2023-24
Mitra FAMILY GRANT Recipient
Against All Odds: Understanding the Eritrean War for Independence
Dina Ande
Against All Odds: Understanding the Eritrean War for Independence
Dina Ande
2024 Mitra Family Scholar
Mentors: Ms. Carol Green and Ms. Amy Pelman
April 10, 2024
“Awet N'hafash,” which translates to ‘victory to the masses.’ These two seemingly simple words are the source of simultaneous jubilation, pain, and pride for many Eritreans across the diaspora.
May 2, 1993 is where the narrative begins. On that day, in the main plaza of the capital city of Eritrea, Asmera, tank trucks overflowing with soldiers rolled in one by one as loudspeakers announced ‘ተፈጸመ’ (it’s finished). Immediately, doors that had been shut closed amidst the havoc of war swung open. Thousands of men, women, and children filled the streets to celebrate the end of a 30-year tumultuous war. They laid palm branches on their newly liberated grounds and waved them in the air, accompanied by chants of joy and gratitude. Mothers began clapping and embracing their children and husbands. An array of priests and clergy burnt frankincense while carrying large wooden crosses in the exaltation of the ‘Most High.’ 1
The celebration in Asmera Plaza was the incarnation of the visions of the nearly 65,000 Eritreans who died for the cause. A relatively undocumented war, the Eritrean struggle for liberation from its neighbor, imperial Ethiopia, began in 1961. Prior to war, Eritrea remained a former Italian colony and was federated alongside Ethiopia in 1952.2 Since 1961, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) fought against the Soviet-backed regime of Ethiopian dictator
1 Perlez, Jane. “Eritreans to Vote on Independence.” The New York Times, July 5, 1991. https://www.nytimes.com/1991/07/05/world/eritreans-to-vote-on-independence.html.
2 "Between 1998 and 2000, Tens of Thousands of People in Ethiopia and Eritrea Died in a War over A...," in Africa: An Encyclopedia for Students, ed. John Middleton (New York, NY: Charles Scribner's Sons, 2002), 2:27, Gale in Context: World History.
Mengistu Haile Mariam who began to purge Ethiopia of dissent in the “Red Terror.” 2
As the war raged on, EPLF eventually joined forces with an emerging national movement in the Ethiopian province of Tigray, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), to fight a 30-year long war against the Mengistu government. It wasn’t until May of 1991 that the conflict finally came to a close. The TPLF under Meles Zenawi and the EPLF under Isaias Afwerki victoriously marched into Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. 3 A newspaper publication by the Daily Nexus announcing the victory illustrated how even young children could be seen holding posters that read: “Peace-yes. War-no.” 4 The war had utterly altered the lives of every Eritrean citizen, young and old, and transformed the trajectory of a developing young nation.
Many, including US president Bill Clinton, heralded the Horn’s “Velvet Divorce” as signaling a new era of friendship. 5 However, victory was not swiftly achieved! The conflict resulted in over 60,000 deaths, drained economies, and mass expulsions of each country’s population. For that reason, the struggle and its consequences continue to be at the forefront of people’s livelihoods.
2 "Eritrea," in Gale World History Online Collection (Detroit, MI: Gale, 2022), 67, Gale in Context: World History.
3 Tom Cooper and Adrien Fontanellaz, Ethiopian-Eritrean Wars: Volume 1 - Eritrean War of Independence, 1961-1988, Africa@War Series (Havertown, Havertown: Helion & Company, Limited, Helion & Company, 2018), 39, Ebook Central.
4"Daily Nexus, May 24, 1991,” 2.
5 Cooper and Fontanellaz, Ethiopian-Eritrean Wars: vol. 40.
The common experience of colonial oppression from outsiders in the 20th century has synthesized far-flung ethnic groups into a common national culture and galvanized a quotidian Eritrean nationalism more firmly than any territorial disputes.
Contextualizing the War
"Quotidian nationalism" refers to the everyday, routine expressions and manifestations of nationalism that are integrated in the day-to-day lives of the ordinary person. During the Eritrean War for Independence (1961-1991), quotidian nationalism shaped the consciousness and identity of the Eritrean people, which arguably dictated the outcome of the Struggle. This paper chronicles the development of nationalism by analyzing a myriad of key disparate yet connected elements.
Eritrea is the oldest young nation. The land, culture, languages, script, rock painting, etc. are extremely old. In fact, after Egypt, Eritrea’s archeological discoveries rank second in Africa with more than 80,000 archaeological sites. 6 But Eritrea is also a new country officially created in 1890. In attempting to understand the lenses through which the war can be studied, a number of questions may arise. For instance, in what sense does Eritrea become a separate nationality that entitles it rights to self-determination? Essentially, raising the idea of whether Eritrean culture and identity is separate from an Ethiopian identity in the post-independence era. Additionally, one issue in particular, often left mostly unanswered, remains the question of why
6 Richard Pankhurst, "The Legal Question of Racism in Eritrea during the British Military Administration: A Study of Colonial Attitudes and Responses, 1941-1945," Northeast African Studies 2, no. 2 (1995): 4, JSTOR.
the war between Eritrea and Ethiopia persisted for as long as it did? The answer to that question lies specifically in first understanding Eritrea’s motivations and goals in the war in the face of far superior numbers and resources.
The current primary understanding concludes that when Eritrean and Ethiopian troops first clashed along their country's common border, most journalists and political actors accepted that the Ethio-Eritrean dispute was primarily a question of competing claims on territory. 7
Observing Ethiopia’s adoption of tactics reserved for wars of national survival in carrying out a military operation aimed at securing a poorly demarcated border creates an obvious point of tension. A number of scholars refer to the conflict as the Badme war to indicate that disagreements about the border in the Badme region fueled full-scale war. 8 However, too much evidence exists to support otherwise. Also, the degree to which the conflict continued to escalate and its apparent intractability suggests that factors beyond territoriality fueled the costly war. In diagnosing the roots of this conflict, evidence from the battlefield is worthy of consideration.
A possible and likely answer: the border serves only as a pretext for war and the actual source of conflict can be attributed to more complex factors. The Ethiopian-Eritrean war remains uniquely different from a number of other contemporary conflicts in Africa in many ways. First, as Terrence Lyons, a researcher at George Mason University concentrating in African conflict politics posits “the multiplicity of Eritrea’s proximate and distant historical causes, coupled with
7 Andy Marx et al., "Liberation News Service,", no. 272 (1970,07,15): JSTOR.
8 Cooper and Fontanellaz, Ethiopian-Eritrean Wars: vol. 85.
its diverse forms of manifestation, makes fitting it into neat conventional categories a very challenging undertaking.”9 Essentially, Lyons shares an important perspective that recognizes the large variability of similar and disparate Eritrean goals throughout its existence, in addition to the many methods used to accomplish such ends. To accomplish a more structurally sound approach to this investigation, one can look into pre-existing categorical methods of contextualizing wars. According to anthropologist and cognitive psychologist Steven Pinker, conflicts are commonly divided up by whether they (1d) inter-state (inter-national) or (2) the intra-state (domestic) categories. The latter is then divided into two separate categories: (a) intercommunal or inter-ethnic and (b) intra-communal or intra-ethnic. 9 The Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict does not fit neatly into just one of these labels. Lyons goes on to claim that “the many conflicts are interlinked in a regional ‘security complex’, a group of states whose primary security concerns link together sufficiently closely that their national securities cannot realistically be considered apart from one another.”
10 Eritrean nationalists sought self-determination, not secession, as they never accepted colonial rule or Ethiopian sovereignty.
The arrangement drawn up by the United Nations provided for Eritrean self-rule, but Ethiopia soon violated Eritrean rights. 11 It was in 1962 that Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia proceded to make Eritrea a province of Ethiopia. 12 Fighting broke out near the region of Badme in 1961. Italian officials at the Italian Embassy in Asmara volunteered to “dig out every map
9 Steven Pinker. 2012. The Better Angels of Our Nature. New York, NY: Penguin, 3.
10 Terrence, 'The International Context of Internal War: Ethiopia/Eritrea,’ 85.
11 United Nations General Assembly, "Report of the Special," 10.
12 "Between 1998," 2:27,
drawn” during Italian occupation of Eritrea and resolve the issue on the spot, but neither party (especially Eritrea) expressed much interest and indicated a sudden display of intransigence. 13 This lack of interest in coming to a peaceful resolution points specifically to Eritrea’s motives in fighting the war, and understates the claims that the issue was simply a question of who claimed what territory in the Badme region. Despite claims to the idea that Ethiopia and Eritrea fought over a border, at the center of the conflict remained rival hegemonic claims in the Eastern region of Africa and national pride and the integrity of respective territories.
Colonial Period: Italian Colonization
Eritrea had been a part of ancient Aksum since A.D. 300.15 During that period before the 1500s, Eritrea had some autonomy until it came under the control of the Ottoman Empire. Over the next centuries, Eritrea was handed off from one ruling power to the next. Then in 1889 Eritrea was declared an Italian colony as stipulated in a treaty signed by Italy and Ethiopia. Eritrea remained under Italian rule until 1941, when following World War II, Article 23 of the Treaty of Paris outlines that the “fate of former Italian colonies was to be determined jointly by the US, USSR, France, and Great Britain.” 14 As the four could not come to a conclusion, Great Britain occupied the region for the next 11 years.17
13 Hdri Media, comp.,
(Asmera, Eritrea: CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2012), 12.
14 Doris Burgess, "Women and War: Eritrea," Review of African Political Economy, no. 45/46 (1989): 126
The longest border of Eritrea is along the Red Sea, a valuable and highly sought after resource. After the fall of the last Christian Kingdom, Eritrea was handed off to various ruling powers. 15 Italian colonization began first, starting in 1889 and lasting until 1941. The Treaty of Wuchale (1889) between Italy and Ethiopia led to the establishment of friendly relations between those two nations, but more importantly introduced Italian colonies in Eritrea. 16
Italy officially declared Eritrea a colony in 1890, and it became part of Italian East Africa in 1936. 17 During Italian rule, Eritrea experienced economic development but also faced exploitation and discrimination against the local population. The Italians built a railway system that stretched from Massawa to Agordat which passed through Asmera, subsequently also constructing a number of road networks which integrated and connected the towns of Keren, Massawa, Senafe and Adi-Quala with the center of urban political and economic activity, Asmera 18 The construction of several other roads allowed once disconnected and distant towns to be interlinked. Prior to the arrival of Italian colonizers in the country, the commonly used means of transportation were on animal back and on foot. The introduction of more modern transportation systems enabled the populus to be more interconnected while facilitating swift and simpler trading. Italians also built a 71km-long cable transport network extending from 15 "Between 1998," 2:29.
16 Jennifer Riggan, "CONCLUSION: Escape, Encampment, and the Alchemy of Nationalism," in The Struggling State: Nationalism, Militarism, and the Education of Eritrea (n.p.: Temple University Press, 2016), 3.
17 David Pool, "Revolutionary Crisis and Revolutionary Vanguard: The Emergence of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front," Review of African Political Economy, no. 19 (1980):
18 "Italian Administration in Eritrea," Ministry of Information Eritrea, last modified November 30, 2009.
Asmara to Massawa. The cable reduced the transport of nearly 720,000 kilograms of goods to and from Asmara and Massawa from weeks to a day’s journey. 19 The contributions of the Italians to developing and advancing the communication systems of Eritrea also included the telephone, postal, and telegraph services that allowed the country to come out of isolation from the rest of its neighbors.
Italians also began to construct new factories, contributing to enhanced trade activities. The newly opened factories “produced buttons, cooking oil, pasta, construction materials, packing meat, tobacco, hide and other household commodities.” 20 In 1939, there were around 2,198 factories and the large majority of the employees were Eritrean natives. The abundance of economic growth lured many from the villages to the urban areas in search of factory work. 21
Although there were major developments in the infrastructure and economy sectors of the country, all the construction of these undertakings was completed through Eritrean labor and to this end that often meant forceful hiring of natives from all over the country. Particularly around harsh dessert terrains, such as Arberbue, many Eritreans died while working to construct reads The Italian colonization in Eritrea was aimed at “getting access to the virgin resources of
19 "Italian Administration.”
20 "Italian Administration.”
21 Tekeste Negash. and Kjetil Tronvoll, Brothers at War: Making Sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian War (Oxford: J. Currey, 2000), 12.
the country, besides securing farmland and cheap labor for Italian settlers ” 22 To realize these objectives, Italy introduced a new administrative system in Eritrea.
The records kept under Italian colonial rule indicated that the country was “divided into seven districts referred to as awrajas and each district was again divided into sub-districts called weredas according to the population of respective regions.” 23 In stark comparison to the labor force, the administration staff was dominated by Italians. Nonetheless, there were a few Eritrean officials referred to by the title of meslenetat, quite literally meaning native administrators, who used to administer a few weredas. They often had backgrounds as religious and traditional leaders and business. A number of officials were safeguarded by Italian masters and thus remained loyalty to them and assisted programs aimed at suppressing popular opposition.
The Italians imposed a system of forced labor on the Eritrean population, known as "corvée labor," where locals were compelled to work on various infrastructure projects without proper compensation. 24 The construction of roads, railways, and other public works often involved harsh and exploitative conditions for Eritrean laborers. According to journalistic records, “Italians confiscated large tracts of land from indigenous communities for the benefit of Italian settlers and the colonial administration.” 25 These new policies lead to displacement and economic hardships for the local population, as they lost access to their ancestral lands.
22 Negash. and Tronvoll, Brothers at War: Making Sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian, 31.
23 Negash. and Tronvoll, 43
24 Riggan, "CONCLUSION: Escape," 10.
25 Riggan, 13.
Italians also implemented policies that discriminated against the local population based on race. There was a clear distinction between the white Italian settlers and the Black indigenous Eritreans, with the former receiving preferential treatment. 26 This discrimination manifested in many institutions and practices. For instance, provisions for different types of schooling for Italians and "natives" were officially enacted as early as 1909. Urban segregation became prevalent especially in the capital, Asmara, in 1916. 27 Similarly, around the same time, public transportation became segregated, with "white" passengers sitting in the front of buses, and "natives" relegated to the rear. 28 The racial hierarchy was institutionalized, with Eritreans facing segregation and limited access to educational and economic opportunities.
Notwithstanding such discrimination, concubinage across races became a prevalent practice. Many Italians, including colonial officials regardless of authority or title, had madamas, or local wives, either permanently or temporarily. Such practices were motivated by a desire to cleanse the population and form a mini-Italy outside of the motherland. Consequently, Italo-Eritrean "half-castes" grew as a sizeable portion of the population. 29 Italian authorities sought to impose Italian culture and language on the Eritrean population, suppressing local languages and traditions. Data from the Eritrean Education Board’s records from the early 1960s evinces that the Italians had built nearly 20 schools across the country and shut down any pre-
26 David Pool, "Revolutionary Crisis and Revolutionary Vanguard: The Emergence of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front," Review of African Political Economy, no. 19 (1980): 10.
27 Pool, 27.
28 Pankhurst, "The Legal,” 2.
29 Pankhurst, 3.
existing educational systems. 30 Access to education was limited, going only up to fourth grade in order to train some translators, writers, and servants but simultaneously prevent the development of a heavily intellectual society. Such a move was motivated by the ever-looming threat that if Eritrean individuals gained too much education, they would arouse the general public to oppose Italian colonial rule. The educational system was geared towards promoting Italian culture, so the use of native languages was discouraged and also endangering.
The Italians resorted to military reprisals against any form of resistance or opposition to colonial rule. Instances of violence and brutality were not uncommon, and the local population faced harsh consequences for resisting Italian authority. The Italian colonial administration exploited Eritrea's resources for the benefit of Italy and its mini colonies. In this manner, Italy extracted minerals, including salt and gold, without adequately compensating the local populations who worked the mines or whose lands on which the minerals resided. For example, Italy collected 573.4 kilograms of gold from Eritrea in just one year. 31 The economic exploitation contributed to the impoverishment of the Eritrean people. During the later years of Italian colonization, especially under Mussolini's fascist regime, oppressive policies intensified. The introduction of fascist doctrines led to increased authoritarian control, suppression of dissent, and the imposition of harsh measures to ensure compliance. Italy exploited cheap and accessible Eritrean labor to serve its own needs, extending as far as forced service in the military. The recruitment of young Eritreans in the military, “particularly during the war to
30 Negash and Tronvoll, Brothers at War: Making Sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian, 12.
31 Negash. and Tronvoll, 40.
occupy Libya in the 1920s and the conscription of about 60,000 natives in the battle against Ethiopia in 1935” are worth mentioning incidents. 32 Many Eritreans lost their lives in those two battles in the name of Italians.
British Colonization
Following 52 years under Italy, the British and Commonwealth forces captured Eritrea from the Italians in 1941 during World War II. 33 The United Nations established Eritrea as a UN Trust Territory under British administration in 1952, following the defeat of Italy in the war. 34
Sylvia Pankhurst in her book Eritrea on the Eve chronicles how the British looted Eritrea in more ways than one:
The naval base in the port of Massawa, built to hold 1,000 sailors, had been bulldozed to the ground. Navy headquarters, a 500-bed hospital with its air-conditioning plant, the oil storage tankers, main water supply tanks, electricity units, naval warehouse, customs offices–more than 75 buildings in all–had been reduced to dust and rubble. They spared no time in dismantling industrial equipment and stripping wood, iron, steel, and gone to benefit British-run territories in Africa, the Middle East and Asia. She said, in Massawa,
32 "Italian Administration.”
33 Tekeste Negash. and Kjetil Tronvoll, Brothers at War: Making Sense of the EritreanEthiopian, 12.
34 United Nations General Assembly, "Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples," 13.
they “dismantled cement factories and sent to Sudan, an aerodrome (a small airport) had been sold to Egypt.” 35
She alleges that “A dredger (machinery that works from inside the sea) had been sold; a floating dock and two giant cranes had been dispatched to Pakistan, Egypt and Malta; while 500 oil reservoirs had been razed and 20 radio stations dismantled.” 36 Furthermore, along the coast at “the town of Zula, 400 Italian officers’ houses had been demolished; in Fatma Dari, a potash factory was sold.” 37 In Zula, “5.7 km of rail tracks, 850 railway points, 3 tons of bolts, 20 turntables and 71 trucks had been sent to Kenya.” In Asab, she claims, “a radio station had been transported to Kenya, a salt factory dispatched to Aden and the motors of scuttled ships removed for sale. Three hundred railroad wagons, plus rail construction material imported by the Italians to connect Agordat with the Ethiopian town of Gonder, had been sold off, as had the motors running Eritrea’s remarkable 75 km (47 mi) 1937–1941 Asmara Massawa aerial ropeway (La Teleferica).”
38
Every region and group within Eritrea experienced the destructive effects of British colonization. In total, they:
35 Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst, Eritrea on the Eve : The Past and Future of Italy’s “First-Born” Colony Ethiopia’s Ancient Sea Province. Woodford Green Essex: “New Times and Ethiopia News,” 14.
36 Pankhurst, 38.
37 Pankhurst, 38.
38 Pankhurst, 43.
Dismantled and exported more than 600 heavy and light industries. Trevaskis, who served as a British colonial officer in Eritrea, notes that “Eritrea’s gold production in Bisha had been crippled and the allied forces removed the mining equipment, whose replacements were difficult and often impossible to obtain. The Eritrean fishing industries were similarly crippled by the acquisition of irreplaceable equipment. He estimates that the total lost assets were anyway: 1,700-million African shillings (the equivalent of 2.26 million British pounds or 3.84 million US Dollars).” 39
The reason behind all these sabotages can point to a conclusion: to make Eritrea crippled; and then, once crippled, the British could present a case that Eritrea could not rely on itself and was in need of support; therefore, it must be annexed with Ethiopia. This goal is further evidenced by lump sum of money the British government received from Ethiopia around £950,000 (£1.2-million or 2.01-million USD in today’s currency) when they finally ceded control of Eritrea. 40
Unity in Diversity
Analyzing the ethnic composition of Eritrea, one finds that Eritrea was determined that it would be liberated from colonial then Ethiopian rule as a single, united state, despite its being composed of nine linguistic groups and two major religions Islam and Christianity. From
39 Berhānamasqal Tasfāmaryām, Tārix Walado Ḥezbi ʾéreterā, 25.
40 Tasfāmaryām, 26.
Eritrea’s establishment as a nation to about 1941, Eritrea consisted of 9 ethnic groups: Afar, Bilien, Hidareb, Kunama, Nara, Rashaida, Saho, Tigre and Tigrinya (see figure 1).
Figure 1: The table breaks down the population of each ethnic group as of 1952.
41
Throughout that time period, they were at constant war with each other. 42 A byproduct of tensions embroiled by colonial favoritism of certain groups over others. During Italy’s occupation, in “Kebesa (the highlands) the colonizers were siding with the religious leaders and landowners known as gultengatat, which were mainly Tigre, so as to oppress as well as foment division among the general public.”
43 In the Metaht (lowlands) too, “they used to maintain close ties with the customary leaders (Shemagle), composed of the dominant Tigrinya group, in a bid
41 Jennifer Riggan, "Struggling for the Nation: Contradictions of Revolutionary Nationalism," in The Struggling State: Nationalism, Militarism, and the Education of, 12.
42 Riggan, 14
43 Estelle Sylvia Pankhurst, Eritrea on the Eve : The Past and Future of Italy’s “First-Born” Colony, 15.
to suppress the local inhabitants, especially members of the Tigre ethnic group.” 44 Not only was there division in lifestyles (nomadic herders agriculturists), there were religious tensions as well. Eritrea was and is a country split between the two most dominant and tension-ridden world religions, Christianity and Islam. Census estimates indicate that in 1974 the country had been 47% Orthodox Tewahdo and 42% Muslim. 45
So what forces resulted in these groups eventually coming together? The liberation struggle involved various ethnic communities coming together to resist a common enemy, and the cooperation among these groups was essential for the success of the movement. The defining characteristics of ethnic groups are given in the following quotation:
“We shall call ’ethnic groups’ those human groups that entertain. A subjective belief in their common descent–because of similarities of physical type or of customs or of both, or because of memories of colonization and emigration–in such a way that this belief is important for the continuation of non kinship communal relationships ... regardless of whether an objective blood relationship exists or not.” 46
Although, within each ethnic group similar experiences may exist, the same is possible across ethnic groups that inhabit the same area, and in a similar fashion those experiences make up their livelihood and collective identity. In the case of Eritrea, the constant underlying the lives
44 Pankhurst, 49.
45 Pankhurst, 51.
46 Charles Westin, "Identity and Inter-ethnic Relations," in Identity Processes and Dynamics in Multi-Ethnic Europe, by Charles Westin, et al. (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2010), 11, JSTOR.
of all 9 ethnic groups is the brutality and oppression faced from outside powers, and Ethiopia was the final straw. Therefore, it comes as no surprise that these diverse ethnic groups, across the spectrums of class, gender, and location, could forge solidarity and camaraderie.
The most significant organizational body that helped accomplish this unity was the EPLF. As noted by many journalists who observed the EPLF in action: the EPLF was like a “well-oiled machine.” 47 The organizational capacity of the EPLF is rather notable because whilst seeking to liberate the society they also worked to transform it. The motto of the EPLF was “liberate the land and the people with their active participation.” 48 All the members of the EPLF were volunteers often dedicating their lives without question. In fact, each man would carve an ‘E’ on his arm before joining the revolutionary movement to signify his commitment to the cause. 49 The scars are still visible today. Despite the diverse ethnic makeup of Eritrea, the liberation movement emphasized the importance of unity among all Eritreans. The different ethnic groups collaborated under the umbrella of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) and other resistance groups. Although, Eritreans were divided both geographically and ethnically all over the country the EPLF leaders carved up Eritrea into personal domains allied to one another to function as a national standing army. The leadership of the EPLF also reflected the greater population. It included individuals from various ethnic backgrounds. Notably, Isaias Afwerki, who later became the President of Eritrea after independence, is from the Tigrinya
47 Dan Connell, "Inside the EPLF: The Origins of the 'People's Party' and Its Role in the Liberation of Eritrea," Review of African Political Economy 28, no. 89 (2001): 2, JSTOR.
48 Connell, 3.
49 Connell, 3.
ethnic group. 50 This inclusive leadership helped build a sense of national unity. Different ethnic groups controlled various regions, and their strategic positions played a role in the overall military strategy. For example, the Afar region, controlled by the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), was strategically important in the struggle as its prime position in the mountainsides allowed for better navigation of harsh terrains and faster interstate communication. 51
Despite the ethnic diversity, the common goal and shared vision of achieving Eritrean independence served as a unifying force. The liberation struggle was driven by a collective desire to end Ethiopian oppression and establish a sovereign Eritrean state.
All in: Women and the War
Speculating into women’s unique contribution to war efforts allows us to better highlight the far-reaching patriotic spirit that emboldened every citizen young or old, male, or female, or Bilen or Saho to give up their lives for the cause of liberation.
The war brought about changes in traditional gender roles. As men joined the armed struggle, women took on new responsibilities in the economic, social, and political spheres, including active participation in the independence movement. Journalist Ibrahim, at the time of the 2nd battalion, posits, “[the women] are extremely competent and efficient militarily as they have proved by their continued on-the-ground initiatives and by their control of 85% of the
50 Connel, 15.
51 Alex Duval Smith, "40,000 Women Fight in Bloody War of Attrition; Frontline: Tsororna, Eritrea-Ethiopia Border," The Independent (London, England), July 29, 1999, [Page #], Gale in Context: World History.
countryside.”
52 At the core of the strength of the Eritreans lies their ability to mobilize people residing in the countryside Planning a long-term guerilla warfare required the support of every person in a grassroots initiative by campaigning for health and education. These have been, in the process, a vital component of empowering women.
Women contributed significantly to the war effort by taking on roles in agriculture, providing logistical support, and engaging in economic activities to sustain the struggle. Their contributions were crucial for the sustenance of both the fighters and the civilian population. The establishment of women's units, such as the Natsnet (Association) units within the EPLF, was crucial. Hawa, a veteran of the Liberation struggle, shares about her experiences in the trenches, she said that women “fought, they led battalions into battle and performed surgery on combatants.”
53 According to an American reporter, “eight women were, in 1987 at the EPLF's Second Congress, elected to the Central Committee.” 54 The presence of these women in spaces of authority was not just for tokenism or careless gesture, but evolved out of the increasingly democratic missions of the grassroots-based People's Assemblies. In recognizing the importance of participation of every individual in establishing a nation or even an identity, the political processes created opportunities for women to become involved, to learn their alphabet, have access to medical facilities, and run life within their respective villages. While perhaps it was
52 Doris Burgess, "Women and War," 127.
53 Blaine Harden, Washington Post. "Women Win Rights with Gun Eritrean Wives Find Liberation in Trenches of Ethiopian Civil War: [SU2 Edition]." Toronto Star, Jan 31, 1988.
54 Doris Burgess, "Women and War," 127.
intended originally as a numbers game, to win a war everyone must fight, in Eritrea the women had their own autonomous 'government department' and were highly organized.
The most striking way in which women were involved was initially in supportive roles, but as the war progressed many actively took part in combat and served on the front lines. This was an unprecedented and remarkable effort. Women joined the armed struggle in various capacities, including as fighters, medics, and offered logistical support. Ultimately, women made up one third of the guerilla force of 70, 000 to 90,000 a proportion without precedent in guerilla warfare.
55
Adasher is about 23 and born in Asmera. In 1986, she became a platoon leader. The following is an excerpt from an interview with Adasher:
In 1975, when I was a student in the 5th grade, there were riots all over; the Dergue was killing and setting fire to villages; they made it impossible to go to school and our teachers stopped coming from Asmara to the villages to teach. I saw my friends beaten up; in 1976 I decided to join the 'mass organization'. I helped the fighters in bringing to the trenches supplies from the towns; the fighters would give me money to buy what they couldn't find in the rural areas like sugar, coffee, tea and grain. The people in the towns would also give materials, wash clothes and act as informants. In 1978, I joined the army. I did my military training and was assigned to the front line during the 3rd Offensive, but because I was so new, I didn't actually go into a battle until the 4th
55 Blaine Harden, Washington Post. "Women Win Rights with Gun Eritrean Wives Find Liberation in Trenches of Ethiopian Civil War: [SU2 Edition].
Offensive. After visiting the trenches while in the mass organization, I saw what it was like as a fighter, so when I was assigned to the front line I really wasn't afraid. I just wanted to use my Kalashnikov to kill the Amhara. At first my male colleagues were unsure of us women. We were new, and they were trying to help us and show us the best way of protecting ourselves and killing the enemy. As far as any underestimation of us, we were on their side, doing what they do. They had no grounds to underestimate us. For a while, I was assigned behind the enemy lines and then I participated in the battle in the northeast Sahel when all the parachutes came out of the sky. Eventually, the men came to admire our efforts 56
Adasher’s story is a testament to particularly women’s involvement in every aspect of warfare. The women that fought in war had no example to follow, but rather leaped outside their traditional roles and offered up their lives for the cause of their people. It demonstrates the depth of commitment and willingness to a shared national cause, as each individual, no matter the ethnic association, religion, or sex, was driven by nationalism and self-determination.
Nationalistic Aspirations
Another point of emphasis is the morale of Eritrean soldiers in the face of underresourced battle, as the mantra of the war had been “Never Kneel Down!” 57 Even with an
56 Doris Burgess, "Women and War," 128.
57Jennifer Riggan, "CONCLUSION: Escape, Encampment, and the Alchemy of Nationalism," in The Struggling State: Nationalism, Militarism, and the Education of Eritrea (n.p.: Temple University Press, 2016), 7, JSTOR.
insufficient number of resources, fighters, and infrastructure there was something to prove to the enemy and the rest of the world to achieve an insurmountable victory. Eritrean People's Liberation Army (EPLA) is the “military wing of the EPLF and has 12 infantry brigades, each with 3 battalions having 450 fighters at full strength.” 58 Furthermore, “there are a number of semiregular regional armies and some 20,000 fighters in militia units.” 59 The EPLF could mobilize over 150 tanks and armored vehicles that they captured from the Ethiopian as well as two tank battalions. However, this was nothing in comparison to Ethiopia's nearly 130,000 fighters and advanced artillery supplied by allies like the United States and the USSR, including MiG 23 jet fighters, MI-24 helicopter gunships, T-54 tanks.
60
So, in answering why the war persisted for 30 years and why Eritrea chose to enter in the first place, even in the face of obvious disparities, nationalism cannot be ignored. National pride and a desire to assert sovereignty, coupled with the historical legacy, contributed to the intensity of the struggle. Categorizing this conflict as a “border war,” as many historians examine, does not capture the complexity and multifaceted nature of the conflict. Virtually all Eritreans see the conflict not as a separatist war, but as a national liberation movement against the latest in a series of colonial oppressions. A systematic examination of the Eritrean perspective is necessary for an understanding of the rise of Eritrean nationalism, the culmination of which is the Struggle.
58 Roy Pateman, "The Eritrean War," Armed Forces and Society 17, no. 1 (1990): 21, JSTOR.
59 Pateman, "The Eritrean," 23.
60 Pateman, 22.
To understand the nationalist identity formed during time, it becomes necessary to examine details and symbols of the war. Quotidian nationalism or everyday nationalism as it could otherwise be named focuses on the agency of ordinary people as opposed to elites. During the Eritrean War for Independence (1961-1991), quotidian nationalism played a significant role in shaping the consciousness and identity of the Eritrean people. It often involves the use of cultural symbols and practices to express national identity, as that is something accessible to every individual whereas. In Eritrea, during the war, symbols such as the Eritrean flag and cultural practices like traditional dances became powerful expressions of resistance and national pride. Originally The Blue Eritrean Flag was passionately referred to as meley in Tigrinya the national Blue Flag. 61
Towards the end of the 1950s Emperor Haile Selassie dissolved the Eritrean parliament, outlawed the Eritrean flag, lowered it and hoisted the Ethiopian flag in its place, and militarily occupied Eritrea. The lowering of the flag, the abolition of the constitution and the abolishing of Arabic-Tigrinya work and teaching languages, and replacing it with Amharic as a national language sparked the long and arduous armed Eritrean struggle for self-determination. In reaction to that violation, on September 1, 1961, Hamid Idris Awate started the Armed Struggle. 62
All national organizations rallied around the blue Eritrean flag. Subsequently, the EPLF’s flag, created in 1977, had a distinct design deep with meaning: “the green stands for the fertility
61 Berhānamasqal Tasfāmaryām, Tārix Walado Ḥezbi ʾéreterā, (2009), 15, Createspace.
62 Tasfāmaryām, 17.
of the country; blue stands for the sea; the red for the blood lost in the fight for freedom; and the yellow star has meaning in its shape and color.” 63 The color itself represented Eritrea’s rich variety of mineral resources and each corner of the star stood for Equality, Unity, Liberty, Justice and Prosperity. 64 These simple yet profound symbols were used in everyday life to convey a sense of unity and identity among Eritreans.
Moreover, there is a unique sculpture located in the middle of Sema’atat Square in Asmara that pays tribute to the shida, a commonly worn plastic sandal. The shida is a symbol of the Eritrean people and their fighters who played a significant role in liberating the country during its thirty-year struggle for independence. The shida was a preferred footwear for many fighters during the war because of its versatility, toughness, and affordability. They could easily repair any shida that were torn by melting the plastic and reattaching it to the main shoe. The Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) began manufacturing shida themselves in the liberated areas of the country along with other necessities in the 1980s. 65 These factories indicated the EPLF’s capacity to govern, fight, and liberate itself without any significant support from the outside world.
The shida monument is quite literally and metaphorically larger than life, but also reflected in many aspects of everyday life. The shida is a military symbol but also an ordinary one, and, most importantly, it is ubiquitous throughout the country. The shida statue is a
63 Riggan, 7.
64 Riggan, 8.
65 Riggan, 1
representation of the quotidian nature of Eritrean nationalism. It fuses symbols, narratives, and performances that reference the legacy of The Struggle for Independence with the lives of ordinary Eritreans. The ruling EPLF has used this quotidian nationalism to create a particular sense of personhood among Eritreans, encouraging them to think of themselves as willing to sacrifice for the nation's defense and development. 66 The party has socialized Eritreans into stepping into a role as national subjects by continuously drawing on their experiences during The Struggle and giving meaning to their sacrifices. The EPLF has also created service programs to “inculcate the values of The Struggle in Eritrean youth by loosely simulating the experiences of the fighters in the war for liberation” through a year-long physically intensive required military service post-high school.
67 The party's revolutionary nation-making program aims to craft a sense of the future and an ideology of how society would change in its aftermath, promoting egalitarian gender and class norms and a multicultural, multireligious, unified national whole.
The use of language played a crucial role in expressing nationalist sentiments. Tigrinya, Tigre, and other languages spoken in Eritrea became instruments of communication that reinforced a shared national identity. The use of local languages in daily interactions contributed to the preservation and promotion of Eritrean cultural and linguistic heritage while under authoritarian attack.
66 Richard Reid, "Writing Eritrea," History in Africa 41 (2014): 14, JSTOR.
67 Riggan, "Struggling for the Nation," 7.
Given the sensitive nature of communication during wartime, Eritreans often employed secret codes and ciphers to safeguard the content of their letters from potential interception by enemy forces. 68 The following image is written in Tigrinya, the national language, but riddled with complex accent marks, codes, and letter orientation that only insiders would be able to decipher [see fig. 2]. The Struggle placed an important emphasis on language and writing during this time was during this time that Couriers, often individuals familiar with the terrain, would physically carry letters between different locations, including remote areas where armed resistance was active.
Figure 2: The image displays the letters of intelligence that inside intelligence officers, soldiers, and other supporters of the Struggle would use to communicate. 69
68 "Eritrea," 69.
69 "Eritrea," 71.
Music and literature were important mediums for expressing nationalist sentiments. Songs and literature created during the war often conveyed messages of resistance, resilience, and the desire for independence. These cultural expressions were integrated into daily life, providing a source of inspiration for the Eritrean people to join in the fight. 70 As the struggle for independence was forming and as it was not permitted to discuss politics of their country, Eritreans used music to communicate themselves in a way the colonizers could not understand. Artists used their lyrics and tunes to spread nationalistic messages that touched the hearts and minds of the people. Musical instruments such as the kirar were constructed and played by fellow soldiers in the battlefields as relief from the pain and havoc of war. 71 Quotidian nationalism is often rooted in community life. In Eritrea, communities played a crucial role in supporting the liberation struggle. The war fostered a sense of community bonds and shared responsibility for the collective goal of independence. Everyday interactions within communities were infused with a nationalist spirit.
Everyday exposure to media and propaganda contributed to quotidian nationalism. The dissemination of information through radio, posters, and other media channels reinforced the narrative of the Eritrean struggle for independence. Everyday conversations and activities were influenced by the messages conveyed through these mediums. Quotidian nationalism often involves educational initiatives that promote a particular national identity. During the war,
70 "Eritrea," 70.
71 "Italian Administration," Ministry of Information Eritrea.
efforts were made to incorporate nationalist narratives into the education system. 72 Schools became important spaces for instilling a sense of Eritrean identity and the historical context of the struggle.
As Time Magazine summates after Eritrea declared victory in 1991, “It should’ve never happened–but it did! They were outmanned, outgunned, abandoned, or betrayed by every ally. They gained independence by force of character, unity, and determination!” 73 Above everything else, Eritrea was the main stakeholder in the war. To the people of Eritrea, it was an opportunity through which the divided nation could establish a globally recognized and unified center of power in the horn of Africa.
The implications of the war in the 21st century include nationalistic aspirations within Eritrea and even the greater diasporic community around the globe. However, many proudly declare their love for the country bought with the blood of their brothers and sisters, but also bitterly critique their conditions and lack of freedom in the modern day. The Eritrean government has made it so that only “state media operate on the inside” and Eritreans primarily rely on outside news outlets like Radio Erena that shed more light on the country’s current flaws and repression. 74
72 Jennifer Riggan, "CONCLUSION: Escape, Encampment, and the Alchemy of Nationalism," in The Struggling State: Nationalism, Militarism, and the Education of Eritrea (n.p.: Temple University Press, 2016), 4, JSTOR.
73 "Italian Administration.”
74 "Radio Erena: Eritrea's Free Voice and Refugee Hotline," Al Jazeera America, November 5, 2017, Gale in Context: World History.
As the country comes close to its 33rd year as an independent nation, the ideological remnants of the struggle have been inculcated into many citizens, but there is still a lot of work to be done to fulfill the vision of the country’s martyrs: “peace, freedom, and equality for ages unto ages.” 75
75 "Between 1998 and 2000, Tens of Thousands of People in Ethiopia and Eritrea Died in a War over A...," in Africa: An Encyclopedia for Students, ed. John Middleton (New York, NY: Charles Scribner's Sons, 2002), 2:14, Gale in Context: World History.
Bibliography
Al Jazeera America. "Radio Erena: Eritrea's Free Voice and Refugee Hotline." November 5, 2017. Gale in Context: World History.
"Between 1998 and 2000, Tens of Thousands of People in Ethiopia and Eritrea Died in a War over A..." In Africa: An Encyclopedia for Students, edited by John Middleton. Vol. 2. New York, NY: Charles Scribner's Sons, 2002. Gale in Context: World History.
Berhānamasqal Tasfāmaryām. 2009. Tārix Walado Ḥezbi ʾéreterā. Charleston S.C: Createspace.
Blaine Harden, Washington Post. "Women Win Rights with Gun Eritrean Wives Find Liberation in Trenches of Ethiopian Civil War: [SU2 Edition]." Toronto Star, Jan 31, 1988.
Cooper, Tom, and Adrien Fontanellaz. Ethiopian-Eritrean Wars: Volume 1 - Eritrean War of Independence, 1961-1988. Africa@War Series. Havertown, Havertown: Helion & Company, Limited, Helion & Company, 2018. Ebook Central (2229303872).
"Daily Nexus, May 24, 1991." JSTOR. https://jstor.org/stable/community.33114696.
Doris Burgess. "Women and War: Eritrea." Review of African Political Economy, no. 45/46 (1989): 126-32. http://www.jstor.org.harker.idm.oclc.org/stable/4006017.
"Eritrea." In Gale World History Online Collection. Detroit, MI: Gale, 2022. Gale in Context: World History.
"Italian Administration in Eritrea," Ministry of Information Eritrea, last modified November 30, 2009, accessed March 21, 2024, https://shabait.com/2009/11/13/italian-administration-ineritrea/.
Media, Hdri, comp. ታሪኽ ኤርትራ ካብ
Independent Publishing Platform, 2012.
. Asmera, Eritrea: CreateSpace
Negash., Tekeste, and Kjetil Tronvoll. Brothers at War: Making Sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian
War. Oxford: J. Currey, 2000.
Pankhurst, Richard. "The Legal Question of Racism in Eritrea during the British Military Administration: A Study of Colonial Attitudes and Responses, 1941-1945." Northeast African Studies 2, no. 2 (1995): 25-70. JSTOR.
Pankhurst E. Sylvia. 1952. Eritrea on the Eve: The Past and Future of Italy’s “First-Born”
Colony Ethiopia’s Ancient Sea Province. Woodford Green Essex: “New Times and Ethiopia News” Books.
Pateman, Roy. "The Eritrean War." Armed Forces and Society 17, no. 1 (1990): 81-98.
http://www.jstor.org.harker.idm.oclc.org/stable/45305220.
Perlez, Jane. “Eritreans to Vote on Independence.” The New York Times, July 5, 1991.
https://www.nytimes.com/1991/07/05/world/eritreans-to-vote-on-independence.html.
Pinker, Steven. 2012. The Better Angels of Our Nature. New York, NY: Penguin.
Pool, David. From Guerrillas to Government: The Eritrean People’s Liberation Front. 2001.
Oxford Athens: James Currey; Ohio University Press.
Reid, Richard. "Writing Eritrea." History in Africa 41 (2014): 83-115. JSTOR.
Riggan, Jennifer. "CONCLUSION: Escape, Encampment, and the Alchemy of Nationalism." In
The Struggling State: Nationalism, Militarism, and the Education of Eritrea, 193-210. N.p.: Temple University Press, 2016. JSTOR.
. "Struggling for the Nation: Contradictions of Revolutionary Nationalism." In The Struggling State: Nationalism, Militarism, and the Education of Eritrea, 33-56. N.p.:
Temple University Press, 2016. JSTOR.
Smith, Alex Duval. "40,000 Women Fight in Bloody War of Attrition; FRONTLINE: TSORONA, ERITREA-ETHIOPIA BORDER." The Independent (London, England), July 29, 1999, 15. Gale in Context: World History.
United Nations General Assembly. "Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples." JSTOR. Last modified 1966,01,01. https://jstor.org/stable/al.sff.document.puun1966001.
United Nations General Assembly, and Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. "Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (covering Its Work during 1966)." JSTOR. Last modified 1966,01,01. https://jstor.org/stable/al.sff.document.bmun002.
Westin, Charles. "Identity and Inter-ethnic Relations." In Identity Processes and Dynamics in Multi-Ethnic Europe, by Charles Westin, José Bastos, Janine Dahinden, and Pedro Góis, 9-52. Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, 2010. JSTOR.