foreign artists are here to stay. According to the Korea Immigration Service at the Ministry of Justice, the number of foreign residents with cultural and performance arts visas was 5,987 as of August 2014, an increase of more than 1,000 since 2010. They are mostly in their 20s, 30s and 40s and from culturally advanced countries. Americans and Europeans are the majority of them. 84

These young artists cover a wide range of fields, including painting, design, architecture, photography and dance. They are the real reason for the rise of Seoul as an arts hub. They are helping to internationalize the arts scene here, thereby helping Korea’s entry into the global arts discussion and staging events that meet international standards.

If we view the initial influx in the early 1990s from Southeast Asia as industrial trainees and ethnic Koreans from China as “economic migrants” here to earn money, then the recent arrivals can be seen as “cultural migrants.” Seoul’s dynamic culture has led to the rise of the term “Seoulism,” meaning the unique characteristics of Seoul as seen by foreigners. Seoulism also is the name of a webzine. Produced by international students, its content is written in Korean to give foreign perspectives to Koreans.

◊ ‘Cultural Migrations’ to the ‘Land of Opportunity’ Foreign artists are of one voice in saying that Seoul is the “land of opportunity.” Fabio Peccarini, a 33-year-old photographer who spent eight years in London before coming to Seoul in April, insists, “Seoul is the right place for me as an artist.” While his wife being Korean was a factor, Peccarini says the real reason he came to Korea is that there are so many opportunities. “Global cultural centers like New York, London and Paris are so well developed that there is not enough room for unknown young artists to make a name for themselves,” he explained.

Now that Seoul (and Korea) is in a cultural transition period of moving from the outer fringes of the art world to the center, the city is like a sponge soaking up the arts of the world. Malaysian dancer Yong Sin explained, “In other countries, there are only one or two dance-focused international festivals each year, but in Korea there are four or five. There are even lots of global auditions. You can see global dance trends in Korea and at the same time use Korea as a springboard for developing an international reputation.” Goethe Institut Seoul staff member Alexandra Lottje, 33, is experiencing firsthand Korea’s dramatic shift from a culturally barren place. She lived in Korea because of her father’s work from 1984-87 and then returned as an exchange student in 2002-03. She has been living in Korea since returning here in 2007 to undertake her graduate studies. “In the past, there were few foreigners who came to

Korea of their own volition without having any personal or professional connections here. But recently, the attractiveness of Korea’s dynamic culture has led several German architects and filmmakers to move here,” Lottje said.

◊ ‘Unfamiliar Seoul’ as Asia’s New Cultural Hideout Another point that foreign artists living here say they find attractive is that Seoul is unfamiliar. Karen MK, 44, an American novelist who has lived in Seoul for six years, said, “Western interest in East Asian culture has shifted from Japan to Korea. Tokyo is so familiar that it has become passe, while Beijing and Shanghai are considered dangerous places to live. Seoul is up to international standards as a place to live while at the same time having an exotic Asian culture. The number of artists here is increasing because they don’t have to worry about their safety, while their curiosity to try something different can be satisfied.”

German painter Ingo Baumgarten, a Hongik University Painting Department faculty member, has lived the past six years in Korea and spent the late 1990s in Japan. He observed, “In the 1980s and 1990s there was a positive spirit in Japan, but now Japan seems to have lost its dynamism. That cultural dynamism has shifted from Japan to Korea. Seoul is so dynamic that everything changes so quickly and this can be a problem.” He continued, “Many of my students start off being interested in the Korean Wave (hallyu) and Korean popular culture. This leads to them becoming fascinated by Korean design and architecture and the decision to try and enter those fields.” Seoul has also become a proving ground for some foreigners to take aim at Korea’s “cultural success.” Thai businessman Ammarit Aikwanich, 36, moved to Bangbae-dong’s Seorae Village to open the Thai restaurant “The Andaman.” Aikwanich’s father owns “Thainaan,” one of the biggest restaurants in Thailand. He declared, “If I can be successful in Seoul, the most culturally trendy city in Asia, that would be recognized on the global stage.”

◊ Those Making Seoul a Global Cultural Hotspot “When I first set foot in this country to visit a friend about 10 years ago, I was really shocked, but it was a good shock. Korea was suddenly at the top of the list of countries I wanted to work in.” These were the reflections of Open Books publishing company’s foreign literature team leader Gregory Limpens. For Limpens, 38, who is fluent in Korean, his first image of Korea was “the land of orphans.” That is because his nephew was adopted from Korea.

Until Limpens had a Korean friend during his exchange student days in Germany in 1998, his information about and interest in Korea was essentially a blank piece of paper. Limpens recalled, “My Korean friend, British friend and I were like the `Three Musketeers.’ Ultimately, in order to reunite with my Korean friend, I made a 10-day trip to Korea in 2003. My goodness! I completely fell in love with the country!”

With an interest in literature and copyrights, Limpens joined the law firm Kim & Chang in 2005 to work on copyright law cases. In 2008 he entered Open Books. With the command of six languages, Limpens has prepared 161 books for publication and published 105 of them so far. The impact of personal networks like Limpens’ cannot be excluded as an important factor beckoning foreigners engaged in culture and the arts to come to Korea. Millions of Koreans living all around the 87

world have been at the heart of helping Korea become a cultural powerhouse on the world stage. In particular, unlike in the past, Koreans studying abroad today have more free time and overseas Koreans have entered mainstream society in their adopted countries. This is causing the image of Korea abroad to change. Thai restaurant entrepreneur Aikwanich had an experience similar to Limpens’. While studying at a Swiss hotel school more than 10 years ago, he noticed his Korean classmates’ high level of competitiveness. One of the students he met at that time, Cha Seong-je, has become his business partner and they established the SR Company. Malaysian dancer Yong Sin said, “Back in 2005, I became fascinated with Koreans when I saw Professors Jeon Mi-suk and Yu Mi-na dance at an international dance festival in Malaysia. After three years of hard work, I was able to receive a government scholarship to study in Korea.” In America’s fashion centers like New York and Hollywood, a succession of successful Koreans and Korean-Americans have been serving as a kind of bridge to the rest of the world. A representative example of this is Korean-American designer Carol Lim, who took the lead in creating the Opening Ceremony line of clothing for the Kenzo fashion house. She is constantly conducting exchanges with Cheil Industries and setting up pop-up stores in Korea and the United States to introduce new designers.

The power of Korean wives is also being put to work. Michelin starred restaurant chef Jean-Georges Vongerichten hosted the food documentary “Kimchi Chronicles” with the help of his Korean-born wife. Korean-American author Helie Lee got her top Hollywood producer husband to film episodes of “America’s Next Top Model” in Korea. Canadian artist Paul Kajander adds, “After my own network led me to come to Korea three years ago, I feel like I am playing the role of a cultural ambassador by bringing together Korea and foreign artists. We are helping to build new networks between Korea and the rest of the world.”

◊ Foreigner-Run Webzines: “I can inform people directly about my Seoul” Finally, we cannot leave out the importance of webzines like Seoulism and the efforts being made by blog and web page creators to more broadly inform the world about Korea. Two examples are British blogger Philip Gowman’s London Korean Links on Korean cultural and arts events and Swedish blogger Anna Lindgren’s Indieful ROK blog on the indie rock scene in Korea. 88

Gowman, an Oxford University graduate working in the global finance sector for HSBC, said in a phone interview, “I became enamored with Korea in the 1990s when one of my clients introduced me to Korea’s drinking culture, especially boilermakers (poktanju). After several trips to Korea, I came to realize that Korean culture and arts were really outstanding. I often receive letters from British artists telling me that my website inspired them to be interested in Korea and to want to work in Korea. There are a lot of useful Korea-focused websites, like Dongguk University Professor Charles Montgomery’s Korean Literature in Translation.” The international student webzine “Seoulism” discusses in fluent Korean a Seoul that is little known to Korea. Russian writer Eva Kononova, 26, explains, “We want to let Koreans know about Seoul by bringing together the insights of foreign students living in Korea. Rather than a ‘League of Their Own’ type of isolation, we want to become foreigners who accept the attractiveness of Seoul even more than Koreans.”

[September 23-24, 2014]

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Singles Share Living Spaces and Lifestyles

Park Hee-je Staff Reporter The Dong-A Ilbo

Twenty people in their early to mid-thirties are living on a shared housing scheme called "People in Our Neighborhood." Six students of a Buddhist university who dreamed of making a living as farmers began the arrangement three years ago, when they jointly purchased three small, inexpensive apartments. Each resident contributes to living costs according to his/her financial capacity. Each room is occupied by two people with a mutual belief that properties need to be “shared” rather than “possessed.” This community of single adults, also known as Udongsa (acronym of the group’s Korean name), is in the Geomam housing development area of the West District, Incheon. Udongsa members purchased two units on the fourth floor of a typical apartment building designed to accommodate six households, and another one on the third floor. They also bought an additional unit in a nearby building to use it as a guesthouse. Residents on the top floor raise four chickens in their terrace. Chickens are fed leftover food and peeled fruit skin, and lay two to three fresh eggs every day.

The residents tend a small kitchen garden nearby. At the recommendation of a Protestant pastor, they also obtained a lease of a 5,000-square-meter rice field inside the civilian control zone in Gyosan-ri, Yangsa-myeon, Ganghwa County, an hour away by car from their home. They have been growing rice there for the past two years. The group, which had no agricultural knowledge, has been helped 90

by their friends and acquaintances to make the rice farming a collective effort of more than 40 people.

When I arrived on October 9, they were celebrating their rice harvest. Before they started to gather the rice, they played traditional farmers' band music, beating gongs (jing, kkwaeggwari), hourglassshaped drums (janggu) and other small drums (buk). The joy of communal life was palpable.

‘We Play in the Rice Field’ Udongsa members have made the harvest period a fun time for everyone in their area. Before they started reaping, they paraded around, carrying a banner that said, “Nongja cheonha ji daebon” (an adage meaning “agriculture is the basis of human livelihood”), and offered a sacrifice to the spirits, a traditional harvest ritual. Initially, the rice field seemed less than ideal: it was not easily accessible for farming machines, and had been left fallow. When the members started tilling and sowing seeds, the field was gradually reinvigorated. Ripening rice covered the formerly barren field in golden colors.

The rice growing was done organically. Pond snails were used to weed the field instead of using herbicides or other agricultural chemicals. "The severe drought and a lack of water supply from the nearby Gyosan reservoir dealt a blow to the yield level this year. Nonetheless, we have learned a lesson that successful farming depends on the divine will rather than purely human efforts," said one of the members.

The rice will be consumed by the community members rather than sold for profit. The first harvest last year from a 2,500-square-meter field had a yield of around 10 kilograms of rice to each participant.

Life's Wisdom Learned from Community Life The six young people who met at the Pure Land Buddhist Association around 2010 had the same wish to leave the city and settle down in a rural area like Ganghwa Island. As they attended a one-year program at a Buddhist university and followed meditative teachings by Venerable Beopryun, their shared hope led to a common desire for a self-sufficient communal life in peace with nature.

Last February, one of the founding members, Park Jin-sun, 35, quit her job of five years as an elementary school teacher in order to realize her dream to start a new life. "Six of us dreamed of returning to the countryside to settle down. We had long discussions to prepare our common project, and lived in a room together for a week in the preparatory process. After heated exchanges of thoughts we 91

decided to just try living together first.”

Another initial member, Cho Jeong-hun, 34, embarked on a house hunt. While thoroughly searching the greater Seoul metropolitan area, he found the apartments in Goemam-dong. The members obtained a lease for a duplex unit by raising a collective fund of 100 million won from their own savings and bank loans. The shared-residence project started in September 2011, and participants continued to increase in number from four to 12, and to 20.

They soon confronted some unexpected problems, however. Even though their life visions were similar, their cleaning, laundry and home maintenance habits differed widely, causing friction. A solution was found in dinner gatherings every Monday. The residents took turns in preparing the dinners and sought to resolve problems anyone presented.

As the community expanded, the weekly dinner became a monthly event, and each residential unit also elected its own house representative to address complaints in separate meetings. Last July, the community invited their neighbors who showed interests in the shared home scheme, and had a productive time discussing various issues. The event had enthusiastic feedback from the guests.

Following suggestions by friends, Udongsa members visited various places around the country, including Hongseong of South Chungcheong Provice, Namwon of North Jeolla Province, Bonghwa of North Gyeongsang Province, and Jeju Island. During the search, they happened to get to know a Japanese group called "As One Community," which was engaged in eco-community activities on Ganghwa Island. The two communities soon formed a friendly relationship, which has deepened over time.

Some of the Udongsa members kept their own professions but the community still needed to create jobs to sustain a “shared economy.” They organized a reading group named the "Book Club of Our Neighborhood" to draft 10 key themes for their future economic programs, including “cooperative,” “alternative economy,” “self-reliance in food and energy use” and “medical cooperative.” After a series of meetings, the reading group decided to open a cooperative café as a quick first step. As a way to realize self-sufficiency, they collected 50 million won for a security deposit to lease a basement floor of a building near the Pure Land Buddhist Association in Seocho District, southern Seoul.

This first venture was named "Café 50." During the daytime, it sells coffee and desserts, and after 7.30 p.m. it offers social responsibility programs, including talent donations and late night dinner 92

service.

Classes are offered to neighbors free of charge on music, fine arts, foreign languages and handicrafts. Over dinners in community atmosphere, people share information about traveling and hobbies, and discuss various social issues. The café distributes its own alternative currency called "Bean Coupon," worth 10,000 won, every month to cooperative members. The coupon can be used to purchase coffee.

Recently, the community opened two more coffee outlets, "Window Café" inside the Youth Employment Hub of Eunpyeong District, and "Café Geuraeseo" in Yeongdeungpo District, both in Seoul. These follow-up projects have also been largely successful as they turned around an unprofitable coffee shop into a stable business. The Udongsa members plan to launch a flagship pub named "Community Pop 0.4km" in a mall some 400 meters away from their home. Based on the know-how obtained from the management of "Café 50," they vow to offer “the world's most tasteful” hand-made draught beer in the evening at affordable prices. During the day, a variety of free classes are going to be made available to people in the neighborhood.

Through these varied community activities, two young members fell in love and got married. Jeong Jae-won, who started a natural energy business a year ago, and Lee Seong-hee, a teacher, will become parents next month. Jeong said, "Having a child is not going to change the way we lead our lives; we will keep farming and traveling together with close friends."

Alternative Housing for Single-person Households As single-person households continue to increase, alternative housing models are being explored. “Nanum (Sharing) Housing” projects mainly serve low-income individuals, “Share Housing” is popular among young people, and “Co-housing” refers to a collaborative residential scheme for midincome families. Eco-communities and religious groups are also other examples whose management style follows on the commonly agreed values of residents. As people increasingly prefer living in houses rather than apartments (condominiums), there is an emerging consensus that a house is not only a shelter for individuals but a communal space for neighbors.

A growing desire to reconstruct the communal lifestyle that disappeared amid rapid urbanization in the 1960s through the 1980s has been translated into a variety of residential alternatives. The socalled "Sohaengju” project (meaning “constructing a community-based happy housing”) in Sungmisan Village in Mapo District, Seoul, is an example of “co-housing.” A community-based private 93

firm that provides communal properties oversees the village. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Empty Houses in Haebangchonâ&#x20AC;? is a co-ownership scheme that shares houses and capital investment. The houses are not intended to be leased. They are open to everyone, free of charge. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Baekhwa Village" in Yeongdong, North Chungcheong Province, is a successful eco-community.

In Europe, abandoned industrial buildings have been transformed into creative landmarks in the cities. London, Paris, Duisburg, Helsinki and Madrid are reviving deserted buildings. Breweries, gas and ammunition plants, coal mines, steel mills and slaughter houses are renovated into concert halls, museums, hotels, parks, sports facilities and residential buildings. Cheon Hyeon-suk, responsible for housing research at the Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements, said, "Recently, specialized housing schemes are being explored to ensure a lifestyle that corresponds to people's different wishes without requiring ownership. Alternative housing will grow in popularity."

[October 11, 2014]

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- Where is the Middle Class? - Virtue is the Key to Happy Longevity

Where is the Middle Class?

Choe Won-hyeong Staff Reporter The Hankyoreh

“Do You Belong to the Middle Class?” By Kang Won-taek, Kim Byeong-yeon, Ahn Sang-hoon, Lee Jae-yeol and Choi In-cheol; 21st Century Books, 264 pages, 14,000 won There was a time when everyone called themselves members of the “middle class.” In the latter half of the 1980s, in all sorts of surveys, 60 to 80 percent of the respondents identified with the middle class. However, the number fell to 40 percent in the mid-1990s and sank to 20 percent recently. The middle class, once known to have led Korea’s development, is disappearing. The nation’s rapid economic growth attracted a lot of attention to the middle class but now intensifying class conflict is signaling its demise.

This book is the result of the interdisciplinary research of five Seoul National University professors who tried to unveil the class conflict in Korean society. They are Kang Won-taek (political science), Kim Byeong-yeon (economics), Ahn Sang-hoon (social welfare), Lee Jae-yeol (sociology) and Choi

In-cheol (psychology). The keyword is “class,” or social stratum. The authors focused on sound diagnosis and alternatives mainly through empirical study.

What is most interesting is there is a huge gap between self-perceived stratification and social stratification based on standard parameters like income and wealth. According to research in political science, a person who identifies with the lower class is more likely to be politically discontent. Such a person prefers welfare expansion and larger government, and has a high level of distrust and disinterest in party politics. However, this has not been visible in social classes divided by objective criteria.

The analysis results differ widely from previous research. Until now, many people have thought voting tended to contradict one’s social stratum. For example, people belonging to the lower class were believed to be conservative party supporters. This was not entirely true among those who identified with the lower class; they showed a conservative tendency in social and security policies, but not so much in economic policies. The authors observed, “The class-specific characteristics can be confirmed in the self-perceived class identity. However, this is not effectively mobilized by the existing political parties and is not politically displayed.”

If so, perhaps the reason why the middle class is feared to be in crisis is because its members do not perceive themselves as middle class. In sociology, this is called “an expansion of extremely exaggerated working-class identity, instead of middle-class identity.” Many surveys show that the criteria for middle class is perceived to be “personal wealth of 1 billion won and annual salary of 70 million won,” but this is much higher than the Korean society’s average. The proportion of people who meet the objective criteria for a definition of middle class has not changed much during the past 30 years, and according to some surveys, it has even risen. Objective conditions have remained more or less the same, but discrepancy seems to be widening due to relative deprivation. The authors, quoting British economist Fred Hirsch, remarked that this is because of “social limits to growth.” According to Hirsch, when economic growth reaches a certain stage, the material goods have limited uplifting effect, and instead the importance of “positional goods” grows. Positional

goods include housing and education, which have unlimited competition. The reason why competition for positional goods is getting fiercer is because “Korean society has neither social consensus nor operational mechanism befitting the positional goods.”

There has always been and will be competition in relative terms to gain a certain position, and this can only be resolved through social consensus based on collective communication. The authors try to find the answer by comparing the baby boomers, the central group in the rise and fall of the middle class, and the recently emerging “echo generation.”

The echo generation is experiencing a paradox of material abundance and extreme democratization. It possesses a post-materialistic value system that differs from the previous growth-oriented paradigm. However, in reality the echo generation faces a lot of frustration amid the unlimited competition and lack of political influence. The authors’ outlook is bipolar. At one end the echo generation manifests its vision of alternative politics. At the other end baby boomers overwhelm the echo generation, which remains politically apathetic and cynical.

[October 24, 2014]

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Virtue is the Key to Happy Longevity

Ham Hye-ri Senior Reporter The Seoul Shinmun

“Scenery of Old Age” By Kim Mi-yeong et al., Geul Hangari (Book Pot), 352 pages, 25,000 won

In this age of centenarians, aging well is becoming as important as well-being. It is time people thought seriously about how to age and how to spend their later years. How did our ancestors, whose average life span was shorter than ours, accept old age? “Scenery of Old Age,” a book from the Advanced Center for Korean Studies’ Cultural Refinement Series, tells us what the elders of the previous generations thought about aging and how wisely they spent their later years.

The book has eight chapters. Each chapter is illustrated with various figures, paintings, folk customs and quotes from classical texts, and focuses on socially-acclaimed gurus and how they spent their years in later life. “An old man’s 10 biggest frustrating incongruities are: being drowsy during the day, lying sleepless at night, no tears when crying, tears when laughing, remembering everything 30 years ago, forgetting what just happened, eating meat that does not reach the stomach, having everything stuck in the teeth, a once fair face turning dark, and once black hair turning grayish white.” These were the words of Yi Ik (1681-1763, courtesy Seongho), a thinker, historian and bureaucrat. On one hand, old age involved 99

a frail body and profound sadness. However, on the other hand, it was considered a sign of happiness because wishes for longevity had come true.

In the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), signs of happiness included five blessings, of which longevity came first. Having a long life was universally considered the greatest bliss, and many measures were taken with hopes for longevity because a person’s life span was decided by the heavens. Windscreens were placed with the ten symbols of longevity painted or embroidered on them, and the Chinese character symbolizing longevity was geometrically designed to be embroidered or engraved on screens, pillows, spoon cases and other everyday objects. However, long life itself does not guarantee happiness. Without health, longevity could be a curse in disguise. Of Joseon’s 27 kings, Yeongjo (1694-1776) lived to be 83 years old. He did not eat the special meals served for the kings. Instead he ate simple meals of rice, kimchi and some fermented sauces. He did not drink alcohol, and he used blankets made of natural silk instead of the processed, shiny silk.

Yi Hwang (1501-1570, courtesy name Toegye), a widely revered philosopher who lived to be 70, also ate small servings of food composed of two or three side dishes and rice mixed with other grain. He emphasized the importance of balance of body and mind. In Hwarin simbang (Essential Methods for Living People), a book about health and longevity he had translated from Chinese and to which he added his own comments, he prescribed junghwatang, meaning “tonic of equilibrium and harmony,” a medicine for the mind brewed from intangible ingredients. These include “Erase all falsehood from the mind, do not be envious or jealous, cleanse your soul, reduce greed, become soft and gentle, live humbly and in harmony, be content with what you have, maintain benevolence, be careful not to become angry, beware of greed.”

Hwang Hui (1363-1452), an esteemed official of Joseon, also recognized as a clean-handed bureaucrat, rarely became angry, and always listened intently to others with a smile on his face. He lived to be 90, and was very healthy at old age. This shows how longevity requires not only a healthy body but also a carefree state of mind. What is it like to live a blissful long life? The traditional “five blessings” include an adequate amount of wealth, no serious ailments or concerns, practicing virtue, leading a long life and passing away in comfort without pain. Mencius mentioned status, age and virtue as universal objects of respect regardless of time and place. In sum, practicing virtue and enjoying long life is the key to having blissful later years. 100

Hwang Hui and Sin Gae who served in government and assisted the king for a long time, as well as Kim Sang-heon and Lee Hyeon-bo who retired early to enjoy a rustic life in nature, show that there are many ways to live oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life in old age.

Heo Mok (1595-1682, courtesy name Misu), who was always wary of greed and contemplated what his position should be at old age, may well serve as a role model for many people.

Jang Hyeon-gwang (1554-1637, courtesy name Yeohyeon) left behind two pieces of writing about old age. He wrote that birth and growing up is rising from nothing to something, and getting old and weak is returning to nothingness; people should accept getting old because it is the way of the world. He wondered about how to spend his time well instead of bemoaning old age or making fun of it. He considered old age to be the right time to accomplish The Way (do, or dao in Chinese), or the path to the truth, although the body may be frail. His advice was stop working, do not strain the body, and keep a strict diet. He wrote that it was the old manâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s duty to work on his temper, regulate his mood, reach the realm of dao and spend the rest of his life in that realm.

[October 25, 2014]

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- Twenty-three Years Devoted to Easing Hunger in Africa - Kim Gi-hyeong Infatuated With Korean Dictionaries - Lee Sir-goo “I’m not sure about beating Naver, but I am confident we can do a better job than them.”

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Twenty-three Years Devoted to Easing Hunger in Africa

Lee Hu-yeon Staff Reporter The Munhwa Ilbo

“I was lucky.” Professor Hahn Sang-ki, 81, answered in explaining how he helped ease food shortages in Africa. In 1971, at the age of 38, he gave up his comfortable life as professor at Seoul National University and research fellow at Cambridge University and took his wife and children to Nigeria. For the next 23 years he worked on agricultural reform in Africa. When asked how he came to make such a momentous decision, he laughed and said, “It was God’s will.” The story of Professor Hahn’s life is included in sixth grade textbooks and has also been adapted for children’s storybooks. It is on the list of must-read books for elementary school children.

In a review of the book, one child wrote as follows: The protagonist devoted his life to helping humanity and, despite the tough conditions, did not quit. Although he has now passed away, I believe he is watching over us from somewhere. I will make sure that I lead a good life.” Although Professor Hahn may find it somewhat disconcerting to be thought of as a dead person, the child’s mistake is understandable for there are few instances of a living person being treated as a hero in Korea. Professor Hahn said that contrary to what the textbooks and children’s books relate he did not go to Africa with “a mission to save humanity.” Sitting in his home in Suwon, he laughed and said, “It just turned out that way.” And then he proceeded to narrate his story. 103

“When I was doing research at Seoul National University back in 1971, I felt that I needed to do some further study. At the time, Cambridge thought very highly of my research work. I was an assistant professor at SNU, and received an offer to work at the Plant Breeding Institute at Cambridge. At the time, the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture had just been established in Nigeria. It was only the third agriculture-related international research institute to be founded in the world. I was 38 years old at the time, still young, and wanted to distinguish myself in agricultural research. So I submitted my papers to the institute in Nigeria. I did not get any reply, so I packed my bags, ready to leave for England. Then I received a letter from the deputy director of the institute in Nigeria. I thought to myself, “I’ll give it a try. If it doesn’t work out, I can go to England. As it turned out, I stayed in Nigeria for 23 years.” “Let’s give it a try” turned into 23 long years, mostly because Professor Hahn realized the helplessness of the situation in Africa. He soon put England aside as an option, moved by the weakness of the agricultural sector in Nigeria and the request of the country’s government to stay.

Professor Hahn arrived in Nigeria soon after the 1967-1970 Biafran War, which erupted when the eastern provinces attempted to secede and declare independence as the Republic of Biafra. The fighting along with famine and disease during and after the war claimed more than two million lives. “Tanks roamed the streets and the land was close to dead,” Professor Hahn recalled. “A virus even spread through the cassava roots, Nigeria’s staple food, and the crops could not be harvested but were left to die. For days, the front page of the newspapers in 1971 carried headlines reading, ‘Famine rages.’ It was my job at the research institute to find a way to improve the major root crops of Nigeria such as cassava, sweet potatoes, and taro. I had never seen cassava before I went to Nigeria and at the time could hardly tell cassavas and taros apart. Naturally, I had no idea how to improve the cassavas or deal with the already failing crops.”

But Professor Hahn says it was ignorance that enabled him to tackle the problem head on. He developed a cassava variety that was immune to crop-destroying virus and in 1973, two years after his arrival, the famine ended. “I happened to solve the problem by chance,” Professor Hahn said. “I was looking around the grounds of the research institute when I saw a root crop that looked like cassava but seemed unaffected by the virus. I thought it was a cassava, because at the time I was still not familiar with its roots. I inspected 104

it, wondering why it had not caught the disease. I found out later that the plant came from Mexico. It was a cousin of the cassava. It had a kind of antibody that protected it from virus, so I implanted the good ‘genes’ of that cousin into the Nigerian cassava to make a new improved variety. The new cassava variety was immune to the virus, and as it was originally an easy growing plant, when the roots were stuck in the ground they grew and thrived.”

Professor Hahn loaded a truck with the improved cassava roots and began to drive around Nigeria to plant the new roots in place of the old dead ones. At first, when the locals saw a stranger planting new cassava roots in their fields, they considered it sacrilege and uprooted all the plants. But some of the “less industrious” farmers did not realize the new cassava roots had been planted. When they later went to the fields and discovered the cassava growing, they thought it had happened by the grace of God.

These farmers began to plant the virus-resistant variety. They had no idea that Professor Hahn had passed by, and simply thought the new roots were a gift from heaven. When they later found out that they were the result of the work of a “botanist,” they would follow Professor Hahn’s truck to obtain new roots. “Luck played a part in distribution of the roots. There was a limit to what an individual could do with one truck in that vast country. At the time, the British company BP had the oil and natural gas mining rights in Nigeria. The history of colonialism also played a part. On the part of BP, it had to secure favorable public opinion in order to minimize any business problems. So the company took the lead in distributing the improved cassava roots to farmers throughout Nigeria. Of course, it was a means of swaying public opinion, but it had the effect of ending the famine,” Professor Hahn said.

It is perhaps natural that Professor Hahn took an interest in agriculture and breeding. Born in Cheongyang, South Chungcheong Province, he was used to being on farms and seeing crop failures and food shortages. Oftentimes he saw the local farmers despair when their crops were ruined, and experienced firsthand the difficulties that followed. So as a child, when he had no idea what breeding science was, he decided to study an agriculture-related subject. That’s why he entered the College of Agriculture at Seoul National University and that’s why he could not ignore the problem of hunger in Africa. Professor Hahn traveled all over Nigeria as well as all other parts of the African continent. His “collection album,” one of his most prized treasures, is filled with hundreds of plane tickets. The improved cassavas developed by Professor Hahn’s team are currently distributed to 41 countries in Africa, while 105

their sweet potato varieties are grown in 66 countries, yam varieties in 21 countries and bananas in eight countries. Professor Hahn’s devotion to this task for easing hunger has moved the Nigerian people. In 1983 he was appointed chief of the village of Ikire of the Yoruba tribe, and given the name of Sereki, which means “the farmer king.” “Members of the Yoruba tribe scar their faces with a knife to identify each other as brothers and sisters, not only in this life but in the afterlife as well. I didn’t go to that extent,” Professor Hahn said with a laugh. “But I did envy them for this rite that ties them together as family, even after death. I became part of that family when I became village chief.”

This brings us to Professor Hahn’s real family. His wife, three sons and younger daughter all faced the risk of death several times from malaria and various skin diseases. The eldest daughter had been left behind in Seoul at the time, as it was decided that as a junior high student it would be difficult to take her out of school and move her to Africa, and the family was always concerned about her. Education of three young sons also was a problem, since getting a proper education in Nigeria was difficult at the time. In the end, the eldest son was sent to England and the other two to America. When the youngest daughter was also sent to England, Professor Hahn’s wife decided that she would go too. “One day, when I was attending a conference in Colombia, I was lying in bed and thinking about my family. It was ridiculous. Here I was in Colombia. My wife was still in Nigeria then. My eldest son was in England, and my second and third sons were in America but in different states, my eldest daughter was in Seoul, and my youngest daughter was in England, but in a different city from her brother. Every one of us was in a different place,” Professor Hahn recalled. 106

“I wondered if it was alright for us to keep living that way. Fortunately, all my children are living happily, though they are still living in different parts of the world. But we keep in touch and visit each other quite frequently. They are working as doctors, researchers and other professionals in their respective countries and living happily with their wives and husbands and children, and for that I am grateful.”

These days Professor Hahn is taking care of his wife, Kim Jeong-ja, 83, who was diagnosed with dementia three years ago. Though she now lives in Korea, she keeps saying she wants to “go back home.” To this Professor Hahn said, “It’s probably my fault that my wife has dementia. She suffered too much as she accompanied me to Nigeria and other places in Africa. She had to see her children face death many times and that could not have been easy on her. It is thanks to my wife that I was able to do good work in Nigeria. Without her it would have been impossible. Now it’s my turn to devote the rest of my life to looking after her.”

Professor Hahn gets up three times a night to check on his wife, and three times a week takes her to a sanatorium near Suwon early in the morning. To make things as comfortable as possible on these trips, he recently bought an SUV, which easily carries a wheelchair and other odds and ends. When asked if it was hard work, he laughed and said, “Being an SUV, the car is a bit hard to park.”

These days, Professor Hahn spends his time organizing his research and recording his memories of Africa. He has filled hundreds of thick notebooks with his thoughts. Many of his books and research notes remain in Nigeria and in England and he is wondering how to deal with them. “In the little time that is left to me now, I want to make a record of the things that I experienced and felt over the years. I want to show young people what Africa is like, and want them to feel some kind of philosophy regarding nature and plants. So I’m even quite active on Facebook, in my own way,” he said with a laugh. In a review, one reader of Professor Hahn’s books said, “I realized that agricultural science is a combination of physics, theology and philosophy.” When I told Professor Hahn of the contents of this review, he said, “That person’s way of thinking is much greater than mine.” The recently published “From the Plains of Africa” contains a short sketch by Professor Hahn on his own life: “In the vast Saharan desert / I pick up a grain of sand. / In this infinite atmosphere / I take in a breath 107

of air. / In this infinite time / I softly close my eyes. / I take my pulse as the beat / And Polaris as my compass / And leaving very small footsteps / on the vast sands of the Sahara / I take one step after another.” Though Professor Hahn’s footsteps, like Polaris, have already been taken as a compass by others, at the age of 81 he continues to silently walk across the Sahara Desert. ♦ Who is Prof. Hahn Sang-ki? Born in August 1933 in Cheongyang County, South Chungcheong Province, Professor Hahn graduated from Daejeon High School in 1953 and entered the College of Agriculture at Seoul National University. In 1957 he received his master’s degree as the first person in Korea to research weeds. Then he researched plant breeding and genetics in the United States, completing his Ph.D at Michigan State University in 1967. In 1971 he went to Nigeria to work as a researcher in the root, tuber and plantain improvement program at the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture and worked for the next 23 years for the development of agriculture in Africa. Dr. Hahn currently is professor emeritus at the College of Horticulture at the University of Georgia in the United States, and a fellow of the biology and crop science societies of the United States and the United Kingdom. In 1982 he received the President’s Commendation in Korea and also won the Guinness Award for contribution to science in the UK. In 1984, he was awarded the first Outstanding Volunteer Service Award by the International Society for Tropical Root Crops, and was listed on the UK’s international “Who’s Who” of agriculture. For his contribution to world food stability and the environment, he was awarded the Environmental Minister’s Award in Brazil in 2006, and the British Biology Society Fellowship Award in 2009. His books include “From the Plains of Africa,” “Africa, African People, and African Proverbs” and “Land of Mystery, Africa.”

[September 24, 2014]

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Kim Gi-hyeong Infatuated With Korean Dictionaries

Park Jeong-ho Culture and Sports Editor The JoongAng Ilbo

I began the interview by asking rather abruptly, “Why are you so devoted to what seems like a massive undertaking? It doesn’t look like a moneymaker.” The interviewee paused before answering, “It’s rewarding when you come across someone who really finds it useful. The other day, a Vietnamese student studying Korean came up to me and thanked me.” So I asked, “Then are you doing this out of a sense of duty?” He replied, “No. I never dreamed I’d be doing this. It just happened to become my destiny.” Kim Gi-hyeong, 53, is CEO of Natmal (“word” in Korean). Kim has been gathering, categorizing and compiling Korean words, and has produced a diverse array of Korean dictionaries. He calls himself the “word factory manager.” In the digital age where a word can be found with just a click of the mouse, why would someone dedicate himself to producing dictionaries and with his own money? We met with Kim at his officetel in Gangnam to find out, aptly a day before Hangeul Day (October 9). When we visited, he put all of his dictionaries — his treasures — on the table: “Korean Thesaurus” (seven volumes) containing 2 million words; “A Dictionary of Antonyms,” which includes 100,000 109

words; and “A Dictionary of Korean Dialects” that features 130,000 words. They are all the largest of their kind in Korea. Kim’s collection also includes “A Korean Thesaurus,” “A Korean Thesaurus for Middle and High School Students” and “A Korean Thesaurus for Elementary School Students.” These are also serviced on the Internet as well as mobile apps. Some dictionaries that have not been published: “A Dictionary of Korean Onomatopoeia and Mimetic Words,” “A Reverse Korean Dictionary” and “A Wordbook of Sino-Korean Vocabulary.” They are only available as mobile apps. The Internet website “wordnet.co.kr” features all of these dictionaries as well as a “Korean-Korean(thesaurus)-English” dictionary and an “English-English(thesaurus)-Korean” dictionary. The site is like a large department store of Korean dictionaries. Q. The National Institute of Korean Language publishes the “Standard Korean Language Dictionary.”

A. That is a general dictionary for looking up definitions. On the other hand, my dictionaries show actual usage of words. The concept is different. For example, “Korean Thesaurus” contains 100,000 main entries, 280,000 primary synonyms and 2 million secondary synonyms. Each word branches out like a word tree.

Q. Could you give an example? A. If you look up the word “love” you will find as primary synonyms the words affection, romantic relationship, longing, fondness, favor, dote. Then if you go to “affection” you will find the secondary synonyms brotherly/sisterly love, pure love, fondness, ardent love and tender passion. In this way you can see the associations among words like a mind map or phylogenetic tree. This dictionary helps you to pick the exact word you need in the context, so it is of great use to writers.

Q. It must have been time-consuming.

A. I started Natmal in 2000. Korean linguists from various universities, including Seoul National University, and lexical information researchers from our company worked together for 10 years to collect, compile and categorize the data. “Korean Thesaurus” represents the culmination of such efforts. That became the basis for our other Korean dialect and antonym dictionaries. You could say it was a battle against time.

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Q. You must have had a particular purpose to embark on such an arduous project.

A. Actually my major has nothing to do with the Korean language. I entered Sungkyunkwan University in 1980 as a mechanical engineering major. I worked for six years at LG Chem before establishing my company in 1994, which I’m still running. It’s a consulting business for petrochemical plants and power plants. We procure foreign technologies and equipment for Korean conglomerates like Samsung, Hyundai and LG, and have a very good reputation in the industry. My inextricable relationship with dictionaries all began in 2000.

Q. What happened?

A. My older brother was the late Kim Gwang-hae, a professor in the Department of Korean Language Education at Seoul National University. He published a compact “Dictionary of Synonyms and Antonyms” and “A Dictionary of Opposite Words” in 1987 and 1990, respectively. But with the bankruptcy of the publishing company, the two books were doomed to an unfortunate fate. In 2000, my brother both cajoled and coerced me, asking, “Why don’t you make a dictionary?” That was the beginning. Q. But it’s not something you can just jump into.

A. In 1987, I saw my brother, who was then a professor at Gangneung-Wonju National University, preparing his dictionary by going through piles of word cards with his students. I didn’t want all that painstaking work to go to waste. Fortunately, I had the resources to publish a book, and in 2002, I set out to do it in earnest.

Q. And one thing led to another. A. On New Year’s Day that year my brother showed me a book: “A Compendium of Japanese Vocabulary” in five volumes published by NTT DOCOMO, a mobile phone operator in Japan. It was a comprehensive dictionary containing words, definitions and sentence structures of the Japanese language made for the purpose of communications between humans and computers. Why didn’t we have something like that for the Korean language? I was peeved. I vowed then that I would make a Korean dictionary on par with that. After my brother passed away in 2005, this became a legacy he left behind for me to carry on.

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Q. It must have cost a lot of money.

A. Including research, personnel and production costs, at least 3 billion won (around US$3 million) has gone into the project so far. If you ask if that is all that you’ve been able to accomplish after all that time and with all that money, there’s nothing I can say. But making a dictionary is by no means an easy undertaking. I was able to finance the project with my consulting business. Actually I consider myself lucky. Someone needed to do this. That someone just happened to be me. I’m engineering major and I’m good at computers, so I’ve been able to provide the necessary support to the linguists.

Q. It sounds like a task that should be tackled at the government level. A. I’ve never applied for a government grant. Government projects tend to be short-term, lasting less than six months. But compiling a dictionary is a long-term commitment. After 15 years of wrestling with Korean words, it’s actually become enjoyable. Whenever I find the time, I sit at the computer categorizing and grouping words. I’m also on the board of the Society of Korean Linguistics, the Korean Language Association and the Korean Association for Lexicography. Q. Still, you’re not a linguist. A. A synonym dictionary is called a thesaurus, which originally means “treasure, gem, store house.” The earliest thesauruses in English date far back, the representative one being “Roget’s Thesaurus” published in 1852. The author, Peter Mark Roget (1779-1869), was not a linguist either. He was a physician and a naturalist who had a great interest in science and math. Also, Nam Yeong-sin, the author of “A Classification of Korean Words” — a compilation of pure native Korean words published in 1987 — was a law major in college. Q. A businessman and lexicographer. Isn’t it confusing at times?

A. It was at first, but now my brain can switch back and forth relatively quickly. There is a proverb that goes, “Nothing is complete unless you put it in final shape.” If we compare it to clothing, then I guess I’m the warehouse keeper. I can’t make clothes myself, but I can manage the warehouse. So you could say I’m organizing the treasure box you call the Korean language. It’s a fun job. I’m happy with it. Q. But people in general don’t even look at dictionaries anymore. 112

A. When Alvin Toffler visited Korea in 2007, he said, “I dreamed of becoming a writer after reading the thesaurus that my aunt gave to me when I was young. The knowledge and experience I acquired then proved to be a valuable asset and the foundation for becoming a futurologist.” A thesaurus is like a gateway to understanding the system and structure of the world. It is also the most basic data in the computer age. Can you imagine a world without words? You can’t expect to accumulate knowledge without a dictionary. That’s the reason why, despite it being a laborious task, I can’t quit. Q. But shouldn’t you at least be making a profit? A. Fortunately, my consulting business is doing well. I still have a lot left to do. I’m currently working on a “multi-synonyms dictionary,” regrouping the many synonyms for a word into those that are closest in meaning. For example, the word “go” in Korean has 34 different definitions listed in the “Standard Korean Language Dictionary.” It also has 36 synonyms listed in the “Korean Thesaurus,” including “go out,” “become” and “change.” What I’m doing is regrouping these synonyms into those that are more closely associated. I expect it will take around 10 years or so. It’s my long-cherished lifetime project. It would be nice if the dictionary business could sustain itself, but that still seems a long way off. But that doesn’t really matter. I wasn’t an honors student, but I did get an award for perfect attendance. In that same spirit, I’m going to keep at it and do the best I can. This is something I can continue with even after retirement, which is good. If my brother up in heaven is pleased with what I’m doing, then I have nothing more I could wish for.

[October 11, 2014]

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Lee Sir-goo “I’m not sure about beating Naver, but I am confident we can do a better job than them.”

Choe Yeon-jin, Heo Jae-gyeong & Lee Seo-hui Staff Reporters The Hankook Ilbo

One of the biggest business stories in Korea this year was the merger of Daum Communications and Kakao on October 1. Founded in 1995, Daum Communications is one of the first-generation tech start-ups. It created the highly popular free webmail service “hanmail,” but has long been overshadowed by Naver, the leading portal company. To achieve a breakthrough from its second-place portal position, Daum sought ties with Kakao, a mobile messenger service provider founded in 2006.

Kakao has been the largest mobile messaging company in the domestic market since 2010, when it launched KakaoTalk, a staple of practically every smartphone user in Korea. Naturally the merger of the nation’s number one mobile platform and the second-largest web portal came as a shock as well as a new challenge. The IT industry anticipates that Kakao’s strength in the mobile business combined with Daum’s search, e-mail and online community services will create an explosive synergy that will lead to groundbreaking services in the future.

We met with Lee Sir-goo, the co-CEO of Daum Kakao, to hear his thoughts on the future of the newly formed company and the challenges it faces.

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Q. Who first proposed the merger?

A. Daum Communications. Daum CEO Choi Sae-hoon proposed the idea in early May this year and Kim Beom-soo, chairman of Kakao’s board of directors, agreed. Things proceeded rapidly from then on. With Daum being a listed company, if word of the merger leaked out, it was obvious that stock prices would skyrocket, so we didn’t take more than a month until the merger resolution. Lee Jaewoong, the founder of Daum, had retired from the front lines of business in 2007, and so Choi’s views had a large influence in the merger. When we were contemplating the proposal, we realized that the two companies did not have any businesses that overlapped, which meant that both sides stood to gain. If Naver had approached us, the deal would have fallen through since Naver’s mobile messaging service, Line, is similar to KakaoTalk. When we put Kakao’s mobile and Daum’s communications services together, we envisioned a great future.

Q. Even with the combined strengths, there is skepticism about how innovative new services might be.

A. In a nutshell, smartphone and computer users will be able to experience further convenience and enjoyment when using the Internet. For example, a search function will be added to the KakaoTalk chat rooms, so that if you want to look up something while chatting, you don’t have to exit the chat room. We will also service Kakao Friends — the popular KakaoTalk characters and emoticons — on Daum cafes. If we integrate the various services provided by the two companies, such as chat rooms and online message boards, we can come up with numerous possibilities. Q. The vision of the merged company is “Connect Everything.” Could you elaborate?

A. It means expanding connectivity. If, until now, we have been focused on connecting people to people, then going forward, we intend to expand this to connect people and objects, much like the concept of the Internet of Things. The key point will be compiling the huge volume of data and processing it to produce secondary data that can be of value to someone. For example, we could equip cars with sensors that detect location and gauge speed. This data can be compiled and used to send real-time traffic information to users. Collecting a large amount of data is crucial. But people may find it terrifying to think that someone is collecting and storing their personal information, so it is vital for the company to build trust.

Q. So it comes down to the issue of privacy protection. A lot of KakaoTalk users have become 115

concerned about privacy since Jeong Jin-u, vice floor leader of the Labor Party, claimed police inspected his KakaoTalk conversations with 3,000 or so acquaintances. In fact, this has led many KakaoTalk users to switch to an overseas messenger service, Telegram. A. Jeong’s claim that we provided conversation records of up to 40 days is incorrect. It is most unfortunate that such groundless rumors have spread. Kakao was asked to provide records for 40 days, but we only provided records for one day. KakaoTalk chat records are stored in the server for up to one week at most. Records over a week are completely deleted, so even with a court warrant, it would be impossible to provide records that go back further than that. We intend to shorten the storage period from seven days to two or three days within this month. Without knowing the full facts, users are migrating to Telegram, fueled by baseless rumors that “the government is monitoring KakaoTalk.” We are also a victim.

Q. Over 300,000 people have reportedly downloaded Telegram. Can you withstand the migration of users? A. We have been monitoring it closely, but haven’t been able to compile exact figures. The very nature of messengers means that you need someone to chat with who’s on the same messenger service. Perhaps it’s because other messengers don’t have as many subscribers as KakaoTalk, but we’ve actually seen many users come back. We put utmost value on security, and have recruited top developers in the information security team. I am also acting as the chief information security officer, which is not common for a CEO. So KakaoTalk users can rest assured that there won’t be any leakage of personal information.

Q. Another big challenge is expanding overseas. How do you plan to do this? A. We haven’t found a definite answer when it comes to overseas markets. We have entered the Japanese, Indonesian and Malaysian markets, with a different strategy for each, but failed to find a successful business model. Since we have gained more leeway with the merger, we plan to make inroads into more overseas markets and offer a broader range of services in addition to KakaoTalk, such as KakaoGame and KakaoStyle. Our strategy will be tailored to fit the characteristics of each market, and we could either collaborate with a local company or consider mergers and acquisitions. We are open to all possibilities. Q. Do you think KakaoTalk will be able to surpass Naver’s mobile messenger Line in overseas 116

markets next year?

A. Simply comparing the number of users is meaningless. Our goal is to develop services catered to the needs of our users. In order to do that it is imperative to understand the distinctive culture of each country. Without such an understanding of the market, we cannot expect our services to achieve sudden success overnight. Line struggled for 10 years in Japan, and those years of trials and tribulations were a valuable experience that enabled them to optimize their services and eventually attain success in overseas markets. But of more concern is the so-called “Korea discount,” which involves the lack of trust in services from Korea, a non-English-speaking country, compared to somewhere like the Silicon Valley, the technology industry mecca in the United States. To overcome this disadvantage, it is vital that we understand the country’s culture and revamp our services to better suit the market. Q. Google’s corporate motto is “Don’t be evil.” What is Daum Kakao’s motto?

A. Openness and sharing. Opening and sharing everything promotes vigilance to forestall improper conduct. We even post employee expense records on the intranet bulletin. When an executive flew business class on a recent business trip, someone left a comment pointing out, “Do they really have to fly business?” It’s quite scary. (laughs) Through such openness and sharing, employees can share their opinions to determine the future direction of the company. We don’t even have a policy restricting the cost per person for company dinners. By sharing our thoughts on the company bulletin, we become more prudent about spending.

Q. Openness and sharing could have fatal consequences. A. That’s true. There is a downside to it. There is the risk of a new business plan leaking out for example, such as the recent KakaoTaxi. We can’t even find who leaked such classified information. In fact, trying to track that person down could backfire. Obviously there are drawbacks to openness and sharing, but I believe the advantages far outweigh the negatives, which is why we intend to continue pushing ahead with it. Compared to Kakao, which had 700 employees, the merged company is much bigger with around 3,000 employees, so there is a concern as to whether we will be able to uphold such values in a large organization. But I think that’s all the more reason to actively promote openness and sharing.

Q. One last question. Do you think you can beat Naver?

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A. Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;m not sure about beating Naver, but I am confident that we can do a better job than them. (laughs) After our merger with Daum, Iâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;m even more confident that we will be able to come out with better services than Naver. Our competition is not Naver or Google or Samsung Electronics. We compete against ourselves. There is a tendency for organizations to become sluggish as they grow larger, and my primary concern is that this could hinder communication with our users. That would prove to be catastrophic. So in order to ensure speedy communication and swift decision-making, we intend to move in teams regardless of size.

[October 6, 2014]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

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COPYRIGHT Korea Focus is a monthly webzine (www.koreafocus.or.kr), featuring commentaries and essays on Korean politics, economy, society and culture, as well as relevant international issues. The articles are selected from leading Korean newspapers, magazines, journals and academic papers from prestigious forums. The content is the property of the Korea Foundation and is protected by copyright and other intellectual property laws. If it is needed to reprint an article(s) from Korea Focus, please forward your request for reprint permission by fax or via e-mail. Address: The Korea Foundation Seocho P.O. Box 227, Diplomatic Center Building, 2558 Nambusunhwanno, Seocho-gu, Seoul, 137863, Korea Tel: (82-2) 2151-6526 Fax: (82-2) 2151-6592 E-mail: koreafocus@kf.or.kr ISBN 979-11-5604-106-1

Publisher Yu Hyun-seok Editor Lee Kyong-hee Editorial Board Shim Ji-yeon Professor, Kyungnam University Lee Ha-won Director, TV Chosun Kim Yong-jin Professor, Ajou University Hyun Jung-taik Professor, Inha University Hahm In-hee Professor, Ewha Womans University Sonn Ho-chul Professor, Seogang University Kim Gyun-mi Deputy Editor, The Seoul Shinmun Kim Hoo-ran Senior Journalist, The Korea Herald Peter Beck Korea Represetative, Asia Foundation Jocelyn Clark Professor, Paichai University â&#x201C;&#x2019; The Korea Foundation 2014 All rights reserved.

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