2022-23
Mitra FAMILY GRANT Recipient
Curating a Culinary Culture: How Peru’s Gastronomic Revolution Rede ned a Nation
Alex LanCurating a Culinary Culture:
How Peru’s Gastronomic Revolution Redefined a Nation
Alexander Y Lan
2023 Mitra Family Scholar
Mentors: Dr. Chuck Witschorik and Mrs. Meredith Cranston
April 12, 2023
Gentle waves wash up on the San Francisco Embarcadero shoreline, and the distinctive soft guitar of bachata music plays in the background. As the sun sets over the horizon, Pier 1½ comes alive. Every evening, hundreds of guests pour through the doors of La Mar Cebichería
Peruana to taste their world-renowned Peruvian dishes. Each table is covered in a rich array of flavors, textures, and colors, from a traditional cebiche clásico to a modern anticucho de pulpo to the uniquely San Franciscan roquitas.
The cebiche clásico at La Mar consists of fresh raw fish cured in acidic, spicy, and creamy leche de tigre sauces mixed alongside a variety of traditional Peruvian ingredients such as cancha corn and sweet potatoes.1 Yet, the vuelta-y-vuelta style in which chefs prepare the cebiche (often spelled ceviche ) is largely inspired by Japanese sushi preparation techniques.2 Moreover, the variations of cebiche served at La Mar include Nikkei and Creole influences from Japan and Africa, respectively.3 Indeed, many argue that this fusion of different cultures embodies the modern soul of Peruvian culture and has largely contributed to the popularity of Peruvian cuisine.
Every Peruvian chef engages with this interplay between tradition and fusion in their own unique way. Victoriano Lopez, executive chef at La Mar, has learned to navigate this balance by integrating traditional Peruvian dishes and modern local interpretations in his menu 4 Whereas indigenous Peruvian ingredients such as ají amarillo (Peruvian yellow chili pepper), ají panca (Peruvian red pepper), and choclo (Cuzco corn) are imported directly from Peru, local seafood is
1 Victoriano Lopez, interview by the author, San Francisco, CA, December 31, 2021.
4 Victoriano Lopez, interview by the author, San Francisco, CA, June 28, 2022
purchased every morning from local fish markets and incorporated into the dishes. Apart from the ingredients, Lopez also creates over twenty new dishes every year, drawing inspiration from his surroundings, his peers, and Peru’s culinary heritage.5
Over the last two decades, these innovations and ideas driven by Peruvian chefs have transformed Peruvian cuisine into an international cultural phenomenon. The vibrant, multicultural vision emanating from the heart of Peru’s culinary industry at Lima has reached all corners of the world, from Buenos Aires to Barcelona and San Francisco to Singapore as part of what is now referred to as Peru’s “gastronomic revolution.” But the question remains: what incited Peru’s gastronomic revolution and what impacts has it had on Peruvian society?
Peru’s Culinary Heritage
To answer this question, one must first return to the past. Around 20,000 years ago, the first migrants arrived in the land that now belongs to modern-day Peru, and at around 2500 BCE, small villages first emerged along the northern Peruvian coast Ancient Peruvians survived in these early settlements by fishing in the nearby Pacific Ocean and cultivating corn, potatoes, and beans.6 Using these ingredients, early Andean civilizations such as the Cupinisque and Moche invented the most rudimentary versions of now-popular Peruvian dishes such as cebiche , causa, picante, and chicha 7 The Incan Empire further diversified Peruvian cuisine with its ambitious agricultural infrastructure projects, transforming the natural landscape with terraces, irrigation
5 Lopez, interview by the author.
6 Rex A. Hudson, ed., Peru: A Country Study (Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, 1993), 5-8.
7 Bethany L. Turner and Haagen D. Klaus, “Theorizing Food and Power in the Ancient Andes,” in Diet, Nutrition, and Foodways on the North Coast of Peru: Bioarchaeological Perspectives on Adaptive Transitions, ed. Bethany L. Turner and Haagen D. Klaus, Bioarchaeology and Social Theory (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020), 22-25
systems, and canals that enabled the cultivation of beans, maize, avocado, peppers, squash, quinoa, and so much more.8
The Spanish conquest of the Inca Empire and the establishment of the Viceroyalty of Peru in 1542 CE drastically changed Andean society. Within the context of food, the Spanish introduced European crops and livestock wheat, onions, garlic, citrus fruits, grapes, olives, pigs, cows, and sheep to coastal Peru and the Andean highlands.9 As these goods were successfully adopted throughout Peru’s diverse microclimates between the Pacific coast, Andes mountains, and Amazon rainforest, the novel concept of culinary fusion emerged.10 Because of the strong Muslim presence in Al-Andalus and Cordoba, the Viceroyalty also brought an ArabMoorish culinary influence to Peru, which in addition to the Spanish slave trade, form the basis for Creole cuisine in Peru.11
However, the detrimental impacts of Spanish colonization on Indigenous populations must not be understated. The transmission of European diseases caused demographic collapse that reduced indigenous populations by around 80 percent, and the creation of the encomienda and mita labor systems established the racial hierarchy between European and indigenous people that persists in varying forms in the present day.12 Crucially, the intertwined relationship between cultural exchange and violent conquest creates a disturbing precedent for contemporary interpretations of fusion cuisine in Peru’s gastronomic revolution
8 Hudson, Peru: A Country Study, 8-12
9 James F. Hancock, “Fifty Years Later The Legacy of Alfred Crosby’s ‘The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492,’” Economic Botany, December 12, 2022, 86
10 Gastón Acurio, Peru: The Cookbook (Phaidon Press, 2015), 11
11 Acurio, 11.
12 Hudson, Peru: A Country Study, 16-19
The final two major culinary influences in modern-day Peru are Nikkei cuisine (Japanese-Peruvian fusion) and Chifa cuisine (Chinese-Peruvian fusion). These two cuisines trace their origins to Japanese and Chinese immigrants who arrived in Peru during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in search of economic opportunity First-generation Japanese immigrants arrived in the early 1900s to work in sugar and rubber plantations on labor contracts, later moving to urban centers in search of economic opportunity.13 Despite successfully establishing close-knit ethnic communities, Japanese immigrants endured substantial discrimination and xenophobia, especially from Peruvians who believed that they were taking away their employment opportunities.14 Additionally, they were subjected to deportation initiatives and racially motivated uprisings that spiked during World War II 15 However, in this instance, food has served as a vehicle of immigrant integration, and Nikkei cuisine which combines Japanese culinary techniques and traditions with Peruvian flavors and creativity has become a popular culinary subgenre both in Peru and worldwide.16 Similarly, Chinese immigrants arrived in Peru throughout the nineteenth century as migrant workers called “coolies,” a derogatory term that roughly translates to tough laborers.17 Although less prominent than Nikkei cuisine, Chifa cuisine, which combines Chinese culinary techniques, particularly with the wok, and Peruvian ingredients, has improved Chinese immigrant integration and
13 Patricia Palma and Pedro Iacobelli, “Japanese in Peru,” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History, October 19, 2022, 1-3
14 Ayumi Takenaka, “The Japanese in Peru: History of Immigration, Settlement, and Racialization,” Latin American Perspectives 31, no. 3 (May 1, 2004), 90-91
15 Takenaka, 92
16 Ayumi Takenaka, “Immigrant Integration through Food: Nikkei Cuisine in Peru,” Contemporary Japan 29, no. 2 (July 3, 2017), 120-121.
17 Hugo Capella Miternique, “Fusion in Multicultural Societies: Chifa Food as a Means of Spreading Chinese Culture in the Hispanic World,” Asian Journal of Humanities and Social Studies 2, no. 5 (October 15, 2014), 648
influenced many of the most popular Peruvian dishes today, such as the lomo saltado and chaufa. 18
Peru’s Internal Conflict (1980 – 2000)
Although these cultures had arrived and settled in Peru by the late twentieth century, it was the political and economic context of the turn of the century that precipitated the recent gastronomic boom and period of cultural exchange. Peruvian politics, particularly in the late twentieth century, was marred by a long history of political turmoil, upheaval, and authoritarianism coupled with economic instability and inflation. The segment of this history relevant to Peru’s gastronomic revolution begins in 1968, when a military coup d’état led by Juan Velasco Alvarado overthrew the democratically elected government of Fernando Belaúnde.19 Velasco’s reformist and anti-imperialist policies, particularly his policy of agrarian reform and land redistribution, produced a political atmosphere in which the revolutionary left could thrive.20 When economic crisis ensued in 1975, the new military government under Morales Bermudez (which had overthrown the Velasco regime that same year) responded with a deflationary monetarist economic strategy that caused real wages to fall by 35 percent and prices to rise by over 200 percent.21 Subsequent worker uprisings and a wave of strikes eroded Bermudez’s legitimacy, and a return to civilian rule began with the elections of 1980.22
18 Acurio, Peru, 11.
19 Thomas Bamat, “Peru’s Velasco Regime and Class Domination after 1968,” Latin American Perspectives 10, no. 2/3 (1983), 135
20 Lewis Taylor, Maoism in the Andes: Sendero Luminoso and the Contemporary Guerilla Movement in Peru (Centre for Latin American Studies, University of Liverpool, 1983), 2.
21 Taylor, 3-4.
22 David Scott Palmer, “Rebellion in Rural Peru: The Origins and Evolution of Sendero Luminoso,” Comparative Politics 18, no. 2 (1986), 128
Amid this volatile and turbulent political climate, communist revolutionary movements surfaced in the public arena. Sendero Luminoso, or The Shining Path, was the Maoist guerrilla group primarily responsible for the violence between 1980 and 2000.23 Their understanding of Peru as a society exploited economically by foreign countries and dominated domestically by landowners and the bourgeois led directly to their conclusion that a socialist revolution by rural peasants and urban workers was the only solution to the appalling economic conditions.24 The leaders of Sendero Luminoso amassed a considerable following by mobilizing individuals on the fringes of Peruvian society, particularly in the southern Ayacucho region, in opposition to the political hub at Lima.25 This modus operandi bears resemblance to the Incan resistance to Spanish colonization and the indigenous uprisings that ensued 26
Over the next two decades, Sendero Luminoso engaged in bombings, assassinations, massacres, and other acts of terror that decimated Peruvian society. It is worth mentioning that a parallel communist revolutionary organization emerged in the form of the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA), but it was ultimately eclipsed by the more radical and wellestablished Shining Path by the mid-1990s.27 At the same time, the government bears responsibility for its poor response to Shining Path and the MRTA that started with complete ignorance and escalated into indiscriminate violence against peasants in the late 1980s, causing
23 Taylor, Maoism in the Andes, 128-129
24 Matthew Shadle, “Theology and the Origins of Conflict,” Political Theology 14, no. 3 (June 2013), 287-288
25 Palmer, “Rebellion in Rural Peru, ” 128-129.
26 Palmer, 140.
27 Gordon H. McCormick, Sharp Dressed Men: Peru’s Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (Santa Monica, Calif: RAND, 1993), 20-23
substantial casualties and mayhem.28 In total, approximately 70,000 people died during Peru’s internal conflict, with a disproportionately large impact on rural and indigenous populations.29 This civil war also plunged Peru into an era of economic crisis and social fragmentation, which persisted until the turn of the twenty-first century with policies conducive to economic recovery and the advent of the gastronomic revolution.30
The Gastronomic Revolution
The culmination of centuries of cultural exchange and the solution to decades of political infighting, Peru’s gastronomic revolution presents a beautiful narrative of cultural, social, and economic advancement. Leaders of the gastronomic revolution have successfully marketed this gastronomic boom as a catalyst to heal the wounds of the violent civil war, rebuild Peru’s national identity both among its population and on the global stage, and attract tourists to reenergize Peru’s economy.31 Organizations like PromPerú (the state export and tourism agency) and initiatives like Marca Perú (brand name Peru) have launched international marketing campaigns that have garnered critical acclaim and viral internet attention, all in the service of promoting Peruvian cuisine.32 However, an emerging counter narrative also suggests that these generalizations may obscure and overlook the gastronomic revolution’s negative effects on
28 Shadle, “Theology and the Origins of Conflict,” 287.
29 Jaymie Heilman, “Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Peru,” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin American History, June 25, 2018, 12; Félix Reátegui Carrillo, Javier Ciurlizza Contreras, and Arturo Peralta Ytajashi, Hatun Willakuy. Versión abreviada del Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. Instituto de Democracia y Derechos Humanos., 2008), 22-23
30 Jose Galdo, “The Long-Run Labor-Market Consequences of Civil War: Evidence from the Shining Path in Peru,” Economic Development and Cultural Change 61, no. 4 (2013), 819-820.
31 Raúl Matta and María Elena García, “The Gastro-Political Turn in Peru,” Anthropology of Food, no. 14 (June 6, 2019), 5
32 Matta and García, 2
marginalized or underprivileged groups.33 Alongside the dominant narrative perpetuated by Peru’s social elite surrounding the economic and cultural benefits of Peru’s gastronomic revolution, a nuanced investigation of its representations of culinary fusion, social hierarchies, and national identity reveals underlying concerns over cultural and power dynamics that must be addressed before the gastronomic boom can become a movement that triumphs for all Peruvians
Fundamental Framework
Throughout this research, a pattern of conflict emerges between the dominant and counter narratives surrounding Peru’s gastronomic revolution. To provide a lucid and organized understanding of this complex phenomenon, I propose a framework that at its core represents a balance between preserving traditions and embracing innovation. Whereas the fusion of diverse culinary ideas, the establishment of new business relationships, and the growth of Peru’s tourism industry have facilitated Peru’s recovery from the country’s internal conflict, it is imperative that these rapid changes do not erode Indigenous cultures, reestablish oppressive power structures, or instill chauvinism. Especially given Peru’s current political instability, the pursuit of equitable and sustainable growth in the gastronomic sector presents the best opportunity to strengthen the fabric of society and alleviate existing tensions. My investigation reveals the importance of a comprehensive approach to assessing the consequences of Peru’s gastronomic revolution on the interconnected dimensions of culture, society, and economy In this manner, I construct a more complete understanding of the gastronomic revolution that identifies specific objectives that can help to reform the trajectory of the movement into one that benefits all.
33 María Elena García, Gastropolitics and the Specter of Race: Stories of Capital, Culture, and Coloniality in Peru, California Studies in Food and Culture (Oakland, California: University of California Press, 2021), 18-19
Representations of Culinary Fusion
The appeal of Peruvian cuisine, particularly in fine dining, has stemmed from its culinary fusion. By combining ingredients and techniques from Indigenous, Spanish, African, Japanese, Chinese, and French cuisine, chefs craft a narrative of cultural diversity that draws in curious consumers and anchors Peruvian cuisine alongside highly recognizable and established culinary trends around the world. In this section, we examine the stories of fusion cuisine, the vocabulary through which culinary leaders represent this fusion, and whether their framing of mestizaje serves to preserve and promote cultural exchange or sanitize and displace indigenous voices.
A Melting Pot of Cultures
Gastón Acurio, the renowned Peruvian chef, author, and entrepreneur widely credited with leading the gastronomic revolution and popularizing Peruvian cuisine around the world, begins his cookbook with this introduction, placing fusion cuisine at the heart of the gastronomic narrative:
This is the magic of our cuisine. It is a multicolored cuisine of a thousand flavors, which, thanks to its numerous influences, has known how to incorporate techniques, uses, and customs from other countries to give them a Peruvian twist. Our love of raw and marinated food is influenced by Japanese traditions, and our sautéed dishes are the result of Chinese influence. Stews begin with beautiful European-influenced condiments, seasoned with the rhythm and aroma of African-inspired spices, all brought together by the techniques inherent to our ancient cultures, which we continue to respect to this day throughout Peru….This is Peruvian cuisine, an immense variety of ingredients, textures, and aromas that
blend and are enjoyed at tables throughout Peru; a flavorsome fusion that the whole world should discover.34
Moreover, Acurio’s recipes reinforce his desire to share a nuanced perspective of Peru’s complex cultural background: he shares twenty-seven different recipes for cebiche , each influenced by a different culture (Creole, Nikkei, Chifa, African, Italian) or from a different local region of Peru (Trujillo, Amazon, Piura, etc.). The theme of fusion remains present throughout the cookbook, as Acurio shares his recipes for dishes as diverse as tiradito, anticucho, lomo saltado, and pachamanca with Japanese, African, Chinese, and Andean influences, respectively. Within the context of the gastronomic revolution, Acurio believes that chefs should ultimately serve as the “messengers” and “ambassadors” of Peruvian cuisine who share Peru’s diverse heritage with the world.35 Together, his ambitious vision for the future of Peru becomes evident: Acurio hopes to use food as a “social weapon” that unites the Peruvian people and opens a pathway for cultural exchange and economic resurgence following decades of violence and economic crisis.36
As a case study, the rise of Nikkei cuisine and the assimilation of Nikkei Peruvians into Peruvian society can be attributed to the gastronomic revolution’s role as a catalyst for cultural growth and exchange. After arriving in Peru with government-sponsored agricultural contracts in the early twentieth century, many Japanese immigrants settled in urban centers (particularly Lima) after their four-year work contracts expired and began working as street vendors, domestic
34 Acurio, Peru, 10
35 Acurio, 8
36 García, Gastropolitics and the Specter of Race, 31
servants, barbers, and in other low-paying jobs.37 Japanese immigrants eventually began opening small restaurants and emerged as key players within the food business, but they were frequently ridiculed as chinos de la esquina (street-corner Chinese) and experienced significant hostility, as they were viewed as a “racial other” by the dominant society.38 These connotations subsided at the turn of the century as Nikkei cuisine emerged as a prominent player within the narrative of the gastronomic revolution, and the popularization of Nikkei cuisine as a symbol of Peru’s diversity and multiculturalism directly precipitated the assimilation and integration of Nikkei Peruvians in society.39 As expressed in Kaikan, the academic journal of the Japanese Peruvian Association, many Nikkei Peruvians also described the societal embrace of Nikkei cuisine as a source of pride not only because it demonstrates an appreciation for their traditions but also because it legitimizes their role in Peruvian society
40 Nikkei Peruvian chef Hajime Kasuga chef argues that “Nikkei cuisine is one of the most visible cultural expressions of the Nikkei community in Peru. …It is also a cultural representation of our identity on a plate. Our identity and our heart are embedded in each and every dish that we make.”
41 Mitsuharu Tsumura further explains that “You are Peruvian like any other but have a distinct culture that makes you unique. Peruvian society has become tolerant and open to accept us as Peruvians the way we are. This doesn’t happen in many other countries.”42 Thus, the story of Japanese assimilation in Peru is
37 Ayumi Takenaka, “The Mechanisms of Ethnic Retention: Later-Generation Japanese Immigrants in Lima, Peru,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 29, no. 3 (May 1, 2003), 470.
38 Takenaka, “Immigrant Integration through Food, ” 126.
39 Takenaka, 120-121
40 Takenaka, 127
41 Takenaka, 117.
42 Takenaka, 128
one instance that legitimizes Acurio’s theory of using food as a social weapon and uniting force to build a better future.
Apart from culinary leaders, the Peruvian government has also embarked on a program of culinary diplomacy, one that uses the gastronomic revolution and its emphasis on cultural exchange to establish a new “brand” for Peru on the global stage.43 The societal implications of this government initiative are discussed later in this paper, but for now, the gastronomic revolution’s cultural diversity appears to be its greatest source of popularity and growth, improving the relationships between different groups in Peruvian society and formulating a new national identity.
Gastropolitics: Mestizaje and Colonialism
Despite the dominant narrative’s emphasis on the benefits of fusion cuisine, some aspects of the Peruvian gastropolitical complex are unapologetically elite, ignore Peru’s long history of oppression, or displace indigenous voices through high, cosmopolitan canons of fusion cuisine.
In the opening pages to Gastón Acurio’s cookbook Peru, he asserts that Peruvian cuisine is “the fruit of a long, tolerant relationship among people and a treasure trove of ingredients that is the result of centuries of dialogue between our ancestors and nature.”44 He further highlights the contributions of Peru’s diverse immigrant population, who “brought with them their nostalgia, customs and products, which were beautifully assimilated into an example of unique tolerance.”45 Acurio’s metaphorical representation of fusion cuisine as a love story between
43 Rachel Wilson, “Cocina Peruana Para El Mundo: Gastrodiplomacy, the Culinary Nation Brand, and the Context of National Cuisine in Peru,” Exchange: The Journal of Public Diplomacy 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2011), 13.
44 Acurio, Peru, 8
45 Acurio, 9
todas las razas (all the races) conveniently avoids addressing Peru’s history of discrimination toward foreign immigrants and indigenous people. Professor María Elena García compares Acurio’s messaging to a postcolonial rearticulation of mestizaje, a constantly evolving term that refers to interracial and intercultural mixing 46 During the mid-1900s, mestizaje was understood as a political agenda of creating a homogenized “national character,” but since the late-1900s, mestizaje has adopted a more positive connotation associated with the process of recognizing the plurality of cultural identities and forming diaspora communities.47 For example, Nikkei scholar Ayumi Takenaka explains the successes of the Japanese-Peruvian community through the postcolonial context interpretation of mestizaje, where Nikkei Peruvians have been able to assimilate into Peruvian society while maintaining their Japanese cultural identity.48 On the other hand, García, who interprets mestizaje through the older lens, argues that by portraying Peru as a country “integrated” and “reconciled,” Acurio presents a form of mestizaje that glosses over the centuries of violence, conquest, slavery, and indentured labor suffered by marginalized groups in Peruvian society.49 Despite these criticisms, García and most academic scholars acknowledge that Acurio’s authentic desire to express and promote Peru’s diversity through food has served his vision of creating a more inclusive society, an overwhelmingly positive outcome 50 However, chef Virgilio Martínez, a former student of Acurio who has recently emerged as a new preeminent face of Peruvian cuisine, presents an entirely more radical (and potentially
46 Lourdes Martínez-Echazábal, “Mestizaje and the Discourse of National/Cultural Identity in Latin America, 18451959,” Latin American Perspectives 25, no. 3 (May 1, 1998), 21.
47 Martínez-Echazábal, 21
48 Takenaka, “Immigrant Integration through Food, ” 118.
49 García, Gastropolitics and the Specter of Race, 9
50 García, 62-63
dangerous) vision for the gastronomic revolution. Central, Martínez’s flagship restaurant, invites guests to immerse themselves in the Peruvian ecosystems all the way from sea level to the Andean Mountains by consuming the products from each climate.51 Unlike Acurio, who foregrounds the value of cultural diversity, Martínez spotlights the value of Peru’s products , which does not appear problematic until one discovers the sources of Martínez’s information
Martínez collaborates with Indigenous producers to extract their “ancestral knowledge,” which he reinterprets and repackages through Mater Iniciativa (his pseudoscientific research center) before sharing his findings with guests.52 For context, readers should note that Central, currently ranked as the fourth best restaurant in the world, is extremely expensive and remains entirely inaccessible to the general population The sheer disconnect between Martínez’s theories and indigenous cuisine becomes evident in an interview he gave with the Wall Street Journal:
Potential ingredients are everywhere, as demonstrated by our guides, several Quechuaspeaking women from the Acomayo community, who are direct descendants of the Incas.
“This is their annual walk to gather medicinal herbs,” Martínez explains, noting that he has been building up trust here since founding Mater. “The first time we came,” he says, “they thought we were crazy. The idea of cooking with some of these ingredients doesn’t make any sense to them. It would be like putting Xanax in a dish.”53
Even though Martínez claims to work in collaboration with Indigenous communities, he totally disregards Indigenous knowledge and tradition in his search for exotic ingredients Thus,
51 María Elena García, “Devouring the Nation: Gastronomy and the Settler-Colonial Sublime in Peru,” Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies 17, no. 1 (January 2, 2022): 99.
52 García, 107
53 Howie Kahn, “Chef Virgilio Martínez Takes Peruvian Cuisine to New Heights,” WSJ, accessed March 13, 2023.
Martínez’s culinary project can be interpreted as a dangerous manifestation of the “settlercolonial sublime,” where his work appropriates Indigenous heritage and coopts native knowledge to serve only the elite of society.54
Although Martínez is a rather extreme example, he belongs to a large group of elite chefs who subtly displace indigenous voices and knowledge in the process of developing their elevated, sophisticated canons of fusion cuisine.55 Through a process known as “native food gentrification,” chefs erase any indigenous or lower-class connotations to certain dishes, elevate the characteristics that they deem marketable and desirable, and reformulate the stories behind each dish to include elements of established global cuisines that increase its credibility.56 This pattern has been clearly observed with the popularization of cuy (guinea pig), an indigenous dish that was rebranded under a “positive exoticism” during the gastronomic revolution.57 Sadly, instead of honoring the cuy in accordance with indigenous traditions, the new industrialized cuy production is particularly wasteful and violent toward the animal, demonstrating another failure of the culinary industry to protect and honor indigenous culture.58 The life expectancies of cuy have fallen from seven years to a few months as they are bred in confined spaces for the sole purpose of generating economic profit, and traditional dishes of cuy such as viscacha and venado have been replaced by new creations such as cuy a la brasa, cuy al chaufa, and cuy al cilindro 59
54 García, “Devouring the Nation, ” 100
55 Raúl Matta, “Dismantling the Boom of Peruvian Cuisine,” ReVista, accessed September 20, 2022.
56 Matta.
57 Matta.
58 García, Gastropolitics and the Specter of Race, 166-168.
59 María Elena García, “The Taste of Conquest: Colonialism, Cosmopolitics, and the Dark Side of Peru’s Gastronomic Boom,” The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology 18, no. 3 (2013), 518
Looking forward, it is imperative that culinary leaders slow down to explore the consequences of the gastronomic revolution and include indigenous perspectives in their decision-making processes
The Path Forward
To conclude this discussion on representations of fusion cuisine, I contend that the gastronomic revolution promotes and elevates Peru’s centuries-long legacy of diversity, immigration, and innovation that contributes to a better, more inclusive society. Within the context of Indigenous knowledge, I argue that Acurio’s approach that prioritizes cultural exchange is more persuasive and preferable to Martínez’s settler-colonial ideology that co-opts Indigenous knowledge for his personal gain. At the same time, both ideologies can be refined with more accurate representation of Indigenous cultures and knowledge Ultimately, constructing a more authentic picture of Peru’s complex culinary heritage that highlights the benefits of fusion cuisine without ignoring past trauma appears to be the best path forward.
Social Dynamics and Hierarchies
Whereas fusion cuisine is the outward-looking face of the gastronomic revolution, the internal mechanisms of the culinary boom reveal a network of social dynamics and hierarchies that retain legacies of colonial era Peru. In this section, I dissect the relationship between chefs and producers, discuss the perception of Indigenous people in the culinary industry, and analyze how the gastronomic revolution has influenced postwar degrees of social unity
The Postwar Recovery
As Peruvian society recovers from the lasting impacts of the civil war, culinary leaders have forged relationships between the culinary industry, Indigenous producers, and the public,
particularly through popular culinary festivals and conferences. One concept central to the social inclusion narrative of the gastronomic revolution is the “chef-producer alliance.” Framed as a social construct that underscores the importance of farmers within the culinary industry and establishes more direct relationships within the farm-to-table pipeline, the chef-producer alliance consists of four core tenets.60 First, although chefs are the most visible ambassadors of Peruvian cuisine worldwide, producers are equally important to the success of the gastronomic revolution and deserve public recognition for their contributions.61 Second is the aforementioned understanding that Peruvian cuisine’s appeal is derived from its rich multicultural history and natural diversity, a feature that can be strengthened through local sourcing practices and closer farm-to-table relationships.62 To reinforce and maintain this culinary allure for generations to come, the third tenet highlights the role of the chef-producer alliance in promoting family farming and organic production over industrial farming, a mission further endorsed by the government’s Second Agrarian Reform program as it protects both Peru’s natural biodiversity and strengthens rural development.63 Lastly, chef-producer alliances rework the preexisting economic mechanisms to support both parties. Establishing direct connections between producers and chefs eliminates layers of intermediaries who traditionally bring products through long distribution networks to reach urban centers, increasing profits for farmers who are now
60 Heidrun Kollenda, “From Farm to Table : Productive Alliances as a Pathway to Inclusive Development in Peru,” Anthropology of Food, no. 14 (June 6, 2019), 5-6
61 Gastón Acurio, Sazón en acción: algunas recetas para el Perú que queremos (Mitin, 2016), 60.
62 Kollenda, “From Farm to Table, ” 6.
63 Empresa Peruana de Servicios Editoriales S. A. EDITORA PERÚ, “Peru’s President: 2nd Agrarian Reform seeks to achieve food security and rural development,” accessed February 4, 2023.
offered more premium prices and decreasing inefficiencies for chefs who no longer depend on long, costly supply chains.64
The Mistura International Food Festival embraces the principles of the chef-producer alliance as part of its general vision in promoting the gastronomic revolution. Established by the Peruvian Society of Gastronomy (Apega), Mistura was the most important and largest food festival in Latin America during its existence between 2008 and 2017 and attracted hundreds of thousands of attendees every year to highlight Peru’s cultural diversity and innovative cuisine.65
In 2016, Mistura’s lineup consisted of 180 restaurants which were each invited to highlight their culinary traditions and innovations under the following categories: Nuestras Cocinas Regionales, Las Cocinas de Aquí y de Allá (ex Fusiones), Nuestros Sánguches, Nuestros Huariques, Nuestros Anticuchos, Nuestros Caseritos, Nuestros Dulces y Camioncitos Mistureros 66 By balancing regional cuisine, street food, culinary novelties, and traditional dishes, Mistura became a fertile ground for cultural exchange and understanding, a benefit to all aspects of society. Moreover, Mistura hosted competitions and awards to encourage the next generation of young Peruvians to continue the gastronomic revolution and Peru’s rise as a global culinary destination, demonstrating its efficacy in strengthening and leading Peru’s postwar economic and social recovery.67 Indeed, Apega and Mistura have consistently supported the proliferation of native products and producers by inviting indigenous farmers to Mistura, funding media travels to “zones of production” where Peruvians can gain insight into the origins of their food, and
64 Kollenda, “From Farm to Table, ” 6.
65 Judith E. Fan, “Can Ideas about Food Inspire Real Social Change?,” Gastronomica 13, no. 2 (May 1, 2013), 35
66 “Conoce qué locales participarán en Mistura 2016,” El Comercio, August 16, 2016.
67 “Nuevos talentos de la cocina peruana competirán en Mistura 2016,” El Comercio, August 25, 2016.
finances publications that widely disseminate information about native culinary products like quinoa, potatoes, and ají.68 By extending these opportunities that promote cultural awareness and economic growth, Apega further fulfills its agenda of using the gastronomic revolution to bring Peruvians together.
Two specific programs at Mistura are particularly conducive to the development of chefproducer alliances. The Gran Mercado (large market), located centrally in the Mistura venue, provides a physical space for producers to engage with prospective customers, inform visitors about local produce, and showcase productos estrellas, star products of Peruvian cuisine.69 By presenting their products to the general population, producers rebrand their traditional crops into “premium” products and shifts society’s understanding and acceptance of different foods On the other hand, the Rocoto de oro awards ceremony hosted at Mistura recognizes individuals, restaurants, or organizations that have demonstrated their ongoing commitment to preserving biodiversity, creating innovative and sustainable farming techniques, strengthening chefproducer alliances, or serving the mission of the gastronomic revolution as a whole.70 In this manner, Rocoto de oro introduces a moral responsibility for culinary leaders to actively engage with and support indigenous producers, an outcome that benefits all actors in the food system.
Lasting Hierarchies
Despite these successes, concerns remain as to whether the perceived social and economic changes truly improve the quality of life in marginalized communities. Chirapaq, the
68 María Elena García, “Culinary Fusion and Colonialism,” ReVista, accessed January 18, 2023.
69 Kollenda, “From Farm to Table, ” 8.
70 Kollenda, 7-9
Center of Indigenous Cultures in Peru, is an organization that has worked extensively in Ayacucho (one of the regions most affected by the civil war) to understand the impacts of the gastronomic revolution on indigenous populations.71 As María Elena García describes, a common concern articulated by critics of chef-producer alliances argue that its paternalistic claims of representing indigenous farmers only serve to pigeonhole them into certain roles:
“We” (urban mestizo chefs) have done this good deed in creating and promoting an alliance with “them” (rural Indigenous producers); because “we” are willing to share our applause and recognize “their” participation in our creation of delicious Peruvian dishes, social inclusion exists. Good intentions notwithstanding, this social alliance anchors Indigenous peoples in certain places: they are producers, not chefs, or street vendors, but never celebrities.72
A critical comparison has been drawn between the chef-producer alliance of the gastronomic revolution and Peru in the pre-Velasco era, where indigenous peasants “knew their place” and worked for landed elites who represented a “source of stability and even paternalistic care.”
73
The gastronomic revolution therefore repackages and integrates the same social hierarchy in a more subtle, forward-looking manner while continuing to exclude indigenous traditions, innovations, and people.
Of course, exceptions to these arguments exist Teresa Izquierdo was an Afro-Peruvian chef affectionately known as the “Mother of Peruvian Cuisine” whose famous restaurant El
71 García, “Culinary Fusion and Colonialism.”
72 García, “The Taste of Conquest, ” 515.
73 García, “Culinary Fusion and Colonialism.”
Rincón Que No Conoces (The Corner You Don´t Know) promoted traditional criollo cuisine to the masses.74 Still, many indigenous people at Chirapaq rejected the notion of a “gastronomic boom” because their communities did not share in the economic growth or social reunification presented by the dominant narrative. Three main concerns that are important to consider here are malnutrition, economic imbalance, and consumption trends By reducing the market value of native products like traditional grains, tubers, and herbs, indigenous farmers adapt their production to the limited range of ingredients that are sought by urban chefs unintentionally reducing the biodiversity of Andean cuisine and obscuring the nutritional and medicinal aspects of traditional native cuisine.75 Ironically, the heightened prices of those few iconic Andean ingredients like quinoa and aguaymanto and the strengthened farm-to-table pipeline also makes those products less accessible to the general population 76 Also, producers who do not get the opportunity to establish close relationships with culinary partners have their businesses suffer as a result, inducing further issues of economic inequality.77 A long-term consequence of these trends is that young people increasingly avoid traditional foods due to a lack of accessibility and shift toward industrialized foods and large restaurant chains, hurting the overall health of Peruvian populations.78
Finally, Peru has had an unfortunate history of gentrification and sanitization. Once called the “City of Kings” during colonial times, Lima’s more recent leadership has struggled to
74 Morena Cuadra, “Teresa Izquierdo – A Life in The Kitchen,” PERU DELIGHTS (blog), August 8, 2011.
75 García, “The Taste of Conquest, ” 516.
76 García, 516
77 García, 516
78 García, 516
modernize the city to match the growth of neighboring Latin American cities like Buenos Aires or Rio de Janeiro.79 Instead of rectifying the lack of funding for basic public services and infrastructure, city officials scapegoat the “ignorant” and “backward” traditions of the Peruvian people, who refuse to change their “uncultured” and “unsanitary” habits.80 The policies that emerged from these beliefs were often racist, authoritarian, and inevitably doomed to failure, both harming the actual cleanliness of the city and the degree of inclusion in society. While a discussion of these Peruvian government initiatives lies outside the scope of this research, it is important to investigate the traces of gentrification and sanitization within the gastronomic revolution. One manifestation occurs within Mistura, where “hygiene brigades” are deployed throughout the fair to ensure that visitors especially tourists and critics only see a clean version of Peruvian gastronomy.81 Understandably, cleanliness is important at any public event, particularly at an event aimed at promoting a positive image of Peruvian cuisine to the world.
Yet, some scholars argue that the prioritization of hygiene, especially within the context of increased migration of indigenous people to Lima and Peru’s history of modernization policies, holds a racial undertone.82 This implication connects with the larger counter narrative centered around social hierarchies, where young people from working-class backgrounds are trained to work for high-end restaurants and chef-producer alliances dismiss indigenous populations as producers within the larger culinary industry.
79 David S. Parker, “Civilizing the City of Kings: Hygiene and Housing in Lima, Peru,” in Cities of Hope (Routledge, 1998), 153-154
80 Parker, 153
81 García, “The Taste of Conquest,” 510.
82 García, Gastropolitics and the Specter of Race, 11
Seeking Inclusion
To conclude this discussion on societal changes that have resulted from the gastronomic boom, I assert that Mistura, although imperfect, authentically embodied and shared a spirit of growth and reconciliation that invited all Peruvians to reap the benefits of the gastronomic revolution. While the dominant narrative frames chef-producer alliances as a silver bullet to social inequality and the counter-narrative reveals the limiting nature of these relationships, reality appears more nuanced and a combination of the two. I understand chef-producer alliances as a net-positive to Peruvian society, an opportunity for producers to expand their business as well as share their culinary vision and heritage. However, the dominant narrative also underestimates the amount of work that remains before all groups within Peru are included equally in the benefits of the gastronomic revolution not just as producers, but as chefs, journalists, or anything else they aspire to be. Looking forward, I hope that the new festivals and events that fill the space left by Mistura continue its inclusionary promise with a more active approach to uplifting Indigenous, rural, or marginalized communities that seeks to remove social boundaries and hierarchies to promote growth for all.
A National Identity
A core element of Peru’s gastronomic revolution is its role in rebranding the nation
Shedding violence and political turmoil of the late twentieth century, Peru’s leaders hope to portray a new image of a safe, stable country restructuring its economy and society to be an attractive destination for international visitors. In this section, we follow the shifting tourism patterns caused by the gastronomic boom, investigate the metrics of Peru’s economic resurgence, and evaluate the consequences, both good and bad, of its new national identity.
International Presence
Within two decades since the end of the civil war, the gastronomic revolution has revolutionized Peru’s economy and transformed the country into a popular culinary destination. In 2022, Peru was awarded the title for “World’s Leading Culinary Destination” and “World’s Leading Cultural Destination” by World Travel Awards.83 Moreover, Central and Maido, two restaurants in Lima, have been consistently ranked within the top ten restaurants in the world.84 Peru’s image as a global culinary destination is crucial to its continued growth. Around the world, countries with a heightened culinary status attract more visitors, including both “casual culinary tourists” who incorporate food into their larger travel experience and “dedicated culinary tourists” who travel principally to try new cuisines.85 In Peru, both popular media and official travel portals have worked to cultivate Peru’s image as a culinary destination, promoting the unique characteristics of Peruvian food, the biodiversity and environment in which Peru’s complex culinary heritage developed, and the overall travel experience through testimonials.86
Research into tourism patterns further corroborates hypotheses that Peru’s local gastronomy contributes significantly to its popularity as a tourist destination.87 Of all surveyed foreign tourists, 47.2 percent were moderately interested and another 24.1 percent were significantly interested in gastronomy.88 Additionally, 41 percent of survey participants cited the
83 “World Travel Awards 2022 World Winners,” World Travel Awards, accessed February 3, 2023.
84 “The World’s 50 Best Restaurants | The List and Awards,” accessed February 3, 2023.
85 Velvet Nelson, “Peru’s Image as a Culinary Destination,” Journal of Cultural Geography 33, no. 2 (May 3, 2016), 225
86 Nelson, 224.
87 Jesús Claudio Pérez Gálvez et al., “Gastronomy as an Element of Attraction in a Tourist Destination: The Case of Lima, Peru,” Journal of Ethnic Foods 4, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 259-260
88 Pérez Gálvez et al., 257.
uniqueness of Peruvian cuisine whether due to culinary fusion or novel ingredients as a primary reason for trying local Peruvian cuisine.89 Tourists overwhelmingly declared their positive experience with Peru’s gastronomy, with 40.7 percent giving a five-out-of-five rating and 97.2 percent giving a rating above two-out-of-five 90 From these statistics, we can conclude that local gastronomy has been an important determinant to people’s desire to visit Peru and their overall satisfaction with their trip, a trend that will only increase as Peru’s image as a culinary destination grows.
Indeed, tourism contributed $3 billion USD to Peru’s GDP in 2022, a number that will only increase as the industry rebounds from the COVID-19 pandemic (tourism revenue reached $4.7 billion USD in late 2019).91 Moreover, the agricultural sector employs 28 percent of the population, and the food sector accounts for just under 28 percent of industrial GDP, which equates to $9.1 billion USD gross value added.92 Because food is such a major element of Peru’s economy, the continued promotion of Peru’s brand as a global culinary destination is critical to the country’s long-term growth a process the government understands and upholds.93
Culinary Nationalism
The dramatic shift from a country overrun with violence to a country on the path of economic resurgence and international recognition has also invited a wave of so-called “culinary
89 Pérez Gálvez et al., “Gastronomy as an Element of Attraction in a Tourist Destination,” 255.
90 Pérez Gálvez et al., 258.
91 “Peru Tourism Revenue [Data & Charts], 1990 - 2023| CEIC Data,” accessed February 6, 2023.
92 “Peru: Food Service - Hotel Restaurant Institutional,” USDA Foreign Agricultural Service, October 12, 2022.
93 Wilson, “Cocina Peruana Para El Mundo, ” 14-15.
nationalism.” Peruvians express immense pride in their cuisine, which is reasonable given all the benefits of the gastronomic revolution, especially its complex cultural heritage and fusion. However, when these nationalistic sentiments become chauvinistic, it can also create fractures within society. The most prominent example of this occurred in the case of Iván Thays, an internationally recognized Peruvian author, professor, and television host who was vilified for writing a criticism of Peruvian food in his personal blog.94 Called a “traitor,” “anti-patriot,” and “a Chilean citizen” (an insult in this context) by commenters online, Thays described feeling like “the most hated person” in Peru. 95 Peruvians must maintain a balanced amount of national pride that not only brings society together but also accepts criticism for change.
The State of Peru
Through this period of economic growth and recovery, Peru has successfully forged an image of being an international culinary destination. As the awards and statistics demonstrate, Peru’s success in recent years can be attributed to the appeal of its unique cuisine and culture. However, the dangers of unbridled nationalism have also emerged, which must be held in check to preserve discourse and a positive evolution of the gastronomic revolution in the coming years. The case of Iván Thays exemplifies Peruvian society’s hesitance to accept or engage with ideas that disagree with the dominant narrative. This recurring inability to resolve conflict through civil discourse and the sheer power of the dominant narrative mirrors the challenges faced by Indigenous and minority communities as they seek representation and equality in the evolving Peruvian cuisine, a struggle once again central to the gastronomic revolution debate.
94 Matta, “Dismantling the Boom of Peruvian Cuisine.”
95 Matta.
Beyond Food: Peru in the Present Day
The issues of inequality and instability manifest in Peru beyond the culinary space, and the lessons learned from the gastronomic revolution are similarly applicable to the current wave of political unrest that began in December 2022 Following the failed self-coup by former president Pedro Castillo and his subsequent impeachment, the new administration under president Dina Boluarte has struggled to manage the criticisms and protests, particularly from the mining sector.96 Castillo, as the son of illiterate peasant farmers and the first Peruvian president from a rural poor community, was a strong ally for many poorer communities in the Andean regions and advocated for them in their battle against poverty and discrimination.97 His ousting and the death of protesters during confrontations with government security forces represent just another instance of the class conflict between Lima and Peru’s indigenous, rural communities a theme that mirrors criticisms of chef-producer alliances at Mistura or the dishes of Lima’s upperclass restaurants. Thus, at the root of Peru’s issues, both in the gastronomic world and beyond, is the conflict over power and inequality which cultures are lifted into the mainstream, whose ideas are perpetuated throughout society, and who reaps the economic benefits.
As Peru’s gastronomic revolution enters its third decade, Peruvians should celebrate the nation’s successful emergence from the violence of the late twentieth century to a thriving international culinary destination. The dominant narrative of a diverse, culinary fusion has firmly established Peru’s position on the global stage.
96 Nathaniel Parish Flannery, “Is Peru’s Political Risk Outlook Starting to Improve?,” Forbes, accessed April 10, 2023.
97 Dan Collyns, “Peru’s Deadly Protests: What Is Happening and Why Are People So Angry?,” The Guardian, February 8, 2023, sec. World news.
Breaking a centuries-long trend of elites suppressing indigenous and marginalized people, many leaders of the gastronomic revolution acknowledge producers as valuable partners, a novel inclusionary discourse that should be continued and extended.98 Looking forward, diverse voices should be further integrated into the narrative of the gastronomic boom, a process that can begin with organizations like Chirapaq, PRATEC, and ANDES, which fight for indigenous representation in the culinary space. Just as important, the Peruvian government must use its influence to continue the momentum of the gastronomic revolution rather than capitalize on short-term monetary gains.99 Its decreasing financial support for chef-producer alliances and culinary festivals like Mistura represent a trend detrimental to the continued progress toward an inclusive Peruvian society. To fulfill this inclusionary promise, culinary leaders must also abandon settler-colonial ideologies and rhetoric that misconstrues Indigenous or immigrant knowledge.
Ultimately, now is the time for ideological change. We must involve people from all cultural heritages, socioeconomic backgrounds, and geographic regions in the discourse to evaluate the consequences of the gastronomic revolution and ensure that it benefits all Peruvians.
98 Raúl Matta, “Food for Social Change in Peru: Narrative and Performance of the Culinary Nation,” The Sociological Review 69, no. 3 (May 1, 2021), 533
99 Matta, 533
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