The Journal - Edinburgh Issue 007

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EDINBURGH’S STUDENT NEWSPAPER

ISSUE VII

WEDNESDAY 26 MARCH 2008

A NEW MULTICULTURALISM » 12 Where race-relations are concerned, smoke and mirrors have proven strong currency thus far

PROFILE: TONY BENN » 19 The stalwart of the old Labour left talks to Evan Beswick

18-day ultimatum for postgraduates

Obituary

Dr. Stan Richardson 1943-2008

» SAAS demands immediate payment of graduate endowment » Deferment for second degrees abandoned in attempt to fill gap in finances » Student told to produce money or take out loan

Paris Gourtsoyannis paris.gourtsoyannis@journal-online.co.uk

SCOTLAND'S HIGHER EDUCATION funding body is attempting to claw back funds from graduates in a bid to cover the shortfall created by the abolition of the Graduate Endowment fee, The Journal has learned. The Student Awards Agency for Scotland (SAAS) last week contacted post-graduate students to demand repayment of the defunct £2,289 fee within 18 days. The SAAS administered the Graduate Endowment for Scottish university students before the Scottish Parliament voted to drop the fee on 28 February and continues to oversee financial aid to EU nationals. Students pursuing second degrees had previously been assured that their debts would be deferred until the end of their post-graduate studies. Luke Dicken, a research student at the University of Strathclyde’s Department of Computer and Information Sciences, told The Journal: "The SAAS contacted me by post said that we now have to pay [the Graduate Endowment] by the end of the month, basically giving us 18 days to raise £2,000,” he said. “If we are unable to do this, it seems they will expect us take a loan out from them to cover it. “I've contacted the SAAS and been told that this isn't an error, and that they ‘sympathise’ with the situation they have been forced by the government to put us in.

“However this doesn't change the fact that every post-grad in the country has just had the rug pulled from under them and now has to try to find the money in the next two weeks, or add further to the debts we are accruing.” The SAAS awards funding to all Scottish nationals studying at university at home and abroad. Its main function is to pay tuition fees on behalf of Scottish students and it was responsible for the administration of the graduate endowment fee. The abolition of the fee means that students graduating from 2007-onwards no longer have to pay the fee, but the scrapping of the charge does not apply retrospectively. Mr Dicken completed his undergraduate degree at the University of Edinburgh in 2006, and is therefore required to pay the Graduate Endowment fee. However, he was assured by the SAAS in 2005 that repayment would not be expected until after the end of his second degree. Referring to the terms of the deal, Mr Dicken said: “it has been generally understood by post-grads to be for the duration of our studies, which was not disputed when I said this to the SAAS during my query of the situation.” Initial inquiries by The Journal appear to indicate that not all postgraduates have been issued with a demand for immediate repayment. The SAAS was unavailable for comment over the Easter weekend, however anecdotal evidence suggests a form of means testing may have occurred.

IN BRIEF

STUDENT FUNDING The Student Awards Agency for Scotland (SAAS) is an Executive Agency responsible for paying the tuition fees of Scottish higher education students. Scottish undergraduate students, and EU students studying in Scotland, do not pay tuition fees, regardless of fi nancial situation. Traditionally, a proportion of the fees were recouped through the Graduate Endowment payable by approximately 50% of students upon graduation, but this payment was abolished in February this year, and students who graduated in 2007 are also exempt. Students were given the option of paying the full amount a year after graduation, or adding the £2000£2300 payment to their student loan, which is provided by the national Student Loans Company. Students in certain circumstances, including postgraduate study, were eligible to defer the repayment. On the abolition of the endowment, Education Secretary Fiona Hyslop said: “We believe access to education should be based on ability to learn, not ability to pay. Today’s removal of the graduate endowment fee is great news for current and future students and last year’s graduates, helping to significantly reduce their debt burden.”

HOMELESSNESS IN EDINBURGH » 6 The Journal reveals the reality of life on the streets

More coverage and comment at The Journal Online | www.journal-online.co.uk

Alex Robertson alex.robertson@journal-online.co.uk

I

N 2007, TWO issues of the science journal Phsyica D were devoted to "seminal discoveries made in interface dynamics by Stan Richardson." This marked a celebration of the career of a magnificent mathematician who had speedily established himself as a world class figure in his field. Dr. Stanley Richardson was born near Macclesfield in 1943. He studied at Cambridge, completing the four year long course on the Mathematical Tripos in only three, before going on to do his PhD. He was a keen cyclist, famously traveling to and from his Cambridge interview by bike. Apart from a short stint as assistant lecturer at the University of Manchester, he

spent his next 6 years at Cambridge, coming to Edinburgh as a lecturer in 1971. He was promoted to reader in 1995 and was due to retire in September this year. John Byatt-Smith, a colleague for their 37 years together in Edinburgh, remembers Dr Richardson when he arrived as "the heart and soul of the building; when everyone met for coffee he always brought a little ten minute problem along to share." Dr Richardson was a remarkable example of university teaching at its best. Despite his Further Complex Analysis course having a reputation for being very challenging, it was the most highly attended 4th year course on offer. He taught by explaining, seldom using the blackboard, preferring to talk through his ideas in an animated and engaging way. Continued on page 2


2 News

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Obituary:

This week in The Journal... Dr. Stan Richardson Tibetan Crisis » 15

Author Niema Ash finds China’s reaction to the upheaval in Tibet galling

Smoked Glass » 21

Premiershit » 24

Continued from page 1 He peppered his lectures with mathematical anecdotes putting the material in context both with respect to its place in history, and to how it related to contemporary research. He talked about 'we mathematicians' in a way that allowed his audience to feel pride in being part of that group. The steep rise in Edinburgh house prices in the 1970's saw Dr Richardson move to Stow in the Borders. Although he spoke with fondness of the beauty of the area, he found the 90 minute journey to and from the university on public transport trying and unreliable. During Edinburgh's comparatively mild winters he frequently reminded students that "Edinburgh was a microclimate," they being unaware that in Stow he was regularly penned in by snow and, on a number of occasions, without power for days at a time. Dr Richardson was most renowned for his research into Hele-Shaw flow: the way in which a viscous liquid flows between two parallel plates. His research was born of his enduring fascination with conformal mappings, a fascination which any visitor to his

office could not fail to notice: the door and the adjacent hallway were quite literally wallpapered with illustrations of these objects, each diagram a beautifully presented contortion of a rainbow coloured grid. Behind his friendly enthusiasm, however, Dr Richardson was troubled in his working life. in recent years he had greatly reduced the amount of work he published, reflecting a difficult relationship with the mathematical community around him. This in no way meant that he reduced his level of mathematical activity; indeed he was looking forward to his retirement, so that he could focus on research unhampered by day to day departmental demands. He was a man who was a long way from being finished with mathematics, a field which has lost a great deal from his early death. Dr Richardson was taken to hospital on the evening of 11 March 2008 after having suffered a heart attack. That night he gave instructions to his wife Jan detailing the next day's appointments that he would have to miss. He died in hospital the following morning.

uK's largest wood-fired power station opens in Scotland Despite their obvious influences, Smoked Glass are very much their own band, says Chris Hammond

The Journal and Edinburgh university’s Student go head to head in arguably the worst football match ever

A taste of the orient » 23

“i must say i find television very educational. The minute somebody turns it on, i go to the library and read a good book.”

Groucho Marx

Demian Hobby demian.hobby@journal-online.co.uk

THE LARGEST WOOD-FiRED power station in the uK has been opened near Lockerbie in a step towards biomass power generation targets set for 2050. The Steven’s Croft Power Station is expected to save up to 140,000 tonnes of carbon emissions annually whilst providing 300 new jobs in the agriculture sector. The power station was formally opened by First Minister Alex Salmond this month. He said: "Today we put Lockerbie on Scotland's renewable energy map, as the home of the uK's largest wood-fired power station. At a stroke, Steven's Croft more than doubles Scotland's biomass electricity generating capacity from 39 to 83 megawatts. "The power plant will produce enough green energy, from the surrounding forests, to supply up to 70,000 homes - more than 17 times the population of Lockerbie. "What's more, this plant will give a significant boost to the local economy - 40 jobs here on site and a further 300 jobs that it will support in local forestry, saw-milling and agriculture industries.” The plant works by drying out and burning forest fuel which is made up of a mixture of forestry residue and specially grown willow.

Fuel materials will be sourced within a 60 mile radius of the plant, ensuring factors relating to transportation do not seriously interfere with carbon emission. Mr Salmond said: "it is proof that not only can we generate power from materials previously seen as waste; we can also create good quality jobs and improve the sustainable management of our forests.” The power station is a 44MW biomass plant and was built at a capital cost of £90 million by E.ON uK, with a lottery fund grant of £18 million. Frank Mastiaux, Chief Executive of E.ON Climate & Renewables said: "We're delighted that the First Minister could be here today, because Steven's Croft is a pioneering project that offers huge benefits to the local community as well as to the battle against climate change. "We need a mix of energy sources such as biomass if we're going to succeed in ensuring a secure supply of electricity to keep the lights on while reducing carbon emissions. “That's why we're taking the lead and building projects like Steven's Croft, which represents part of a billion pound investment that we're making in the development of renewable energy in the uK over the next five years." Steven’s Croft Power Station was voted Best Renewable Project at the Scottish Green Energy Awards last year.

EDiNBuRGH’S STuDENT NEWSPAPER Editor Ben Judge Deputy Editor Hannah Thomas Art Director Matthew MacLeod Deputy Editor (News) Paris Gourtsoyannis Deputy Editor (Comment/Features) Evan Beswick Deputy Editor (Sport) Tom Crookston Photo Editor Eddie Fisher Chief Illustrator Lewis Killin Copy Editors Alex Reynolds, Gavin Lingiah, Kasmira Jefford, Katia Sand, Sarah Galletly Designer Shaun Guyver Sales Manager Devon Walshe Sales Executives Katherine Sellar News Investigations Miles Johnson General News Hamish Fergusson Edinburgh News Graham Mackay Academic News Neil Bennet Student Politics Sarah Clark National Politics Helen Walker National Student News Nick Eardley/Joanna Hosa Features George Grant Profile Alison Lutton Entertainment Chris McCall/Lucy Jackson Eating & Drinking Nana Wereko-Brobby Hockey Emily Glass Football Dominic Moger Rugby Jack Charnley The Journal is published by The Edinburgh Journal Ltd., registered address 52 Clerk Street, Edinburgh EH8 9JB. Registered in Scotland number SC322146. For enquiries call 0131 662 6766 or email info@journal-online.co.uk. The Journal is a free newspaper for and written by students and graduates in the City of Edinburgh. Contact us if you’d like to get involved. Printed by Mortons Print Limited, Horncastle, Lincolnshire. Copyright © 2008 The Edinburgh Journal Ltd. Elements of this publication are distributed under a Creative Commons license - contact us for more information. Distributed by Ben, Matt, Evan and Paris in a van/car. Our thanks to PSYBT, Scottish Enterprise, and all who make this publication possible.

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News 3

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Connery autobiography to focus on early life and Scots identity Graham Mackay graham.mackay@journal-online.co.uk

FOLLOWING A CELEBRATED acting career spanning some 50 years, Sir Sean Connery is set to release his autobiography. The legendary 77-year-old film veteran has tempted fans over the past five years with talk of the release of his memoires; however, the book, entitled Being a Scot, has recently been completed and is due to be published this autumn. The 300-page book, co-written by Conner’s lifelong friend, filmmaker Murray Grigor, combines an account of Connery’s life with the actor's personal take on the history and culture of Scotland and will display over 400 photographs from his collection. Publishing briefs suggest that Being a Scot will include various details of the James Bond star’s life and career, from being born into a poor working-class family in Edinburgh’s Fountainbridge to learning how to play golf with Goldfinger co-star Gert Frobe and weekending with fellow Scottish entertainer Billy Connolly. This is the third time Connery has attempted to publish an autobiography. In 2003 he canceled an agreement with Scottish writer Meg Henderson,

and two years later pulled out of a deal with renowned biographer Hunter Davies, famous for penning the memoirs of celebrities including The Beatles and Paul Gascoigne, in 2005. Indeed, the difficulties which have plagued previous attempts struck mid-way through the completion of Being a Scot when Connery and Grigor were reported to have clashed with publisher Jamie Bying, of Scottish publication company Cannongate, after work on early chapters took several months. The completed version will now be released by Weidenfeld and Nicolson, part of the Orion Publishing Group. The book offers an account of Connery’s impoverished childhood in Edinburgh, which he spent earning money as a milk delivery boy. Later, as a young man, Connery worked as a doorman at the Oddfellows Hall, as it was then known, on a salary of two pounds an hour The Orion Publishing Group’s website reveals just how much of an emphasis Connery places on Scottish national identity in the book, analysing what it is to be Scottish on a number of different levels. It said: “Being a Scot is a vivid and highly personal portrait of Scotland and its achievements, which is self-revelatory whilst full of Sir Sean's desire to shine light upon

Scottish success and heroic failure. “His personal quest with his friend and co-writer Murray Grigor has been to seek answers to some perplexing questions. How did Scots come to devise so many new sports and games, or raise others to new heights? What gave fire to the Gothic tendency in Scottish literature? Why have so many creatively inventive and influential architects been Scots? Where did Scotland's unreal blend of psychotic humour originate? And what about the national tradition of self-deprecation sometimes called the Scottish cringe? "Sean Connery offers a correction to misconceptions that many believe are part of the historical record whilst revealing as never before his own vibrant personal history.” Grigor claims that the book “really reflects the life and film achievements of this extraordinary man. It reflects topics of Scottish culture, high and low.” Weidenfeld and Nicolson publisher Alan Samson said: “I am very excited about this book. There’s a book called England Made Me; this is how Scotland made me.” Adding, "We can't pretend it's something it isn't. It is not a book of titillating revelations about the women in his life, nor will it be sold that way."

Historical Edinburgh photos published online Rebecca Sibbett rebecca.sibbett@journal-online.co.uk

HUNDREDS OF IMAGES of Edinburgh from the Central Library collections are now available for viewing online at a recently-launched website. The Central Library has thousands of images in its collections but until now access has been limited. Funded by Edinburgh World Heritage and the Scottish Government, plans to digitise the images have been made a reality. The project officially began in July 2006 and the organisers hope to have the first phase completed by this summer with over 20,000 images online. Currently the images available on the website come from the Edinburgh Room, which is the largest of the

Central Library collections. These include images by the revolutionary Scottish photographers David Octavius Hill and Robert Adamson. Long-term intentions are to digitise the entire collection. Alison Stoddart, Heritage Projects Officer told The Journal: “We have taken a systematic approach to digitising as one of the aims [of the project] is to give much wider access to the collections, so very little is excluded from digitisation." An exhibition, Edinburgh Past and Present, is currently taking place to launch the website. Images from the collections, chosen by well-known residents past and present, including championship swimmer Kirsty Balfour and comedian Rory Bremner, are on display at the Central Library on George IV Bridge until Friday 11 April.

GET IT ON THE WEB Exclusive extract from Connery’s autobiography available online:

WWW.JOURNAL-ONLINE.CO.UK


4 News

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Daily Mail Group behind drive to bring more foreign students to UK

Outcry at BBC’s ‘English perspective’ on Scottish history Amadeus Finlay

Miles Johnson miles.johnson@journal-online.co.uk

FOR SOME IT is the moral backbone of Middle England, for others its frequent articles attacking immigration have earnt it the nickname 'the Daily Hate'. Recent pieces have not only lambasted the government for its "catastrophic" immigration policy but also targeted the large numbers foreign nationals choosing to study at British universities. There could, however, be red faces at The Daily Mail after The Journal's discovery that the Mail's parent organisation, the Daily Mail and General Trust Plc, is the sole owner of Hobsons, a student recruitment service specialising in attracting international students to study at British universities. Hobsons, according to a presentation from its 2007 annual conference, offers British universities the "opportunity to gain competitive advantage over other higher education institutions and other countries" in the recruitment of foreign students. This aim is in stark contrast to a recent

amadeus.finlay@journal-online.co.uk

Daily Mail article complaining how the UK "now admits 300,000 foreign students a year to study in Britain"— boosting university finances—"but without the faintest idea of how many leave when they are meant to." In 2006 six British universities, including Brunel and Robert Gordon, took the decision to outsource their recruitment of foreign students to Hobsons. Applicants are under the impression they are dealing directly with the universities but calls and emails are transferred to a service centre based in London administered by Hobsons employees. Academics at these institutions, however, are ultimately responsible for selecting the students Hobsons recruits for them. The company have not disclosed the commission rate they charge each institution for their services. The University of Edinburgh has been forging increasingly close links with Hobsons in recent years, though the university does not currently outsource its recruitment of its international students. A freedom of information request placed by The Journal has revealed that Timothy O'Shea, the Vice Chancellor of the University

of Edinburgh, claimed expenses for a taxi fare to attend a meeting held by the company in London on 31 October 2006. The University of Edinburgh also holds bonds in Hobsons parent group, the Daily Mail and General Trust, in its investment portfolio. The news of the Daily Mail's ownership of Hobsons has been met with bemused reactions from international students at the University of Edinburgh. Marina Aung, a forth year History student from Pakistan, said "its blatantly hypocritical but its also quite funny. But the Mail's line on immigration is dangerous. In fact they are probably the last people I would want owning a company that recruits foreign students." Costanza Cappello, a Philosophy undergraduate from Rome also saw the funny side. "If I were them I would be quite embarrassed. Considering some of the articles they print on immigration I wonder what their readers would think?" In February The Daily Mail attracted widespread criticism after an email was leaked offering to pay £100 for "horror stories" of migrant workers to use in an article. Diane Appleyard, a freelance features writer for

THE DAILY MAIL: One of Britain’s most anti-immigration newspapers the Mail, wrote, "I am urgently looking for anonymous horror stories of people who have employed Eastern European staff, only for them to steal from them, disappear, or have lied about their resident status. We can pay you £100 for taking part, and I promise it will be anonymous, just a quick phone call." Ms Appleyard has since refused to respond to any enquiries regarding the leak.

Trainspotting prequel to complete Edinburgh cult fiction series Hamish Fergusson hamish.fergusson@journal-online.co.uk

15 YEARS AFTER his debut novel Trainspotting sold over 1m copies, Irvine Welsh has announced plans to write its prequel. The Edinburgh-born author is to publish a novella providing the early background of the principal characters in Trainspotting, Welsh’s first book, which propelled him, along with Leith’s drug culture, to international fame in 1993. The prequel will follow the early decline and fall of the heroin addicts whose exploits in 1980s Edinburgh were graphically depicted in the original novel and its 1996 Bafta-winning screen adaptation. Welsh said: “It’s about how Renton and Sick Boy went from being daft young guys just out for the buzz on drugs, to total junkies. “It focuses on them when they are a couple of years younger and shows

how their attitudes and behaviour start to change as they become more defi ned by the drug and the culture around it.” The author, 49, himself a former heroin user, wrote Trainspotting while working for Edinburgh’s housing department. The idea for a prequel came after his rediscovery of notes made for his first novel. As in Trainspotting, the novella will be set in Leith’s housing schemes, and in London. Welsh was born in Leith, before growing up in Muirhouse in Edinburgh and moving to London’s punk scene in the 1970s and fronting a band called The Pubic Lice. He returned to work for Edinburgh City Council shortly before writing his debut novel. To date he has published six novels, as well as various collections of short stories, and screen and stage plays, and has also directed a number of short films. His work is characterised by trademark levels of depravity

and realism. Characters from Trainspotting have made occasional cameo appearances within Welsh’s writing over the past ten years. In 2002, Porno was published, a sequel to Trainspotting

in which Mark Renton and Simon ‘Sick-Boy’ Williamson become involved in making pornographic films. The planned prequel will complete the trilogy and is expected to be published next year.

Granny charged in Edinburgh drugs bust Hamish Fergusson hamish.fergusson@journal-online.co.uk

A 38-YEAR-OLD GRANDMOTHER has been jailed for over three-and-a-half years after being caught couriering £200,000 worth of cocaine from Liverpool to Edinburgh. Wendy Young, 38, of Niddrie House Gardens, was arrested on the A702 between Biggar and Edinburgh on 5 December last year. Her rented Chrysler Grand Voyager 4x4 was carrying almost four kilos of the class-A drug.

Upon her arrest she told police, “I’m an arsehole,” and said, “I only did it as we were hard up for Christmas and we were desperate." Young’s lawyer, Jim Keegan, told the court that she was married with three children and was a grandmother. Neither she nor her husband were in employment and the family received benefits. She was to receive £1,000 for smuggling the drugs. Keegan said: “She embarked on a foolish escapade. This was prompted by the need for Christmas money." She was sentenced on 14 March

at the High Court in Edinburgh to 44 months in prison having admitted to being concerned in the supply of cocaine. The sentence was reduced from six years to three-and-a-half on account to her record of service to the community as a voluntary ambulance driver. Last February, Victoria Baptist, mother-of-one, was sentenced to thirteen years in prison for her part in smuggling £3.5 million worth of South American cocaine into London and Edinburgh. The drug was hidden inside camp-

ing equipment, absorbed into groundsheets and mats, before being reconstituted within the UK. Recorder Richard Smith QC said in passing sentence: "This is an example of how people with good backgrounds become ensnared in this despicable trade." Also jailed on 14 March at the High Court in Glasgow was Marlon Browne, 22, who used a hollowed-out child’s car seat to smuggle nearly £100,000 worth of cocaine. The court heard how he had taken a six month year-old child along with him to a drugs deal. He was also sentenced to 44 months.

A TEN-PART BBC TV series on Scottish history has become embroiled in controversy, with a second senior Scottish historian publicly criticising the programme. Professor Allan Macinnes announced earlier this week that he was resigning from the advisory board of A History of Scotland after its first meeting in November. “I thought the whole production was dreadful,” he said. “The first provisional script I got was so Anglo-centric I couldn't believe it. It was written on the basis that Scotland was a divided country until the Union [with England] came along and civilised it. I felt it was just nonsense.” Instead, Professor Macinnes argues that Scottish politicians who negotiated the Treaty of Union were not "a parcel of rogues bought for English gold," but politically inept negotiators. A History of Scotland's advisory board, which includes leading historians, agencies such as Historic Scotland and a history teachers' representative, meets for a second time later this week. However, last week University of Edinburgh Professor Tom Devine, who is regarded as one of Scotland's top historians, made it known that he had turned down the offer of a place on the board. While explaining that he “warmly welcomed” the programme, he complained of an “old-fashioned” approach to Scottish history and the choice of an archaeologist Neil Oliver as the presenter. The series is being referred to as the foundation of a “multi-platform” project from BBC Scotland, known as 'Scotland's History.' It includes linked live concerts from historic locations, and radio and website programming with the intention of “bringing the country's history to life.” However, Mr Macinnes criticised the first script as “very traditionalist”, and was full of monarchical references. “Everything was written from the point of view of England and Scotland, as if Scotland didn't have any relations with any other country. Mr Macinnes, who is a professor of early modern history at Strathclyde University, is also a published author and expert on the period up to and including the Union of the Crowns. He listed as a further reason for his resignation the programme makers' expectation that he give his time for free. “They seem to regard working for the BBC as an unpaid honour.” He conceded, however, that the programme's second script might have changed, but complained about the persistence of an “awful phrase: 'Scotland was a divided nation.'" He explained that, “At the time, England was divided, France was divided, Germany didn't even exist. I would like to see it put Scotland in its wider European context. You don't need to look at England all the time.” BBC Scotland responded by stating: “The whole point of the advisory group is to look at the bigger picture, and we have been very much working with them and taking on board their suggestions.” Another leading Scottish historian, Dr Jenny Wormald - also a University of Edinburgh professor - remains on the panel. She said: “I had my own worries: for example, I didn't want too much made of Robert the Bruce, because I wanted Scottish history to be made of more than our great heroes. I didn't win on that one.”


Edinburgh News 5

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Fourth Michelin-starred chef to set up shop in Edinburgh Kasmira Jefford kasmira.jefford@journal-online.co.uk

MICHELIN-STARRED CHEF PAUL Kitching is moving to the Scottish capital and plans to open a hotel-restaurant in the New Town this coming December. Mr Kitching, whose experimental cuisine has made him one of the UK’s most talked-about chefs, will be leaving the Manchester-based restaurant Juniper to establish himself alongside Edinburgh’s current Michelin starred restaurants the Balmoral, Martin Wishart and the Kitchin. Speaking to The Journal, the chef said that he has visited Edinburgh a number of times, and has always been impressed by the city’s diverse choice of restaurants. “Wishart’s restaurant is fantastic and Jeff Bland at the Balmoral is also a great chef,” he said. Born near Newcastle, Mr Kitching

began his career as a kitchen porter and quickly rose to success, combining his creative flair with training in French haute cuisine. He said: “I was not only interested by the cooking but learning how a kitchen is run. I liked the discipline of a kitchen brigade: the shiny kitchen, the knives and the crisp white clothes of the kitchen staff.” When asked about his own kitchen staff, he said: “They are young and fresh. We like our staff to be openminded people and not set in their ways.” Food critics have described Mr Kitching’s style as “improvisational and breathtaking” and have used phrases such as “an epicurean’s wet dream” to describe Juniper, crediting its menu as being “at the vanguard of culinary adventurism.” Juniper’s eclectic menu has combined an array flavours and ingredients over the years, ranging from marshmallow in frothy pea soup to smoked

WHAT’S THE DAMAGE FOR A MICHELIN-STARRED MEAL? The chef's tasting menu at the Balmoral's sophisticated Number One, which sets John Dory with Cannelini Bean Purée as a prelude to the Loin of Perthshire Venison with Braised Red Cabbage, will set you back a pricey £65. The slightly cheaper £60 tasting menu at Martin Wishart's eponymous restaurant boasts seven courses that comprise a whole host of scrumptious treats. Innovative options - such as the Haggis Bonbon canape - sit alongside more traditional offerings, such as the Braised Shin of Ross-Shire Beef. Edinburgh's Atrium restaurant looks to be in the running for its first Michelin star, and its reasonably priced £55 tasting menu includes meat and fish offerings. Earlier courses including Seared Campbeltown Scallops and Pan-Fried Stone Bass with Mussel and Herb Ravioli, prefigure heavier offerings such as the Fillet of Inverary Venison.

salmon with vanilla ice-cream. His toothpaste-and-mouthwash dessert using egg whites, strawberry coulis, Crème de Menthe and Andrew's Liver Salts was so popular that it stayed on the menu for six months. “I was inspired by looking at people’s teeth” he joked. “We served it on toothbrushes bought at Sainsbury’s for something like 15 pence each.” Despite holding onto a Michelin star for 11 years at Juniper and being rated UK's 20th finest restaurant in the Good Food Guide for two consecutive years, Mr Kitching wants to return to his classical roots of French cuisine and hopes that a career move will lead to a second star. He told The Journal: “We are going to strike a happy medium and also adjust to the type of building that we cook in.” The new restaurant-hotel will be named Hotel Angela after the chef’s mother, and whilst the location is still uncertain, Mr Kitching and his staff are searching for spacious Georgian property on Royal Terrace, Queen Street or Charlotte Square, which could accommodate a 35-cover restaurant and a six to eight-bedroom boutique hotel. Mr Kitching expressed both his trepidation and enthusiasm about moving to Scotland. He lists the Film House as a favourite haunt and his love of Edinburgh-brewed Innis & Gunn Oak Aged Beer which the chef compares to “drinking a salty toffee apple.” Praising the city, he said: “Edinburgh takes my breath away; for me there is nothing like it.”

Major Scottish arts companies hit by funding cuts

Meadowbank stadium saved by controversial development plan

Rebecca Sibbett

Charlotte Morgenthal

rebecca.sibbett@journal-online.co.uk

TWO OF SCOTLAND'S leading arts organisations, Scottish Opera and Scottish Ballet, have fallen victim to budget cuts made by Edinburgh City Council. The cuts come despite council leaders declaring that the city's funding crisis had been resolved with the passing of this year's budget. Last week the Lib Dem/SNP coalition revealed that a number of arts groups and charities including the Scottish Opera and Scottish Ballet are set to lose funding of around £787,000 under the new budget introduced for council grants. Both Scottish Ballet and Scottish Opera have previously benefited from substantial grants which help to fund educational outreach programmes designed to give a range of community groups access to the arts. For the Scottish Ballet, who are set to lose around £40,000, the cuts will affect the educational programme run by the organisation and

may lead to cancellations of May’s planned programme of events. While Scottish Opera say that they will continue their planned shows, their popular Opera Unwrapped - a series of events run to introduce newcomers to the art of opera - is being threatened The General Director of Scottish Opera, Alex Reedijk, has plans to meet with councillors in an attempt to persuade them to reassess the situation. Both organisations frequently make use of the Festival Theatre and cutbacks to their funding, and as a result performances, could lead to problems for the venue. A number of other smaller groups and charities also face having their funding frozen. These include arts groups such as the city’s Traverse Theatre and the book festival, community projects like the North Edinburgh Childcare Centre, and support groups like the Women’s Rape and Sexual Abuse Centre, while others including the Gorgie Dalry Partnership are set to suffer from slashes in funding.

charlotte.morgenthal@journal-online.co.uk

MEADOWBANK STADIUM IS to be demolished and replaced by a smaller sports arena, Edinburgh City Council decided this month. A third of the land currently occupied by the 16,500-seater stadium will be sold for a housing development, fi nancing a new arena with a reduced capacity of 5,000. The council has agreed that all funds raised from the land sale will be used to build new sporting facilities at Meadowbank; however, the £25 million cost of rebuilding the arena may still rise, since plans will be finalised in October this year. Under the new plans, the Meadowbank velodrome will also be demolished. Edinburgh council has not stipulated how, nor indeed if, it would cover any shortfall. Proposals by the Save The Meadowbank Campaign (SMC) to renovate the stadium, which hosted the Commonwealth Games in 1970 and 1986,

have been dismissed. The Edinburgh Evening News had claimed that the SMC's proposals were dismissed due to its estimated cost of £40 million; speaking to The Journal, the group's representative Aaron Lowe denied this. “SMC proposals are completely accountable and we can demonstrate where all our costing comes from," he said, arguing that it would cost £2 million more to rebuild rather than refurbish the old Meadowbank. “Why should we pay more for smaller facilities if larger facilities already exist? “For some reason the Edinburgh Evening News has been heavily biased against our campaign from the outset, even going so far as to misquote and invent many untruths,” he added. SMC has claimed that the council decision was made without any contribution from the public, and therefore refused to take part in a council workshop discussing the plans for rebuilding Meadowbank's sporting facilities. “We have already taken part in

two series of council workshops. Officials listened to what we had to say, nodded politely and then just went ahead with their own ideas anyway,” SMC spokesman Kevin Connor told The Edinburgh Evening News. “If a group or individual chooses not to take part then that of course is a matter for them,” a spokesman for the council replied. The sell-off also met with political opposition from the Greens and Liberal Democrats. Lib Dem councillor Gary Peacock told The BBC: “I think a sale of this scale is unacceptable.” Meadowbank continues to be used for gigs and events, especially during the Edinburgh Festivals. The SMC alleges that revenue from Meadowbank bookings go towards other council projects, rather than being reinvested in the venue. The question of how to address the shortage of sports facilities in Edinburgh remains open, with Edinburgh RFC struggling to fi nd an appropriate ground, and plans mooted last year to build a new arena at Sighthill have now been abandoned.


6 News Investigation

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Homelessness

Edinburgh unable to cope with homelessness Graham Mackay graham.mackay@journal-online.co.uk

a SEvErE ShortagE of housing facilities in Edinburgh is proving to be the greatest stumbling block to eradicating homelessness, The Journal has learned. according to statistics from the Edinburgh City Council, an average of 130 people bid for every council home that becomes available to let. Edinburgh city councilors plan to eliminate homelessness from the capital’s streets by 2012. however, with 5,000 families and single people becoming homeless every year, achieving this will be no easy task. if the council is to achieve their aim of finding permanent accommodation for Edinburgh’s thousands of homeless people by 2012, a further 12,000 homes will be required at affordable prices.

Councillor paul Edie, housing Convenor, expressed his frustration at the fact that Edinburgh has one of the highest rates of homelessness in Scotland, suffering from a persistent shortage of council housing. “there is an acute shortage of affordable housing in the city and across the south east of Scotland; yet other parts of the country have a considerable surplus of affordable housing," he said. "it is beyond understanding that the area with the most acute shortage, Edinburgh and the South East, has historically received so little of the share of the national investment programme for new affordable homes. “the Council has led Scotland in developing first class services for homeless people. it is the only authority to be awarded an a grade following inspection. however, unless more new affordable homes are build in the city more homeless people will

spend longer times in temporary accommodation.” at any time, more than 600 homeless families and single people live in temporary accommodation throughout the city. there are currently some 740 households residing in shortterm housing in Edinburgh, with approximately 260 households staying in bed and breakfasts, and a further 480 households in flats and other forms of temporary accommodation. however, none of these families are able to remain in temporary housing for longer than three months. in recent years, the council has resorted to leasing properties from local landlords in order to deal with the capital’s growing wave of homelessness. Mr Edie continued: “For the last three years more homeless people in Edinburgh have come to the council for help than the council has houses to let. over the last two years we have plugged the gap through leasing over

1,000 empty properties from private property owners for temporary accommodation.” despite the increasing problem of homelessness in Edinburgh, the Council maintains that no one in the capital is forced to sleep on the streets, as emergency accommodation is available to those who need it. a council spokesperson stated: “over the last five years, the Council and the city's voluntary organisations have managed to ensure that no one needs to sleep rough in Edinburgh. "While some people may choose to continue to sleep rough, emergency accommodation is always available. "the council has also worked closely with private landlords to provide more accommodation for homeless people. it now has the largest private sector leasing scheme in the UK with more than 1,000 private sector properties leased to people who badly need housing.”

christian aid: Edinburgh students on helping the homeless

Services for homeless people in Edinburgh the key hostels, dropin centres, support services, catering teams and specialist health services offered by organisations across the capital Four square is a registered charity that has been providing homelessness services in Edinburgh for 27 years. the group comprises the Cowgate Centre, a drop-in facility that offers support and advice along with low-cost catering facilities in a warm environment; Stopover, a supported facility with sixteen single bedrooms for young people aged 16-21, and number twenty, six individual bed-sits for young homeless women aged between 16 and 21. length of tenancy varies from three months to six months. Gowrie care is a registered charity that provides over 150 accommodation places in nine different locations for people that are currently homeless or those with a history of homelessness. Facilities are specifically tailored to meet the needs of the users: female only hostels, and faculties offering intensive support for those with alcohol or drug addictions, sit alongside short-term and longterm tenancy options. city of edinburgh council funds a number of hostels around the capital that provide accommodation and additional support for homeless people over the age of 16. Castlecliff, a direct access hostel with space for 30 service users, employs 21 full time staff. nine move-on flats are also incorporated into the facility, providing options for longer tenancies. dunedin harbour offers similar services, with 35 emergency accommodation spaces and six self-contained supported flats. The salvation army is a religious organisation that operates three sites in Edinburgh providing services for the homeless. the ashbrook residence offers 26 accommodation spaces, and the pleasance building has room for 38 homeless men. the group also operates an advice service from the Bread Street Centre.

Jack cHarNley eU christian Union

EvEry Friday night, teams of students from the University of Edinburgh’s Christian Union embark on different routes around the city, offering hot drinks and food donated by local bakeries to those in need. this is part of the Streetwork project, a joint endeavor with the grassmarket mission that aims to meet the immediate needs of homeless people living on the streets of Scotland’s capital. anna tancock, the Social action Secretary of the Christian Union, said: “Streetwork has enabled the

CU to build up lasting relationships with the homeless people of Edinburgh, and they now expect us every Friday night.” as well as going out in teams, individual members of the society serve food at the kitchen of the grassmarket Mission. named ‘grassroots,’ the kitchen offers six meals a week to the homeless free of charge, and is staffed completely by volunteers. in a further effort to reach out to those sleeping rough, the Christian Union encourages its members to invest time in and talk to the homeless people that they walk past everyday, rather than just tossing a coin in their direction or passing by.

Becky roBerTsoN eU Divinity student

For a CoUplE of years, myself and a few friends have been spending roughly one evening every week out on the streets of Edinburgh. We’re all Christians and our faith motivates us to spend time helping those in need. So we meet together at midnight on a Saturday, split up into pairs and walk the streets. We take water, food, spare clothes, hats, gloves, and make sure we have cash on us in case we need it. Sometimes we help drunk people who are stumbling out of clubs, vomiting on the pavement, crying, or just thirsty or hungry. But the majority of the time we talk to home-

less people, and give them food, water and clothes. it’s totally informal and we stay out as long as we want to usually until about three or four in the morning. homeless people are often dehumanised by society and treated like an awkward social problem, rather than as vulnerable individuals who need to be helped. Every homeless person has a unique history that explains their situation, and it is important that their needs are considered on an individual basis. i’ve found that by spending some time with individuals living on the streets, listening to their stories, and helping them in any way that we can, we really can make a difference to their lives. and this is something that anyone can do.

The Grassmarket Mission is an Evangelical Christian-based service that operates a drop-in centre providing six free meals for between 50 and 70 homeless people every week. the facility, which is staffed by over 100 volunteers, offers help with finding housing and accommodation for the homeless. The Homeless outreach Project combines accommodation facilities with street work and specialist addiction services. three full time staff help rough sleepers around the city every night to find homeless hostels and shelters, and distribute hats, gloves and sleeping bags. Four specialist staff, including one needle exchange worker, provide services for those addicted to drugs and alcohol.


News Investigation 7

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Living on the brutal edge of society Speaking to Edinburgh's homeless about their lives, Sarah Clark finds that the most vulnerable members of our community are facing the same problems as the rest of society – all the while running a daily gauntlet of violence and neglect

T

HE DIFFICULTIES AND dangers that our homeless face are the harshest bi-products of our society. Drug addiction, alcoholism, housing problems, violence, unemployment and discrimination are all issues that are concentrated amongst the homeless. Their plight is the most accute manifestation of problems that affect the general populace, which creates a spiral of deprivation all the more tragic because homelessness can happen to anyone. The stereotypical case of the heroin addict forced to live on the streets as his dependency deepens often rings true; however there are many other causes - unemployment, divorce, family issues and illness. Sean, 37, has been homeless for three weeks. The death of his daughter put pressure on his marriage and ultimately resulted in divorce, leaving him with nowhere to go but the streets. As Sean is disabled, he faces additional difficulties and discrimination: his inability to stand means he is unable to support himself by selling the Big Issue, and he also finds it difficult to access facilities available to the homeless. Hostels - constantly in demand and always oversubscribed - present particular problems, particularly as few are willing to accommodate his dog. Many are unable to provide high levels of support to assist people with multiple needs such as mental and physical disabilities, and it is often difficult for the homeless to find the right accommodation with the appropriate support to ensure their needs are met. Sean is therefore forced to seek out back alleys, crypts in churchyards and derelict houses in order to find somewhere to sleep. Sean, like many of the homeless, feels threatened by violence on the streets. He avoids areas like Waverley station and Bread Street that are notorious amongst those sleeping rough for aggressive behaviour. Jim, 58, who has been homeless on and off for 15 years, ascribed the violence at Waverley Station to the fact that people congregate there late at night when the soup wagon comes round to provide food. The area is targeted by drug dealers who know that drug dependents will go there to eat. Bread Street, another violence hot-spot according to Sean, is home to one of Edinburgh’s methadone clinics, and those that use its services are also targeted. Any service that brings people together, especially those with multiple, complex needs, will inevitably become a source of tension. The homeless community, incorporating a broad spectrum of difficulties amongst its relatively small membership, merely amplifies the competition and conflict. These tensions often boil over into violence between Eastern Europeans and Scots, which has previously resulted in stabbings. Billy, 48, has just been released from hospital after being stabbed; as a result of his dis-

ability, he has been unable to receive the appropriate care after being discharged. Quick to emphasise that he was not racist, he felt, similarly to Jim, that more should be more done to help Scots living on the streets. He finds it difficult to grasp that his country ignores the problems on its own doorstep, yet is happy to support immigrants or jump to the assistance of foreign powers. Other nationalities feel equally strongly. Lily, a Bulgarian, feels that as Eastern European countries have been accepted into the EU, it is only fair that they are given the same opportunities and support as locals. But she feels that the homeless services prioritise the Scottish. Prejudice and cultural tensions are not confined to the homeless: the fighting is most acute at the weekend when drunken youths prey on those sleeping rough. It is an unending cycle of need and victimisation; if the homeless want food they have to accept the potential risks involved, not only posed by those within their own community but by more fortunate members of society. Jim spoke of his experiences with drugs. After becoming unemployed 15 years ago, unable to support himself and turned out of his council house, he ended up on the streets. Jim became reliant on heroin and alcohol as a result of his desperate situation. Although he was keen to commend the support available for the homeless through organisations such as Streetwork, the Bethany Trust and other church-related groups, he stressed that the medical services are acutely overstretched. It took him nine months to get on a three-week methadone programme, and even then he was forced to administer the methadone himself, decreasing the amount from 110ml to 20ml. However, when the withdrawal set in, he found heroin much more readily available on the streets than legal supplies of methadone. His relapse meant that he had to wait another eight months to receive support, but has now been clean for three years. Although she was listed as being in critical danger because she was injecting heroin into her neck, Sam, 27, still had to wait five months before she was put onto a methadone programme. Many homeless people—and even those that have somewhere to live— beg in order to get money for drugs. As well as creating a negative perception of begging amongst the public, it is frustrating to those whose homelessness forces them to beg. Even though Big Issue vendors must prove that they are homeless in order to be certified, anyone is just as likely to earn the £20 a day begging as they are from the fiercely competitive Big Issue job market. Because drug dependents often impersonate the genuinely homeless, no signs saying ‘homeless’ or the like are allowed on the streets. These signs are taken away and any money col-

lected is confiscated by the police. The homeless have a difficult relationship with the police, preferring to be self-regulating; consequently, many of the crimes go under the radar. It is not surprising that the face of the streets is changing: the older, hardy generation of Scottish homeless has been replaced by a younger much more mobile and racially diverse group that move on more quickly. I was told that within six months you can see a completely different set of people going to collect their soup at Waverley. The older generation were more self reliant, but now due to the political pressures put on government in the 1990s to deal with homelessness, there is much more support available. Not only are a bed and a hot meal available in churches throughout the winter months, but the establishment of Edinburgh Homeless Practices - a medical service specifically for the homeless - works to deal with drug related problems, mental health issues, and provides social nursing. Thomas Digby of Edinburgh Homeless Practices likened the services supplied to building an extra lane on the M25 - as facilities are improved, so too does the traffic increase. Edinburgh has become a magnet for the homeless, he claims, and like the Royal Infirmary that has been put on emergency bed alert, the services are overstretched. Resources and funding do not meet the demand for sustainment and growth. If you ask a homeless person for the solution to homelessness, they will invariably say permanent accommodation. But getting a house isn’t the only step and often is not even the first step. There are many schemes in place to help people back into employment, from education and training, to work placements and help with CVs. It is the transition from homelessness to working society which is most difficult, and other needs - such as help building support networks, budgeting, bill paying, household and life skills, alongside drug or alcohol services, mental and physical health services, and probably most important of all self esteem building - all have to be met. There are too few means to supply all these services to those who need them. It is said that a society is measured by the manner in which it treats its most vulnerable members. However, in addressing the needs of the homeless, it is an unfortunate truth that while the ills they must tackle are the same as those anyone can face, public apathy and disdain means that they are likely to have to fend for themselves for the forseeable future. There is still very much more to do for the homeless in managing the dangers inherent in their daily life on the streets and maximising the quality of services provided, but there is much more to be done to improve the attitudes of Scottish society as a whole.

Eddie Fisher

“Waverly station is targeted by drug dealers who know that drug dependents will go there to eat”

Eddie Fisher


8 Edinburgh News

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Forth Road Bridge staff considering strike action Graham Mackay

dustrial action.” Mr Waite went on to describe the graham.mackay@journal-online.co.uk changes leading up to the workers’ contemplation of a strike, explaining FoRth Road BRidge workers are the following: “Prior to the abolishconsidering the possibility of indus- ment of the toll system, we ran two trial action in the wake of internal principal departments: operations changes affecting payment and work- and Maintenance, which ran on different shift patterns. ing conditions. Since the abolishment of the "Since the tolls were abolished, bridge’s toll system last month, the we have begun a restructuring project Forth estuary transport author- whereby the two departments have ity (Feta) has begun implementing been amalgamated into one, called a series of restructuring initiatives ‘general operatives’. "our main objective is to streaminvolving the amalgamation of two major departments as well as a major line the different shift patterns, and we are currently discussing possible staff reshuffle. as a result of the recent changes, ways of going about this with unions some 20 workers are reported to be and staff. "these talks are still very much facing longer hours for less money, sparking debate over a possible underway, so i would be very surprised to hear of any industrial action strike. Moreover, 40 per cent of the being planned at the moment.” Nonetheless, Mr Waite admitted bridge’s 100-strong workforce were relieved of their duties as budget cuts that certain measures are being employed to ensure that the bridge is left no future for toll collectors. Members of the workers’ union able to remain open for public use in Unite have been voting on the possi- the event of a strike. he said: “We have contingency bility of industrial action, however, no ballot has officially emerged from the plans in place to ensure that essential maintenance is not compromised, union. Chris Waite, Communications which means employing contractors Manager for Feta, told The Journal: to oversee all maintenance issues. We "No indication of a ballot from the also have measures in place to ensure union has been received as of yet, and that traffic flow continues as normal. unions are required to issue ballots these are the two major areas we need focus a135087a minimum of seven days prior to in(Unilever) x180.qxd 18/6/07 16:50 toPage 1 on.” 135087a (Unilever) x180.qxd

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however, Sandy Smart, Regional industrial organiser of the transport and general section of the Unite union told The Journal: "We are currently waiting on clarification regarding a vote on industrial action concerning grade four and five workers, which include control men and labourers.” Mr Smart believes that the current treatment of bridge employees is unacceptable, claiming that employees should not have to tolerate undertaking jobs to which they are not accustomed as Feta begins its restructuring project. earlier, he stated: "From what is being proposed, the right skills are not being matched to the right jobs in this restructuring. “there is no point in having someone on boat duty if they can't swim or someone up on high if they are scared of heights. Feta are behaving awkwardly on this. they seem to be more interested in trying to appease politicians and unfortunately we are looking at some sort of industrial action." however, Mr. Smart added: “i must stress this will be a last resort and we will be trying to resolve this without taking this course of action.” Removing toll booths on the Forth Road Bridge cost in the region of £1 million; however it is estimated that, with redundancy packages and legal costs, the final bill will amount to several times this figure.

Ben Leto

Page 1

New study shows hiV spreads in “mini-epidemics” Research by edinburgh scientists analyses spread of hiV amongst gay men in London

Cameron Robinson cameron.robinson@journal-online.co.uk

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a WoRRyiNg NeW trend in the spread of hiV that could lead to a series of 'mini-epidemics' has been revealed in research carried out by University of edinburgh scientists. the study, which involved more than 2000 hiV-infected gay men, set out to determine how the hiV virus can evolve over time, and tracked its progress in the London area. the study was carried out in conjunction with the Chelsea and Westminster hospital and used data collected between 1997 and 2003. While hiV is widespread globally, and can be contracted by various forms of sexual contact, gay men are still considered to be a high-risk group, particularly in the UK and america. andrew Leigh Brown, of the University of edinburgh’s School of Biological Sciences, said: “By studying changes in the virus over time, we have been able to pinpoint its progress in stages through the groups of men affected, which until now has not been done effectively.” the results displayed clear patterns of infection with 25 per cent of

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all observed cases occurring within one cluster of connected individuals. Professor Brown commented: “the tightness of clusters that we have found is frightening. the results raise concerns that a drug-resistant version of the virus could spread quickly, causing a mini-epidemic, which is hard to treat.” Such patterns of sexual contact in the spread of sexually transmitted infections can be difficult to trace, particularly for hiV, as half of those infected are not diagnosed until they are suffering from aids – the advanced form of immune system disease resulting from infection with virus. the research, published in the open-access journal, Public Library of Science: Medicine, also highlighted that many men who became infected with the virus passed it on within a few months, often long before they had been diagnosed with the disease. this may alter the way in which the spread of hiV in combated, emphasising the importance of targeted local awareness campaigns, an idea echoed by Professor Brown. “it is important that information on the virus is available to gay men in the local areas where they are known to meet, to try to arrest the spread of hiV and aids,” he said.


The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Mental health pilot to be trialed by NHS Lothian

Student News 9

Cambridge brings in more changes to application process Nick Eardley nick.eardley@journal-online.co.uk

Jasper Jackson jasper.jackson@journal-online.co.uk

STUdenTS aCroSS edinbUrgH are to benefit from the introduction of a pilot mental health trainer post for nHS Lothian. The Waller Mental Health Trainer will work with university and college staff and students’ organisations to raise awareness of mental health issues affecting Lothian’s students. Whoever takes the position will also focus on promoting better integration and knowledge-sharing between higher education institutions and mental health and well-being services, a key recommendation of a 2003 royal College of Psychiatrists report into mental health amongst students. Linda irvine, Mental Health and Wellbeing Strategic Programme Manager for nHS Lothian, said: "i am very pleased to be part of this partnership. i believe this awarenessraising project will attempt to change attitudes and stigmas attached to

mental health. “by bringing such essential partners together, we can work towards improving mental health and mental health awareness for students in the Lothians." The post will be funded by the Charlie Waller Memorial Trust, which aims to help develop new ways of tackling depression while also working to support and improve existing initiatives. The trust was set up in 1997 after the suicide of Charlie Waller and has gone on to provide funding for a range of innovative projects dealing with mental health and depression, many of which have been focused on the education system. The post will be the first of its kind in Scotland, but Waller Mental Health Trainers have been active in england since 2005 supporting mental health services from bases in London and Leeds. nHS Lothian expects to fill the post by May and the long term goal of the pilot is to identify good practise with a view to rolling out similar projects across Scotland.

More students are turning to antidepressants in the absence of other treatment

London students’ unions push to ban military presence on campus Sarah Clark sarah.clark@journal-online.co.uk

UniverSiTy CoLLege London Union (UCLU) has followed the London School of economics (LSe) and goldsmiths College students’ unions in attempting to ban any military presence on campus. UCLU has attacked the government for waging "aggressive wars overseas" in afghanistan and iraq, and has consequently voted to sever all ties with the military services. The union, which passed the motion with a majority of 80 votes to 50, stated: “This union believes that because the british military under the Labour government is currently engaged in an aggressive war overseas, for the union to use its resources to encourage students to join the military or participate in military recruitment activities at this time would give political and material support to the war.” The successful motion, led by Sham rajyaguru, will result in a severing of all links with the University of London officer Training Corps, royal air Squadron and navy Unit. The military services will be prevented from setting up recruitment stalls at fresher’s fairs and all union events. The ban will also apply to all student run media and UCLU premises. This could have a significantly negative impact on the recruitment strategy of the armed forces, as approximately 50 percent of british military officers are recruited through university based military organizations. although the annual general meeting reached its quorum and had the largest attendance in UCLU recent history, with 325 people attending, the

successful motion has caused considerable controversy at the university, amongst both students and those in wider community. a spokesperson for UCL emphasized that the university has reconfirmed its relations with the military services. He said: “it has no implications for any activities held on the main campus of UCL, or sponsored by the university” He continued: “This vote was taken by the student union and refers to union premises and events only.” He concluded that UCLU have temporarily suspended the decision due to concerns as to the validity of the vote. Students across the United Kingdom outraged at the motion passed by UCLU have set up a Facebook group, which has the support of over 5000 members, to condemn the union on the basis that the motion is not representative of the views of most students. The group also points out several impracticalities of the measure, including the prospect of members of the royal family, many of whom serve in the armed forces, being prevented from entering union premises on ceremonial duties. Tosca robertson, in her second year studying History of art and italian at UCL, questioned the validity of a military ban in light of various other recruitment drives that occur on campus. Ms robertson told The Journal: “Have they not considered that students are accosted by Scientologists, Harry Krishna devotees, Socialists and yet they have not been able to convert the masses? rather, their controversial presence has stimulated debate and made students more aware of these 'causes.'

BANNED? Royals on official duties would no longer be welcome on London campuses

“The war in iraq is just another cause and, though i don’t agree with it, i think the army should be allowed to recruit in the UCL campus on a principle of free speech.” The London universities involved appear to have led the way for other institutions across the UK in anti-war agitation, including Manchester, newcastle and Cardiff. in november 2007 students at the University of essex protested against investment in the arms trade and military recruiting on campus. The action at UCLU and other universities’ students’ unions will add to the public debate over the treatment of military personnel, arising after servicemen in Cambridgeshire at raF Wittering were instructed not to appear uniformed in Peterborough due

to reports of abuse. a Ministry of defense spokesman disappointed at the UCLU vote, said: “Universities play an important role in raising awareness among young people about the important work our armed Forces do and we enjoy a good relationship with most universities. “However people view specific military operations, everyone should be able to respect the brave and professional job our armed Forces perform.” a spokesman for the national Union of Students said that UCLU works as an autonomous union and therefore is not under nUS jurisdiction. He explained that since the ban was lifted in 2000 on homosexuals serving in the armed Forces, most students’ unions have worked amicably with the military services.

FroM 2009, CaMbridge University will no longer insist that applicants have a foreign language gCSe, in a bid to attract more pupils from state schools. The move was announced only a month after the university took the decision to scrap its separate application form as of next year. The changes are part of a wide ranging review into the historic institutions admissions process, and continued attempts to shake off the elitist label which is often attributed to Cambridge and oxford. at present, Cambridge is the only british university which has basic entry requirements across all subjects. applicants must have studied english, a foreign language, Maths or a science, as well as two other subjects at gCSe level. They must have also passed an a level exam in two of these subjects. a spokesperson for the university said: “The proposal is that for entry from 2009 on, these requirements should be replaced by subject- specific entry requirements that are more flexible and responsive to curriculum changes in secondary schools.” The number of school students with a language gCSe has fallen to less that 50 per cent in the past year, despite being as high as 80 per cent in 2000. This is largely a result of a change in government policy, which means that a foreign language is no longer part of the core curriculum for pupils aged over 14. The decision is aimed at attracting students who are less likely to obtain a gCSe in a foreign language, primarily those from state schools. Whilst private schools have largely maintained high numbers of students studying foreign languages at gCSe, only 17 per cent of state schools now require pupils to study a foreign language beyond age 14. The university's spokesperson added: “discussions have been underway for some time about how this will affect the uptake of languages in schools, and what the consequences will be for the university’s efforts to attract bright applicants who, through lack of opportunity or encouragement, have no language qualification. “The University feels that having a formal entry requirement that at least half of all gCSe students are unable to meet is not acceptable in the context of Cambridge’s commitment to widening participation and access.” The director of the admissions for the University, dr geoff Parks, added: “This change would remove something which has, unfortunately, become a significant barrier impending success at Cambridge. “We would still encourage all young people to learn a foreign language, and highlight the fact that students here are able to study no fewer that 140 different languages through the provision at our excellent language centre.” on 26 February, The Journal reported that applicants to Cambridge will no longer have to submit a separate application form, leaving oxford as the only british university which has a separate application process in addition to the generic UCaS form. oxford has confirmed that it will hold consultations on the nature of its application process, but it is not yet clear if this will include a review of the separate application procedure. Last month dr Parks said that Cambridge was determined to attract more applications from “non-traditional backgrounds.”


10 National Politics

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Business organisations call for kingdom united against Trump resort plans to proceed royal 'oath of allegiance' Rob Church-Taylor

Hamish Fergusson

robert.church-taylor@journal-online.co.uk

hamish.fergusson@journal-online.co.uk

SIx key BuSIneSS organisations have signed a joint statement supporting donald Trump’s ÂŁ1bn aberdeenshire golf course development. They fear that if the plan does not succeed it could discourage other foreign investment in Scotland in the future. The plans for the luxury golf resort include an eight storey hotel, 950 holiday homes, 37 luxury lodges and two championship quality golf courses. Planning permission for the development was denied last year, on environmental grounds, as it was believed construction would endanger the local wildlife population and damage a delicate coastal sand-dune ecosystem. however, the controversial planning application was reviewed by the Scottish government after its rejection at council level. This has led to accusations of foul play after it emerged that Mr Salmond met Trump’s representatives the day before the Scottish government decided to ‘call in’ the application. The first Minister has argued that as the development falls within his constituency, he was duty bound to meet representatives from both sides. opposition parties have called for an investigation into whether there has been any improper behaviour by those involved. apart from the involvement of the first Minister there has also been con-

a SuGGeSTIon By Lord Goldsmith that British teenagers be required to take ‘citizenship oaths’ has been greeted with a widespread mixture of anger and derision within the national media, and among politicians in Britain’s devolved parliaments. The former attorney General has written a report on citizenship in the uk, in which he recommends compulsory ceremonies for school leavers modeled on those attended by foreign nationals assuming uk citizenship, and “incorporating the oath of allegiance to the Queen and the pledge of commitment to the uk.� Lord Goldsmith said: “I am in favour of people swearing an oath to the head of state. It would mark the passage between being a student of citizenship and an active citizen.� Scepticism has been duly voiced by a number of commentators, contributing to a chorus of disapproval that has greeted the report’s publication across Britain, and within holyrood and Stormont. Stormont Social democratic and Labour Party representative dolores kelly warned that the proposal would backfire in northern Ireland. She said: “This proposal would only serve to be divisive, dangerous, and counter-productive. It would do little to help a teenager’s sense of belonging as suggested, indeed it would only highlight differences in a negative light.� SnP Minister Jim Mather maintained that objections would be raised in Scotland to the concept of swearing loyalty to the uk. he said: “We don’t support it and neither do the vast majority of parents, teachers and children in Scotland. Loyalty is to each other here in Scotland. Sovereignty still lies with the Scottish people.�

YOU’RE FIRED: Trump’s resort plans have cost Green councillor his job

troversy surrounding the removal of Martin ford, the Green Party councillor who cast the deciding vote, from his post as chairman of the aberdeenshire planning committee. Mr ford accused the leaders of the ruling Liberal democrat party of a "shabbybackstreetassassination,"after he was removed from two other committees. "The experience I am going through I find truly surreal. The nearest analogy I can find is that it is like being the victim of a political purge in a totalitarian regime." There remains considerable pressure to overturn the planning decision because of the economic benefits business groups believe it would bring. The organizations calling for the

project to be granted permission include the British and Scottish Chambers of Commerce, the Confederation of British Industry (CBI), the Scottish Council for development and Industry (SCdI), the federation of Small Businesses and the Institute of directors. david Lonsdale, assistant director of the CBI, said: “We have consistently argued that Scotland's planning system ought to give far greater weight to the economic benefits of development." Ian armstrong, SCdI manager, said: "The proposed development at Menie estate by the Trump organisation can be a significant economic driver." But debra Storr, a local Lib dem councillor, said: "It isn't the case that every business person wants this."

Mikel Rouse A Guitar A Harmo nica A videodeck. An integrat ion of perform ance film and music.

Immigration to Scotland should be made easier, says equality czar Elisabeth Evans elisabeth.evans@journal-online.co.uk

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The adverse reaction to the idea of citizenship oaths indicates concerted opposition within the uk to Gordon Brown’s ambition, in the words of his spokesperson, to “entrench the notion of Britishness in British society.� Labour Peer Baroness kennedy suggested the notion of pledging loyalty “like the americans� was “risible,� and dr Mary Bousted, General Secretary of the association of Teachers and Lecturers, observed: “we are not the uSa, we are British.� further objections have been voiced over the inclusion of an oath to the Queen in the proposed ceremonies. asked about how the sympathies of republicans could be accommodated within the citizenship oaths, Lord Goldsmith suggested it did not matter, and that people could still pledge to the simple fact that Britain’s present head of state was a hereditary monarch. In response, Ted Vallance, writing in the New Statesman, argued that “Goldsmith’s remarks show that, despite his legal training, he too places no value on oaths. We can either swear to love the Queen from the bottom of our hearts or we can pledge to obey her merely as our overlord until the revolution comes. It matters not a jot to him. how can active citizenship be inspired by such equivocal testimony as this?� david aaronovitch, writing in The Guardian, described Goldsmith’s report as an appropriate reaction to “the difficulty of consolidating a national, British identity, in a time of unprecedented demographic change.� Lord Goldsmith’s proposals also included making provisions for a national day for the uk every autumn. In addition he has suggested that the union flag could be further exploited as a symbol of British identity. he said: “I think that some people want to celebrate their identity by using particular symbols, including the flag,� though he conceded, “for other people, the flag doesn’t do it for them.�

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The head of Britain’s equality agency has this week claimed that approval of immigration applications should be weighted towards those wanting to settle in Scotland. Trevor Phillips, the chairman of the equality and human Rights Commission, claims the new points system should reward those not wanting to live in London and the south-east of england, directly affecting the success or failure of immigrant's visa applications. Mr Phillips argues that Scotland should take the lead in this venture, particularly in response to skills gaps faced by employers in the country. The Border and Immigration agency are said to be compiling a list of skill shortages which is to be published in June, and agrees that the points system could be implemented to deal with "specific issues about Scotland, such as the declining population." Mr Phillips told employers at the annual forum of the Scottish Council development and Industry that it is in their interests to fill workforce skill gaps by encouraging immigration. he pointed to the examples of aus-

tralia and Canada, whose long-standing points-driven immigration policies are considered highly successful, as illustrations of how the system could work. In both countries their points are based around family links, work, language and education and the policies are also based around relocating migrants to areas with lesser population pressures. The Chairman did, however, concede the possibility of a “leakage� from Scotland due to migrants claiming to want to settle in the country but then relocating to other areas. "This would attract talent, get talent to where it's needed and reduce the over-concentration in London and the south-east. It would help Scottish businesses and a lot of migrants who don't think of going to Scotland," Phillips argued. The equalities Chief for the assimilation of Immigrants in Scotland celebrated the measure by asserting that immigrants were more likely to be receptive to a Scottish identity. he said: “Scotland has an advantage in integrating new migrants and getting them to feel they belong." It has been argued that Scotland has a greater need than england to encourage immigration because of longterm population decline.


National Politics 11

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Scottish Labour imploding, according to latest opinion poll Helen Walker helen.walker@journal-online.co.uk

THE SCOTTISH NATIONAL Party’s popularity has soared despite the fact that public support for the party’s principal goal of independence has dropped to its lowest level in recent years. An MRUK poll published last week found that if an election were to be held now the SNP would enjoy a considerable increase in the number of seats it has in Holyrood. Around 70 per cent of Scots surveyed thought that the First Minister, Alex Salmond, was doing a good job. The poll found Mr Salmond’s popularity ratings to be at plus 53 points while his opponent, the Scottish Labour Party leader Wendy Alexander’s, ratings were at a low of negative 22. The poll signalled good news for the SNP, demonstrating that the honeymoon for the new administration is far from over despite nearly a year in government. As Ivor Knox of polling agency MRUK said: “The first 10 months of SNP administration has clearly strengthened its support.” However, observers have remarked that the party of Scottish independence should be doing so well when support for independence itself is low, at only 23 per cent. One suggested reason for this is public discontent with the SNP's major rival, the Scottish Labour Party. The Labour leader, Wendy Alexander, has been damaged by scandal, which

errupted last November, involving illegal donations to her leadership campaign. The poll, which surveyed over 1000 adults across Scotland between February and March, found that 40 per cent were less likely to support Labour because of the recent controversy surrounding Ms Alexander and a quarter thought she should resign over the issue. The Scottish Labour Party also faces problems from within, with party membership dropping by around a quarter since 2002, positioning the SNP to overtake Labour as Scotland’s largest party in the near future. The Scotsman has reported that party sources described membership as "haemorrhaging." The same party sources blame this not only on Scottish Labour’s performance but also on Labour’s Westminster record and the war in Iraq. This is supported by a recent YouGov poll which shows UK wide support for the Labour Party to be 16 points behind the Tories, creating the widest margin in 21 years. Nonetheless, Deputy First Minister Nicola Sturgeon has blamed Scottish Labour MSPs for their party's difficulties, arguing that the Scottish Labour Party “have got every single aspect of opposition wrong.” Describing recent poll ratings as "fantastic" for the SNP, Ms Sturgeon said: “The poll shows that our fast pace of delivery continues to gain the trust of the people with sky high approval ratings under the leadership of Alex Salmond."

...it happens On a day when opposition parties fail to make a dent in unveiling of local income tax, only the birds have the political backbone to mount a challenge Paris Gourtsoyannis paris.gourtsoyannis@journal-online.co.uk

NO MATTER WHAT you might think of the exterior, anyone who’s been inside Enrico Miralles’ parliament building has to concede that it is simply a beautiful space. Despite the extensive use of concrete and the low ceiling of the main lobby, there is something organic about Holyrood; with its odd angles and seams of wood running throughout the structure, you feel as if you’ve been transported to a hollow beneath the roots of a great old tree. Echoing its ancient neighbour, Arthur’s Seat, the building belies its youth in feeling earthy, honest, and imbued with wisdom. The effect, while never entirely lost, changes somewhat as you climb to the viewing gallery of the debating chamber. Through the floor-toceiling windows that seem to cover every exterior surface, you notice the thick cables span the height of the building, supporting the weight of the convex network of wooden beams on the chamber’s ceiling; like ribs, they seem to restrain a powerful life force. The human always seems small and insignificant in such huge, living buildings – in danger of being lost in the greater meaning the space exudes; like a solitary soul in a cathe-

dral, a lonely skiff on the open sea, or Gordon Brown at the dispatch box. Occasionally these living spaces, by their sheer, immovable, indifferent grace alone, seem to pass judgement on those than inhabit them. For instance, who amongst us can see images of George Bush sat in the Oval Office behind the Resolute desk, and reflect on all those who have gone before him – real and fictional – and not be a little bit sick in their mouth? Holyrood, imbued in all its natural glory with a spritely Scots wit, has taken a more proactive approach to those that scurry about in its passages. Before last year’s elections, the chamber had to be evacuated when a wooden beam broke free from its mooring and dangled there, for a time threatening to wipe out the Scottish Conservative Party. On the day that I went to see Alex Salmond defend his local income tax proposals at First Minister’s Questions, the building had struck again. In the week when the parliament’s window cleaning bill was revealed as being in excess of £100,000, it gave me frisson of joy to see that facing Mr Salmond’s place amongst his MSPs, too high for even the most determined squeegee-jockey to reach, was one of the aforementioned picture windows, liberally coated with birdshit.

Business leaders warn of wealth drain under new income tax plan Helen Walker helen.walker@journal-online.co.uk

Eddie Fisher

FINANCE SECRETARY JOHN Swinney’s proposals to replace Scottish council tax with a local income tax have come under fire from business representatives and tax experts, who warn that it could discourage talented businessmen from staying in the country. Under the proposals the council tax would be scraped for a more progressive tax, to be introduced by 2011/12, which would be set at 3p on the pound. Russell Hall, head of tax for the Scottish branch of the accountancy company KPMG, warned that some might leave the country rather than pay the tax. The new tax will be in addition to existing progressive form of taxation that people already pay: namely general income tax, which is greater for those that earn more. Confederation of British Industry Scotland director Iain McMillan warned: “Higher levels of income tax in Scotland will send the wrong message to people in England and overseas about Scotland’s tax regime because Scotland’s effective basic and further rates of tax will be the highest in the UK.” The new proposals have faced opposition from both the Labour and Conservative parties as well as from some unions, and many from the business community. The minority SNP government has been forced to turn to the Liberal Democrats in an attempt to win the necessary support for the plans. Mr Hall also expressed caution as to the practicalities of implementing the tax. “They [HM Revenue and Customs] are very tight on resources,” he said, “and dealing with a complicated tax like this would be hard for them just now.” However, speaking to the BBC, Mr Swinney seemed to indicate that he was hoping that HM Revenue and Customs would take on the responsibility. The finance secretary said: “There is a lot of discussion to be undertaken with Revenue and Customs and they will be consulted. “I hope they are willing to assist us in this particular initiative, because it would be an efficient way to go about the collection of the local income tax.” HM Revenue and Customs have told the BBC that they did not handle local tax and stating that it would be the responsibility of the Scottish Executive to use its devolved powers to organise the tax if they created it. Despite criticism, Mr Swinney argues that “scrapping the unfair council tax and the hardship it causes is based on the need for social equity, a strong society and good public services, all of which benefit all who live here, regardless of income.”


12 Feature

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Feature 13

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

A new multiculturalism Where race-relations are concerned, smoke and mirrors have proven strong currency thus far

George Grant Features Editor

george.grant@journal-online.co.uk

I

N OBSERVING THAT "each man calls barbarism whatever is not his own practice," the 16th century French philosopher Michel de Montaigne was ahead of his time. Today, most of us feel ourselves to be a little more enlightened, and indeed, ever since the rejection of Assimilationist politics by the Labour Home Secretary Roy Jenkins in 1966, appreciating different cultures has been official government policy. Jenkins heralded in the doctrine that came to be known as Multiculturalism when he stated that the Labour Government no longer sought “a flattening process of uniformity, but cultural diversity, coupled with equal opportunity in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance”. This then, was to be the way to build a better Britain: encouraging all her citizens to recognise that in a culturally diverse society, social harmony, justice, and equality are best achieved by allowing for, and indeed safeguarding cultural differences, whilst encouraging a generic appreciation for such differences as collectively enhancing the rich tapestry of the modern landscape amongst the wider society. So what went wrong? When the Archbishop of Canterbury gave his opinion in February of this year that the implementation of certain aspects of Shar’ia law in Britain was "unavoidable," one could have been forgiven for thinking he was calling for the introduction of death by stoning, such was the vehemence of the media response. That his comments referred solely to aspects of personal law, in relation to marital and inheritance rites, for instance, seemed not to matter. The Sun newspaper made its views on the matter quite clear when it ran a headline series entitled "Bash the Bishop," whilst the front page of its 7 February issue had the headline "What a Burkha," alongside a picture of the Archbishop standing shoulder to shoulder with a fully veiled Muslim woman giving the ‘V’ sign to the camera, presumably in an attempt to show their mutual contempt for all things British. The media response was, to use the words of the Muslim Council of Britain, “hysterical,” though that is not to say that there was not a genuine problem with what the Archbishop had said, primarily the inherent contradiction between Shar’ia and democracy, no matter the limitations on its implementation. Significantly, this was the conclusion of the European Court of Human Rights in 1998 during the Refah Case, in which it asserted that since the freedom of thought, conscience, and religion is one of the foundations of a democratic society, the State must be the “neutral

and impartial organiser of the exercise of various religions,” and thus Shar’ia law, based as it is on the primacy of one religion over another, was incompatible with democracy. Yet this is not an issue with which non-Muslims can justifiably worry themselves about, since that particular dilemma is not theirs. Instead, we should be concerning ourselves with the things that can be done differently to help improve relations between Muslims and non-Muslims in Britain, and ensure the kind of paranoia engendered in the reaction to the Rowan Williams affair does not persist. Yet more than 60 years after Muslims first started arriving in the United Kingdom in significant numbers, following the end of World War II, and more than 40 years after Multiculturalism became government policy, relations between Muslims and nonMuslims seem to be worse than ever. In the words of Trevor Phillips, chief of the Commission for Racial Equality (now part of the broader Equality and Human Rights Commission), rather than taking Jenkins at his word and embracing people of other faiths and cultures, Britons instead seem to have "retreated" behind their own ethnoreligious walls. Data recently released from the Commission claimed that 94 per cent of all white Britons said that all or most of their friends were white, whilst 55 per cent could not name a single non-white friend. Fewer than one in ten could name two. Given that less than nine per cent of Britons are from ethnic minorities, it is equally concerning that 37 per cent of non-white Britons said that most or all of their friends were non-white. In the specifically Muslim context, data from the Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities found that 70 per cent of Muslims said they would "mind very much" if a close relative married a white person. It is now the case that, according to the Pew Research Centre, some 60 per cent of Britons believe relations between Muslims and Westerners to be "generally bad," and negative perceptions on the Muslim side are higher still: 67 per cent believe Westerners to be selfish, 64 per cent that they are arrogant, and 59 per cent that they are violent. Ironically then, it seems that attempting to nurture diversity in Britain has just led to the entrenchment of division. It is a truism that, however hard we might wish it were otherwise, people inevitably tend to congregate with others who share a similar outlook on life, and always have done. This has been true of Britain’s Muslim community, who are congregated as tightly in 2008 as they were when they began to arrive in Britain half a century ago. Though in the case of the first-wave immigrants in the 1950s and 1960s—coming to a country in which living costs were as much as 30 times as high as they were in the home country—this could be put

James Cridland

Multiculturalism in the UK » Percentage of populations identifying themselves as Muslim

2.6

0.84

%

%

Scottish population who consider themselves Muslim

UK population who consider themselves Muslim

16.1

36.4

%

%

Population of Bradford who consider themselves Muslim

Population of London’s Tower Hamlets who consider themselves Muslim

» British Muslims’ views

96%

80%

59% 96% unequivocally condemned the 7/7 bombings 80% believe the ‘War on Terror’ is a war on Islam 59% believe Westerners to be violent

» General Election support for the BNP (number of voters) 200,000

192,746

409%

Increase in support between 2001–2005

150,000

100,000

50,000

35,832 14,621

0 1983

47,129

7,631 553

1987

1992

1997

2001

2005

“The inevitable and very damaging consequence of segregation has been a totally inadequate level of contact between Muslims and non-Muslims in a positive social context” down to economics, that there has been virtually no subsequent diffusion in the following generations has been largely the consequence of personal choice. Indeed, of 1.6 million Muslims to be found in Britain, over one third— some 490,000—are to be found living in just 10 local authorities throughout England. Over 600,000 live in London alone, with more than half spread through just 9 boroughs where Muslims comprise between 10.3 per cent of the inhabitants (Ealing), up to 36.4 per cent (Tower Hamlets). As a proportion of the total population of the UK, Muslims comprise roughly 2.6 per cent. At the other end of the spectrum, just 0.6 per cent of Durham’s 88,000 residents listed their faith as Muslim. As is to be expected, the situation is more dramatic in rural areas, and in the whole county, which numbers almost half a million, barely 1,000 are Muslim. Figures from local authority after local authority, all around the country, reaffirm this trend. Just 32 of North Cornwall’s 80,000 residents listed themselves as Muslim; of the 26,000 Britons to be found in Berwick-upon-Tweed, one could find just 9 Muslims at the time of the last Census in 2001. In Wales the situation is similar, with more than half of the country’s 22,000 Muslims living in Cardiff. Though such precise figures are harder to obtain for Scotland, it is known that Muslims comprise 0.84 per cent of the population, that more than 70 per cent of those are South Asian in origin, and that the percentage of households where not all persons are of the same ethnic category is 0.97 per cent. The inevitable and very damaging consequence of such segregation has been a totally inadequate level of contact between Muslims and nonMuslims in a positive social context, with the result being that many of the negative and frankly false stereotypes that have evolved have not had the opportunity to be dispelled. One of the most serious stereotypes that has gained credence since the attacks on the Pentagon and World Trade Centre on 11 September 2001, and more recently the London bombings of 2005, is the belief that Muslims, if not actively partaking, nonetheless sympathise with terrorism more than non-Muslims.

According to ICM polls recently carried out in England and Scotland, 60 per cent of those polled believed the British presence in Iraq was turning Muslims toward terrorism. In the wake of 9/11, the Forum Against Islamophobia and Racism (FAIR) reported a 600 per cent increase in Islamophobic assaults, suggesting that many Britons in some way held British Muslims collectively responsible for the attacks. The truth, of course, is quite different. Though the vast majority of Muslims disagree with British involvement in Iraq—and in that they are no different from a great many non-Muslims—the idea that the war was turning Muslims toward terrorism is refuted by the fact that 96 per cent of Muslims polled asserted that they unequivocally condemned the 7/7 London bombings. It must be conceded that opinion polls cannot tell the whole story, and nor is it always certain that they will be entirely accurate. For instance, there is every possibility that total honesty is not always forthcoming when answering such sensitive questions as “do you believe it is right to exercise violence against those deemed by religious leaders to have insulted Islam?” There is also the issue that those with genuinely subversive views may not agree to be polled at all. Nonetheless, through analysis of opinion polls over the last 10 years, there does emerge a consistent and telling trend that what British Muslims think, and what the rest of society deems them to be thinking, are quite different. One of the principle reasons for the evolution of these negative perceptions has to be the visible differences between Muslims and non-Muslims on the one hand, and the similarity in terms of modes of dress, religious beliefs, and cultural peculiarities between British Muslims and Muslims abroad on the other. This problem is only sustained, and cannot properly be dispelled, whilst inadequate levels of contact in a positive social context between Muslims and non-Muslims continue to persist. When asked why so many non-Muslims are suspicious, or even hostile to British Muslims, one high-ranking Muslim police officer insisted that in his opinion, perceptions of British Muslims were filtered

through the lens of international politics to the point where British Muslims have become almost synonymous with Muslims in the Middle East, and this despite the fact that 70 per cent of Britain’s Muslims are actually of South Asian origin. In other words, having watched the 6 o’clock news and seen bearded or veiled Muslim "fanatics" yelling and firing Kalashnikovs in the air in Lebanon, non-Muslims can then look out of the window and see a bearded or veiled Muslim walking down the road in London and come to the conclusion that because he looks the same, he must therefore think the same. It goes without saying that the only way to dispel such stereotypes is to foster an environment in which both Muslims and non-Muslims understand each other better, and as importantly, an environment in which they mix together socially, for only then will a person who holds such views realise that they do not correspond to reality. It would of course be naïve to insist, as the government does, that perceived injustices in Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine, in which Britain is seen as being complicit, have not had their effect in embittering many British Muslims, nor that there is no link between the attacks in London in 2005, and those in Madrid a year earlier, and the decision by the British and Spanish governments to follow America into Iraq in 2003 as part of President George W. Bush’s "Coalition of the Willing." Despite this, however, the real danger lies in alienating more British Muslims by constantly depicting them in a negative light, especially in the media, and tarring far wider sections of the Muslim community with a proverbial brush than is neither necessary nor justified. Such negative perceptions, whether in the media or anywhere else, would not be tolerated or believed to the same extent if there was a greater understanding by non-Muslims of what both Islam and Muslims are really about, and vice versa. It is patently false to assume that all or even the majority of British Muslims sympathise with the activities of terrorists in the Middle East and elsewhere, though the majority will sympathise with the situation of Muslims in those arenas. Identification on the basis of mutual religious affiliation is one of the central tenets of Islam, and the world-wide community of believers, the Umma, is thus of great importance to Muslims, sometimes over and above loyalty to what is after all a fairly recent and Western conception - the modern Nation State. It is for this reason, perhaps, that 80 per cent of British Muslims believe the War on Ter-

ror to be a war on Islam. This belief is certainly erroneous, but it highlights the importance of making far greater efforts to engage with British Muslims of all hues, and not just those that are deemed to be "for us." The level of almost wanton ignorance of Islam in government circles and the media is almost daily evidenced by the terminology used to draw a distinction between "moderate" and "extremist" Muslims, that grades the legitimacy of faith according to how accommodating it is of non-Muslim values, wholly independent of what actually constitutes being faithful to Islam. As well as better understanding the contradictions—which is always the first step towards finding the solutions—there is also the need for a far more concerted effort to highlight the common values and beliefs shared by both Muslims and non-Muslims, which exist in far fuller abundance than many people realise. A belief in the importance of the family, respect for the community, and the rejection of immoderation; all these could have come straight out of David Cameron’s new Conservative handbook, yet they are also central to Muslim life. Trying to promote and even nurture religious and cultural differences, as has been the agenda of Multiculturalism for so many years, is a policy that is destined to fail. Instead we should be pursuing the path advocated by Trevor Phillips, one of the most high-profile converts away from Multiculturalism in recent years, who has asserted vigorously the need to promote a core set of values that each and every person in Britain can recognise both as their own, and as those of their fellow citizens, namely democracy, sexual equality, the integrity of the person, and freedom of expression. There is also, and as importantly, the need to promote a common cultural identity based on a more accurate understanding of where we have come from. It is a matter of no small irony that it should have been Enoch Powell who said, in 1946, that “the life of men, like that of nations, is lived largely in the imagination,” for he could have shared a stage with the majority of contemporary race-relations experts. Much of the suspicion and lack of positive feeling that presently exists between Muslim and non-Muslims is the result of quite divergent, sometimes conflicting, and often inaccurate ideas about their respective heritages. It is absolutely right that each year, on Remembrance Sunday, we should commemorate the immense sacrifices made by so many men and women for

this country during the Second World War, and the nation usually feels collectively prouder for having done so. It is a damning indictment of the current problem, therefore, that in 2008, right through school, not a single lesson of a single unit in the history national curriculum is dedicated to the sacrifices made by the more than two million Muslims who fought on the British side during World War II. Foucault was absolutely right in his assertion that no-one is born with an identity, and with it prejudices. Identity is acquired, and further, it is constantly refined and transformed through social interaction. It is for this reason precisely that greater efforts must be made to increase the level of such interaction between Muslims and non-Muslims, and the most sensible place for this to start is in the classroom, for education is undoubtedly the key. The introduction of modules that properly taught children about both Islam and other historically influential religions adhered to in the United Kingdom, as well the history of the relationship between the Muslim world and the West, would be a step forward. If one needs evidence that such understanding does not exist at present, one need go no further than to ask the man-on-the-street to name the Five Pillars of Islam. Almost invariably the answer given is incorrect, if indeed any answer is given at all. Just such a system geared at promoting greater religio-cultural understanding already exists in Northern Ireland under the so-called Integrated Education initiative, though the focus there has been on improving understanding between Protestants and Catholics. Described as "a fundamental development in Northern Ireland’s history," the motto of Integrated Education is "taking the fear out of difference." Perhaps it is no coincidence that, 27 years after the first Integrated School in Northern Ireland was established, the people of Northern Ireland have accepted a powersharing agreement between Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuiness and the DUP’s Ian Paisley, which resulted in the restoration of powers to the Northern Ireland Assembly on 8 May 2007. There is no reason to believe that this system could not succeed in taking the fear out of the differences between Muslims and nonMuslims throughout the whole of the United Kingdom. Ever the paradigm of exactly what is wrong with most things in modern Britain is The Sun newspaper. Many people may think the way it covers current affairs is something of a joke, but the influence it has with a daily

circulation of 3.2 million, as much as every broadsheet in Britain combined, is not to be underestimated. No better evidence is needed of the polarising effect of its "them and us" style coverage of “brainwashed terrorists,” “paedo scum” and “lawless savages,” than the fact that a poll of 95,000 Sun readers published on 25 February found that fully 99 supported the re-introduction of the death penalty. The level of support outwith The Sun’s readership is half that. The Sun is not alone in the negative and alienating ways it depicts British Muslims however, and much of the media must bear responsibility for failing to provide stories that seek to positively engage with these issues. Indeed, the argument has been well made that the media are in fact part of the problem, for in constantly focusing only on the negatives, they run the risk of bringing about precisely the kind of alienation and hostility that they expend so much time warning their readers about. A welcome change would be to see an increased commitment to coverage that sought to explain the tensions felt by British Muslims, as well as why differences between Muslims and nonMuslims have come about, rather than just reporting their often negative consequences. The perpetuation of negative stereotypes may make for interesting reading, but a greater emphasis on the strength of the possibilities for increased cohesion and understanding would be news. Indeed, given the level of segregation that presently exists between Muslims and non-Muslims in the United Kingdom, it is only through the media that many non-Muslims come into contact with Muslims at all. The responsibility incumbent upon the press to be active in calling for the increased integration and understanding between our communities that is so badly needed, and indeed to be a part of that process, is thus all the greater. The British National Party is on the rise at present, and though it is a long way from gaining a foothold in Parliament, the fact that their vote quadrupled to almost 200,000 between the 2001 and 2005 General Elections should nonetheless be a cause for genuine concern. Though, as this piece has been at pains to make clear, British Muslims are anything but the subversive fifth column they are sometimes made out to be, it is the case that real hostility to Britain amongst certain quarters of the Muslim community does nonetheless exist and is not dissipating. We can continue to ignore this situation, and to continue on the present course, but we do so at our peril.


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Bruntsfield Bruntsfield Place, 1625, 5, 5D G O, 0870 062 9486 Gillespie Crescent, 1350, 4, 4D G CG O, 0870 062 9522 Montpelier Park, 700, 1, 1D G CG, 0870 062 1108

Canonmills Logie Green Road, 595, 2, 2D E P, 0870 062 9320

Carrick Knowe Carrick Knowe Avenue, 1100, 4, 4D G PG O, 0870 062 9302 Broomhouse Street North, 600, 3, 3D G CG O UF, 0870 062 2414

Central Dublin Street, 1780, 4, 4D G Z, 0870 062 9340 Cornwall Street, 1100, 3, 3D G Z, 0870 062 9314 Gardner’s Crescent, 975, 3, 3D G O, 0870 062 9302 Drummond Street, 800, 2, 1S 1D E P, 0870 062 9326 Chambers Street, 650, 1, 1D G Z, 0870 062 9430 Royal Terrace Mews, 650, 1, 1D G PG P, 0870 062 9334 Rose Street, 640, 2, 2D G Z, 0870 062 9434 Pilrig Heights, 625, 2, 2D G P UF, 0870 062 9388 North Bridge, 600, 1, 1D E O, 0870 062 9522 North Bridge, 595, 1, 1D W, 0870 062 9324 Maryfield, 500, 1, 1D 1B G CG O, 0870 062 2406 Rose Street South Lane, 480, 1, 1D E Z UF, 0870 062 9434 Beaverhall Road, 474, 1, 1D E CG Z, 0870 062 9234

Comely Bank Learmonth Crescent, 995, 3, 3D G CG Z, 0870 062 9312 Comely Bank Avenue, 615, 2, 2D G CG O, 0870 062 9456

Craigentinny Magdalene Drive, 598, 2, G, 0870 062 9384

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Currie Palmer Road, 700, 3, 1S 2D G, 0870 062 9332

Dalry Northcote Street, 1750, 5, 5D G P, 0870 062 9302 Easter Dalry Drive, 1700, 5, 5D G P, 0870 062 9302 Dalry Road, 1260, 4, 4D G Z, 0870 062 9302 Murieston Road, 1240, 4, 4D, 0870 062 3700 Caledonian Road, 1015, 3, 3D, 0870 062 9316 Murieston Crescent, 990, 3, 3D G Z, 0870 062 9302 Duff Street, 975, 3, 3D G O, 0870 062 9302 Easter Dalry Drive, 950, 3, 1S 2D G P, 0870 062 9302 Murieston Place, 625, 2, 1S 1D W, 0870 062 9326 Duff Road, 595, 1, 1D E P, 0870 062 1614 Downfield Place, 575, 1, G Z, 0870 062 9556 Downfield Place, 560, 1, 1D G O, 0870 062 9302

West Park Place, 470, 1, 1D CG O, 0870 062 9236 Caledonian Place, 450, 1, 1D G CG O, 0870 062 9434

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Dean Village Damside, 680, 2, 2D W PG P UF, 0870 062 9434 Belford Road, 625, 2, 1S 1D G, 0870 062 1108

Drum Brae Durar Drive, 580, 2, 2D G P, 0870 062 9522 Ardshiel Avenue, 500, 2, 2D G CG O, 0870 062 9456

Drylaw Drylaw House Paddock, 500, 1, 1D G PG P, 0870 062 9460

Duddingston Willowbrae Road, 900, 3, 3D G CG P, 0870 062 9320

Easter Road Hawkhill Close, 850, 3, 3D G P, 0870 062 9522 Montgomery Street, 800, 3, 3D G CG P, 0870 062 9522 Albion Gardens, 650, 2, 2D G, 0870 062 9332 Hawkhill Close, 650, 2, 2D G P, 0870 062 9522 Rodney Street, 600, 2, 2D G CG Z, 0870 062 1108

Edinburgh East Claremont Street, 1700, 5, 5D, 0870 062 3700 Hillside Street, 1660, 5, 5D, 0870 062 3700 East Claremont Street, 1650, 5, 5D, 0870 062 3700 Dalkeith Road, 1375, 4, 1S 3D G O, 0870 062 9340 Holyrood Road, 450, 1, 1D, 0870 062 3700 14 Bonnington Mains Cottage, 450, 1, 1D PG O UF, 0870 062 9434

Fettes East Pilton Farm Crescent, 800, 2, 2D G CG P, 0870 062 9446 North Werber Park, 635, 2, 2D G P, 0870 062 9456

Fountainbridge Fountainbridge, 500, 1, 1D G, 0870 062 9332 Murdoch Terrace, 475, 1, 1D G CG Z, 0870 062 9312

Gorgie Westfield Road, 1200, 4, 4D G P, 0870 062 9302 Westfield Court, 870, 3, 3D G CG, 0870 062 9522 Westfield Court, 780, 3, 3D G CG O, 0870 062 9302 Gorgie Road, 600, 2, 2D G O, 0870 062 9322 Westfield Road, 600, 2, 1S 1D G CG O, 0870 062 9522 Smithfield Street, 495, 1, G CG O, 0870 062 3768 Wheatfield Street, 475, 1, 1D 1B G CG O, 0870 062 6458 Wardlaw Terrace, 450, 2, 2S G Z, 0870 062 9468

Granton Crewe Terrace, 550, 2, 2D G, 0870 062 9332 Granton Road, 475, 1, 1D, 0870 062 9332

Grassmarket Cowgatehead, 700, 1, 1D G, 0870 062 1108 West Port, 495, 1, 1D E Z, 0870 062 9320 Websters Land, 470, 1, 1D W, 0870 062 9434

Gyle North Gyle Grove, 550, 2, 2D W, 0870 062 9332

Bedrooms: Heating: Garden: Parking: Furniture:

Haymarket Grove Street, 1650, 5, 5D, 0870 062 3700 Grove Street, 1650, 5, 5D, 0870 062 3700 Morrison Circus, 695, 2, 2D W P, 0870 062 9312 Morrison Street, 600, 2, 2D 1B G UF, 0870 062 9434

Hillside Brunton Terrace, 675, 1, 1D G CG Z, 0870 062 3768 Easter Road, 575, 1, G CG Z, 0870 062 1108

Inverleith Eildon Street, 725, 2, 2D 1B G CG O, 0870 062 9456

Leith Brunswick Terrace, 1500, 5, 1S 4D G PG O, 0870 062 9468 Constitution Street, 950, 3, 3D G O, 0870 062 1108 Dickson Street, 930, 3, G, 0870 062 9486 Lindsay Road, 900, 3, 3D G CG P, 0870 062 9468 Lindsay Road, 900, 3, 3D UF, 0870 062 9468 McDonald Road, 870, 3, 3D G P, 0870 062 9592 Trafalgar Lane, 795, 3, 3D G P, 0870 062 9456 Salamander Court, 675, 2, 2D G P, 0870 062 9456 North Fort Street, 650, 3, 1S 1D 1T G CG O, 0870 062 9460 Portland Place, 650, 3, 3D G CG O, 0870 062 8312 Lindsay Road, 650, 2, 2D G P, 0870 062 9558 Iona Street, 650, 1, G CG O, 0870 062 1108 Mcdonald Road, 625, 1, 1D G CG P, 0870 062 1108 Rossie Place, 625, 2, 2D G CG O UF, 0870 062 9558 Elbe Street, 600, 2, 2D, 0870 062 3700 Cadiz Street, 575, 2, 2D G, 0870 062 9332 Bernard Street, 550, 1, 1D E, 0870 062 9332 Balfour Street, 500, 1, E CG O, 0870 062 9556 Madeira Street, 495, 1, 1D G O, 0870 062 9558 Balfour Street, 480, 1, 1D, 0870 062 3700 Lorne Square, 465, 1, 1D O UF, 0870 062 9434 Salamander Street, 450, 1, CG, 0870 062 4836 Albert Street, 420, 1, 1D CG O UF, 0870 062 9434

Leith Walk Dalmeny Street, 625, 2, 2D 1B G CG O, 0870 062 9312 Steads Place, 575, 2, 2D G, 0870 062 9384 Leith Walk, 475, 2, 2D, 0870 062 3700

Lochend Hawkhill, 675, 2, G P, 0870 062 6604 Lochend Avenue, 620, 2, 2D G CG O, 0870 062 9522 Beechwood Terrace, 525, 1, 1D G, 0870 062 9332

Marchmont Lauderdale Street, 950, 3, 3D G CG Z, 0870 062 9334 Roseneath Street, 810, 3, 3S G CG Z, 0870 062 9322 Lauderdale Street, 750, 2, 2D G CG Z, 0870 062 9334 Moncrieff Terrace, 450, 1, 1D CG Z, 0870 062 9334

Maybury Glasgow Road, 795, 3, 1S 2D G P, 0870 062 9334

Meadowbank Meadowbank Terrace, 850, 3, 3D G CG O, 0870 062 4830 Wishaw Terrace, 750, 2, 2D G P, 0870 062 9558 Wolseley Terrace, 700, 2, 2D G CG O, 0870 062 9460

S Single D Double T Twin B Box G Gas Central W White Meter E Electric PG Private CG Communal Z Zone O On-Street P Private UF Unfurnished

Cambusnethan Street, 675, 2, 2D G CG O, 0870 062 9522 Royal Park Terrace, 650, 2, 2D, 0870 062 3700 Dalziel Place, 550, 1, 1D 1B G CG O, 0870 062 1316 Restalrig Road South, 500, 2, 2D G CG O, 0870 062 9558 Restalrig Road South, 470, 1, 1D CG O, 0870 062 9334

Meadows Warrender Park Road, 1800, 5, 1S 4D G Z, 0870 062 9340

Morningside Comiston Road, 1700, 5, 5D G O, 0870 062 9314 Morningside Road, 1650, 5, 5D, 0870 062 3700 Falcon Road West, 1500, 5, 5D G PG O, 0870 062 9486 Falcon Avenue, 1400, 4, 4D G CG O, 0870 062 9486 Morningside Road, 1200, 4, 4D G CG O, 0870 062 9324 Morningside Road, 978, 3, 1S 2D G Z, 0870 062 9316 Comiston Terrace, 675, 2, 2D G CG O, 0870 062 8252 Millar Place, 540, 1, 1S G CG O, 0870 062 9522 Balcarres Street, 525, 1, 1D G CG O, 0870 062 3768

Murrayfield Roseburn Maltings, 930, 3, 3D G P, 0870 062 9302

Musselburgh Market Street, 550, 2, 2D G CG O, 0870 062 8252

New Town Dundas Street, 1780, 4, 4D G Z, 0870 062 9362 Dundas Street, 1650, 4, 4D G Z, 0870 062 9302 Scotland Street, 1500, 4, 4D G CG Z, 0870 062 9464 Dundas Street, 1300, 3, 3D, 0870 062 9316 Cumberland St North West Lane, 1100, 3, 3D G PG Z, 0870 062 9446 Eyre Crescent, 1100, 3, 3D G CG Z, 0870 062 9578 Brunswick Street, 1030, 3, 3D, 0870 062 9316 Broughton Place, 1000, 3, 1S 2D, 0870 062 9316 Drummond Place, 675, 2, 2D G Z, 0870 062 9320 Hopetoun Crescent, 625, 2, 2D E CG P, 0870 062 1108

Newhaven Newhaven Road, 750, 3, 3D G CG Z, 0870 062 9522 Newhaven Main Street, 400, 1, 1S G PG O, 0870 062 9340

Newington East Preston Street, 1870, 5, 5D, 0870 062 3700 East Preston Street, 1700, 5, 5D, 0870 062 3700 Mayfield Road, 1400, 4, 4D G CG, 0870 062 9316 Dalkeith Road, 1320, 4, 4D G PG O, 0870 062 9302 Dalkeith Road, 1300, 3, G, 0870 062 9384 Dalkeith Road, 1275, 4, 1S 3D G CG O, 0870 062 9578 West Preston Street, 1270, 4, , 0870 062 9316 Dalkeith Road, 1240, 4, G CG O, 0870 062 4830 Newington Road, 1230, 3, 3D G Z, 0870 062 9314 Clerk Street, 1050, 3, 3D G Z, 0870 062 9316 Sciennes, 1020, 3, 3D G Z, 0870 062 9314 Brown Street, 975, 3, 3D G P, 0870 062 9302 Brown Street, 975, 3, 3D G P, 0870 062 9302 Brown Street, 975, 3, 3D G P, 0870 062 9302 Brown Street, 975, 3, 3D G P, 0870 062 9302 Brown Street, 975, 3, 3D G P, 0870 062 9302 Brown Street, 975, 1, G P, 0870 062 9302

PROPERTY LISTINGS PROVIDED BY WWW.CITYLETS.CO.UK

Dalkeith Road, 930, 3, G CG O, 0870 062 9486 Mayfield Road, 900, 3, 3D G CG O, 0870 062 9326 Montague Street, 695, 2, 2D G CG Z, 0870 062 9558 Upper Gray Street, 650, 2, 2D E P, 0870 062 9592 Nicolson Street, 600, 2, 1S 1D G, 0870 062 1108

Old Town High Street, 750, 2, 2D G Z, 0870 062 9324 St. Leonards Lane, 650, 2, 1S 1D W P, 0870 062 9314 Teviot Place, 650, 1, 1D G CG, 0870 062 1108

Oxgangs Oxgangs Crescent, 530, 2, 2D G CG O UF, 0870 062 9434

Polwarth Polwarth Gardens, 1300, 4, 4D 1B G Z, 0870 062 9320 Polwarth Crescent, 1200, 4, 4D G CG O, 0870 062 9486 Temple Park Crescent, 625, 2, 2D G CG Z, 0870 062 3768 Tay Street, 600, 1, E CG Z, 0870 062 1108 Mertoun Place, 585, 1, 1D 1B G CG Z, 0870 062 9422 Watson Crescent, 480, 1, 1D G CG O, 0870 062 1108

Sighthill Broomhouse Street South, 750, 3, 3D G CG O, 0870 062 9302

Slateford Robertson Gait, 700, 2, 2D G P, 0870 062 9430 Slateford Road, 650, 2, 2D G CG O, 0870 062 9522

Stenhouse Stenhouse Crescent, 600, 2, 2D G CG O UF, 0870 062 9522 Stenhouse Avenue, 595, 2, 2D G CG O, 0870 062 8252 Stenhouse Cottages, 595, 2, 2D G O, 0870 062 8312

Stockbridge North West Circus Place, 1450, 4, 4D G CG, 0870 062 1108 St. Bernards Crescent, 945, 3, 3D G Z, 0870 062 9314

The Shore Bernard Street, 1250, 4, 4D G O, 0870 062 1614 Commercial Street, 595, 1, 1D W O, 0870 062 1614

Tollcross Panmure Place, 1550, 5, 5D, 0870 062 3700 Lothian Road, 1400, 4, 4D G, 0870 062 9332 East Fountainbridge, 725, 2, 2D G Z, 0870 062 9312 Lothian Road, 725, 2, 2D, 0870 062 2304 Gardner’s Crescent, 700, 2, 2D E Z, 0870 062 9334 Lady Lawson Street, 600, 2, 2D G Z, 0870 062 9326 Home Street, 475, 1, 1D E CG Z, 0870 062 9558 Lady Lawson Street, 430, 1, 1D W Z UF, 0870 062 9434

Trinity Jessfield Terrace, 850, 3, 3D G PG O, 0870 062 9446

West End West Maitland Street, 1275, 4, 1S 3D G, 0870 062 9320

Willowbrae Willowbrae Road, 725, 2, 2D G PG P, 0870 062 9456 Willowbrae Road, 700, 2, 2D G, 0870 062 9332


Comment 15

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Comment editor: Simon Mundy simon.mundy@journal-online.co.uk

Comment Discussion&Debate

Tibet:

A Cultural Tragedy Compared to the decades-long campaign of oppression by the Chinese government, China's frustration with the upheaval in Tibet is galling

Niema Ash Niema.ash@journal-online.co.uk

I

T WAS 1986 and I was in China. It hadn’t been easy getting into the country. A foreigner could only enter China as part of an organized group, supervised by a Chinese guide. But through the travellers’ grapevine I discovered I could obtain a student card certifying that “The bearer is a student in Taiwan studying Chinese.” Since China considered Taiwan part of China, the card was an entry into China itself. It allowed me to move freely among the Chinese, to travel with them, to find out information not available to tourist groups. That’s how I discovered that the doors to Tibet, which had been closed to foreigners for centuries, had suddenly been opened to individual travellers. This was little short of miraculous. Lhasa was known as the “forbidden city,” its secrets, its peoples, its way of life, shielded from the world, hidden within the formidable Himalayas. I made an instant decision to go. I was with two friends, fellow travellers, and we were among the first Westerners allowed into Tibet by the Chinese occupiers, who, in need of foreign currency, experimented with an open door policy. The experiment didn’t last long. Soon the doors were closed again and the Chinese adopted the same supervised group policy as in China in an attempt to conceal their treatment of Tibet and its people from the rest of the world. But for those brief months we had unrestricted access and we made the most of it. When we were there, Lhasa was a Tibetan city. We hardly came into contact with the Chinese. We stayed in a Tibetan guest house, ate with Tibetans, travelled with them, visited their monasteries and their homes. What immediately struck me was how different the Tibetans were from the Chinese. Not only were their features different, their language different, their clothing different, their architecture different, but their sensibilities were different; their aspirations, their values were poles apart. Whereas in China we had been regarded with suspicion, gawked at from a distance, in Tibet we were greeted with smiles, embraced, welcomed with a good-natured generosity that was fundamental to their existence, to their beliefs. Whereas the Chinese seemed dour and humourless, the Tibetans were always ready to laugh, to celebrate,

to have fun. The disparity in their lifestyles was evident even in simple comparisons, like their attitude to animals. In China animals were mistreated and abused. The markets were full of terrified animals waiting to be slaughtered. Cats in small cages mewed pathetically, chickens were hung by their legs, still alive. Bears, in bear farms, paced their cages half alive, insane from confinement, their bellies stuck with tubes tapping their organs for ingredients used in Chinese medicines (which could be produced artificially). I hardly saw a dog in China, as dogs were eaten. It was a delight to find well cared-for dogs in Tibetan villages; Yaks, obviously well looked after, proudly decorated with ribbons. Tibetans treat their animals with kindness and affection. It is part of their belief in compassion for all sentient beings. The Lhasa I experienced was a city with a strong Tibetan identity. But not long afterwards came the

“At present, the Chinese are outraged because the Dalai Lama accused them of cultural genocide. But that’s exactly what it is...when you kill the people you kill their culture.”

Chinese takeover by stealth, insidious and relentless. This time not with guns, as in the 1950 Chinese invasion—when China occupied the historically independent Tibet—but this time with people. Hundreds of thousands of Chinese were dispatched to Tibet in an attempt to colonize it, to extract its minerals, to denude its forests, to decimate its wildlife, to construct nuclear missile bases, to dump radioactive wastes. They flooded into Lhasa, reducing the Tibetan section of the city to 5 per cent, making Tibetans a minority in their own city. They introduced “modernity”—bars, discos, casinos, and prostitution— undermining the Tibetan identity. They ringed Lhasa with gun posts. They built a fun fair at the back of the magnificent Potala Palace, home of successive Dalai Lamas, the sacred centre for all Tibetans. They razed the Tibetan village at its base and replaced it with a Tianamen-style concrete square, decorated with

military emblems, glaring lights and surveillance cameras, reducing the very symbol of Tibet to a quaint relic, an entertainment. At present, the Chinese are outraged because the Dalai Lama accused the Chinese of cultural genocide. But that’s exactly what it is. They forget that as far back as 1960 the International Commission of Jurists concluded that the Chinese are guilty of genocide in Tibet, and when you kill the people you kill their culture. In the recent turmoil, when Tibetans are protesting against Chinese occupation, protesting against the destruction of their culture, the Chinese refuse to accept responsibility for what they have done in Tibet. They have looted and razed over 6000 monasteries, irreversibly destroyed Tibet’s fragile ecology, imprisoned hundreds of religious and political prisoners who languish in jails and forced labour camps, tortured and oppressed. Instead they blame the Dalai Lama for the current uprising and for stirring up violence, attempting to brand the most peaceful man on earth, the man awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, “a wolf in monk’s robes.” In truth, the Dalai Lama is so opposed to violence as to say he will resign as leader of his government in exile if the violence continues. On the other hand, the world is only too aware of China’s terrible human rights record. Only weeks ago, Steven Spielberg, the acclaimed film director, resigned as artistic advisor to the Beijing Olympics because of it. The Chinese attempt to destroy the Tibetan soul by destroying its national identity, its language, religion, culture, customs, its heritage, even its dress, has not succeeded. Their “reeducation” policy has failed, as have their attempts to instill materialism as a paramount value in Tibetan life. The Chinese claim that their occupation has benefited Tibetans by improving Tibet’s infrastructure in no way compensates for the cultural genocide it has inflicted. The Chinese fail to understand that materialism is not as high on the Tibetan agenda as it is on their own. Repression only leads to more violence. Dialogue is the only means to understanding, to resolving the present crisis. But while the Dalai Lama wants dialogue, the Chinese refuse. Tibetans are crying out to the world for help. We can’t afford to turn our backs on them. Niema Ash is the author of Touching Tibet (TravellersEye: 2003) www.niemaash.com/www.avaaz.org


16 Comment

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

The ethics of embryology Medicine shouldn’t turn to ethics for answers – it only provides insight into the problems of new research

Kenneth Boyd Professor of Medical Ethics k.boyd@ed.ac.uk

S

hould dEaf ParEnTS be prohibited from using reproductive technology to have a child with genes for deafness? Should an infertile couple be prohibited from using artificial sperm and eggs to have a child of their own? Should scientists be permitted to create hybrid embryos (animal eggs with human genetic nuclei) for research into human diseases? These are some of the highly controversial questions raised by the human fertilisation and Embryology Bill currently being debated in the uK Parliament. They illustrate just how rapidly medical research has developed since the original human fertilisation and Embryology act of 1990. That act allowed the strictly regulated use of human embryos in reproductive research related to infertility treatment – research, that is, which might give other embryos in the future a better chance of developing safely. But before the decade had ended, embryos were beginning to be used in a different way, as a source of stem cells in research into what came to be called regenerative medicine – potential therapies using stem cell technology to repair or re-grow bodily organs damaged by illness, accident or ageing. If this research is successful, many currently incurable conditions might become treatable

by stimulating the body to heal itself: the shortage of donor organs might no longer be a problem, cancer and degenerative diseases might be held at bay, and the human lifespan itself might be healthily extended. With these enormous potential benefits in prospect, shouldn’t scientists just be allowed to get on with regenerative medicine research unrestricted by regulations, and shouldn’t personal decisions about the use of reproductive technologies, such as those involving deaf or infertile couples, be left to the individuals concerned and their own doctors? Why should Parliament be involved in regulating and deciding about such matters? an obvious answer, of course, is that in a parliamentary democracy, parliamentary representatives need to heed the views of their constituents, and that many of their constituents belong to or share the views of significant scientific, religious, disability or other pressure groups, whose arguments for or against the use of particular aspects of reproductive or regenerative medicine research are often polarised and politicised. Parliamentary regulation of research can sometimes seem like a way of achieving the least socially damaging compromise between warring sections of public opinion. underlying these political debates however, there are ethical questions and quandaries which many members of the public who do not hold such polarised or politicised views nevertheless find morally troubling. These questions and quandaries

are concerned on the one hand with safety and on the other with solidarity. health and safety regulation is now an accepted (although often criticised) feature of modern life, as is a version of the "precautionary principle" which obliges those proposing some technological innovation to provide reasonable scientific evidence that it will not cause great or irreversible harm to individuals or the environment. developments and occasional disasters in the 20th century chemicals and nuclear power industries ensured that a need for regulation in these contexts was generally recognised, and a similar need is now recognised in relation to genetic technologies. an important reason for this is that "genetic engineering," unlike conventional engineering, deals with materials which have a life of their own, and can respond to modification in many unpredictable and potentially unsafe ways. Public concerns about the potential harms as well as benefits of genetic modifications have been fed by a long literary tradition, typified by Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley’s Frankenstein, but also by the use and misuse of eugenics in the early twentieth century, especially in nazi Germany. If safety concerns raise troubling and divisive ethical questions, so too do those concerned with solidarity. In the 20th century, solidarity, or the recognition in practice of each individual’s equal dignity, regardless of class, race, gender, wealth or poverty, was increasingly reflected in national

and international declarations, conventions and legislation regarding rights, responsibilities, opportunities and unfair discrimination. Moreover, part of the impetus for this came from the recognition that the very opposite of solidarity had been all too evident in the same century. Even an activity as ostensibly humanitarian as medical research had been part of this: reputable doctors, in the uSa and other countries as well as nazi Germany, were discovered to have conducted harmful research without consent, especially on people who were racially, socially or psychologically disadvantaged. Much of the perceived need for, and implementation of, regulation in medical research arose from such revelations, and in particular the insistence, in medical treatment as well as research, on informed consent. But the problem again, as in concerns with safety, is one of proportion. If solidarity is the recognition in practice of each individual’s equal dignity, are the individuals concerned only human individuals, or are members of other species, especially those closest to humans, to be included? and are the human individuals concerned only human persons, defined by characteristics such as rationality, self-consciousness or moral agency, or do they include beings of the human species, from the earliest stages of human life? animals and now human embryos are regularly experimented upon in scientific and medical research in ways in which it would be considered

totally unethical to experiment upon any being of the human species from the womb onwards. Intuitively, many of us are prepared to defend this. a favourite argument in support of this in the case of embryos, is that if there was a fire in a laboratory and you had the opportunity to save either a tray of a hundred human embryos or one child, whatever your beliefs about the moral status of embryos, you would still save the child. But the problem with this argument is that in experimenting upon embryos, or for that matter animals, the alternatives are far less clear cut. By experimenting on the embryo or the animal, you might eventually come upon a cure which will save the life of one child, or indeed many children. But then again you might not. Everyone must hope that research in regenerative medicine will be successful. But there are no guarantees. There are no final, knock-down ethical arguments against those who claim that in using animals we are blinded by "speciesism," or against those who argue that in using embryos we are offending against human life and dignity. But there are also no final, knock-down ethical arguments to silence those who ask: "If a child, or many children, might be saved by such research, how can you justify not doing that research?" Ethics does not necessarily provide answers. Sometimes it just makes the questions more difficult. Kenneth Boyd is Professor of Medical Ethics at the University of Edinburgh

human rights and the dna database Concern over the risks associated with dna matching ought to come prior the unrestricted expansion of the dna database

John Scott john.scott@journal-online.co.uk

d

na haS BEEn in the headlines a lot in the past year. recently in England we saw the cases of Steve Wright —convicted of the murder of five prostitutes in Ipswich—and Mark dixie, convicted of the unspeakable murder of Sally anne Bowman. dna was the key to their convictions. after dixie’s conviction the officer in charge of the investigation called for a compulsory national dna database. The home office resisted the call and acknowledged some of the complications. Some of the difficult issues have surfaced quite recently. In Scotland we had the World's End murder trial where angus Sinclair was acquitted when the Judge ruled that there was no case for him to answer despite dna evidence. We then had the Templeton Woods murder trial where we saw further problems when trying to prosecute a “cold case” based almost entirely on dna evidence. Since 1987 and the first conviction based on dna fingerprinting there have been significant developments in the science but we need to be careful not to elevate dna evidence to a special status which it does not deserve. We need to be aware of the limits of what

can properly be drawn from dna evidence. It cannot provide proof of a person’s presence and should only be used either as an investigative tool or in conjunction with other evidence. of course, while it cannot on its own prove guilt, dna evidence can be conclusive in showing that a person could not have committed a particular crime. In america it has been used to clear many prisoners on death row although, sadly, it has also demonstrated the innocence of men already executed, sometimes on the basis of other “scientific” evidence. Since the december 2007 acquittal of Sean hoey in the omagh prosecution, the use of low Copy number (lCn) dna has been suspended by police forces in England. lCn allows genetic profiles of offenders to be created from very small tissue samples that have only been detectable with new techniques available since 1999. These can be as tiny as a millionth the size of a grain of salt which can amount to as little as a few cells of skin or sweat left in a fingerprint. In that case, among many problems with the prosecution evidence, a dna match was thrown up with a 14 year old schoolboy from nottingham. In acquitting hoey the Judge said “…having carefully reviewed all the evidence on this issue, I am not in the least satisfied in relation to any one of the items upon

which reliance is sought to be placed for the results of their lCn dna examinations that the integrity of any of those items prior to its examination for that purpose has been established by the evidence. accordingly I find that that dna evidence, the third and final strand remaining in the prosecution case, cannot satisfy me either beyond a reasonable doubt or to any other acceptable standard.” The case is another reminder of the dangers of over-reliance or improper reliance on scientific evidence in our courts. While aspects of the science may be relatively uncontroversial, the interpretation of results is less clear. With dna evidence care must be taken when presenting the jury with probabilities as they can easily mislead. Even lawyers can fall into error in trying to stretch the science to fit their case when the scientists are trying to explain the proper limits of the use to which their results should be put. There are serious problems in principle as well as in practice. Privacy is an ethereal notion although we may be aware of encroachments when they happen to us. a dna database means trusting the State with our most sensitive genetic information, including access to information about susceptibility to disease and the like. The past year has shown how entirely incompetent

the authorities are at keeping our private information private. Genetic testing has already strayed into sensitive and controversial areas, such as trying to determine ethnic or geographical origin. The idea of a “criminal gene” lingers and even this month the police suggested that children with behavioural problems should go on the database as they may well become the criminals of tomorrow. notwithstanding concerns, information just revealed suggests that Scottish Police forces are investing massive sums in dna testing. In Strathclyde in 2002/03 £65,038 was spent whereas in 2006/07 that figure was £1,680,676. There are more people proportionately on the uK dna database than anywhere else in the world. It now has over 4.5 million people on it. Included are victims of crime, witnesses and those actually acquitted of any crime. It includes thousands of children, including some too young even to be prosecuted. It also includes around 40 per cent of the black adult male population. numbers on the database have risen at an incredible rate. The police and home office have trumpeted the number of “matches” achieved to crime scenes but that is only a very partial truth. Many of these matches will be with victims and householders. of far

greater interest but not made available is the number of cases where a dna match has helped to find a suspect where otherwise he or she would have remained unidentified. In Scotland, after a parliamentary debate, the law was changed to allow the retention for 3 years (up to 5 with judicial approval) of dna samples taken from those charged with serious violent or sexual offences. This power does not depend on conviction which had previously been the trigger. We have a more balanced approach, but the whole area of retention of samples of the innocent and acquitted has been considered by the European Court of human rights, whose decision should be available later this year. The subject is too important to be mired in misinformation and ignorance. Expansion of the database should be controlled. The process requires more thought than momentum. The lazy justification of “nothing to hide, nothing to fear” will simply not do. one step for public confidence is for all our politicians to submit their dna to the database. In the meantime we should think about the risks, rather than simply considering the benefits. John Scott is a Solicitor-Advocate in Edinburgh and is the former chair of the Scottish Human Rights Centre


Comment 17

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

A risky business Mark Griffiths mark.griffiths@journal-online.co.uk

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Tom Hunt

FULL STARS AND STRIPES FOR GEORGE BUSH’S VICTORY SPEECH

Potential energy; potential problems F Joachim von Braun

joachim.von.braun@journal-online.co.uk

T

HE RAPID EXPANSION of new sources of biofuels such as ethanol and biodiesel has raised hopes for securing energy supplies, mitigating climate change and providing benefits to agricultural producers. For developing countries and poor people, however, the competition between agricultural production for food and for energy creates new food-security risks.Biofuels could unduly divert natural resources, capital, and political attention away from the production of food. The rising demand for biofuel feedstocks could also place strong upward pressure on agricultural commodity prices. Furthermore, as the correlation between energy prices and agriculture prices increases, volatile energy prices could translate into larger food-price fluctuations, to which poor people are especially vulnerable. In the area of public policy, supporting uncompetitive biofuel production by distorting subsidy regimes implicitly acts as a tax on basic food, which makes up a large share of the expenditure of the poor. On the positive side, biofuel production could benefit poor people by raising agricultural incomes, creating additional rural jobs in crop harvesting and processing, and utilizing marginal lands and crop residues. Locally produced biofuels could also improve the lives of the poor in terms of energy consumption and enhanced livelihoods. The concentration of demand in developed countries also means that there are possibilities for increased biofuel exports from other regions. The extent to which the potential benefits of biofuels are realized depends on the ability of smallscale farmers to access information and markets, produce at competitive prices and sufficient economies of scale, and afford new biofuel sources.

The biofuel-related trade policies and subsidies of developed countries also play a crucial role. However, economies of scale in ethanol production— at least to date—favor large-scale farms, while the existing subsidy regimes and import restrictions undermine the comparative advantage of developing countries. These challenges and opportunities will generate a variety of winners and losers across countries and particularly among poor constituencies. Recognizing the potential benefits of biofuels, many governments have already established ambitious biofuel expansion plans and blending targets. However, biofuel production remains unviable in many places of the world, threatening natural resources and food security. Substituting a large share of transport fuels with biofuels produced domestically would result in a significant strain on natural resources such as water and land, especially in developed countries. At the same time, expanding biofuel production poses additional food-security threats for food-deficit countries such as those that are net food importers. Poor people are impacted by biofuels as consumers of food and energy, producers of agricultural commodities and workers. The increase in agricultural demand and the resulting increase in agricultural prices will affect them in different ways. Some poor farmers could gain from this price increase. However, net buyers of food, which represent the majority of poor people, would respond to high food prices by reducing their consumption and changing patterns of demand, leading to caloric and nutritional deficiencies. Using actual biofuel investment plans, IFPRI’s global scenario analysis estimates that biofuel expansion may result in price increases of 26 per cent for maize and 18 per cent for oilseeds by 2020. The increase in crop prices resulting from expanded bio-

fuel production is also expected to be accompanied by a net decrease in the availability of and access to food, with calorie consumption estimated to decrease across all regions. Food-calorie consumption will decrease the most in Sub-Saharan Africa, where calorie availability is projected to fall by more than 8 per cent if biofuels expand drastically. The food–fuel competition and the negative impacts on the poor can be mitigated to some extent by technological innovation. Second-generation technologies are expected to convert cellulose and agricultural byproducts into ethanol, but such technologies are still in the making. Limiting current biofuel production, basing it on non-food feedstocks and waste, and relying on marginal lands could be a suitable strategy for managing the trade-offs between food and fuel. However, it makes sense for many countries to wait for the emergence of second and third-generation technologies and “leapfrog” onto them later. Very few policies currently try to address the potential negative consequences of biofuel production on the poor or try to take advantage of the potential opportunities. Appropriate science, trade and social policies will be fundamental to ensuring that biofuels improve the welfare of the poor and also have positive impacts on energy security and economic development. In terms of science and technology, innovation should focus on accelerating agricultural productivity and developing improved biofuel technologies. Markets and trade policy should give high priority

E to building an undistorted global system for biofuel markets and trade that has low transaction costs and transparent standards. As food prices increase and become more volatile, the world’s poor and hungry would also need strengthened insurance and social protection. With balanced attention to all these issues, win–win solutions are possible. Joachim von Braun is Director General of the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), Washington D.C. He is the the co-author of The Promises and Challenges of Biofuels for the Poor in Developing Countries.

LTHOUGH MOST PEOPLE gamble occasionally for fun and pleasure, gambling brings with it inherent risks of personal and social harm: it can gravely affect significant areas of a person’s life, including their physical and mental health, employment, finances and interpersonal relationships. It is clear that there is a link between problem gambling and such serious problems as depression, alcoholism, and obsessive-compulsive behaviours. The 2007 British gambling prevalence survey (of which I was one of the co-authors) reported that two-thirds of adults gambled at some point in the previous year. Over half had gambled on the bi-weekly Lotto game. The other most popular gambling activities in the past year were scratch-cards, horse race gambling, slot machines, and casinos. Only six per cent had gambled or placed a bet online. The same study found that there were approximately 300,000 problem gamblers in the UK. Variations in gambling preferences are thought to result from differences in both accessibility and psychological motivation. For instance, older people tend to choose activities that minimise the need for complex decision-making or concentration, such as bingo. As people progress from social to regular to excessive gambling, there are often significant changes in their reasons for gambling: whereas a person might have initially gambled simply for enjoyment, the progression to problem gambling is almost always accompanied by increased preoccupation with winning money and chasing losses. The structure of the gambling activities themselves are a further factor. For instance, a behaviour that many regular gamblers often engage in is turning their losing experiences into near winning ones. These are sometimes referred to as "near misses." There are some gambling products (like fruit machines and scratchcards) that have lots of these near miss experiences pre-programmed or predetermined in their design. From a gambler’s perspective, they are not constantly losing but constantly nearly winning: something that is both psychologically and physiologically rewarding! Another vital structural characteristic of gambling is the continuity of the activity: that is, the length of the interval between stake and outcome. In nearly all studies, it has been found that continuous activities such as horserace gambling with a more rapid play-rate are more likely to be associated with gambling problems. The ability to make repeated stakes in short time intervals increases the amount of money that can be lost, and also increases the likelihood that gamblers will be unable to control spending. Such problems are rarely observed in non-continuous activities, such as weekly or bi-weekly lotteries, in which gambling is undertaken less frequently and where outcomes are unknown for days. Gambling and problem gambling are highly complex behaviours that are not only influenced by individual risk factors, but also by the situational factors of the gambling environment, and structural characteristics of the gambling activity itself. Psychology plays a major role in the development of gambling problems, and is a major issue that will take on increasing importance over the coming years as the new Gambling Act starts to take effect. Mark Griffiths is director of the International Gaming Research Unit at Nottingham Trent University


18 Editorial

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Letters

letters@journal-online.co.uk Edinburgh’s studEnt nEWspapEr | issuE Vii

national identity:

Our allegiance must be earned natiOnaLisM is sOMEthing that britain hasn’t been comfortable with since the fall of the Empire. it frightens the liberal left, who hate the baseless ideas of national supremacy, xenophobia and racism that drive the bigotry and neo-fascism of the british national party. it angers the conservative right, who have seen it destroy britain’s colonial influence on the world stage and see it threatening the union of the british isles in scotland, Wales and northern ireland. and it irks policy-makers who need it to bind society together, yet they struggle to define or control it in a manner that allows it to be truly useful. in the uK, of course, there are further complications in that no citizen has a mere single national identity, but one of at least two layers. it is an anomaly to find someone who considers themselves british-only; rather they hold being scottish, English or Welsh as their primary identity—that served by the strongest cultural, historical or emotional connection—and british secondly. in northern ireland, the identity becomes triple-tiered as religion enters the fold. Often britishness is merely the status of an individual’s legal citizenship and in this context solving the so-called british identity crisis is no mean feat. Last week’s report by Lord goldsmith—the former attorney general—into uK citizenship was a key landmark in gordon brown’s britishness drive. in a country where nationalism is as diverse and complex as it is here, any official documents on the matter are bound to provoke controversy far more than any academic study on the same topic would. such controversy was duly found;

goldsmith’s proposal to make school children swear an oath of allegiance to the monarch hit a sore nerve on all sides of the ideological divide and was a political error of such gargantuan proportions that it threatened to overshadow the sensible and constructive suggestions made in the report. despite being an unpopular— arguably un-british—proposal, the wording of the oath would mark a step backwards in the relationship between citizen and the state. Whereas the american pledge, from which goldsmith takes his inspiration, cites the “allegiance to the flag…and the republic it represents…indivisible with liberty and justice for all,” the uK equivalent will be see the subjugation to a hereditary monarch ingrained into the country’s children. the proposed wording of this oath reads: “i swear by almighty god that i will be faithful and bear true allegiance to her Majesty Queen Elizabeth ii, her heirs and successors according to law...” this is without even touching upon the offence that will be caused to those with republican tendencies or in areas such as northern ireland (and, to a lesser extent, scotland and Wales) where the desire to be a part of the union is politically divisive. students of national identity will be familiar with the power of “banal nationalism,” the force that binds individuals together using passive everyday symbols and rituals that reinforce the attachment to common values, institutions and goals. While the pledge of allegiance is a form of such civic nationalism in the usa, it is demonstrably unsuitable in a state such as the uK. rather, goldsmith

should be looking at strengthening existing bonds that bind us together: our shared institutions, our shared culture, knowledge of history and the better teaching and understanding of the values that years of bloodshed, learning and evolution have bequeathed us. an annual day to celebrate britishness won’t even paper over the cracks. the sociologist Michael billig wrote: “it seems strange to suppose that occasional events, bracketed off from ordinary life, are sufficient to sustain a constantly remembered national identity.” rather, it is the everyday and the common place that reinforces national identity. billig refers to the “unwaved flag” that hangs from a public building, statues of important public and historical figures, art and culture and other such familiar reminders that go unnoticed in their everyday reinforcement of national cohesion as being the most important factors in creating civic unity in an established nation-state. goldsmith’s report should be welcomed in today’s climate where “nationalism” is inherently linked with “extremism” in the public and media psyche as an appraisal of civic patriotism. however, the nationalism he puts forward simply isn’t ours. to create the civil unity and the britishness brown so craves, we need more public art, more monuments to those who have shaped our society, better government institutions and state services that will engender civic and national pride. but, perhaps most importantly, we need the maturity to recognise that britishness, as a single and cohesive national identity, might not actually exist.

birthday of an icon:

dear Editor, On the 24th February The Journal stated, on your front page headline, “university staff cuts blamed on snp budget.” this is simply not the case, and i felt compelled to clear up the issue. this is politics at its worst, jumping on the band wagon of false truths which are politically motivated. the fundamental fact is that dundee university announced cuts in courses and jobs in February 2007 as part of a 5 year plan, but strangely enough no public announcements were made by Mr alan Langlands complaining about funding then. his complaints are politically motivated in favour of Labour and against the snp government. this is not the first time Mr Langlands has used his professional role to promote the Labour party. the dundee university rector, Mr Craig Murray, has exposed Mr Langlands as anti snp and pro Labour, when he signed an advert attacking scottish independence in 2007, which was paid for by a prolific Labour donor, Mr John Milligan. i am not against any person supporting a political party of their choice; however an issue arises when people allow party politics to cloud their professional judgement. the budget allows universities in scotland to receive more than £5 billion from the scottish government in the next three years, and funding for higher education will grow by 11.5 per cent in cash terms, from £1.01 billion in 2007-08 to £1.126 billion in 2010-11. scotland's universities now get a bigger share of government spending than at any point in the past eight years. also, let us remember that the current government are dedicated to education in scotland. in your latest editorial on March 12th, you said that “the snp have etched themselves into history…” with regard to the scrapping of the graduate endowment. surely a government who want to give students a fairer education in terms of cost also want to give students the best quality of teaching and learning available. John West

international peace symbol turns 50 dear Editor, in a sMaLL West London studio back in 1958, three lines were arranged within a circle to create a symmetrical logo that was simple, but effective. though the design was imbued with political significance by its creator, pacifist gerald holtom, the artist could never have foreseen the iconic status his sign would come to achieve on an international scale. Within the course of a decade, his “ban the bomb” symbol came to be recognised worldwide as the emblem of peace. the symbol was created to represent the anti-nuclear stance of between 5,000-10,000 campaigners, who tramped fifty miles across the british countryside from London to protest outside the weapons factory at aldermaston. holtom used the letters of the semaphore, or flag-signalling alphabet, to create an anachronism in which n stood for nuclear, and d for disarmament, with the surrounding circle representing Earth. due to its innate simplicity, and, consequently, the ease with which it could be recreated, holtom’s symbol crossed the atlantic soon after the aldermaston protest. the symbol was never copyrighted by holtom or the nuclear disarmament Campaign, and consequently it was adopted by vari-

ous american groups in the 1960s and 70s, including the Civil rights movement, as well as women’s and gay rights movements. during the Vietnam war, the symbol became synonymous with antiVietnam protests, gaining increasing exposure as the conflict escalated. it signaled a silent cry for peace, but was frequently labeled a Communist sign by war supporters. the sign also drew the wrath of american Conservatives, who condemned the sign by drawing parallels between its design and the inverted cross of satanism. the peace emblem was given a new lease of life by the hippy movement of late 1960s america, whose practitioners decorated clothing and accessories with the sign to represent the pacifism and freedom celebrated by the culture. and in the 1980s, however, the signification of the symbol returned to its roots, once more representing the international anti-nuclear movement. but the sign’s appeal is not only confined to the political sphere. since the 80s, retailers have turned the design into a commercial success: it has featured on countless t-shirts, posters, pendants, mugs and keyrings, has been scrawled in tippex onto the

schoolbags of children across the world, and has become associated with rastafarian culture. the peace symbol has been reinvented as a retro fashion symbol, a badge adopted by youngsters in search of an identity. the teenage hippies of the past decade had cannabis, braided hair and peace symbols painted on their cheeks, whilst their counterparts, the goths, relied on dog collars, black hair dye and lashings of eyeliner. though the symbol lost much of its meaning through this rampant commercialization—to the extent that many young people today may be ignorant of its political significance— it experienced a resurgence during protests against the iraq war, where banners heralding the emblem wafted above the heads of thousands of campaigners marching through London in February 2003. that the symbol is still recognized in its original capacity speaks volumes for the innovation and power of the design. that the emblem has been called upon time and time again to protest against repeated military aggression, however, reveals the depressing continuity of the violence that belies the foreign policies of britain and america.

i would like to register my disgust at harry Cole and nick Ward's recent comments against their rival, and likely winner, in the presidential election for Edinburgh university. i object to his accusation that the snp backed a cheat as, as the president of the snp in Edinburgh university, i backed who i considered, and still consider, to be the best and most sincere candidate. Furthermore, there is no evidence at all that ramsay personally cheated, and such comments should be kept until after the result of the appeal. Cole has been equally scathing, something i find particularly offensive as he began to appeal to voters before the closing time to change their vote to him once ramsay's disqualification had been confirmed, which seems just as criminal as any other rule breaking that may have happened during the campaign. however, i must admit that i find it difficult to take anything that Cole says seriously, given that he once called me a racist and a nazi in a public debate (held by the diagnostic's society) merely for being a

member of the snp and advocating independence. indeed, it seems absurd that someone with such a clear lack of understanding of scottish politics even considered standing to be the main representative for our university to the snp (and according to Cole, racist) government. i have kept quiet about this, at Cole's request but feel that as the Labour and Conservative contingent of this university have tried to blacken opponents in such an abominable way that some truths should be made apparent about his character. i would like to commend Mr arafa for not joining in the dirty politics debate and wish him and Mr ramsay all the best in the future. Rona Wilkie President of the Edinburgh University Student Nationalists Association

dear Editor, in the Eusa elections just past two students, Katherine McMahon and myself, were elected as delegates to nus conference, filling single-seat vacancies (first year delegate and all-years delegate respectively). in our election manifestos, we specifically stated that we would vote against the governance review which is to be considered by the upcoming nus conference. there are various views on this review of nus's structures among the student movement; ours is that it will remove control of the national union from ordinary students even more than is currently the case. however, at a meeting on Friday, the Eusa president informed us that the students' representative Council had voted to mandate all nus delegates to vote in favour of the governance review. We were threatened, if we voted against the review at conference, with never being allowed to go to nus conference again, never being allowed to stand for election to any Eusa position again, and not having our expenses paid to go to the upcoming conference. having won election on the specific platform of voting against the governance review we consider ourselves bound by a higher mandate than that of srC -- that of the electorate. We consider the practice of mandating all nus delegates to vote in a certain way undemocratic and unrepresentative. Why bother electing 14 delegates to represent Edinburgh university students if they are all going to be forced to vote the same way? We also believe that the proposed sanctions are draconian, and would set a worrying precedent whereby candidates who have won a democratic election on an openly stated platform would not be permitted to take up the representative position to which they have been elected for political reasons. We hope that the srC will come to its senses, lift the mandate, and allow nus delegates to vote in line with their manifesto pledges. We will be doing so whatever the srC decide; it's up to the srC whether they want to defy the electorate or not. Andrew Weir NUS delegate


Profile 19

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

The glorious revolutionary He may be a little hard of hearing, but aging statesman Tony Benn is still a keen listener

Evan Beswick evan.beswick@journal-online.co.uk

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ccording To Tony Benn's passport—issued last year— he is still a Member of Parliament. in fact, he last sat in the House in 2001. of course, for Benn, this provides a perfect illustration of the fallibility of the government's invasive data storage: "if they didn't know i hadn't been a Member of Parliament for seven years, well, you'd think the government might have troubles with that." But the glitch might as well serve as an pointer that, at 83, Tony Benn remains inseparable from the house he entered 58 years ago. Born into a political family, Anthony neil Wedgewood Benn, 2nd Viscount Stansgate, Benn started public life early. He met gandhi when he was 11 and david Lloyd george aged 12. After a spell in the Air Force—though he points out that he never killed anyone—Benn entered politics, and by 1951 held the title of the ‘Baby of the House.’ At that time, the 26-year-old was Labour MP for Bristol South East, a seat he was re-elected for in a 1961 byelection. There was a hitch, however: the death of his father, and Anthony's subsequent inheritance of the family peerage, meant that he could no longer sit in the House of commons. His seat was rescinded. But the man for who "the vote is near enough sacred" took up arms and in 1963, under the new Peerage Act, Benn became the first British peer to formally renounce his title. What followed was a long, illustrious and increasingly left-wing career in politics and trade-unionism for the man who, after 1973, was to be known as Tony Benn. i sit down with Mr Benn in glasgow’s Mitchell Library following his speech to promote the latest installment of his diaries, More Time for Politics: Diaries 2001-2007, as part of glasgow’s Aye Write! literary festival. in fact, it's about 45 minutes before i finally get his ear because, in glasgow at least, Benn is quite the celebrity. For a long time, he is kept busy signing copies not just of his latest volume, but also of his 700-odd page tome detailing the 50 years between 1940-1990. incredibly, some of these massive copies even look to have been read. That's partly because they are packed with the sorts of anecdotes he's ready to unleash on his adoring fans ("when i was five, ramsay Macdonald gave me a chocolate biscuit..."). it's also part due to that fact that there are plenty of "old comm's" in the queue. He's only too happy to sign off "comrade" or "in unity" for them. "now, what's all this about?" he asks me when he’s done. Lots of old people say things like that. invariably, it’s an indicator of bewilderment. indeed, it’s a shock to discover that, with his thin white hair and a comfortable-looking cardigan, he now really looks like an old man. But from Benn, the comment is really more of an authoritative order to ‘get on with things.’ it’s the confidence of a man who has already had a lifetime in government and yet still has things left to do; a politician who retired in order to “devote more time to politics.” This translates into a sense that a large number of those listening to Benn's speech aren't listening in the same way that they might listen to any other politician. instead, many of his audience seem to be genuinely seeking answers, not political jousting. This is odd, given the way he rejects of

“There's the communist Party of Britain, communist Party of great Britain, communist Party of great Britain (MarxistLenninist.) So, you see, there are just too many socialist parties and not enough socialists in the Labour Party.” the type of “leadership” espoused by premiers such as Mr Blair. “When the best leader’s work is done,” he says, “the people say ‘we did it ourselves.’” He undoubtedly has an uncanny ability to express things with refreshing clarity. His response to a question about the apparent "erosion" of the church in Britain comes as a bit of a shock to an unsuspecting zealot: "When you think of the number of men in the world who hate each other, why, when two men love each other, does the church split?" i ought to confess equal guilt here. i'm rather excited to meet Mr Benn as well, though it's a struggle to pinpoint exactly why this is the case. As seems to befit the tenor of the evening, i give up trying to work it out and ask him instead: “Well, i can't really tell you.” he smiles. “i find i've learned everything by listening to people. i can read books, but i find meeting people and hearing what they say the most excit-

ing thing, and mainly other people feel the same. But i can’t answer your question. The people coming to see me genuinely will know that i’m interested in what they say and that may encourage them a bit.” There's a touch of irony in his devotion to listening: he is, by now, quite deaf. But, while he mishears several questions, and while names like Siobhan and catriona prove a real trial during the book signing, he invariably prefers to strain rather than capitulate. it helps that he obviously retains a passion for politics: he recalls, for instance, seeing oswald Mosley—the leader of the British Union of Fascists—on Trafalgar square in 1935. “He had been a Labour MP! now how did that come about?” Even 73 years on, there's a real bitterness in the way he spits “Labour.” His disgust that a blackshirt could have come out of the same party that has been his lifelong political home is startling.

But his relationship with the Labour party is a very odd one indeed. “When Tony Blair became leader of the party in 1994 he said ‘new Labour is a new political party,’ and i never joined it,” he proudly announces. nor can he ever resist a humorous dig at Tony Blair: "A couple of years ago i was at the Labour conference in Brighton, heard the Prime Minister's speech, got up, went to the loo, collapsed, and was taken to hospital, where i had to be given a peacemaker... pacemaker. When i got back, Tony Blair came over to me and said, 'i hope it wasn't my speech.' naturally, i was too polite to reply." indeed, given his lack of affiliation with the current government, it's sometimes hard to imagine why Mr Benn is a party member at all. in the past he has called new Labour “Thatcher's greatest achievement.” He explains: “The Labour Party is not a socialist party, but it has some social-

ists in it,” wryly adding, “just as there are some christians in the church.” His unwavering Labour alignment also means that he shows distinct lack of sympathy for the socialist parties themselves: “There are too many socialist parties," he says, counting them off on his fingers as one might a list of ailments. it's hardly Private Eye, but he does manage to turn this into quite an amusing satire of socialist politics today: “There's the Socialist Party, Socialist Workers' Party, Socialist Labour Party, Scottish Socialist Party, Socialist Party of great Britain.” He drones on: “There's the communist Party of Britain, communist Party of great Britain, communist Party of great Britain (Marxist-Lenninist). So, you see, there are just too many socialist parties and not enough socialists in the Labour Party.” it's fair to say that socialism as a political movement isn't doing so well in Scotland. Following the strong socialist bent of the Scottish renaissance of the mid twentieth century, red clydeside seems a little washed out at the moment. There are now no socialist MSPs, down from six in 2003. i ask Mr Benn what he thinks of the state of the Left in Scotland. He's not really bothered. “Well that's a parliamentary point, really and there are lots of explanations for that. But i don’t think you could obliterate the socialist analysis, even if there was nobody in power, because it is inherently the best analysis of how society is run. if you don't understand, there is a conflict of economic interests between the 95 percent of the world's population who create the world's wealth, and the five per cent who own it. if you don't understand that, you don’t understand anything...i think Marx fired a pyrotechnic into the sky and for a moment you could see where you were, and it helped you to make up your mind. i’m not trying to make anyone else a socialist, i just find that without it i wouldn't understand what was happening.” This all seems very academic. i’m unsure how it sits with the image of Benn as the firebrand activist of old and i begin to wonder if he has any regrets about renouncing his peerage. At last, he becomes rather animated: “oh, god, no! i was a Member of Parliament for ten years and they threw me out on the grounds that my blood had turned blue! disgraceful!” His incredulity here is matched only by a satisfaction at what he achieved back in 1963: “you know, it took years to get [my seat in commons] back, but we did defeat the government and change the constitution.” There aren't many around who can say that. For this reason, Benn's diaries ought to make for interesting reading. “i record what i've seen and what i think every day. The full figure is about fifteen million words and i can only publish a tiny bit of it.“ Far from concerned with preserving for posterity what’s been done, Benn seems mostly preoccupied with the work that’s left to do. Still on the subject of public diaries, i happen to mention Alistair campbell’s memoirs, The Blair Years. “Well, i bought The Blair Years, but i haven’t read it yet. it's a formidable work. i'm doing a debate with campbell on April 2 at the oxford Literary festival about diaries. it should be fun.” There might even be some oldfashioned Marxist pyrotechnics.


20 Arts & Entertainment Music

Supergrass  Liquid RooM 11 MaR

aSk peopLe to think of Supergrass and most folk’s minds will conjure up and image of those cheeky scamps with those sideburns who made that catchy single which had that video, sometime back in ’95. times and musical fashions have changed, but the sideburns remain the same – and tonight the ‘Grass are in the Liquid Room playing an intimate gig to preview their sixth studio Lp, Diamond Hoo Ha. a flurry of tunes from that album opens the show, with forthcoming single Rebel in You being the pick of the bunch. the crowd are at first slow to react to the new material, but by the time that frontman Gaz Coombes strikes the first chords of Richard iii , it’s obvious that the band’s seemingly endless energy has transferred to the audience. From here on it’s non stop: strobe lights provide an apt backdrop for the slick grooves of kiss of Life; the duelling guitars of Gaz and his brother Charlie (making his debut

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

on second guitar, tambourine and, er, cowbell) bring 345 and Brecon Beacons to life, and even the Beatlesesque strum of St petersburg barely allows a pause for breath. the biggest cheer of the night, however, is saved for Moving. a double whammy of Sun Hits the Sky and ubiquitous singalong pumping on Your Stereo brings the main set to a sweaty close. of course there’s an encore, and bassist Mick quinn hobbles back on clutching a walking stick - a rather self-deprecating nod to the broken vertebrae he recently suffered after sleepwalking out of a hotel room window. despite the jokes, Supergrass show that they’re very much serious contenders in the live arena as they finish with an electrifying Caught by the Fuzz. Before his telecaster has stopped feeding back, Gaz invites us to join them in Glasgow next month. on the basis of tonight’s performance, it’s hard not to be tempted.

Music

Sub-Opt  CaBaRet VoLtaiRe 14 MaR

Britpop superstars Supergrass are as deserving of our attention now as they were in the 90s

edinburgh funk brothers Sub-opt are a dazzling assault on the senses

Rod MacNeil

Chris McCall

rod.macneil@journal-online.co.uk

chris.mccall@journal-online.co.uk

SuB-opt aRe an international band with a truly international sound. Fronted by Rodrigo Braga, edinburgh's very own FunkSoul Brother and a pretender to the throne of the guitar-god Hendrix, their music is a mosaic of complex rhythms and Latino guitar licks, but their performance never strays from being downright good fun. they might be highly skilled musicians, but they are entertainers first and foremost. Sub-opt are playing tonight to celebrate the signing of a development deal with Strollers Records, a recently formed label based right here in edinburgh. Sub-opt have rightly realized that you don't have to up sticks to find a deal. its much easier to just start your own record label. that way you release what you want, when you want. that's important to a band like Sub-opt; they would not know the meaning of the word compromise. Formerly a power trio, the band have boosted their line-up with an additional guitarist and a new drummer, and seem the better for it. the guitar interplay between Rodrigo and new boy ant Law is of the variety that would make Slash take to his knees and beg for mercy. a female friend is plucked from the audience to add vocals to optimystic, a tender sing-along that could have been a long-forgotten Sly Stone bside. progressive-funk might not ordinarily be your cup of tea. However, Sub-opt are nearly impossible not to like. its hard to pin down, but Sub-opt play with a unique sense of bravado. there's something about them that just keeps your feet tapping and your head bobbing all night long. Something that very few people can do, and that even fewer can do well. Rick James might have called it the Funk.


Arts & Entertainment 21

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Music

Smoked Glass  CaBareT volTaire 15 Mar

ToniGhT CaBareT volTaire is sold out, it has been for weeks. This is largely down to the evening’s headliners Smoked Glass and their impressive following. ostensibly Smoked Glass could be any young band on the make. They’ve got very obvious influences, they look great and they have a pretty good idea of how to please their audience. What sets them apart is the fact that, in pint sized John Keenan, they have a genuinely blistering singer with a voice that already looks like its going to be more at home in a stadium than an underground venue off the royal Mile. Strutting onto stage the five piece are greeted with the kind of welcome more established artists would be ecstatic to garner. This evening is a

real chance for Smoked Glass to prove that all the recent internet and national press hype isn’t misplaced. Self indulgent they might be, with their pitch-perfect pink Floyd instrumentals, but you can forgive them for it because when they hit the right notes - the crowd, crushing to get close to them, are delirious. rarely do you see a group so young with such command of a crowd, but then even more infrequently do you hear a band as competent with their instruments and a vocalist with a voice so potent. even if you’re more into reM than reef you’d be hard pushed to find fault in their brand of rock. hats off to them, they really do sound like a group with the substance to go some distance.

Music

The Rushes  TevioT deBaTinG hall 10 Mar

despite their obvious influences, Smoked Glass are very much their own band

The rushes could play their raucous brand of pop all evening, but it won’t disguise the fact that no one’s listening

Chris Hammond

Chris Hammond

chris.hammond@journal-online.co.uk

Theatre

Vanity Fair  dir. Tony CoWnie royal lyCeuM TheaTre unTil 12 apr

chris.hammond@journal-online.co.uk

The reaSon For the continued popularity of vanity Fair, both as a book and in its various adapted forms, is that its characters are so deliciously imagined and developed. The very reason Thackeray’s long and complex novel works in declan donnellan’s stage adaptation is the attention to detail and the fast-paced revelation of the viciousness of the captivating characters. amelia Sedley (Sophia linden) and rebecca Sharp (Kim Gerard) are on the cusp of womanhood, having completed Miss pinkerton’s school for young ladies on Chiswick Mall. amelia, blessed with loving parents and a sizeable fortune as well as a sweet nature appears to be set for life, while Becky, orphaned and with a hunger engendered by poverty, is prepared for governess-ship in a crumbling country estate. Since birth, amelia has been involved in an arranged marriage to a man she is obsessively and misguidedly in love with. Becky has her wits, her looks and her shamelessness, and will stop at nothing to become rich and achieve her dream: to be able to look down on her former playmate with an upper-class sneer. Tony Cownie’s production is wonderfully fluid and full of life. a compa-

The lyceum breathes new life into Thackeray’s brutal exploration of social lusts, desires and foibles Lucy Jackson

lucy.jackson@journal-online.co.uk

ny of skilled and talented actors move effortlessly and convincingly between characters and settings, transforming neil Murray’s decadent and decaying set moment by moment. The design beautifully accompanies the ethos of vanity Fair: a subtle layer of filth cloys both costumes and set, and the characters sneer from picture frames. The narrative and action are so intertwined that transition from one to the other is not marred by any change in energy levels, and they are equally engaging. linden and Gerard perform with a satisfying intensity their various roles as manipulative social climber and repulsively dutiful wife. no character is left untouched by the cult of class and the damaging effect of social mores, desires and follies. even the frustratingly faithful William dobbin (Simon Muller) is ultimately self-serving and pathetic. Cownie employs the ridiculous and comic elements of the characters and juxtaposes buffoonery with the tragedy of their situations, preventing any possibility of empathy. in the words of Thackeray, “ah! vanitas vanitatum! which of us is happy in this world? Which of us has his desire? or, having it, is satisfied?” The lyceum gives new life to this age-old, beguiling question.

Theatre

Closer  dir. lara-ann de WeT & ed Sheridan run ended

This intense play has potential which is not entirely realised in this production Alan McCredie

Eoin McGreevy

eoin.mcgeevy@journal-online.co.uk

For The penulTiMaTe performance of their Scottish tour, london based indie rockers The rushes join fellow island label-mates The attic lights in edinburgh. on the face of it, could you honestly get a better place for a gig than the debating hall at Teviot? high ceilings, broad stage, room for a few hundred in the audience. everything points towards a good evening. But initial enthusiasm is swiftly dampened whilst sinking a pint with rushes frontman Gerard o’Connell shortly before soundcheck. apparently an audience of five wouldn’t surprise him. indeed, things begin to look really bad for proceedings when tickets are duly thrust into the hands of The library Bar’s chilled-out customers free of charge, as opposed to £5 a pop. Worse yet, after making the trip to the hall for kick off, a trickle of disgruntled punters turn back disappointedly – they are, apparently, expecting a ballroom dancing class which has been cancelled because of the gig. as poor as the attendance is, it isn’t half as bad as predicted and certainly doesn’t do anything to dampen the spirits of The rushes. Settling in as if they are playing to a full house, a solid rock set ensues. Whilst hardly groundbreaking, their energetic, melodic, well polished indie rock is as expected. Their sound, like a testosterone filled Snow patrol, might not be to everyone’s taste but tonight it is just about enough to convince those in attendance that they aren’t wasting their evening. you just have to hope that, on the off chance someone truly impressive hits the union, things are better advertised and organised. dan WriTeS oBiTuarieS, alice strips; anna is a photographer, and larry, a dermatologist. in this play of fleeting staccato scenes, fast exchanges of dialogue and brutally honest language, patrick Marber’s Closer launches an audience into the troubled lives of these four characters, all in the “body-business.” They clamour over each other in a search for love, pursuing desire and struggling with their inability to be close to one another, even during their most physically intimate moments. This darkly funny piece of nineties theatre never allows an audience to settle into the story, leaping ahead months and even years at a time to the next character, the next couple, the next confrontation. For the most part, lara-ann de Wet and ed Sheridan’s production for Bedlam Theatre successfully portrays the painful comedy which oozes from Marber’s script whilst preserving the poignancy of certain tender scenes. What this piece lacks is the energy needed to sustain Marber’s frenzied depiction of the inevitable struggles and suffering associated with the pursuit of love. The cast, nick Kay (dan), emma Knight (alice), hannah Mendoza (anna) and Solomon Mousley (larry) appear to have grasped the issues at the heart of each character but at times seem unwilling to give themselves over completely to the work. it is difficult to suspend disbelief long enough to fully believe in these four lovers. accent clashes also, at times, undermine the emotional turmoil. The set, while a little shabby, perfectly underscores the lack of intimacy being played out in front of it. an entirely blank canvas of white to which only minor props are added to differentiate locations serves to focus attention on the acting. The bare walls also enable projection to be used in a bizarre, comic internet chat scene between dan and larry, and to illustrate photographer anna’s photographs of “strangers.” The two men and two women, however, need to fill the stage completely in order to fully grip an audience. The white walls of this production unintentionally serve to highlight the gaps in the players’ performance, diminishing the overall effect of the piece. in spite of this, the crisp dialogues and fantastic oneliners are delivered with a zest which makes for an enjoyable and momentarily satisfying performance. as a lasting experience, however, it leaves something to be desired.


22 Arts & Entertainment Theatre

SET IN A time fraught with both deeprooted faith and suspicion, The Crucible is Arthur Miller’s allegorical play about the Salem witch trials in Massachusetts in 1695. It could ask for no greater justice than Bedlam Theatre gives it. From the moment the bleak lights come on until the drumbeats roll, the intensity and drive of the play is built and maintained. It is revealed during the exposition that, the previous night, Abigail Williams (Louise Alder) and other young women of the town had been involved in attempted witchcraft. To save themselves from censure, the young women begin to cry witch against countless members of the town, who face hanging unless they “confess” to an affiliation with Satan and profess the guilt of another. At the centre of the story are the characters of John and Elizabeth Proctor – a farmer and his wife. While John (Nick Kay) projects a commanding sense of authority and self assurance, he is a man riddled with the guilt of his adultery with Abigail some time previously. When Elizabeth (Holly McLay), becomes accused of witch-

The Crucible  BEDLAM THEATRE 13 MAR

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

craft by Abigail and the other girls, John’s guilt and passions are let loose as the play moves towards its terrifying conclusion. The strengths of this production lie in the austere set, creating the claustrophobic and interrogatory feel of the play, as well as purposeful direction by Colleen Patterson, which lends the play its sense of desperation. The performances of the two leads, however, are at the heart of the play’s success. The raw intensity of Nick Kay’s John Proctor and the desolate strength of Holly McLay’s Elizabeth Proctor are nothing short of breathtaking. EUTC’s production goes beyond the allegory of the McCarthy trials of the 1950s to explore human guilt, fear, terror, and unspoken passion. The production casts aside unnecessary fripperies and excesses to expose the bare force of the play, engaging the audience so wholly that there is frustrated laughter and crying, and we are left with a haunting feeling. There is no need to call out, like Giles Corey, “more weight”: this production has certainly captured in full the play’s power.

EUTC presnts Arthur Miller’s tale of witchcraft and paranoia with power, depth and intensity

Theatre

The 39 Steps  ADAPTED BY PATRICK BARLOW DIR. MARIA AITKEN KING’S THEATRE 18-22 MAR

Hilarious characterswapping adaptation of John Buchan’s spy novel

Grace Kinne

James Baster

grace.kine@journal-online.co.uk

Claire L Jarvis

claire.jarvis@journal-online.co.uk

‘THE 39 STEPS’, based on the famous 1915 novel by John Buchan and subsequent 1935 film by Alfred Hitchcock, was first aired on stage in 2005 and has since won the Olivier Award for Best New Comedy. It tells the classic tale of an innocent man accused of murder and fleeing across the Highlands in a bid to foil a dastardly plot by spies and to clear his name. The main comic drive behind this play is that it consists of only 4 actors playing what the production claims is 139 characters, and it aims to evoke all the famous scenes from the Hitchcock movie—including an escape on the Forth Rail Bridge and a trek through the Highlands—on the humble Kings Theatre stage. The main protagonist Richard Hannay (David Michaels) very much becomes the part of dashing hero – a hero of the kind who is inevitably landed in trouble because of the beautiful women (Clare Swinburne) he happens across. When a mysterious German lady begs for shelter and protection, he hears of an organisation called The 39 Steps. Secret information is to be smuggled out of the country within the next few days. When she is murdered he flees to Scotland, pursued by both police and dangerous spies. The race is on. The two actors in charge of every other male role, however, steal the show. Colin Mace and Alan Perrin play characters ranging from policemen to newspaper vendors to hotel managers, delighting the audience as they portray up to four characters in the same scene. The effect of this is as much a physical display of strength and stamina as mere acting. Similarly, the quick set transformations are suitably slick, contributing to the humour and delight of the performance, as well as providing some genuine thrills and tension. There is a great sense of timing and energy throughout the cast, and the sense of fun is in no way reduced by the impression that this is a feat of theatrical endurance as much as a play in its own right.

Tuesday 29 April 2008 8pm £15/£12 concessions available ONLINE BOOKING: thequeenshall.net BOOKING HOTLINE: 0131 777 1016

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PRESENTS

Enrico Rava & Stefano Bollani Rava is a wonderful trumpet player - mellow lyricism, warm tone and gorgeous acoustic sound... Pianist Stefano Bollani says more with half a dozen notes than most others do with several handfuls. - The Observer

CREATING ORIGINAL ADVENTURES FOR 18-38’S


Eating & Drinking 23

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

The

Orient Express

lunch

There's a middle ground in Japanese food which is neither pricey nor pre-packaged. Tang's is it. Nana Wereko-Brobby nana.wereko-brobby@journal-online.co.uk

J

apanEsE fOOd has fallen victim to its own notoriety. Contrary to popular belief, there is a medium ground between the affluence of nobu and the pre-packaged gems of pret a Manger. The Japanese market in the West has for some time been labouring against several generalisations about its food: that by Japanese food we mean sushi, by sushi we mean healthy, by healthy we mean expensive and by expensive we mean exclusive. When nobu first opened in Manhattan in 1994, Japanese food became fashionable and elitist. Backed by Robert deniro, nobu attracted a celebrity clientele and by 1997 had established itself in Britain. With its

high quality ingredients and miniscule portions, Japanese food was an exotic alternative to the "hautecuisine" dominating the bourgeois market, providing the same delicacy of portions but offering a side-serving of health benefits. The first asian restaurant to receive a Michelin star, it heralded a gastronomic shift that led to the rise of sushi and its bedfellows. Japanese restaurants became the refuge for the wealthy and the skinny. however, there was a backlash. satisfying the demands of those who were unwilling to take out second mortgages for the nobu experience, the supermarkets and chain restaurants cleverly capitalised on the image of the emerging cuisine. Yo sushi, a veritable power magnate, opened in London a decade ago and brought with it the incorporation of Japanese fare into the fast food market. With sushi pieces from £1.50, conveyer

belts for easy access, and sterile eating environments, Yo sushi offered a taste of Japan for those on a budget, those pressed for time and those excited by the novelty of the experience. Courtesy of a wave of dieticians who extolled the health benefits of the food, the public made Yo sushi, Itsu and Wagamama regular lunchtime destinations. perhaps its popularity was down to the fact that it simply tasted better than anything that had come before it. perhaps it was down to celebrity endorsement, an impressionable public, and our unyielding pursuit of a consumable source of eternal youth, beauty and vitality. Considering the success which Tescos, sainsbury’s and other supermarkets have had in shifting their distinctly average pre-packaged attempts at Japanese food, I’m inclined to believe the latter. The real victims in this end-

Tang’s

44 Candlemaker Row EH1 2QE sITuaTEd JusT Off north Bridge, Tang’s lies where Old Town, new Town and the Grass Market converge. Its exterior is perfunctory and pleasant. Its partially shielded windows offer some privacy for its diners and the interiors are unashamedly simple. There is something achingly charming about the place. The staff are eager to please and attentive without veering into the realm of annoying. There is a grace to the way the food is served, the focus being on understatement and traditional preparation and presentation methods. Cutlery for the main dishes is restricted to chop sticks, miso soup is drunk straight from the bowl and green tea comes in the typical Makisu cups. The restaurant, which seats no more than twenty, is small and intimate. neither an ideal date setting, nor the location for a matey piss-up, Tang’s promises no more than the ritual of an authentic Japanese meal in a calm and ungimicky setting. Everything at Tang’s is understated, even the food. however, this works to its advantage. Rebelling against the trend for over-salted, over-sauced, over-nutted and over spice noodles, the flavours are delicate enough for this to be a suitable location for either a light lunch or a heftier dinner. for a student clientele, the lunch deal is marginally pricier than the average George square offerings but will, if tactically chosen, come within the bounds of a tenner. six pieces of Maki sushi are around £4-£4.50, and come with the obligatory complimentary miso. The more expensive options of salmon and eel sushi cost around £3.00 for two. Whilst the sushi is certainly fresh and palatable, the focus of the lunch menu is on noodles and the Bento Boxes. a safe option is the Chicken Yakisoba, stir-fried udon noodles which are gluttonous without being too heavy. unlike Wagamama’s forays into the Yakisoba field, the flavouring

is less heavy, making the noodles, not the accompaniments, the focus of the dish. at £6.90, the Yakisoba is a little pricey but certainly fills you up. however, in the presence of the Bento Boxes, the other lunch offers seem superfluous. The Bento Box is the sophisticated Japanese equivalent to compartmentalised TV dinners. presented in a large, black wooden box, the lid is lifted to reveal four compartments with varying options. The Ichibann Bento, at £6.95, contains a portion of beautifully done teriyaki chicken on a bed of finely shredded vegetables, four pieces of sushi (two vegetarian maki, two fish stick and avocado), a selection of vegetable tempura and some sticky Japanese rice. Other varieties offer sashimi and vegetarian alternatives. There is also the soon-to-be-added detox Bento, which is the restaurant's only playful nod towards the earning potential of popularised diets. The bento is a novel approach to the set meal and, to be somewhat immature, is just plain fun to eat your way through. It balances the indulgences of the deep-fried vegetables and teriyaki with the healthy bonus of the sushi, neither over indulging on the rich aspects of Japanese food, nor capitulating to the health fads attached to it. It is this balanced approach to dining that makes Tang’s worth a visit. That and a desire to prove once and for all that there really is much more to Japanese food than the salmon skin roll.

express yourself

Edinburgh’s Oriental Gems Tangs 44 Candlemaker Row, EH1 2QE Tel: 0131 220 5000 No. 1 Sushi Bar 37 Home Street, Tollcross, EH3 9JP Tel: 0131 229 6880 Sushiya 19 Dalry Rd, EH11 2BQ Tel: 0131 313 3222

journal online www. journal-online .co.uk

less pR machine are independent Japanese restaurants which, whilst achieving some success in cosmopolitan hubs like London, are barely given the chance to prove themselves in smaller urban locations. In Edinburgh, whilst the European, french and mainstream asian restaurants seem to dominate, some really decent Japanese offerings have been overlooked. The success stories in Edinburgh tend to have some sort of extra pull factor to entice the hesitant Edinburgh clientele. The Omni centre’s arawana, whilst offering great sushi and teppanyaki, has the benefits of also offering Chinese food—a safe option—and of being next to the cinema, becoming the obvious overspill location for post-chick flick crowds. however, its location within a complex and its less than pleasant views of escalators and loitering crowds prevent one from feeling that

there is anything "authentic" about the place. The same goes with Lothian Road’s IZZI. despite what is essentially good sushi, the sterile setting, Chinese fusion, and questionable takeaway style window display, prevent it from truly satisfying. On potterrow, Koi offers a purely Japanese dining experience and does so at reasonable prices. however, the layout, sheer size, and canteen-like appearance of the place results in a chain restaurant atmosphere. Whilst none of the aforementioned will disappoint those in search of some decent Japanese food, there is one Japanese restaurant which is exciting both because of the food itself and the fact that it is humble, unfussy and relatively undiscovered, despite its central location. This week's recommendation satisfies a momentary impulse to support the underdog.


24 Sport

The Journal Wednesday 26 March 2008

Sport

Sound body, sound mind Emily Glass catches up with two Edinburgh students, one past and one present, who are currently competing in the highest levels of their sports

SHORTS SNIPPETS OF SPORTS NEWS AND EVENTS FROM THE LAST FORTNIGHT STUDENT GRAB THE HEADLINES IN INAUGURAL GRUDGE MATCH

K

ATHERINE GRAINGER IS one of the University of Edinburgh’s most famous sporting success stories, who breezed through her degree whilst competing on the world rowing circuit. As Grainger awaits an official announcement on whether she is to compete in her third Olympic games this summer in Beijing, she fondly reminisces about her journey to becoming Great Britain’s most successful female Olympic rower. With an impressive two Olympic Silver Medals and four World Championship Gold medals under her belt, Grainger hopes to add an Olympic Gold Medal to her collection this year. She said: “Very very few people achieve that and it's incredibly exciting that we are so close. My boat has won the past three world championships so we will be one of the favourites going into the Olympics.” Her rowing career began in her first year of university back in 1993 when a persuasive Boat Club member invited her along to the club's first training session. Like many Freshers, Grainger considered the sport a great opportunity to meet new people and have a bit of fun. “The boat club had some fantastic people, a great social life and a healthy balance of work hard and play hard. I saw it as a welcome distraction from my degree,” she says with a laugh. Grainger has fond memories of her rowing at Edinburgh and describes how “every bit of positive encouragement at every small step was hugely welcomed.” Her talent was soon rewarded with a sports bursary by the university, a financial boost that opened “amazing new possibilities” for the promising young rower. But the Sports Union were also integral to her success. "They were a great help," she says, "especially when I was Captain and trying to juggle far too many things!" Grainger's juggling act continued into her final year of university, in which she sat her Law exams whilst simultaneously captaining the Boat Club and competing for Great Britain. This demanding lifestyle was facilitated by the support of the rower's professors at the Law College, who were "exceptional" in their enthusiasm and encouragement. "It was so special to have such praise for sport from top level academics," she remembers. After graduating from Edinburgh, Grainger went on to study a part-time Masters at Glasgow. Meanwhile, her rowing career went from strength to strength. By the time she completed her Masters degree, Grainger had been asked to become a full time member of the Great Britain team and the athlete moved down to London just before her first Olympic games in 2000. This year Grainger is hoping for a third bite of the cherry in Beijing.

SPORT

Friday 14th March saw the first annual Student vs. The Journal football match. A tense affair, the game went into extra-time after Oliver Farrimond's last-minute equalizer for Student levelled the scores at 7-7. Both sets of players pushed through the physical barrier to bring about a nerve-wracking final ten minutes, but despite a heroic performance from Jack Charnley, and Miles Johnson's terrier-like tackling, it was Student who came out on top, two goals in quick succession and killing off the game with just minutes to go.

EDINBURGH RUGBY TURNED OVER IN BUSA QUARTER-FINAL

Edinburgh University Mens Rugby saw their BUSA Trophy run brought to an abrupt halt on Sunday as they were beaten 23-15 by The University of the West of England at Peffermill. UWE have since seen off Swansea in the semi-finals, booking themselves a place in the final against the Oxford University Greyhounds.

COUNCIL ADMITS 'MISTAKES' IN MEADOWBANK PLANNING

Edinburgh City Council has conceded that its was a mistake not to consult with the Meadowbank users over the plans for the stadium's redevelopment. Speaking after more than 600 locals marched from the stadium to the City Chambers to present him with a petition against the stadium's demolition, council leader Ewen Aitken told the BBC that “with the benefit of hindsight, more consultation with the users of Meadowbank about the centre's future should have been undertaken.” The demonstration, organised by the Save Meadowbank campaign, aimed to prevent the building of residential units on the stadium's current site, and the construction of a considerably smaller new stadium.

Another rising star, Chris Fusaro, joined the University of Edinburgh this year. The young sportsman studies for his Chemical Engineering degree whilst holding a place in the Scotland Rugby 7s squad. Explaining that the university has been very supportive of his sporting commitments, Fusaro says, “my director of studies has been really good with late hand-ins and extensions.” Fusaro's physical training is supplemented by the theoretical tuition he receives. This essential education is provided by the National Junior Academy and the East of Scotland Institute of Sport, a scheme that exemplifies the fantastic support available for young sportsmen and women as their careers develop. Rugby has dominated Fusaro’s

life since the age of eight, and his game progressed from schoolboy level to the international stage when he was selected for the Scottish Under 18s squad last year. “It's very exciting,” says Fusco, who admits that he was surprised to be called up. "The opportunity to play at this level also benefits my 15's game,” he says. Fusaro splits his time between the Scotland 7s and his home team, the Heriot 1s, and these hefty commitments ensure that training sessions on the pitch or in the gym take up the majority of his spare time. Though it might not leave Fusaro much time to relax with his fellow Freshers, life as an international Rugby player does have its advantages. Fusaro’s career has enabled him to visit a whole host of exotic loca-

tions including Singapore, Dubai, San Diego, South Africa and New Zealand. Playing in the latter was the highlight of his season, he says, putting this down to the fact that “they are all rugby mad out there." "The atmosphere at rugby games in New Zealand is unreal," he enthuses. "Playing in front of crowds of 45,000 people was amazing.” The pair agree that the key to successfully combining sports and studies is fun. “If I hadn't enjoyed my time rowing at Edinburgh,” says Grainger, “I would never have continued in the sport and certainly would not have been to two Olympic Games.” Fusaro, meanwhile, does not hesitate when I ask him what keeps him motivated. The answer? “It’s just a love for the game.”

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