The Oculus, The Virginia Journal of Undergraduate Research. Vol. 13 by UVa Oculus

The Oculus Virginia Journal of Undergraduate Research 2014 - 2015 | Volume 13

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The Virginia Journal of Undergraduate Research 2014 - 2015 | VOLUME 13 The Oculus is published by the Undergraduate Research Network (URN) in conjunction with the Center for Undergraduate Excellence (CUE). All copyrights are retained by the authors; URN holds the rights to the non-exclusive use in print and electronic formats for all pieces submitted for publication in The Oculus. The views expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not constitute the opinion of The Oculus. All photos not otherwise credited are taken by Brandon Holland, photographer. All rights reserved.

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Editorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Letter Dear U.Va. Community, It is with great pleasure that I present to you the 2015 volume of The Oculus: The Virginia Journal of Undergraduate Research. Each year, The Oculus showcases not only the astounding quality of research performed by undergraduates, but also the breadth of this research. This year is no exception. This volume of The Oculus is the terly schedule. This change in publication schedule greatly increased both the number and quality of submissions that were received, making this the most competitive volume in the history of The Oculus. The papers that follow represent the best of the research at U.Va, spanning all disciplines, from physics to art history. ity, which is only achieved when students pursue their true interests. Indeed, one could say that this volume is a celebration of intellectual curiosity. These papers demonstrate that research can be, and often is, an organic part of a rigorous academic experience. It is our hope of hard work as much as we did. Truly, this issue of The Oculus would not have been possible without the hard work and dedication of many. First, the design of this issue is a stark departure from previous editions, as we strived to make the journal both intellectually fascinating and visually stunning. For this,

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I deeply thank our design team of Himika Rahman, Ji In Han, and Mariah Huffman. Moreover, many thanks go out to the members of the Editorial Board, who volunteered countless hours to read and review each submitted paper multiple times. Finally, we at The Oculus would also like to thank the Center for Undergraduate Excellence (CUE) for their continued guidance and support. Thank you, the reader, for supporting this volume of The Oculus, and we hope you enjoy the journal!

Adam Antoszewski Editor-in-Chief

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Guest Letter Dear Oculus Authors and Readers, What you hold in your hands is a showcase of one of the most exciting educational activities that happens at the University of Virginia: undergraduate research. For many years, The Oculus has served as one of many undergraduate research journals on Grounds that provide a voice for this activity. In the papers that follow you will see working in close collaboration with distinguished faculty members who are world-renown scholars and researchers. It is this type of close collaboration that makes the undergraduate experience on Grounds unique and places the University amongst the top universities in the world. For those of you whose work appears in these pages, I hope you research required that you spend long hours in libraries, laboratories, studios, and other venues collecting the information needed to answer the question you posed. You may have interacted with a faculty member or community of scholars who are very much interested in the results of your work. As you compiled your paper, you demonstrated the ability to assimilate new knowledge, think clearly though complex diverse group. While my exposure to undergraduate research lead me to pursue a faculty career, the skills you have developed are valuable in whatever you choose to do going forward.

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For the others readers of The Oculus, I hope you aspire to be an author in a future issue. I encourage you to engage with the authors (and their faculty mentors) in a discussion about their work. quest to create new knowledge, understand our world, and solve complex problems. You will be an important link in the continuation of that quest. Whether you continue on the path blazed by authors or chose to use the results to move in a different direction, the work you will do will make a difference in the world. I look forward to reading about your quest and what you have learned.

Archie Holmes Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering Vice Provost for Educational Innovation & Interdisciplinary Studies 6

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Editorial Board Members (pictured) Nazar Aljassar, Nojan Rostami, Stefano Rumi, Wayne Fullen, George Schwartz, Conner Pike, Allison Meadows, Duncan Cannon, Crystal Gong, Christopher Yang, Shariq Hashmi, Ji In Han, Andrew Boyer, Isabella Liu, Mason Brannon, Marc Blatt, Rebecca Beauchamp, Arun Dutta, Adam Antoszewski Senior Editor Nojan Rostami Executive Editor Mason Brannon Editor-In-Chief Adam Antoszewski Layout & Design Editors Himika Rahman, Mariah Huffman, Ji In Han Photographer Brandon Holland 2014-2015 | Volume 13

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Table of Contents 10

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Yes, Virginia, There Is a Right Wing!â&#x20AC;?:

Conservative Student Reactions to the Vietnam War at the University of Virginia by Julia Bolger 35

A Risk Analysis of the Polio Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018 and Future Legacy Planning

by Margaret W. Eastham 57

Organic Horizon Nitrogen Pool in the U.S. Mid-Atlantic through Forest Succession

by Rebecca Walker

Pet Burials and Cremation in Modern Virginia

by Caitlin Hepner 8

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Sharing the Living Light: Visionar y Authority Creative Works

by Emily Ditsch 117 10

Parton Level Comparison of ttbb at Leading Order Versus Next to Leading Order

by Eric Culbertson & Clement Bohr 134

The Consequence of a Fallen World: The Catholic Debate Over Slaver y in America During the Antebel lum and Civil War Era

by Nicole Penn 57 161

How the State Imagines her People: A Case Study on Chinese Domestic Uighurs Violence

by Marco Chen

182

Research Around Grounds: Research Family

185

Submission Guidelines

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â&#x20AC;&#x153;Yes, Virginia, There Is a Right Wing!â&#x20AC;? :

Conservative Student Reactions to the Vietnam War at the University of Virginia by Julia Bolger Julia Bolger is a fourth year student from Alexandria, Virginia who is majoring in English and History with a minor in Governhistory seminar focused on citizen participation movements in the United States. This project stemmed from a visit to Vietnam and an interest in how other groups play into historical narratives that do not necessarily focus on their perspectives. After graduation, Julia plans on pursuing graduate studies in English. She would like to express her gratitude to Professor Balogh for his support and to her classmates for their insight and suggestions throughout the research and writing process. 10

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Abstract This paper examines how conservative students at the University of Virginia both reacted to and how they shaped student reaction to the Vietnam War. Because of its position as a southern school, the University of Virginia had a more conservative mentality towards the war than many of the more outspoken schools during this era. However, students at the university did engage in protests, marches, and other forms of activism against the war, though these actions were less extreme than other instances seen around the country. By examining and making use of The Cavalier Daily, as well as examining papers from the administration and various student protest and counter-protest groups, I argue that the overall conservative mentality of the University of Virginia allowed students to engage with and respond to the Vietnam War without completely reshaping University traditions and goals. Because of their interaction with both the national student movement and the University administration, more conservative students at U.Va. were able to argue in favor of protest that both pushed for change while still honoring the values and ideals that they had grown up with. This paper examines the rise of the student movement at U.Va., how student interaction with the administration shaped student response, the role of the conservative Young Americans for Freedom, the events of the strike of 1970, known as the May Days of 1970, and the eventual decline of political fervor at the University. By highlighting the role of conservative students during Vietnam War protests, this paper opens a window into the role of Southern colleges in anti-war protest, a relatively unexplored topic within the overall examination of the turbulent 1960s and 1970s. Change came to the University of Virginia in a manner that allowed the students themselves to negotiate what they wanted to change and how far they wanted to go with that change. It was out of this dialogue that the University of Virginia emerged to become the world-class institution that it is today.

On May 4, 1970, four students were shot and killed at Kent State University by the National Guard while protesting against the expansion of the Indochina war into Cambodia by President Richard Nixon. Colleges across the nation erupted in outrage, many shutting down as the students took over buildings and forced school administrations to suspend operations. This period of disruption spread quickly, affecting even the sleepier, more conservative southern colleges and universities, including the University of Virginia. In what has now been titled the May Days of 1970, the University of Virgin-

ia went on strike, although operations were not totally shut down. During the height of activity, protests attended by thousands of students, faculty, and community members from Charlottesville were held on the Lawn as people voiced their support for ending the Vietnam War.1 The explosive events of the May Days of 1970 were considered abnormal for U.Va.â&#x20AC;&#x201D;the institution was known more for its conservative and apolitical nature than for radical student demon1. Donn Kessler, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Cambodia, Kent Issues Spur Student Unrest Here: Pickets, Memorial Service, Rally Begin General Strike,â&#x20AC;? The Cavalier Daily, May 6, 1970, 1.

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strations.2 Indeed, conservative student side their historic brick walls. However, groups such as the Young Republicans were among the largest and most pop- of protest that swept through college ular organizations on Grounds.3 A quick campuses during the 1960s and 70s, run through of the school newspaper, but student involvement was less radiThe Cavalier Daily, shows that Univer- cal and destructive than at other colsity students in the mid 1960s were leges in the United States. By examinmore concerned with habits of dress, ing how New Left, counterculture, and whether women should be allowed into conservative organizations acted and dorms, and parking on Grounds than were received by students, as well as they were with national political issues how the shape of the student movelike the Vietnam War. So how, then, and why did the student body respond U.Va., I argue that the overall conservawith such fervor and anti-war sentiment tive mentality of the University allowed during the May Days of 1970? What it to engage with and respond to Vietrole did conservative student groups nam War protest without completely such as the Young Americans for Free- tearing down University traditions and dom play in this narrative? These are goals while still reshaping how students the questions I will take responded to and furThe University up throughout this pather engaged with the of Virginia was per, focusing on the administration and the overwhelmingly transformation of conconservative servative thought at the Grounds. Students at University of Virginia and among south- the school pushed for change, but ern schools more generally, as well as a type of change that conformed to the factors that resulted in the strike at the ideals they had grown up with and the University. internalized. As protest at the UniverAs a southern school, the political sity took shape, conservative student mindset at the University of Virginia was groups worked to remind students of overwhelmingly conservative, although those values. most students were not necessarily concerned with politics and sometimes The Rise of the Student had to be reminded of the world out- Movement at U.Va. 2. A History of the University of Virginia, 1959 to 1974â&#x20AC;? (Ph. D. diss., Columbia University, 1993), 69. 3. Henry Curry, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Young Republicans: Politics Active at University,â&#x20AC;? The Cavalier Daily, January 9, 1964, 2. 12

The student movement began at colleges like the University of California-Berkeley and the University of across the country as students clam-

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ored to be more than just a number and to have a say in their academic future.4 Many of these protests were directed at the administrations of the universities, which were perceived as being self-serving and interested in ing them into cogs for the military-industrial complex.5 After the end of World War II, that was, generally, the goal of most major research universities. “Universities in 1968 spent $3 billion annually for research and development. Seventy percent of this money came from the federal government, of which over half originated from defense-related agencies”6 as the government worked to create an imposing military presence across the world to combat the spread of communism. College students increasingly felt disconnected from both the education they were receiving and the world that they lived in—the 1960s were a time of economic prosperity moderated by fear of communist annihilation, and colleges were not teaching students how to cope with that fear, but instead how to be part of it. In response to this existentialist turn, many students began turning to the New Left and counterculture movements as a 4. Doug Rossinow, The Politics of Authenticity: Libehralism, Christianity, and the New Left in America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 210. 5. Rossinow, The Politics of Authenticity, 41. 6. Kenneth J. Heineman, Campus Wars: The Peace Movement at American State Universities in the Vietnam Era (New York: New York University Press, 1993), 13.

way to discover what it meant to be “real” or “authentic.”7 Southern students who had grown up during the 1950s and were college students in the 1960s were “ambivalent at best about the left-wing groups on campus”.8 Most southern students were not overtly against the war for a number of cultural and social factors: “According to a May 1967 Gallup poll, southerners were the most hawkish group by geographic region in terms of their support for the war in Vietnam. Not only were they the most hawkish, but they were also quite willing to answer the clarion call of service to the nation”.9 As Marc Gilbert argues, this from the concept of honor as Willingness to fight in the war tion, a concept stemmed that originated from the with the Civil War concept of and continued honor to pervade the southern mindset. As a result, southern students were therefore more likely to support the war and express that support whenever left-leaning groups on campus began making their own noise. This was readily apparent at the University of Virginia, where, prior to 1968, students regularly published ar7. Rossinow, The Politics of Authenticity, 5. 8. Rossinow, The Politics of Authenticity, 233. 9. Marc J. Gilbert, The Vietnam War on Campus: Other Voices, More Distant Drums (Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2001), 149.

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ticles and opinion pieces in The CavGradually, however, opinions alier Daily in support of the Vietnam changed. And while “southern college War. As one student wrote, “Each time students were often portrayed as apoa public demonstration occurs which litical…[they] were no more apolitical protests the War, aid and comfort are nor much less active in the anti-war given to the enemies of freedom every- movement than their northern counterwhere. Each time these demonstrations parts were”.13 Students became more receive public recognition, the morale political, and more outspoken about of our troops is lessened. Indirectly, their politics, especially if those politics these happenings are responsible for differed from the more mainstream modthe death of many Americans”.10 This erate-conservative mentality that most letter did not receive students held at U.Va. Students became much backlash in subIn May 1968, a chapsequent editions of more political and ter of Students for a more outspoken The Cavalier Daily, Democratic Society about their politics indicating that many formed at the Universistudents at the University shared this ty, heralding the creation of a New Left sentiment. In fact, many students instead coalition that became one of the most wrote into the paper protesting against outspoken groups on Grounds. In a letthe sale of bus tickets to an anti-war ter published in The Cavalier Daily, the march in Washington, D.C. in Newcomb SDS outlined their beliefs and goals: Hall.11 The more insular, conservative mentality of these students came We honestly believe that token through as support for the war—or at solutions to what are becoming least as support for those Americans the chronic problems in the University community, and American responsibility to support, until we come society as a whole, will no longer up with something better, the decisions of our democratic machine—in spite of ternatives to these token solutions the fact that it may need a little oiling” has created an ideological and wrote Donald Laing, a third year stupractical vacuum which we of dent in the College of Arts and Sciences.12 deeds to keep peace with even the tepid rhetorical pronounce10. G. Robert Jones, “Letters to the Editor: Student Upset Over Plans For Pentagon March,” ments from Pavilion VIII and the The Cavalier Daily, October 20, 1967, 2. editorial columns of the Cavalier 11. “Varied Response Meets Petition Against Sales for D. C. Protest,” The Cavalier Daily, October 24, 1967, 1. 12. Donald Laing, “Letters to the Editor: Asks 14

War Support,” The Cavalier Daily, October 20, 1967, 2. 13. Gilbert, The Vietnam War on Campus, 155.

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Daily has created a demand for a Leftist philosophy that is no longer embodied in the passive hopes of the Great White Liberals, who have previously constituted the 14

This rather scathing attack on both the University administration and the University students concluded with the authors calling for other radicals on Grounds to join them: “For a number of years now, this University has comfortably seated itself atop a racial and social powderkeg; we welcome those who care enough to help set off the fuse”.15 For the next several years leading up to the May Days of 1970, much of the reporting done by The Cavalier Daily took on a more leftist tone as more liberally minded students at the University realized they had support for their opinions about the war. At the same time, students across the nation were becoming more aware of their relationship with the administration of the university. This awareness often stemmed from white student participation in the civil rights movement, which taught students how to deal with an unresponsive, and often hostile, movement, along with splinter groups from the civil rights movement, and stu14. Hank Chase and David Longfellow, “Letters to the Editor: Students for Democratic Society Forms,” The Cavalier Daily, May 16, 1968, 2. 15. Chase and Longfellow, “Asks War Support,” 2.

dent protest led to the growth of the southern anti-war movement,16 a pattern that was repeated at the University of Virginia. Civil rights and anti-war protest materials were often distributed together as leftist groups on Grounds called for a more open University as “students everywhere…are slowly or rapidly getting more and more fed up with the antics of a generation which seems determined in its attempt to doom us all to death in an unpopular, unwanted, undeclared war…a generation which seems less concerned with the feelings, the lives, and the opinions of its children than with its own daily comfort”.17 This disillusionment with the older generation informed how college students interacted with the administration, calling for more student participation and representation in how the universities were run. Leftist Even though groups on southern schools Grounds like the University called for a of Virginia were more open not on the front University lines of these movements, the issues and causes were still salient to students at these colleges. At U.Va., resistance to the administration began in 1965 with students writing to The Cavalier Daily about the “arbitrary and undemocratic power” of the faculty-run Student Activities Committee, which dispensed money for 16. Gilbert, The Vietnam War on Campus, 150. 17. Richard B. Gwathmey, “Here We Go Again,” The Cavalier Daily, September 13, 1968, 2.

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student organizations and activities upon review.18 “The issue raised here is not only censorship of free exchange of ideas; it also concerns the right of the students of the University to use Students for Social Action. They were a leftist group founded in 1965 whose goals were to bring the Free Speech Movement, started at Berkeley the year before, to the University of Virginia. The SSA described themselves as a group that “want[s] more out of our education than this. We rebel against miseducation and non-education. We are here in search of knowledge, not sheepskins…We do not have any dogma— unlike the University, we do not tell you what you must believe. We only ask that you think for yourself”.19 The group was not immediately welcomed into the University community: The Cavalier Daily editor-in-chief in 1965, William Hopson IV, wrote “The SSA however, is interested only in protest for the sake of protest itself”20, and one student tossed snowballs at a group of SSA protesters by Alderman Library before remarking that “the University is not the place for such a protest. The University has gentlemanly traditions – this belongs in California”. 21

18. Students for Social Action, “Letters to the Editor: SSA Backs Conservatives,” The Cavalier Daily, November 23, 1965, 2. 19. William S. Hopson IV, “SSA,” The Cavalier Daily, October 6, 1965, 2. 20. Ibid. 21. Jeers Meet SSA Rally by Library,” The Cavalier Daily, February 15, 1966, 2. 16

attack by students on the administration, which was later followed by calls to remove a member of the Board of Visitors for his support of massive resistance in Charlottesville during the 1950s. The opening of communication between students and University administration came gradually, just like most changes at the institution. What the administration did not realize at successful implementation of growth policies and plans that had lead to incidences of student protest against University practices and administrative decisions. The Role of the Administration: President Shannon’s University When Edgar F. Shannon became President of the University of Virginia in 1959, he made it his goal to turn the rather sleepy southern school into an institution worthy of the title “university.” He worked diligently to increase enrollment numbers, along with hiring more distinguished faculty to increase the value of receiving an education at U.Va, which allowed the University to be more selective in its admissions process, letting in better quality students. “Shannon found himself committed to the values of the academy: discipline, rationality, merit, and scholarship, among others”,22 and his efforts showed—between 1959 22.

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and 1969, enrollment at the University the administration used as an excuse had increased by 104%, from 4,761 to to ignore demands made upon them 9,735 students.23 This expansion came by the student body. Many students, with a price, however; the increase in both liberal and conservative, called students had to come from somewhere, on the University administration to issue and they came from out of state. These students moved to Virginia and brought about the Vietnam War; several memwith them the lessons they had learned bers of the faculty joined in the call as growing up well, protestin the Mid- The old Southern mentality ing against west, the that had once been so integral the war.26 to the school’s image was Northeast, or Instead, the being challenged on the West administracoast. The old Southern mentality that had once been so integral to the away from such contentious issues and concentrated on more popular topby students from different backgrounds, ics like allowing women to enroll as and the administration was not pre- undergraduate students. Their tactics pared to deal with it. worked, for the most part; many of the By 1968, out of state students con- average students at the University took more interest in these discussions than student body,24 bringing their different in engaging in seemingly futile protest. perspectives to the enclosed world Dedicated student organizations of the Virginia Gentlemen. Increasingly, remained on alert, however, and manthese students felt the need to express aged to get supporters elected to the their opinions within the public forum of Student Council, the student government body that acted as a liaison beespecially if these ideas were not the tween the student population at U.Va. accepted mainstream view of the still and the administration. In 1969, the largely conservative student popula- student body elected James Roebuck, - Jr. as President of the Student Counence of leftist leaning fellow travelers in student organizations is dispropor- to the position at the school. His suptionate to their numbers in the student port for the anti-war student movement population as a whole”,25 a fact that 23. dix A: Enrollment Figures. 24. Ibid. 25. David Shaw, “Conservative Side: Demon-

strations Frowned Upon,” The Cavalier Daily, November 17, 1967, 2. 26. Stefan Lopatkiewicz and Bob Bryan, “Law Students, Faculty Protest War,” The Cavalier Daily, February 16, 1968, 1.

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proved instrumental in shaping the events of the May Days of 1970 and how the administration responded to these events, and to student demands. During the strike, the Student Council narrowly voted (11 to 10) to endorse a set of nine demands written by protesting students, with Roebuck casting the deciding vote.27 Roebuck also worked closely with President Shannon to plan University-wide memorial events during the strike, and it was his leadership that helped rein in the anger of the students as “they went about their protest action with a modicum of the decorum that was expected of Virginia Gentlemen”.28 Because of this, Shannon was more accommodating regarding viction that in order to preserve academic and intellectual freedom, the University has an obligation to maintain an atmoIt was his sphere in which leadership all views can be that helped expressed on rein in the anger of the any major political issue” wrote students President Shannon to A. R. Kuhlthau, the head of the Calendar and Scheduling Committee, although he added the caveat that “It needs to be clearly understood that the University itself, as an institution, 27. Rob Buford, Peter Shea, and Andy Stickney, May Days: Crisis in Confrontation, A Pictorial Account of the Student Strike at the University of Virginia, May 1970 (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1970), 20. 28. 18

must remain non-political”.29 But he was grateful for the good working relationship that he had with Roebuck: “I was just as lucky as I could be…Jim Roebuck could disagree with you, but he was absolutely straight forward. He told me what he thought and what he was going to do and I told him what I thought and what I was going to do and most of the time we were pretty much in accord. But to trick you to pull some kind of fast one”.30 Shannon was stretched thin trying to play to both the demands of the students and the demands of the administration and Governor Linwood Holton. By balancing this tightrope between sity-wide action and the administraaccomplished a nigh-impossible task during the hectic May Days of 1970; he kept the University of Virginia more or less open and operating whereas all other universities on the east coast had 29. Edgar F. Shannon to A. R. Kuhlthau, June 29, 1970, President Shannon Correspondence, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. 30. Edgar F. Shannon, Jr., interview by Jan GayUniversity: A History of the University of Virginia, 1959 to 1974,” (Ph. D. diss., Columbia University, 1993), 196.

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closed.31 His stated goal was to sustain “the basic ideals of freedom of inquiry and expression”,32 and he achieved that by allowing the different factions of the University to interact freely with one another, to share their ideas, and to respond to the administration in more frank and open ways than students had been allowed before. His work during the May Days of 1970 resulted in the coming together of the University as students defended Shanand Governor Holton, who had be-

move the University forward after the May Days of 1970. During that time, the overall moderate-conservative mentality of the students at the University was subsumed by a righteous rage that swept the nation after the Kent State Massacre. However, that conservative mindset reasserted itself once again as the events of the May Days of 1970 calmed down. One main conservative student group clashed the most often with New Left organizations on Grounds: The University of Virginia chapter of the Young Americans for Freedom.

Both conservative and liberal students at the University felt that Shannon had protected their rights as students to the administration, and they respected him commitment to keeping the University operating, tensions between student political groups and the administraInstead, the events of the May Days of 1970 acted as a kind of “catharsis” for the University, and the relationship between students and the administration repaired in the following terms. Although Shannon acted as a healing force between students and the administration at U.Va., he was not entirely responsible for the easing of tensions at the school. But he did provide the impetus and the vision to 31. 32. Shannon to Kuhlthau, June 29, 1970, Shannon Correspondence. 33.

The Young Americans for Freedom at U.Va. The Young Americans for Freedom was a conservative group aimed at recruiting and organizing college students who supported the war but opposed the draft and to “publicize and advance the conservative cause”.34 Founded in 1960, the YAF termed itself the “New Right,” and it saw the Vietnam War as the failure of America to deal with the communist threat and the overall failure of the West.35 As a mainly student-oriented organization, YAF also supported the student movement and the right to student protest. At the individual campus level, YAF would often work with SDS to assert that right, even if it was for different causes.36 Their main cause, other than championing the individual rights of the student, 34. Gilbert, The Vietnam War on Campus, 1-2. 35. Gilbert, The Vietnam War on Campus, 4. 36. Ibid., 7.

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was the abolishment of the draft and the formation of a volunteer army. YAF saw the draft as constituting what was essentially slave labor; only a fully volunteer army A righteous could be rage ... swept fully demthenation ocratic, as after the Kent State Massacre its members had chosen to take part in the war rather 37 ernment. As the war progressed, YAF policy shifted from supporting the war itself to supporting “a victory policy in Vietnam” though “it longed for an honorable withdrawal as quickly as possible”.38 This change—from supporting

expansionist policies, which further ined at the individual campus level, as college chapters of the organization invasion of Cambodia alongside their more radical counterparts. At the University of Virginia, YAF zation called Students For a Free Solate-adoption practices for social and political movements. “In true Virginia fashion, the group refused to consider itself totally bound by the national posture and retained its old name, Stu37. Ibid., 9. 38. Ibid., 11-12. 20

dents For a Free Society,”39 reported The Cavalier Daily. The organization was introduced by the student news-

today beset by growing internal strife and divisiveness, and by the threat of chaos and aggression in many parts of the world. At home a once energetic and healthy society is becoming sick, divided, alienated, and degenerate under the burden of mass industrialism, and anti-personal bureaucracy, public and private, and a loss of community and faith”.40 The student-run newspaper passed a fairly optimistic view of the organization, saying “Unlike the majority of student organizations at work in the community today, the SFS has dedicated itself to reform rather than revolution”.41 Even though the more liberal and counterculture voices at the University had begun to make themselves heard in the newspaper, the overall conservative mindset of the school allowed for the SFS to be received with a positive outlook rather than being considered yet another group of radical rabble-rousers like the SDS, which had appeared earlier at the University, or the Radical Student Union, which appeared around the same time as SFS. Because the SFS was more rhetoric without disruptive action it was more 39. Rod MacDonald, “The Right Strikes Back,” The Cavalier Daily, September 16, 1969, 2. 40. “Students For Free Society To Hold Meeting Tonight,” The Cavalier Daily, November 26, 1968, 1. 41. Ibid.

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well-received at U.Va., whereas the SDS

an overemphasis on the need for a collegiate degree. Many of our camand radical group, which did not mesh puses have provided indoctrination well with the moderate-conservative rather than education, become pooutlook of the school. liticized, and allowed violence and The chairman of SFS, John Kwapisz, disruption to prevent students from a graduate student in Economics and gaining an education”.42 This is strikingly Russian-Communist Studies, appeared similar to the sentiments described by several times within The Cavalier Daily, the SSA in 1965 (refer to page sevarticulating the conservative student en), or the Southern Student Organizstance on the war and pushing back ing Committee (SSOC) in 1968 when it against New Left articles that had blasted orientation week, claiming that been previously published. The articles its purpose was to “mold you (the new he published also followed the overall students) into the accepted pattern shift in policy of University Many of our campuses have exhibited by life”43 rather provided indoctrination YAF during than chalrather than education the 1960s; lenging students to think for themselves. The SSOC grew out of the leftist Student Nonvioswitching to focus on the importance lent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), - but with a focus on how “young whites al rights at the University. This then be- could reach moderate white students who, though sympathetic to liberal involvement at U.Va.—protests or events causes, previously had steered clear of activist organizations”.44 YAF was right to obtain an education was the not the vanguard for a radical form central concern of the conservative of conservatism but instead looked to student group. give a voice to the “silent majority” of By 1969, SFS had embraced the Young Americans for Freedom title and 42. “U.Va. Young Americans for Freedom,” Broasserted themselves within the Universi- chure, 1969, Young Americans for Freedom and Anti-Strike Committees Collection, Albert ty community. The language used in a and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, brochure circulated among students the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. rivaled that of the more radical groups 43. “Anti-Orientation And The SSOC,” The on Grounds: “The lack of quality edu- Cavalier Daily, September 13, 1968, 2. and colleges has resulted in part from

44. Gregg L. Michel, Struggle for a Better South: The Southern Student Organizing Committee, 1964-1969 (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004), 34.

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conservatives. The group articulated the ideas that many students held but were unsure how to express, and they became a fairly popular organization, even among the more politically apathetic student body of the University. YAF advocated a form of conservatism that they articulated in their 1960 credo, The Sharon Statement, which served as the basis for the foundation of the New Right. It acted as a statement of belief in and an outline of their values: “Free will and moral authority come from God; political and economic liberty are essential for a free people and free institutions; government must be strictly and constitutionally limited; the market economy is the economic system most compatible with freedom; and Communism must be defeated, not merely contained”.45 The Sharon Statement essentially linked conservative values, individualism, and economic liberty with moral superiority, allowing for YAF and the New Right to assert that their values were the same ones harbored by the majority of Americans, unlike those on the left. This appealed to the young, idealistic students at the University of Virginia, who wanted to turn away from the isolationist ideals of the “Old Right” while maintaining the values that their southern upbringing had given them.

Because of the quiet nature of dent organization was not very active in organizing events or protests around Grounds, especially when compared to the activity of SDS, the SSOC, and the Strike Committee. YAF mostly responded to events or developments that happened either at the University or nationally rather than instigating any events themselves. This is partially be-

45. “Introduction: The Sharon Statement,” First Principles Series, The Heritage Foundation, accessed December 1, 2014, http://www. heritage.org/initiatives/first-principles/primary-sources/the-sharon-statement.

46. “State of the U.,” The Cavalier Daily, November 21, 1968, 2. 47. Rick Pearson, “Political Groups Express Views of Both Extremes,” The Cavalier Daily, September 10, 1969, 6.

view of itself—students saw themselves as being a cohesive group, which they were, with the “More active liberal stureactionary fellows”46 at the University. “The majority of University men tend to this fact has had a tempering effect on the extent of political activity on the Grounds”47 The Sharon wrote Rick Statement ... Pearson, a staff served as the member of The basis for the Cavalier Daily. foundation Because YAF of the New apparently Right represented the majority of student opinions on Grounds, its words were considered common sense, and the organization drew neither ire nor much attention from the University community. As a result, the

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another issue around which to rally its student members and continue its existence, and it focused on individualism.

garding the conduct of the war and attendance at classes, and not to let the Moratorium Committee and the Student Council sell him a phoney bill of 49

War demonstrations conducted on the

YAF got their wish; President Shannon decided to not cancel classes on Ocevent put on by the Vietnam Morato- tober 15th, the proposed date for the rium Committee that called for a one- protest. “In supporting his decision, the day halt to all teaching and classroom President said ‘The University has an activity at colleges across the nation. obligation to maintain an atmosphere The local chapter of the Moratorium in which all views can be expressed, Committee in Charlottesville submitted in which individuals can oppose the a plan for activity at the University to war or defend it, or advocate various cease for a day in September 1969. means of ending it, as a matter of acThe very next ademic and The Vietnam Moratorium day, the Young intellectual free50 Americans for Committee ... called for a By framone-day halt to all teaching Freedom at ing it in these and classroom activity U.Va. threatterms, Presiened to sue the University if the school dent Shannon was both articulating closed down for the moratorium. “In a and echoing the prevalent mood on letter to President Shannon, the local Grounds—individuals had a right to YAF chapter stated that cancellation protest, but it should not be compul- sory for everyone, as that impinged on their individual right to obtain an eduthe University and a violation of each cation. As soon as YAF appeared on 48 reported The Cavalier Daily. “‘If stu- Grounds, they made individualism, and dents want voluntarily to refuse to go the rights of the individual, one of their key points in recruiting members and ‘we respect their right to do so, but we pushing back against the already-esrefuse to stand idly by if others are de- tablished SDS. “The group is against Communism, Fascism, Racism, and Sostatement ends by asking each student 49. Tom Adams, “YAF Attacks Moratorium to make ‘his own personal decision re- Groups, Calls For ‘Personal Decisions,” The 48. Brian Siegel, “YAF Threatens University With Legal Suit If School Closes For Moratorium,” The Cavalier Daily, September 26, 1969, 1.

Cavalier Daily, September 30, 1969, 1. 50. Peter Shea, “Shannon Bars Cancelation of October 15 Classes,” The Cavalier Daily, October 7, 1969, 1.

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cialism,” explained The Cavalier Daily, “and is for constitutional government, free enterprise, freedom of individuals and a strong free America”.51 The newspaper went on to enumerate on a few programs that YAF supported, “all without causing any inconvenience to any other individuals, of course”.52 The emphasis on Spontaneous individual demonstration rights alformed at the lowed YAF Rotunda to align itself with anti-war policies while supporting American troops. In doing so, YAF was able to exist within the southern mentality of seeing the military as “both an honorable and a local profession”.53 It also meant that, prior to the events of May 1970, YAF could feasibly oppose any protests put on by SDS or SSOC without being called out as hypocritical or being accused of supporting the expansionist policies of an increasingly unpopular war. After the May Days of 1970, YAF once more tried to take up the battle cry of the individual, but grief, and anger that gripped campuses across the nation. However, once the anger had settled, they were able to bring their message to bear across the University community. May Days 1970: Strike! Many of the tensions that have 51. MacDonald, “The Right Strikes Back,” 2. 52. Ibid. 53. Gilbert, The Vietnam War on Campus, 156. 24

already been discussed came to a head in May 1970. The war escalation policies of the Nixon administration combined with student dissatisfaction with administrative treatment and the tragic events of the Kent State Massacre, resulting in one of the most turbuUniversity technically remained open, so many students chose to participate in the events of the strike that the faculty and administration were essentially forced into allowing several other options for students to complete their exOn the night of May 4, 1970, a spontaneous demonstration formed at the Rotunda as students came together to grieve and protest against the events at Kent State.54 The crowd, which The Cavalier Daily estimated to be about 1,500 students strong,55 marched to President Shannon came out to his front porch and spoke with the demonstrators and was read a telegram by Mark Krebs, the apparent leader of the protest. The telegram “blasted President War and denounced the violence of the Ohio National Guard”.56 Shannon responded by saying “I appreciate your coming here this evening to ex54. Buford, Shea, and Stickney, May Days: Crisis in Confrontation, 5. 55. “Bulletin,” The Cavalier Daily, May 5, 1970, 1. 56. Ibid.

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press your grave and deep concern”57 about the events at Kent State, but did not commit to speaking the following day at a planned rally that was to be held at 11 a.m. on the Lawn. Someprotest dispersed, and around 60 students occupied Maury Hall, the Naval ROTC building, claiming that they would stay in the building until morning and proclaiming it the liberated “Freedom Hall.”58 By midnight, Maury Hall was packed with students who wanted to join the occupation, and several students, who named themselves the Virginia Strike Committee, began discussing a list of demands that they would present to the Student Council and the University administration regarding protests. They also demanded that President Shannon publicly support the strike and allow University employees to join in without danger to their jobs.59 dents from the building without getting the police involved. A court injunction was drawn up and issued by Circuit Court Judge Lyttleton Waddell in the early morning hours of May 5 and was 57. Ibid. 58. Buford, Shea, and Stickney, May Days: Crisis in Confrontation, 8. 59. University of Virginia Strike Committee to President Edgar F. Shannon, May 5, 1970, President Shannon Correspondence Collection, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville.

delivered to the students by a security agent around 5 a.m. The students left the building peacefully once the injunction was delivered, most of them unwilling to remain under the threat of arrest.60 For the next several days, the Lawn was the center of protest at U.Va. A memorial service was held for the Kent State students who were shot, and rallies were attended by thousands of U.Va. students and Charlottesville community members, urging students to boycott their classes and instead attend “liberty classes” put on by the Strike Committee. These liberty classes sought to teach students how to engage effectively and peacefully in protest and to give them an open forum in which to discuss their thoughts, ideas, issues, and grievances.61 Wednesday, May 6, had been Liberty classes d e c l a r e d sought to teach F r e e d o m students how Day beto engage fore the effectively and peacefully events at Kent State in protest happened, and the organizers of the protest capitalized on the increased fervor of the student body. Picketing outside of classroom buildings resulted in attendance dropping by as much as 80 60. Peter Shea and Mark Gartlan, “Court Ousts Students From ROTC Building,” The Cavalier Daily, May 6, 1970, 1. 61. Buford, Shea, and Stickney, May Days: Crisis in Confrontation, 36.

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percent, and around 3,000 people attended a rally at the Rotunda that lambasted the Nixon administration.62 That evening, thousands of students packed into University Hall to listen to William Kunstler, a well known ACLU lawyer, and Jerry Rubin, the leader of the Youth International Party (also known as the Yippies) give speeches.63 Rubin, who had a powerful personality and presence,

schools,” he said, “What is school any-

turn us into anal-bureaucratic personalities”.64 His words energized some students at the UniverCarrying sity, but also turned three foot many students off clubs and from his more radical form of demonloaded sidearms stration. But tensions were running high enough at the time that around two thousand students left University Hall and marched once again on by the presence of state police, who had begun pouring into Charlottesville in fear of a riot. This time, Shannon did not come out and address the demonstrators, and several hundred students instead occupied Maury Hall again. 62. Ibid., 24. 63. Peter Shea, “Kunstler Sparks Maury Takeover,” The Cavalier Daily, May 7, 1970, 1. 64. Buford, Shea, and Stickney, May Days: Crisis in Confrontation, 31. 26

They began a teach-in in the Maury Hall auditorium around 1:30 a.m., but had to leave the building when a small 65

On May 7, conservative students from the Young Americans for Freedom turned up petitions demanding a University-wide referendum to end the strike and vote on the demands from the Strike Committee. The referendum was set for Monday, May 11.66 But the most polarizing event occurred before the vote could take place. The night of May 7, students began a honk-forpeace rally along the intersection of University Avenue and Rugby Road in front of the Rotunda. As the number of protesters grew, they moved down the road to the intersection of Routes police dressed in riot gear had lined Route 29 for a mile and a half, carrying three foot clubs and loaded sidearms. They managed to back the protesters back down the road towards Memorial Gymnasium, where the crowd dispersed as University administrators convinced the police to move back. The next night, however, students began another honk-for-peace rally, again moving down towards the 250-29 intersection. This time, over two hundred cops three sides and herding them back towards Grounds. The State Police Captain Boone decided that the protest 65. Ibid., 32-36. 66. Ibid., 36.

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had become a riot, and ordered University administrators to break up the crowd. Dean D. Alan Williams ordered the protesters to disperse, but many of the students were unable to hear or understand his message and began moving back in. The police invoked the Virginia Riot Act and charged the crowd. They chased students down both the Lawn and Rugby Road, entering Lawn students. Police arrested a total of 68 individuals. Those who were arrested truck in lieu of a police vehicle. Among those arrested was an unfortunate pizza deliveryman who happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time.67 Over the next few days, police patrolled the Lawn, considering any group of three or more people togethAct.68 This example of police overreaction essentially radicalized the student body overnight—they no longer felt safe at their own school. Fraternity brothers were especially affected, and the previously politically quiet members of Greek life quickly joined the protests. On May 11, 73 percent of the student body turned out to vote on the referendum on the strike, with 68 percent in favor of continuing it.69 The conservative 67. Peter Shea, “Police Chase Students On Lawn, In Houses: Sixty-Eight Arrested Under Virginia Riot Act,” The Cavalier Daily, May 11, 1970, 1-2. 68. Buford, Shea, and Stickney, May Days: Crisis in Confrontation, 38. 69. “68% Of Voters Approve Continuation of

right to attend classes was essentially smacked down, albeit in a democratic manner, as the University “We’re gonna take over the community schools” responded to the threat to their right to protest peacefully. After this day, however, events at the University calmed down ing home for the summer and President Shannon convinced the state police to back down. May Days: A Conservative’s Protest While the events of the May Days of 1970 were primarily planned and executed by the more liberal groups at the University of Virginia, it was, overall, a more conservative reaction to the Cambodian invasion and the Kent State Massacre than many other schools around the country. There was no extensive damage done to any university property, the students involved in the demonstrations were not punished for their actions by the University or the community, and the strained relationship between the administration and the students was eventually resolved as tensions dissipated over the summer. When students returned to school in the fall, protest against the Vietnam War was far from their minds. Instead Strike: Students OK Six Demands; Reject Three,” The Cavalier Daily, May 12, 1970, 1.

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they focused on “the increased presence of Women and Blacks and… the planned growth of the University… This crisis, precipitated by student political activists on the Grounds was, for all extents [sic] and purposes, over”.70 Summer break acted as a kind of pressure valve, and the most salient topic upon return to U.Va. was the presence of female undergraduate students on Grounds. The University had its moment of anger before calming down and reviving its moderate-conservative mindset as students returned home for the summer. During the crisis, that moderate-conservative mindset also kept events from getting too out of control. The traditional Southern upbringing that many University students experienced meant that they responded “the way one might expect sons of wellto-do Southern families to respond”.71 remarks of well-known New Left leaders William Kunstler or Jerry Rubin were able to fully incite U.Va. students to the levels of violence and destruction seen at other universities. The Strike Committee noted the dying levels of enthusiasm for the strike the day before the police arrested 68 students; they suggested that the takeover of the strike leadership by radicals was turning off many moderate students from supporting the cause.72 70. 71. 72. Donn Kessler, “Students Choose To Extend Strike To Monday: Speeches, Discussions 28

These were students who did not want to see the fundamental traditions and ideas of the school that they so dearly loved attending to change too much. What they hoped for, instead, was to express solidarity with Kent State and to demonstrate to President Nixon and the school administration that students deserved to have their voices heard. Thanks to the willingness of President Edgar Shannon to accommodate student demands and to ensure protestof their wish. The Young Americans for Freedom also played a role in curbing the possibly destructive nature of the strike. Though their petition to end the strike was unsuccessful, that was mainly because of the timing of events outside their control—namely, the arrest of 68 University students under the Virginia Riot Act. Otherwise, the fraternity community at U.Va. would not have been as radicalized as it had been, and the vote might have gone the other way. Leading up to the referendum, YAF circulated posters with sayings such as “You Can Support The Issues And “No More Apathy. This Time It Counts!! Vote No To Strike” around Grounds, along with the referendum petition. YAF also sent a letter to President Shannon, asking him not to give into political demands from the more radical student groups: At Lawn Rallies Change Movement Direction, Strategies,” The Cavalier Daily, 1.

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We of the University of Virginia Young Americans for Freedom do not represent the students of the University; neither does the Student Strike Committee. We are, however, aware of the fact that many students do not join in the that there is one and only one interest that unites students—only one characteristic which they hold in common— that they are engaged in the process of studying. It is only on this basis that they have any claim to act as students. When students become political individuals they have the rights of political individuals. They ought not, however, to be considered in any other way than as individuals…We therefore, sir, respectfully request that you consider such political suggestions as you may receive from any Students ... quarter did not want strictly on to see the their merfundamental its. No traditions and group ideas of the can be school that said to they so dearly loved attending represent the politichange cal opinion of students, but we feel sure that you, as an individual, will—as do all intelligent men—listen to the opinions of any person who expresses his opinions as a lady or as a gentleman. We hope that you will never come under pressure 73

73. University of Virginia Young Americans for

This letter appears to be aware of the fact that YAF was, itself, a political group making demands of President Shannon, but they presented themselves as being a group of individuals expressing their opinions to another individual and asking him to take them into consideration. was that they were careful not to castigate the other side too much. The leadership of the organization was aware of the united fervor that was sweeping across the University, and they did not want that fervor to turn against them. If they played the blame game, then the U.Va. YAF chapter ran the risk of being labeled as pro-war sympathizers. By May 1970, YAF policies had changed from supporting the whole war to only supporting the troops, and YAF members were undoubtedly part of the demonstrations taking place on Grounds. “Who is to blame?” asked a Committee!” Instead, YAF pushed the blame onto a kind of cultural sickness that was sweeping the school: “There is a plague that has broken loose at the University; arson, anonymous phone tempt to do the job for which they were paid, disruption of classes—all these are not so much events for which one Freedom to President Edgar F. Shannon, May 6, 1970, Young Americans for Freedom and Anti-Strike Committees Collection, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville.

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of the disease which must be cured… The stern and simple respect for honor which they formerly held”. By doing this, YAF aligned itself with the overarching goals of the strike without condoning right to an education, YAF was able to give voice to those students who were put off by the more radical factions involved in the strike without incensing those factions into further, more extreme action. Essentially, YAF provided a safe haven for students at U.Va. who did not support the war but could not feelings about the war with their moderate-conservative beliefs. Political Fervor Declines at U.Va. As the school year came to an end, students began returning home for the summer to decompress from the events of the semester. Fourth year students graduated on time, after some negotiation regarding grading policies for the end of the semester. Because the strike had drastically reduced class attendance, faculty members were authorized to offer three different options the semester if their students did not as late as October 16, 1970, their grade in the course as of May 1, 1970 30

could constitute their semester grade, or students could submit alternative work in exchange for course credit, as long as their professor deemed that work appropriate.74 These options were worked out after negotiation with the Strike Committee, and almost all the students and faculty accepted the alternatives. The Class of 1970 brought the spirit of the strike to their graduation. After voting in a class referendum in midMay, the fourth year students decided be “Forward With a New University”,75 echoing the hopes of many of the student leaders at the end of the school year. Those hopes were not to be fully realized, however. Summer acted as a pressure-release valve, allowing students to forget the spirit of protest that had swept through Grounds, and they refocused on more local matters. When students came back to the University of Virginia in the fall of 1970, many wondered if the tensions and violence of the previous semester would continue. YAF warned its members of the upcoming turbulent year: “Can we look for a peaceful term this time? Frank74. “Decisions reached by College of Arts and Sciences regarding exam alternatives,” May 11, 1970, May 1970: Semester Grading and Scheduling Collection, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. 75. “UVA News,” May 23, 1970, 1, May 1970: Strike Publications Collection, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville.

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ly, no…Can anything be done about it? Yes. All it takes is the students of the University united behind the statement: follow radicals when they try to promote confrontations; we will stop them if they attempt disruption or destruction. The University will have peace; we shall 76 YAF captured the mentality of a vast number of students at U.Va. who desired peace; the following year was much calmer. While organizations like the SSOC tried to keep the momentum of the previous year going, the truth was that U.Va. students were tired: “Mobilization efforts against the War in Vietnam were planned for Washington, D.C. and strike coordinators were eager to maintain the momentum and the high energy they had experienced, but the energies of most of the students were spent by this time”.77 The Strike Committee also acknowledged that it had made several mistakes while conducting the strike that contributed to lowered student interest: 1) Too many rallies, some of them ill-timed, with too much rhetoric and no positive steps toward action on concrete proposals, all of which turns off a lot of people who might be interested in working but who get tired of hearing 76. “1970-71 at the U.: Peace or Trouble?” Flyer, n.d., Young Americans for Freedom Collection, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. 77.

speeches over and over again, and 2) a lack of orientation toward future goals and actions. Planning for the future must The student c o n t i n u e, body turned but we must take care their attention away from not to be national obsessed matters with the problems of the present.78 It was the overly radical rhetoric that turned many U.Va. students off from the continued cause of the Strike Committee, a fact that they could not help because of the inherent divide between the opposite ideologies of the New Right, embodied by the Young Americans for Freedom, and the New Left, represented in the Strike Committee and its goals. In the end, the student body turned their attention away from national matters and focused more on changes taking place within the University—namely the enrollment of women as undergraduate students. The moderate-conservative mindset came once again to the forefront of the University community as the different political groups that had made the previous year so fraught with tension receded into the background. While relations between the students and the administration were still strained in Fall 1970, the actions of President Shan78. “How the Strike Started,” Memo, n.d., Strike Committees and Logistics Collection.

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non in the previous semester had done a great deal to repair that relationship. As Kenneth Heineman explains, “The in-

of relationship antiwar students had with university administrators, pro-war students, law enforcement agencies, and community residents determined the mode of dissent as well as the ways in which confrontation unfolded”.79 The local of environment at the University of Virginia was much more comfortable when students returned in the fall; the state police had left, the administration appeared more willing to meet with stuinstitutional greatness was proceeding apace. Things were returning to “normal,” and so the moderate-conservative political viewpoint of the University took over once again. “Remember the University of Virginia!” The role of Southern colleges in anti-war protest is a relatively unexplored topic in the overarching examination of the turbulent 1960s and 1970s. Pre-existing ideas about the political leanings of these schools of their engagement with the war, resulting in a dearth of literature about the Southern mentality during the Vietnam War. While Southern schools may

not have been on the front lines of the student movement and the anti-war movement, they nevertheless played a large role in bringing together students with differing opinions and provided a forum in which those opinions could be expressed. The University of Virginia in particular provided a safe environment in which students could protest without severe consequences and without resorting to violence. This allowed for the student body to question the traditions and teachings upon which their school was built and then use those traditions to move forward as an institution. The students and administration were not caught in a cycle of mutual distrust and hatred, and the different political factions at the University were not allowed to get out of hand because of the overwhelming moderate-conservative focus on the protection of individual ment to keeping U.Va. an open forum for discussion meant that the University was able to move forward while still maintaining its Southern personality. In a time when so many people and organizations were searching to reinvent themselves out of a sense of existentialism, the University of Virginia emerged from the fray to become a world-class educational facility that celebrated its traditions while forging new relationships among students, faculty, administration, and alumni.

79. Heineman, Campus Wars, 124-125. 32

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http://studio1.shanti.virginia.edu/ MDST3703F11/ravenclaw/items/ show/46.

References Secondary Sources: 1. Gilbert, Marc J. The Vietnam War on Campus: Other Voices, More Distant Drums. Westport: Praeger Publishers, 2001. Print. 2. Heineman, Kenneth J. Campus Wars: The Peace Movement at American State Universities in the Vietnam Era. New York: New York University Press, 1993. Print. 3. “Introduction: The Sharon Statement.” First Principles Series. The Heritage Foundation. Accessed December 1, 2014. http://www.her-

primary-sources/the-sharon-statement. Michel, Gregg L. Struggle for a Better South: The Southern Student Organizing Committee, 1964-1969. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. Print. versity: A History of the University of Virginia, 1959 to 1974.” PhD diss., Columbia University, 1993. Print. Rossinow, Doug. The Politics of Authenticity: Liberalism, Christianity, and the New Left in America. New York: Columbia University Press, 1998. Print. The Woodson Archive. “May Days 1970: Protest at the University.” Accessed November 22, 2014.

Primary Sources: 1. Buford, Rob, Peter Shea, and Andy Stickney. May Days: Crisis in Confrontation, A Pictorial Account of the Student Strike at the University of Virginia, May, 1970. Charlottesville: University of Virginia, 1970. Print. 2. Committees and Logistics Collection. Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. The Cavalier Daily, 1966-1972, inclusive. 3. May 1970 Strike: Graduation Collection. Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. 4. May 1970 Strike: Publications Collection. Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. 5. May 1970 Strike: Semester Grading and Scheduling Collection. Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. 6. May 1970 Strike: Statements and Demands Collection. Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. 7. May 1970 Strike: Student Council Referendum Collection. Albert and

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10.

11.

Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. Shannon, Edgar Finley, Jr. May 1970 Strike: President Shannon Correspondence. Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. Students For a Free Society Collection. Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. Young Americans for Freedom and Anti-Strike Committees Collection. Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville. Young Americans for Freedom Collection. Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, the University of Virginia, Charlottesville.

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A Risk Analysis of the Polio Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018 and Future Legacy Planning by Margaret W. Eastham 2014-2015 | Volume 13

Margaret Eastham is a third year student at the University of Virginia, studying Foreign Affairs in addition to Global Culture and Commerce. She spent the fall semester in Geneva, Switzerland studying global health and development policy under the direction of the United Nations, World Health Organization and countless others, where her passion for polio eradication began. Academics aside, Margaret is involved in Alpha Phi Omega at UVa.

Abstract This study is a comprehensive, qualitative analysis of the Polio Eradication and Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 – 2018. Although the world verges on total polio eradication, several key factors must be realized in order to complete four endgame objectives by 2018: detection and interruption of all polio transmission, the strengthening of immunizations systems and withdrawal of acy planning. The alignment of fundamental factors, the Global Polio Eradication Initiative and its institutional partners will make possible the pursuit of these objectives toward the successful eradication of polio. Two factors in particular – country will and funding – will likely be the two

public health issues. Measles illustrates a particularly poignant example, as what will possibly be

Preface and Acknowledgements Every four years, we cheer during the winter Olympics. We vote for a new United States president. We watch the outcome of the next World Cup. However, far more grandiose things can happen in four years than what we watch on the television screen from the comfort of our own homes. In four years, polio – a disease that has swept populations for centuries over – can be entirely eradicated. An abundance of challenges may stand in the way, but nothing that will interrupt the eradication of the wild poliovirus. Four objectives delineated by the Global Polio Eradication Initiative 36

in the Polio Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 – 2018 plot the steps needed to accomplish this initiative and save future generations from the anguish that polio inevitably entails. It is my hope that in spite of the obstacles that will inevitably present themselves, polio eradication efforts nearing cessation. Polio is a disease we often write off in the developed world, assuming that it must have been dealt with by now. Yet hundreds still suffer from a disease that we have the power to stop. In the next four years, eradication is entirely possible – it is our responsibility to ensure the objectives set forth by the Global Polio Eradica-

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ate a polio-free world. This ISP is the culmination of weeks of research, hours in the library and countless cups of coffee. It is with the edge Oliver C. Rosenbauer, spokesman of GPEI and my academic advisor. He offered not only his expertise, but also his extensive network of colleagues to assist me in every aspect of my research. Additionally, I would like to acknowledge all of the other experts who gave their time and knowledge to my research via email, telephone and in person alike. Leilia Dore, Hayatee Hasan, Elizabeth Lamberti, Lisa Menning and Stephen Sosler – thank you the numerous and varied perspectives I was able to incorporate into my research has truly been invaluable. Last but certainly not least, I would like to thank the incredible support system I have been fortunate to have throughout the course of my time in Switzerland. To my wonderful parents, who gifted me the opportunity to study what I love in my newfound home away from home. To my friends, who have offered unconditional support and love my Swiss homestay that has become nothing short of family. To truly experiencing one of the most amazing countries in the world and all it has to offer – thank you to everyone that made it

all possible. Introduction For generations, poliomyelitis has devastated communities around the ognized in 1840, polio was responsible for the paralysis and death of up to half a million people each year before the creation of the Salk Inactivated Polio Vaccine (IPV) in 1955.1 As an often-asymptomatic disease, children living in unsanitary and underdeveloped areas are at a particularly high risk for contracting the virus and spreading it to those around them. Although polio has been eradicated in much of the world, huge gaps still exist in access to lifesaving vaccines for those living in the most at risk areas. Following a global immunization campaign led by the World Health Organization, smallpox was eradicated over thirty years ago.2 to be eradicated as a globally coordinated public health effort, it was reduced from a centuries old endemic to thing of the past through a campaign aimed at vaccinating vulnerable populations and educating them about the abundance of risks associated with 1. Gautam, Kul. "A History of Global Polio Eradication." UNICEF Immunization Files. Accessed October 21, 2014. http://www.unicef.org/immu2. "The Smallpox Eradication Programme – SEP (1966 – 1980)." WHO. May 2010. Accessed October 9, 2014. http://www.who.int/features/2010/smallpox/en/.

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the smallpox virus.3 For only the second time in history, a disease has presented itself as capable of being eradicated entirely. With over 99% of poliovirus already eradicated since the start of the Global Polio Eradication Initiative in 1988, the prospect of complete eradication is entirely attainable by 2018, particularly given recent progress. The GPEI has laid out a strategic plan for meeting this goal, creating not only a polio-free world, but ensuring the infrastructure put in place to eradicate poinitiatives around the world. In 2012, the GPEI outlined their comprehensive Polio Eradication and Endgame Strategic Plan to achieve a polio-free world by 2018. Through the detection and interruption of virus transmission, switch from the Oral Poliovirus Vaccine (OPV) to the Inactivated Poliovirus Vaccine (IPV), containment legacy planning, the GPEI hopes to not only eradicate a disease that has affected millions, but to secure these gains for generations to come. Models similar to that of the Polio Eradication and Endgame Strategic Plan could aid in the treatment and eradication of other diseases in the years to come. eradication efforts could largely beneand its partners. 3. "The Smallpox Eradication Programme – SEP (1966 – 1980)." WHO. May 2010. 38

Progress in India Between 2010 and 2011, the GPEI and other major polio players made incredible progress through their operation in India. A country previously considered unmanageable due to the living conditions of its more than one billion inhabitants and devastating rates of polio incidence, the GPEI and its partners created a remarkable strategy: six days, over 2 million vaccinators, 200 million vials of vaccine, and a country behind the cause. Between stationary, mobile and transit vaccination units, volunteers were able to reach children in every corner of the country on National Immunization Days twice a year.

was due to the ability of the programme to repeatedly reach all children; the use of a new bivalent oral polio vaccine (bOPV); sustained political commitment and accountability; societal support; and the availability of resources needed to complete the job.”4 Largely thanks to the political will of India and the tireless efforts of volunteers, 172 million children were vac4. Thorpe, Devin. "The Secret to Polio Eradication in India." Forbes, March 15, 2014. Accessed October 13, 2014. http://www.forbes. com/sites/devinthorpe/2014/03/15/the-secret-to-polio-eradication-in-india/.

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cinated – accounting for 99.7 percent 5 From a country considered “hyperendemic” in the 1990s – with between 500 and 1000 children becoming paralyzed 2014, their progress is considered incredibly successful.6 “India stopped the transmission of polio. And that was a game changer. There was a sense that this can really be done… because a lot of people thought India would never get there.”7 India merely served as the tipping point in realizing a polio-free world. As communities continue to learn about the importance of vaccinations and acceptance of volunteers through various education campaigns largely set forth by UNICEF, it is possible to extend coverage to the farthest to reach and most at risk populations.8 Vaccinations are not merely a necessity, but a basic human right – however, the political will of remaining endemic countries in 5. Ibid. 6. Jacob, John, T. and Vipin M. Vashishtha. "Eradicating Poliomyelitis: India's Journey from Hyperendemic to Polio-Free Status." Centenary Review Article, 2013, 881 - 94. Accessed October 13, 2014. EBSCO. 7. Murdock, Heather. "The Last Drop." Red Cross Red Crescent 2 (2013): 4 - 9. 8. Rosenbauer, Oliver. Interview with Margaret Eastham. Personal Interview. World Health Organization, Geneva, October 16, 2014.

realizing these efforts as aides to their existing health systems is necessary to making vaccinations possible for those that need them most. As of 2012, the GPEI saw the smallest polio incidence in the fewest number of countries yet. The three remaining endemic countries – Afghanistan, Nigeria and Pakistan – all launched emergency action plans to boost vaccinations, particularly in light of the WHO Director-General declaring the wild poliovirus a PHEIC, or Public Health Emergency of International Concern.9 Although rates of incidence have cases in 2012, the efforts of volunteers ly changed incidence outcomes with over 400 million children vaccinated in the last year alone.10 Through the strategic plan outlined by GPEI, it is possible to eradicate polio by 2018: however, there are an abundance of this paper, I will argue that in light of Polio Eradiation Initiative and its partners have the means to eradicate a 9. Feig, Christy. "WHO Statement on the Meeting of the International Health Regulations Emergency Committee concerning the International Spread of Wild Poliovirus." WHO: Media Centre. April 5, 2014. Accessed October 15, 2014. http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/ statements/2014/polio-20140505/en/. 10. "Polio This Week." Global Polio Eradication Initiative. October 8, 2014. Accessed October 15, 2014. http://www.polioeradication.org/ Dataandmonitoring/Poliothisweek.aspx.

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disease that has plagued populations for centuries, and will leave an infrastructure in place to better carry out future health initiatives around the world. Methodology This research is largely the product of qualitative research, sought through interviews with leading experts in the polio eradication and public

important role in the analysis of these goals and the social and political implications they will inevitably face, qualitative analysis truly covers the broad cultural and societal factors that shape eradication efforts across the globe. The interviews conducted for this research were with leading experts from the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunizations (GAVI), Global Polio Eradication Initiative, Rotary International and the World Health Organization. Each of them offered their time and expertise to provide perspective

circumstances in which these objectives can be achieved for global polio eradication by 2018. Similarly, the Measles and Rubella Strategic Plan 2012 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 2020 plays a comparable role in the analysis of measles elimination in following the polio infrastructure created by the fourth objective of the endgame plan: legacy planning. The Global Vaccine Action Plan created by WHO contributes heavily to both polio and measles analysis and discussion, offering targets for the two in future eradication and ly, it puts forth a framework to prevent countless deaths by 2020 by creating more equitable access to vaccines for people around the world. WHO Bulletin Reviews and varied this research, offering a statistical context. Recommendations garnered from World Health Assemblies and other gatherings of international bodies

addition, they offered numerous other resources to aid in the collection of a well-rounded literature review and framework of analysis. The most referenced document

other eradicable diseases have been overwhelmingly valuable in data collection. This data contributed to the assertions the research was able to conclude, based on its nature as a pri-

was conducted over several weeks in the Geneva area, and heavily analytain and maintain eradication. While

in this proposal is the Polio Eradication and Endgame Strategic Plan, 2013 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 2018. Each of the four endgame objectives is outlined, along with the activities and persons needed for their achievement. The document names

The Oculus

marily qualitative analysis. This research follows a multilateral framework of analysis, focused primarily on developmental and societal conthe four endgame objectives are feasible, developmental implications facing governments with little sustainable infrastructure and weak public health platforms will likely impede progress toward these goals. In addition, societal factors hinder progress toward eradication when local custom, linguistic barriers and a lack of education or initiative often lead to apprehension or uninformed decisions by communities. While social mobilization efforts have been used to combat these typecasts, reviewing objectives from this multilateral framework of analysis is important to creating an all-encompassing depiction of these initiatives at work. Analysis of the Polio Eradication Endgame Strategic Plan Objective I: Poliovirus Detection and Interruption endgame initiative, GPEI plans to interrupt the transmission of any wild poliovirus by the end of 2014. While ambitious, this plan involves building upon endemic countries. In addition to their Emergency Action Plans, innovative solutions to overcome challenges is critical to executing this global objec-

tive as a compliment to what is already being pursued on a more locally de11

In order to make this sweeping plan a reality, it is imperative that global polio surveillance is enhanced, as well as special attention paid to addressing the inherent risks associated with serving the most at risk and insecure populations.12 Afghanistan, Nigeria, and Pakistan all pose obstacles exist in attaining safe public health solutions for the masses. In addition, â&#x20AC;&#x153;this objective also includes stopping any new polio outbreaks due to a circulating vaccine-derived poliovirus 13 tion of the index case.â&#x20AC;? Enhancing prevention and immediate responses to any outbreaks that are a result of OPV are essential to making this goal achievable; however, numerous underlying factors exist that make this goal especially challenging. Geographically, the most at-risk reach based on both logistical and political constraints. There are huge obstacles in reaching every child that has yet to be vaccinated with OPV, especially in areas facing other barriers. In Pakistan, threats against the lives of aid workers have impeded their access 11. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. Geneva: World Health Organization, 2013. 14. 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid.

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to particularly remote populations, especially in the face of escalating conAreas (FATA) of Pakistan pose particupolio cases exist globally, yet in some areas local militant leaders continue to hold more political power than the Pakistani government.14 The militarization of aid and violence against health care workers has taken a serious toll on the efforts of GPEI and its partners. “Medicine is a social service. In war tactics, depriving social services to a population is a military strategy.”15 Transforming militant group perceptions of these aid agenis vital to increasing aid worker security, instead of further blurring the lines areas.16 UNICEF has created a social mobilization network to combat violence against aid workers, in addition to engaging with communities and local leaders to explain and coordinate risk assessments.17 This mobilization involves a range of partners from local to 14. Rosenbauer, Oliver. Interview with Margaret Eastham. November 7, 2014. 15. Shetty, Priya. "Protecting Health-Care Workers in the Firing Line." The Lancet 382, no. 9909 (2013): E41-42. Accessed October 21, 2014. http://www.thelancet.com/journals/ lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(13)62627-6/ fulltext. 16. Ibid. 17. Rosenbauer, Oliver. Interview with Margaret Eastham. October 16, 2014. 42

international levels in coordinating efencourage social change.18 Advocacy by religious leaders has helped to build “ownership and solidarity” for polio eradication, as well as stressing the neutrality of volunteers working in their communities.19 For po- Most of what is reported lio campaigns in regards to in endemic “community countries, vacresistance” cinators are is political always local citizen-volunteers, encouraging community-wide participation in advocacy events, and vaccination drives. GPEI spokesman Oliver Rosenbauer argues that contrary to what the media portrays, most of what is reported in regards to “community resistance” is political: it is less a problem of getting children vaccinated, as it is one of operational issues. “If ten kids are missed resistance to being vaccinated.”20 Increasing global surveillance will play a large role in preventing the other nine from missing their vaccinations. Identifying and tracking marginalized and at-risk populations, specifically migrant and nomadic, is critical to stopping transmission to those most 18. "Social Mobilization." UNICEF: Communication for Development. April 28, 2014. Accessed October 21, 2014. 19. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 47. 20. Rosenbauer, Oliver. Interview with Margaret Eastham October 16, 2014.

The Oculus

at risk – primarily in underserved areas.21 Strategic partnerships with hospitals and their staff are advantageous in documenting cases and strengthening reporting networks to decrease polio incidence. However, surveillance extends beyond populations alone – environmental surveillance is critical to 22

As in India, planning National Immunization Days (NIDs) and Supplementary Immunization Activities (SIAs) in endemic areas to rapidly build immunity will help to interrupt transmission. Mitigating potential outbreaks before they happen is critical in high risks areas, however quality control must be nate marginal populations where access to healthcare is severely limited.23 The GPEI Endgame Strategic Plan SIA quality The response and control to outbreaks can be enhanced: miis just as croplanning important that ensures the incorporation of social mobilization activities and technology; maintaining a trained, professional staff with an awareness of varied cultural factors; scaling up social mobilization networks 21. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 34. 22. Ibid. 23. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 35.

and community engagement efforts; improving monitoring systems; optimizing the distribution of skilled health care workers to better support their governmental counterparts; enhancing global positioning systems (GPS) and geographic information systems (GIS) to identify and document areas of high risk; and lastly, improving operation tactics, such as the use of the Short Interval Additional Dose (SIAD) strategy in remote and at-risk areas.24 While these aforementioned measures promote the prevention and interruption of transmission, the response to outbreaks is just as important – mandatory vaccinations for travellers to and from areas with persistent polio transmission is vital, as prescribed by the International Travel and Health publication by WHO.25 In May 2014, WHO revised its policy recommendations, labeling polio a PHEIC under the counsel of the International Health Regulations. These recommendations, having been adopted by affected countries, urge residents and visitors to receive a booster vaccination before entering or leaving. They not only cover endemic countries, but also Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, Iraq, Israel, Somalia, and the Syrian Arab Republic.26 24. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 36 – 45. 25. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 48. 26. "World – Polio Vaccination for Travellers." WHO: International Travel and Health. June 12, 2014. Accessed October 30, 2014. http://

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Responsibility is shared between various polio endgame strategic partners, as well as with existing on the ground efforts: UNICEF works with social mobilization and vaccine procurement; WHO, with immunization efforts, surveillance and other technical aspects; CDC, echoing WHO with a focus on genetic sequencing and further lab surveillance; and Rotary and organization behind much of the initial push toward eradication.27 While countless other organizations are extensively involved, these four partners of GPEI have been at the forefront of global efforts to eradicate polio entirely. The Independent Monitoring Board oversees the implementation of each of the outlined strategies, as well as the progress reached toward the endgame objectives.

ic countries where public health systems are markedly vulnerable. Aligning with the existing network of international organizations, NGOs and other efforts to combat polio at the local level is the and extent of polio outbreaks.”29 Further developing the infrastructure already set in place by GPEI is the key to maximizing its utility in systematically and strategically reaching those in focus areas of sustained incidence.30 “Because persistent polio transmission has correlated closely with weak immunization services, these same [endemic]

Objective II: Immunization Systems Strengthening and OPV Withdrawal In order to interrupt and ultimately stop the transmission of polio around the world, high immunization coverage is necessary to mediate risks of transmission and impede cVDPV emergence before, during and after OPV withdrawal.28 Bettering current immunization systems is critical to reaching those in the -

under-vaccinated children.”31 Afghanistan, Nigeria and Pakistan are priorities for increased immunization coverage, but Afghanistan, not the only Nigeria and countries in Pakistan are need of a priorities for more-taiincreased lored apimmunization proach to coverage increased immunizations. Through a coordinated effort by GPEI and its other immunization partners, there will be a renewed focus on strengthening the immunization record through more systematic management, microplanning and improved mapping with GIS and GPS,

www.who.int/ith/updates/20140612/en/. 27. Rosenbauer, Oliver. Interview with Margaret Eastham. October 16, 2014. 28. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 51.

29. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 53. 30. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 52. 31. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 53.

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social mobilization of populations through community engagement and local advocacy, and increased monitoring and accountability of immunization records.32 GAVI, a leading enterprise in strengthening immunization systems, brings together “public and private sectors with the shared goal of creating equal access to… vaccines 33 est countries.” The work done by GAVI toward meeting objective two has been complimentary of the efforts by GPEI and its partners in endemic countries and beyond. GAVI gives a voice to the pooled demand of its eligible countries to gain leverage with vaccine manufacturers, offering a guarantee of sustained demand to manufacturers and a realistic price for those most in need.34 With the understanding that vaccinations need to be more than a term systemic development in polio-ridden countries.35 Their involvement in polio eradication initiatives is only as of December 2013, but huge successes have been made in partnership with 32. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 57. 33. "About Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance." GAVI. 2014. Accessed October 31, 2014. http:// www.gavi.org/about/. 34. Sosler, Stephen. Interview withMargaret Eastham. Personal Interview. GAVI Alliance, Geneva, November 7, 2014. 35. Sosler, Stephen. Interview with Margaret Eastham. GAVI Alliance, November 7, 2014.

the endgame goals of GPEI. Of the 126 countries that need to make the switch from OPV to IPV, 71 are GAVI eligible.36 Currently, 66 of them have submitted vaccine applications, meaning a 95% rate of response from countries in need.37 In quarters one and two of 2015, GAVI hopes to roll out IPV vaccinations to these countries, already having success in Nepal in October 2014. However, continuing to strengthen routine immunizations and resource networks remains a huge undertaking in stopping transmission. In 2008, the 61st World Health Assembly concluded that the elimination of paralytic polio required terminating the use of OPV. In its recommendations to the Director-General, the document petitions “to develop appropriate strategies and products for managing these risks, including safer processes for production of inactivated poliovirus vaccine and affordable strategies for its use” and well as “to set a date for the eventual cessation of use of oral poliomyelitis vaccine use in routine immunization programs.”38 The World Health Assembly is not unfounded in making these recommendations: because OPV is derived from a live attenuated virus, approximate36. Ibid. 37. Ibid. 38. "Poliomyelitis: Mechanism for Management of Potential Risks to Eradication." 61st World Health Assembly Resolutions WHA 61.1 (2008): 1-2. Accessed October 31, 2014. http://apps.

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ly one in every 2.7 million children will contract vaccine-associated paralytic polio as a result of being vaccinated with trivalent OPV.39 Although this is a

occurs from tOPV is important until its proposed withdrawal in 2016.42 Additionally, GPEI hopes to introduce at least one dosage of IPV with supplealso mutate and circulate a popula- mentary bOPV doses to at-risk poption, causing an outbreak of cVDPV.40 ulations by the end of 2015, further While statistically OPV is considered protecting those that need to be vacsafe for the masses and has been the cinated most.43 best possible tool to use in vaccination With a target deadline of 2019, campaigns GPEI will in the past, Finding ample manufacturers withdrawal a point and reducing vaccine costs are all bOPV has been top priorities for the change... and begin reached in which will in turn strengthen implementwhich the routine immunization services ing IPV in risks assoall routine ciated with the vaccine outweigh its vaccinations in the years until polio 41 types one and three are formally eradBy mid-2016, GPEI hopes to re- icated. In their 2013 Progress Report, place all tOPV vaccines with bivalent GAVI cites that â&#x20AC;&#x153;global demand for IPV OPV, which protects against polio is expected to increase from approxitypes one and three. In the traditional mately 80 million doses in 2013 to 190 tOPV vaccine, the live type two polio- million in 2016.â&#x20AC;?44 Finding ample manvirus is responsible for most outbreaks ufacturers and reducing vaccine costs of cVDPV, yet is unnecessary since its are top priorities for the change, which eradication in 1999. Consequently, will in turn strengthen routine immuniall type two cases since have been zation services.45 However, extensive a direct result of tOPV itself. Creating preparations must take place to premonovalent OPV type two stockpiles pare countries for the radical changes to use as response capacity in area 39. "Oral Polio Vaccine." GPEI. Accessed November 2, 2014. http://www.polioeradication. org/Polioandprevention/Thevaccines/Oralpoliovaccine(OPV).aspx. 40. "Oral Polio Vaccine." GPEI. Accessed November 2, 2014. 41. Menning, Lisa. Interview with Margaret Eastham. Personal Interview. World Health Organization, Geneva, November 4, 2014. 46

42. Menning, Lisa. Interview with Margaret Eastham. November 4, 2014. 43. Arora, Narendra, ed. "Global Vaccine Action Plan: Assessment Report 2014." 2013. 44. 2013 Progress Report. Geneva: Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunizations, June 2014. 45. 2013 Progress Report. Geneva: Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunizations, June 2014.

The Oculus

linked with making a successful switch in vaccinations. “Given the scope of this vaccine shift, social research will be undertaken in all priority countries to determine acceptability of IPV and, as necessary, develop tailored messages 46 These culturally sensitive approaches to change are important to success in endemic countries. The switch from OPV to IPV is based on programmatic and scientific reasoning, wherein few ethical considerations are at play.47 “Scientists have always understood and acknowledged there are risks in vaccinations – quantifying those risks is important.”48 While OPV is the best vaccination for hard to reach and politically unstable areas, immunization programs will have to be restructured to accommodate IPV as a safer alternative. The safe administration of any injection is important, wherein only trained healthcare workers can administer IPV. In addition, there is no risk of over-vaccination – the only risk is in tOPV itself. cation The containment and safe handling of wild poliovirus and any potentially infectious materials is critical to minimizing the risk of reintroducing the 46. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 62. 47. Menning, Lisa. Interview with Margaret Eastham. November 4, 2014. 48. Ibid.

virus to the surrounding population. After the cessation of routine polio vaccinations, any risk of reintroduction could result in catastrophic consequences, including the reintroduction of cVDPV.49 Increasing regulations around poliovirus facilities will limit the number of essential facilities that have access to the virus worldwide, decreasing risk of reintroduction, and ensuring the standards of global containment are upheld even after the eradication of polio. Certifying any of the six WHO regions as polio free implicates the meeting of three requirements: the absence of wild poliovirus for at least three years in all countries of that region; the preslance in all countries during the three year period; and the completion of stage one biocontainment activities for all facility-based wild poliovirus stocks.50 Stage one of biocontainment is to “complete laboratory survey and inventory activities in all polio-free countries and prepare for the implementation of containment activities prior to 51 These measures for quality assurance and control are vital to the safeguarding any risk of inadvertent or intentional reintroduction, and enhancing long-term security from 49. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 67. 50. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 68. 51. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 70.

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poliomyelitis.52 As of now, four out of the six WHO areas are considered polio free: the Region of the Americas since 1994, European Region since 2002 and the South-East Asia Region since 2014.53 Maintaining stockpiles of vaccines in secure facilities in these areas is important to ensure public safety in the event of an outbreak, even after the eradication of polio. The Global Commission role in sustaining regulatory surveillance during the transitory process.54 Success in objectives two and three are critical to securing a lasting polio free world. Conducting the switch from OPV to IPV in a phase manner than ensures sustained population immunity levels is critical to maintaining objective one.55 Additionally, containment failures risk the successes achieved in stopping transmission and improving immunization networks, such as what was experienced with the reintroduction of smallpox from a containment facility two years after the last reported case in 52. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 68. 53. Initiative. Accessed November 6, 2014. http:// www.polioeradication.org/Posteradication/ 54. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 72. 55. Rosenbauer, Oliver. Interview with Margaret Eastham. Personal Interview. World Health Organization, Geneva, November 7, 2014. 48

1979.56 These risks are less humanitarian in nature than those faced by objective one; however, a coordinated approach to achieving these goals will ensure their success across the board. Objective IV: Legacy Planning eradication, legacy planning will ensure that the investments made in polio eradication will be sustained and built

Without complete success in [objective I], the other three objectives will be futile upon as an asset to other health and development goals. Systematically documenting the work completed by GPEI in an effort to share knowledge with other organizations is critical to minimizing the burdens public health initiatives inevitably face in chronically underdeveloped areas.57 Over the last twenty-six years, GPEI has consistently reached the most vulnerable and underserved populations. Sharing the cultural, geographic, logistic, social and political barriers â&#x20AC;&#x201C; among countorganizations extensively. Legacy planning can be broken streaming polio functions, leveraging the knowledge and lessons learnt, 56. Ibid. 57. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 75.

The Oculus

and transitioning the assets and infrastructures to future health initiatives.58 Mainstreaming polio functions ensures that even after its eradication, polio immunizations continue to take place in a regulated manner that countries adopt from the measures set in place by GPEI.59 In addition, ensuring secure containment of poliovirus to national and international standards remains important in averting risk of reintroduction. Leveraging knowledge through strategic planning and policy development, partnership management and sustained monitoring will ensure that the best practices will continue to be utilized in future health initiatives.60 Lastly, transitioning assets and infrastructure to other organizations through extensive consultation is important to guarantee the proper placement and usage of vital information and resources.61 In the example of smallpox, the infrastructure set in place by volunteers and systemic planning efforts collapsed after its eradication, leaving a considerable network of volunteers,

already in place. Avoiding another such instance in the case of polio will

cause.62 All of these efforts could have been reallocated to other disease prevention programs, allowing this system to continue to operate, maximiz-

Risk Assessment and Discussion

58. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. WHO, 2013. 77. 59. Ibid. 60. Ibid. 61. Ibid. 62. Rosenbauer, Oliver. Interview with Margaret Eastham. November 7, 2014.

extensively – preventing the polio infrastructural system from mimicking the outcomes of its smallpox counterpart is key. “We think that is a huge piece of the polio legacy - to see that the infrastructure is used to help other health 63 ication.” Legacy planning will set in place the infrastructure and resources for future health initiatives to thrive around the world. “…Efforts to achieve polio eradication can be a platform for the delivery of other health interventions and for strengthening health systems overall.”64 Measles is arguably the next eradication initiative on the heels of polio; pursuing targets through the groundwork anti-polio efforts have created. Well-founded knowledge on the legacy polio has made within governments and ministries of health will aid future initiatives immeasurably in aligning health priorities in countries where they are often lacking.

The Global Polio Eradication 63. Thorpe, Devin. "The Secret to Polio Eradication in India." Forbes, March 15, 2014. 64. Goodman, Tracey, Nita Dalmiya, Bruno de Benoist, and Werner Schultink. "Polio as a Platform: Using National Immunization Days to Deliver Vitamin A Supplements." Bulletin of the World Health Organization 78, no. 3 (2000): 305 - 314.

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in their pursuit of the aforementioned objectives. However, given the complications of each, it remains entirely possible – and probable – that polio will be eradicated by 2018. The success of key factors in the pursuit of these objectives is fundamental to the realization of these objectives in any capacity. Objective one is the most critical part of the endgame strategic plan. Given the current political state of Pakistan, it poses the biggest risk to the entire program. “Pakistan is the one place where transmission will not stop if it is not solved now,” argues Oliver Rosenbauer, spokesman of GPEI.65 Paradoxically, increased militarization in the FATA has encouraged populations to relocate, allowing GPEI to vaccinate 600,000 previously unreachable people.66 While militarization is never in the best interest of populations or aid workers, this particular instance has allowed hundreds of thousands to be vaccinated in the area with the greatest amount of polio transmission worldwide, saving hundreds from the ill effects of this virus. Putting special strategies in place to further mitigate the tensions that exist unteers to reach further and further towards the most vulnerable populations. The direct humanitarian consequences that exist in the absence of such are 65. Rosenbauer, Oliver. Interview with Margaret Eastham. November 7, 2014. 66. Ibid. 50

dire, especially in gauging our proximity to eradication. Objective one is the crux of the entire endgame strategic plan: without complete success in this area, the other three objectives will be futile. Populations will always be mobile – amending the endgame strategy to embrace this will reduce the consequences of international poliovirus spread. International travel regulations proposed by the World Health Organization will lessen the risks of such in complying countries. Additionally, surveillance efforts must be enhanced to track migrant and nomadic movement to ensure coverage among particularly susceptible populations. While objectives two, three and four do not entail such dire humanitarian consequences, their success relies on coordinated global implementation through GPEI and its partner institutions. preventing future outbreaks, better utilizing the existing eradication infrastructure and ensuring a polio free world will billion USD is necessary to carry out the four objectives by 2018. As of February 1, 2014, GPEI has an estimated 1.83 billion in donations, with an additional 3.13 billion in commitments, leaving a funding gap of approximately 563 million USD.67 More importantly, success in eradication polio will also be associ67. "Financing." Global Polio Eradication Initiative. Accessed November 10, 2014. http:// www.polioeradication.org/Financing.aspx.

The Oculus

USD will be saved, primarily in developing areas. In the long term, these funds can be used to combat other pressing public health priorities. Rotary International has been at the forefront of private sector mobiliFund Development Advisor Elizabeth Lamberti cites their PolioPlus Program as a fundraising initiative with the greatest possible impact across the board, including an initiative with the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation that doubles every donation by Rotarians up to 35 million USD until 2018.68 In addition, Rotary has increased focus on working closely with governments â&#x20AC;&#x201C; both polio endemic and not â&#x20AC;&#x201C; to raise funds and basis. The distribution of the PolioPlus grants between 2009 and 2013 lent 52% to operational support, 17% to technical surveillance, 13% to surveillance and 9% to social mobilization, among various smaller initiatives.69 The efforts of the PolioPlus Program have aided GPEI tremendously since its inception in 1985, and it continues to be a huge contributor of funds to eradication initiatives. Although there are sizeable milestones and deadlines that need to 68. Lambarti, Elizabeth. Interview with Margaret Eastham. Skype Interview. November 3, 2014. 69. Lambarti, Elizabeth. Email message to Margaret Eastham. November 3, 2014.

be met, polio eradication efforts are on the verge of success. The strategic plan set forth by GPEI and its partners is well founded, setting forth four key objectives and a plan to achieve them by target deadlines. Regardless of the aforementioned obstacles, GPEI is well equipped to deal with the complications that will inevitably arise. However, two key factors outside of their realm of agency are critical to their success: country will and a successful capital campaign. Without the funds to complete these objectives, they will prove unattainable. Furthermore, as indicated by India, country backing is critical to success in vaccination campaigns of any magnitude. While the three remaining endemic countries have proved mobilization efforts and working with governments of all levels and legitimacies will allow polio eradication efforts to continue to take place, reaching the most vulnerable populations while eradication remains wholly attainable. Case Study: Measles The measles virus is a highly contagious disease that kills 122,000 children each year, primarily those under 70 Huge strides have been made in recent years to combat measles, as it is highly preventable with two doses of an inexpensive vaccine. 70. "The Problem." The Measles and Rubella Initiative. Accessed November 13, 2014. http://www.measlesrubellainitiative.org/learn/ the-problem/.

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However, there is still progress to be strategic plan to help further the progress of measles elimination worldwide. The 2012 – 2020 Global Measles and Rubella Strategic Plan outlines ination: achieve and maintain high levels of population immunity by providing high vaccination coverage; monitor diseases using effective surveillance and evaluate programmatic efforts to ensure progress; develop and maintain outbreak preparedness, respond rapidly to outbreaks and manage cases; communicate and engage to build immunization; and lastly, perform the research and development needed to support cost-effective operations and improve vaccination and diagnostic tools. 71 These goals share many of the same traits held by the GPEI in their pursuit of polio eradication. High vaccination coverage, global surveillance, outbreak preparedness among others are commensurate to the objectives outlined by GPEI. These goals are not only working toward elimination, but toward health systems strengthening and equitable access to immunization services – a direct result of the efforts put forth by polio endgame initiatives.72 71. Global Measles and Rubella Strategic Plan 2012 - 2020. Geneva: World Health Organization, 2012. 72. "Global Progress Towards Regional Measles Elimination, Worldwide, 2000–2013." Weekly Epidemiological Record 89, no. 46 52

In the foreword of the Global Measles and Rubella Strategic Plan given by the directors of measles elimination partner institutions, they note how the plan “builds on years of experience in implementing immunization programmes and incorporates lessons from accelerated measles control and polio eradication initiatives.”73 The initiatives taken by measles elimination efforts are the product of success in the polio eradication ity, shared laboratory network learning, integrated reporting and routine immunization services all link the capacities of the two in working together toward shared goals – eradication and elimination of two incredibly contagious and even fatal diseases.74 As polio nears total eradication, measles efforts force and technical capacity from the public health – a huge asset for any health initiative. The Global Vaccine Action Plan (GVAP) advocates for strengthening overall health and immunizations systems. This demand is not only an objective of both the measles and polio strategic plans, but also a direct outcome of the work done through legacy (2014): 509 - 516. 73. Global Measles and Rubella Strategic Plan 2012 - 2020. Geneva: 2012. 74. Goodman, et al. "Polio as a Platform: Using National Immunization Days to Deliver Vitamin A Supplements." Bulletin of the World Health Organization 78, no. 3 (2000).

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planning. This infrastructure of monitoring, surveillance, volunteers and more and other future eradication and elimination initiatives. In response to surveilfocuses heavily on using GIS and GPS systems to support measles and rubella initiatives, in addition to creating a larger platform upon which to build enhanced health systems. Basic public health infrastructures will continue to cation efforts will serve as a platform for health initiatives of every variety. “As the end-game strategy for polio eradication evolves, new opportunities for linkages between polio and measles may emerge.”75 Awareness of these opportunities to improve vaccine reach and program utility is key to making use of the polio eradication platform in the most effective way possible. Immunizations, Vaccines and Biologicals Department at WHO puts the risk in perspective: “Vaccination is not a choice; it is a necessity. If we do not disease and vaccinate more children, it will come back in force.”76

Conclusions Through the Polio Endgame Strategic Plan outlined by GPEI, it is possible to eradicate polio by 2018. Regardarise during the course of these objectives, GPEI and its institutional partners are prepared to tackle these tasks from the grassroots level upwards. While numerous risks exist, those that are most potentially detrimental are funding and country mobilization in eradication initiatives. However, the respective efforts of Rotary International and UNICEF will aid potential complications through auxiliary campaigning. The infrastructure left in place by polio eradication efforts will ofinitiatives of any magnitude around the world. Unlike the collapse of the groundwork set up by smallpox eradication, the considerable network of knowledge and expertise gained by polio efforts will be able to lend to future health initiatives – likely measles in the immediate future, among other unforeseen epidemics and outbreaks. Polio eradication by 2018 is possible: aligning key factors, institutions, policy and the public to combat this disease is imperative to its success.

75. Global Measles and Rubella Strategic Plan 2012 - 2020. Geneva: 2012. 76. Hasan, Hayatee. Interview with Margaret Eastham. Personal Interview. World Health Organization, Geneva, November 4, 2014. 2014-2015 | Volume 13

References 1. 2013 Progress Report. Geneva: Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunizations, June 2014. 2. "About Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance." GAVI. 2014. Accessed October 31, 2014. http://www.gavi.org/ about/. 3. Arora, Narendra, ed. "Global Vaccine Action Plan: Assessment Report 2014." 2013. 4. ication Initiative. Accessed November 6, 2014. http://www.polioeradication.org/Posteradication/ 5. Feig, Christy. "WHO Statement on the Meeting of the International Health Regulations Emergency Committee concerning the International Spread of Wild Poliovirus." WHO: Media Centre. April 5, 2014. Accessed October 15, 2014. http://www.who.int/mediacentre/news/statements/2014/polio-20140505/en/. 6. "Financing." Global Polio Eradication Initiative. Accessed November 10, 2014. http://www.polioeradication.org/Financing.aspx. 7. Gautam, Kul. "A History of Global Polio Eradication." UNICEF Immunization Files. Accessed October 21, 2014. http://www.unicef.org/imlio.pdf. 8. Global Measles and Rubella Stra54

10.

11.

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13.

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tegic Plan 2012 - 2020. Geneva: World Health Organization, 2012. "Global Progress Towards Regional Measles Elimination, Worldwide, 2000â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2013." Weekly Epidemiological Record 89, no. 46 (2014): 509 - 516. Goodman, Tracey, Nita Dalmiya, Bruno de Benoist, and Werner Schultink. "Polio as a Platform: Using National Immunization Days to Deliver Vitamin A Supplements." Bulletin of the World Health Organization 78, no. 3 (2000): 305 - 314. Hasan, Hayatee. Interview with Margaret Eastham. Personal Interview. World Health Organization, Geneva, November 4, 2014. Jacob, John T. and Vipin M. Vashishtha. "Eradicating Poliomyelitis: India's Journey from Hyperendemic to Polio-Free Status." Centenary Review Article, 2013, 881 - 94. Accessed October 13, 2014. EBSCO. Lambarti, Elizabeth. Email message to Margaret Eastham. November 3, 2014. Lambarti, Elizabeth. Interview with Margaret Eastham. Skype Interview. November 3, 2014. Menning, Lisa. Interview with Margaret Eastham. Personal Interview. World Health Organization, Geneva, November 4, 2014. Murdock, Heather. "The Last Drop." Red Cross Red Crescent II (2013): 4 - 9.

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17. "Oral Polio Vaccine." Global Polio Eradication Initiative. Accessed November 2, 2014. http://www. polioeradication.org/Polioandprevention/Thevaccines/Oralpoliovaccine(OPV).aspx. 18. Polio Eradication & Endgame Strategic Plan 2013 - 2018. Geneva: World Health Organization, 2013. 19. "Polio This Week." Global Polio Eradication Initiative. October 8, 2014. Accessed October 15, 2014. http://www.polioeradication. org/Dataandmonitoring/Poliothisweek.aspx. 20. "Poliomyelitis: Mechanism for Management of Potential Risks to Eradication." 61st World Health Assembly Resolutions WHA 61.1 (2008): 1-2. Accessed October 31, 2014.

part2-en.pdf. 21. Rosenbauer, Oliver. Interview with Margaret Eastham. Personal Interview. World Health Organization, Geneva, October 16, 2014. 22. Rosenbauer, Oliver. Interview with Margaret Eastham. Personal Interview. World Health Organization, Geneva, November 7, 2014. 23. Shetty, Priya. "Protecting HealthCare Workers in the Firing Line." The Lancet 382, no. 9909 (2013): E41-42. Accessed October 21, 2014. http://www.thelancet.com/ journals/lancet/article/PIIS01406736(13)62627-6/fulltext.

24. "Social Mobilization." UNICEF: Communication for Development. April 28, 2014. Accessed October 21, 2014. 25. Sosler, Stephen. Interview with Margaret Eastham. Personal Interview. GAVI Alliance, Geneva, November 7, 2014. 26. "The Problem." The Measles and Rubella Initiative. Accessed November 13, 2014. http://www. measlesrubellainitiative.org/learn/ the-problem/. 27. "The Smallpox Eradication Programme – SEP (1966 – 1980)." WHO. May 2010. Accessed October 9, 2014. http://www.who.int/ features/2010/smallpox/en/. 28. Thorpe, Devin. "The Secret to Polio Eradication in India." Forbes, March 15, 2014. Accessed October 13, 2014. http://www.forbes.com/sites/ devinthorpe/2014/03/15/the-secret-to-polio-eradication-in-india/. 29. "World – Polio Vaccination for Travellers." WHO: International Travel and Health. June 12, 2014. Accessed October 30, 2014. http://www.who.int/ith/updates/20140612/en/.

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Abbreviations bOPV: bivalent Oral Poliovirus Vaccine cVDPV: circulating Vaccine-Derived Poliovirus FATA: Federally Administered Tribal Areas GAVI: Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunizations GIS: Geographic Information Systems GPEI: Global Polio Eradication Initiative GPS: Global Positioning System GVAP: Global Vaccine Action Plan IPV: Inactivated Poliovirus Vaccine mOPV: monovalent Oral Poliovirus Vaccine NID: National Immunization Day OPV: Oral Poliovirus Vaccine PHEIC: Public Health Emergency of International Concern SIA: Supplementary Immunization Activity SIAD: Short Interval Additional Dose tOPV: trivalent Oral Poliovirus Vaccine UNICEF: WHO: World Health Organization

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Organic Horizon Nitrogen Pool in the U.S. Mid-Atlantic Through Forest Succession by Rebecca Walker Rebecca Walker is a fourth-year student from Deltaville, Virginia majoring in environmental sciences and anthropology. She is interested in the cycling of carbon, water, and nutrient in forest ecosystems and the impact humans have on these jors thesis in environmental sciences. She would like to thank her mentors Howard Epstein, Jennifer McGarvey, Aaron Mills, and Jonathan Thompson. Following graduation, Rebecca from the University of California, Davis. 2014-2015 | Volume 13

Abstract Throughout the eastern United States, forests are experiencing regrowth, and the sequestration of carbon (C) associated with this regrowth makes these forests a key component of greenhouse gas mitigation strategies (Albani et al., 2006). Through production and decomposition of plant biomass, the C and nitrogen (N) cycles are closely coupled, suggesting that N has a major impact on the cycling of C in N-limited Mid-Atlantic forest systems. The majority of C and N in a temperate forest system is located in the soil organic matter (Templer et al., 2012), so understanding soil N is important for estimating the potential for C sequestration in soils as Mid-Atlantic forests mature (Knicker, 2010). Due to the scarcity of old growth forest stands in the region, previous empirical studies of Mid-Atlantic forests in the old growth stage of succession are in the Mid-Atlantic were sampled to identify differences in soil organic C and N mass and concentrations of nitrate and ammonium. Secondary growth values for these variables were found abiotic factors varying on a regional scale are driving variability seen in these N characteristics. Further, this suggests that as forest stands reach approximately 75 years in age, these N char-

negative correlations with old growth stand age, which suggests that old growth forest stands for soil N and C pools. This study highlights the importance of analyses conducted at the regional-scale for understanding ecosystem-level processes.

Introduction Currently, U.S. Mid-Atlantic forests are experiencing a period of regrowth due to the abandonment of agricultural lands that began in the mid-to-late 1800s (Houghton et al., 1999; Houghton and Hackler, 2000; Albani et al., 2006). As this region reforests, carbon (C) is sequestered in the accumulation of live plant biomass, dead plant biomass, and soil organic matter. Reforestation of the eastern U.S. is therefore considered a key component of greenhouse gas mitigation strategies (Albani et al., 2006). In temperate forest systems, nitrogen (N) plays an important role in determining 58

aboveground primary productivity and resultant C storage (Reich et al., 1997; Weatherall et al., 2006; Baribault et al., 2010). Additionally, the majority of C and N in a temperate forest system is located in the soil organic matter (Mitchell et al., 1975; Levy-Varon et al., 2012; Templer et al., 2012), and a recent study by de Vries et al. (2006) suggests that soil N characteristics may be indicative of the capacity for C sequestration in the form of soil organic carbon (SOC). Thus, developing an understanding of the dynamics of C and N in the soils of temperate forests is essential for making predictions regarding the potential for C sequestration in forests of the Mid-Atlantic (Lovett et al.,

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2002; de Vries et al., 2006; Baribault et al., 2010). The availability of soil N is often the limiting factor for tree growth in temperate forest systems (Weatherall et al., 2006). The C and N pools of a temperate forest system are linked through the production and decomposition of plant biomass (Gorham et al., 1979; Reich et al, 1997; Joshi et al., 2003; Weatherall et Availability al., 2006; Knickof soil N is er, 2010). Nioften the trogen is stored in biomass in limiting the form of varfactor for tree growth ious organic compounds of structural and functional importance to vegetation, including structural and enzymatic proteins and nucleic acids (Knicker, 2010). Plant C uptake is directly linked to N availability because an N-containing enzyme, ribulose-1,5-bisphosphate carboxylase oxygenase (RuBisCO), catalyzes the initial carboxylation process of photosynthesis (Baribault et al. 2010). Aboveground net primary productivity (ANPP) in oak, mesic hardwood, and conifer functional groups of eastern forests has been shown to be directof nitrate and ammonium (Reich et al., 1997; Baribault et al., 2010), as well as soil concentrations of organic N in the form of amino acids (Schimel and Bennet, 2004; Rothstein, 2009).

On time scales ranging from annual to centennial, N and C move from dead plant material to soil material in the form of slowly decomposing coarse woody debris (CWD) and large roots, and more rapidly decomposing leaf the major pathway for returning available N to the soil (Gorham et al., 1979; pool includes woody debris with a diameter less than 10cm, detached leaves, and detached roots and root hairs (Gosz et al., 1972; Staaf and Breg, 1981). Mitchell et al. (1975) found that litter inputs accounted for approximately 40% of annual inputs of N to soil organic matter (SOM) of oak-hickory forests across the southeastern United States, while mycorrhizae accounted for 52.5% and herbivorous waste accounted for 7.5%. In the organic (O) horizon, the uppermost horizon of the soil, litter inputs accumulate and decompose into SOM, at terial can be found (Brady and Weil, 2008). SOM contains both soil organic carbon (SOC) and soil organic nitrogen (SON) (de Vries et al., 2006). SON is largely insoluble and not readily available for uptake by plants (Brady and Weil, 2008). Decomposers break down SON into dissolved organic nitrogen (DON) and inorganic N in the form of and these forms of N are more readily

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available for plant uptake (Lovett et al., 2002; Brady and Weil, 2008). The rate at which decomposers break down SOM is largely dependent on the quality of the SOM (Gosz et al., 1972, Lovett et al., 2002; Brady and Weil, 2008). Indices of good quality include high N concentration, low lignin concentration, and a low ratio of C:N (Brady and Weil, 2008; Vesterdal et al., 2008). Hardwood species can and subsequent litter quality, which can have a dramatic effect on soil N characteristics (Lovett et al., 2002; Vesterdal et al., 2008). N dynamics evolve as stands mature throughout secondary succession. Forest succession is commonly dividphysical and biological characteristics: stem initiation, stem exclusion, understory initiation, and old growth (Bormann and Likens, 1979; Oliver and Larson, 1996). A secondary forest is a forest regrowing after a disturbance and, in the context of the four stages of forest succession, as any regrowing forest that has not reached the old growth stage (Chokkalingam et al., 2003). Mitchell et al. (1975) developed a compartmental model of forest N pools based on data collected from oak-hickory forest in the Great Smoky Mountains of North Carolina transitioning from the understory initiation stage into the old growth stand. The data showed that SON accounted for the 60

majority of N in the system (80.19%), vegetation accounted for 11.4% of total N, soil biota accounted for 3.6%, litter pools accounted for 2.8%, and inorganic N was only 1.8% of the total N pool (Mitchell et al., 1975). The relative sizes of the N pools of a temperate forest system change as a forest ages (Vitousek and Reiners, 1975; Goodale and Aber, 2001). Additionally, the ease with which N can move from one pool to another changes as a stand matures (Mitchell et al., 1975; Ollinger et al., 2001). One simple model of N dynamics through succession proposed by SirĂŠn (1955) and again by Odum (1969) suggests that the total store of N in a system increases with stand age, as N transitions from primarily mobile inorganic forms to static forms including SON, live biomass, CWD, and other plant that SON increases with stand age, Federer (1984) found that in eastern deciduous forests, the soil N fraction varied indeN dynamics pendently evolve as of stand age. The stands mature ratio of C:N throughout has been secondary shown to succession be reduced in old growth stands relative to secondary stands (Gorham et al., 1979; Goodale and Aber, 2001; Ollinger et al., 2001; Meyer, 2008). Meyer (2008)

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argues that this discrepancy is a result of both abiotic factors, such as a cooler, wetter environment due to a denser canopy, and biotic factors, such as a decomposer community adapted to consuming large amounts of dead organic matter and decreased productivity in later successional stages. This causes soil C accumulation to be reduced relative to soil N accumulation. Additionally, as forests transition from the understory initiation stage into the old growth stage of succession, forests rely more heavily on internal cycling of N than external sources, (SirĂŠn, 1955; Odum, 1969; Bormann and Likens, 1979; Ollinger et al., 2001), with internal cycling referring to the senescence of plant material and production of litter in the autumn followed by mineralization of N available for subsequent plant growth (Weatherall et al., 2006). Heavy reliance on internal cycling requires rapid turnover of organic matter and would be suggested by increased rates of N mineralization (Vitousek and Reiners, 1975). Several studies conducted in northeastern hardwood forests have found late successional forests to have higher rates of net N mineralization than younger forests (Goodale and Aber, 2001; Ollinger et al., 2001). Increased mineralization at old growth sites may result from a positive feedback in which the decomposer community develops as the stand ages, and plants respond to increased soil N availability by pro-

ducing foliage with increased N concentrations that in turn result in faster litter turnover and increased mineralization (Ollinger et al., 2001). There remains much uncertainty about the cycling of N in the old growth stage of forest succession. Given the biological role N exercises over C sequestration, addressing this uncertainty becomes increasingly important as greater value is placed on the eastern forests as a means of sequestering atmospheric C. This study will attempt to address two key questions regarding the soil pools of N throughout succession in Mid-Atlantic forests. First, does the N pool in the O horizon increase with stand age, and is the concentration of readily accessible inorganic N in the O horizon of forest systems of the Mid-Atlantic increased in the old growth stage? This study hypothesizes (H1a1) that the N pool in the O horizon will increase with stand age as the O horizon develops and more inorganic N is incorporated into biomass that will largely ultimately become the plant litter and SON and (H1a2) that the concentrations of inorganic N compounds will be greater in old growth forests than in secondary growth forests as a result of the theorized (Ollinger et al., 2001) positive feedback loop between the decomposer community and inorganic N availability. To test these hypotheses, total O horizon N and concentrafrom old growth forest stands and ad-

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jacent secondary growth forest stands were compared. The second question addressed by this study asks if there is a correlation between the amount of C stored within old growth forest stands of the Mid-Atlantic and the quality of the soil in which the forest stand is growing. This study hypothesizes (H2a) that as the quality of the soil increases, indicated by a lower C:N ratio in the O horizon and higher total N and inorganic N concentrations in the O horizon, forest productivity will also increase, resulting in an increase in the amount of C stored within the stand in the form of live biomass, CWD, plant litter, and SOC. To test this hypothesis, the amount of C stored within forest stands were quansoil quality. Methods Study Site Field sites were located throughout the Mid-Atlantic (Figure 1). The Mid-Atlantic refers to the region surrounding the Chesapeake Bay watershed and encompasses all of Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware and parts of West Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey. stand for eastern forests is variable and can be based on stand structure and on successional processes (Wirth et al., 2009; Hoover et al., 2012). For the purpose of this study, an old growth forest 62

Figure 1. Map of the approximate locations of old growth sites in the study area.

nition of old growth: (1) an abundance of large, old stems supplemented with an abundance of large CWD at varying levels of decay; (3) little evidence of anthropogenic disturbance; (4) a multi-layered canopy; and (5) gaps in the canopy associated with large CWD. Any forest stand that did not meet these criteria was considered to be secondary growth. The list of potential old growth sites was compiled from both peer-reviewed and grey literature on old growth stands in the region and discourse with state agencies and land trust and conservation

sites mentioned in peer-reviewed literature. After visitation, 25 sites were chosen and were sampled from May to

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August 2012. The sites chosen for sampling had similar canopy composition, dominated by oaks (Quercus spp.), eastern hemlock (Tsuga canadensis L. Carr), and tulip poplar (Liriodendron tulipifera L.). Field Sampling A ground survey was done at each site to determine the boundary of the old growth stand using the

of stems can be estimated (Minnesota Department of Natural Resources, 2013). The points along the transect were ordered from lowest to highest basal area, and of these points, three or four were selected for further biomass sampling. Surveys attempted to sample approximately 10% of the

were sampled along the transect, three points were chosen for biomass surveys, whereas if > 30 points were sampled along the transect, four points were study. An emphasis was placed on chosen for biomass surveys. To avoid sampling bias and to capture variation - within a stand, the centers of sample ed toward classifying a stand as sec- plots were placed at the 90th, 50th, and ondary rather than old growth. Based 10th percentile of stem density. If four on the ground survey, a map of the points were sampled, the fourth point boundary between the old growth was placed at another median value stand and the surrounding secondary or the next closest value. The sample forest was drawn. This map was used biomass plots were non-overlapping to determine the lo- The sites chosen and 15 m in radius. cation of a transect In each biomass for sampling had that would survey plot, slope and ascanopy pect were recorded, the greatest stand similar area. Thus, the length composition and surveys of live of the sampling transect was variable and dead aboveground biomass were across sites and depended on the size conducted in order to estimate the C and shape of the stand (Figure 2). At stored in biomass. To assess C stored intervals of 15 m along the transect, the total basal area of trees within a visi- cm in diameter at breast height (DBH) ble-radius plot was determined using a cm DBH (diameter-at-breast-height; 1.3 as the area of a tree at breast height m) were considered trees. Stems with a (~1.3 m above the ground), and by DBH of < 5 cm were considered small summing the basal areas of all trees saplings. For each tree, the species, the DBH and the height of the top of the 2014-2015 | Volume 13

canopy were recorded. Heights were measured using an Impulse 200 Laser subplots within the larger sample plot,

at nine sites. However, reliable stand age data are available for each site from which cores could not be taken.

but < 5 cm) were surveyed, recording the species and the DBH of each. To assess C stored within dead cm was measured. For each piece of CWD, decay class and, when possible, species were recorded (Waddell, 2002). For logs (< 45° from ground), the diameters at both ends and the midpoint, and the length of the piece of wood were measured; for snags (> 45° from ground and > 1.37 m height), the DBH and height were measured; and for stumps (> 45° from ground and < 1.37 m height), the length, and top and base diameters were measured (Harmon and Sexton, 1966). All CWD with a diameter > 25 cm within the full sample plot were measured, and CWD with a diameter < 25 cm and > 10 cm within the three 5-m radius subplots were measured. Maximum age of the biomass plots at each stand was determined using 10 tree cores from the dominant overstory trees in the sample biomass plots, determined by locating the trees with the greatest DBH values. Cores were taken using a 40.6 cm bore. When heart rot prevented a complete core from being taken, the tree with the next greatest diameter-at-breast-height was cored. Because of the ecological 64

Figure 2. An example of a transect and plot layout for old growth aboveground biomass and placed to cover the greatest total area within the stand boundary (solid line). Basal area was estimated at sampling points (empty squares) placed 15 m apart and from this, three to four 30 m diameter biomass plots (circles) were placed at sampling points. (B) Within each biomass plot, all large CWD and live stems > 5 cm DBH were recorded. Additionally, three 10-m diameter subplots (small circles) were surveyed for medium CWD and live stems 1- 4.9 cm DBH. At the center of three subplots in each plot, soil samples (gray squares) were collected. (C) In collected.

At each plot, soil samples were collected from two points located along 10-m vectors from the centers of the biomass plots in randomly selected cardinal directions. Soil samples were collected from the O horizon within a 0.09-m² frame (Burton and Pregitzer, the low density, dark colored, upper-

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most layer of the soil. After collection, samples were homogenized. To determine the average depth of the O 0.09-mÂ˛ frame at each sampling point using a 2.5-cm diameter corer. To estimate the bulk density of the O horizon, additional samples were collected from the O horizon within a 0.01-mÂ˛ area from a subsample of old growth stands (n=7). Soil samples were collected using the Soil samples same methwere collected odology in from the O secondar y horizon stands adjacent to each of the old growth forest stands. Sampling points in the secondary plot shared similar slope, aspect, and topographic position with sampling plots in the adjacent old growth site. Soil samples were placed on ice after collection and were taken to the lab to be frozen within 72 hours after collection. Laboratory Analysis Tree cores were dried, mounted, and sanded, and the uni-slide tree ring measuring device (Velmex, Inc., stereozoom microscope were used to count tree rings. Maximum stand age (henceforth referred to as stand age) was estimated by using the maximum age of trees cored for each site. To process soil samples, each sample was defrosted for ~30 minutes and passed

through a 2-mm sieve to remove rocks, roots, and other large pieces of organic matter. Subsamples of soil were dried ing a ball mill, and analyzed using a CE elemental analyzer (CE Elantech, Inc., Lakewood, NJ) in order to estimate SOC and SON. Subsamples of the remaining soil that was refrozen after processing were analyzed for concentrations. The concentration was determined by using a 2 M KCl exby spectrophotometric analysis using the indophenol method (Strickland and Parsons, 1972). In order to determine the concentration, was extracted using water as the extracting reduction method (APHA, 2005). Data analysis To calculate the mass of SOC and SON in the O horizon, the following formula was used (Amundson 2001): MO = XO x BDO x zO Where MO is the mass of SOM, XO is the concentration of SOC or SON, BDO is bulk density, and zO is the depth of the O horizon. Aboveground live biomass C was estimated using generalized allometric equations developed by Jenkins et al. (2003) and Lambert et al. (2005). Equations developed by Harmon and Sexton (1996) were used to estimate C storage in

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aboveground dead biomass. t-tests were used to compare the mean values of SON, C:N, and nitrate and ammonium concentrations in old growth and secondary growth forest sessed at p < 0.05. The second hypothesis was tested using linear regressions in order to determine if any of the indices of soil quality (the C:N ratio of the O horizon, the mass of SON in the O horizon, and the inorganic N in the O horizon) ed with the amount of C stored in total biomass and individual C pools (aboveground live biomass, aboveground dead biomass, and SOC). In order to account for the effects of variation in species composition between different stands on soil N characteristics, stands were additionally grouped by by McGarvey (2013) for this sample of old growth sites, and correlations between C storage and soil N were analyzed within stands of similar tree species composition. A principal components analysis (PCA) was run on the full data set, which included the N characteristics, the values for the measured C pools, and abiotic site characteristics in order to explain variance observed in the data. Values for nitrate concentration were compared to historic nitrate deposition data obtained from the National Atmospheric Deposition Program (NADP). Spatial 66

analysis was performed by interpolating nitrate deposition data using using ArcMap 10.1 GIS software and comparing average nitrate concentration values from old growth sites. Historic nitrate deposition data from 1985 was selected for interpolation. Results Paired Secondary Growth vs. Old Growth At several sites considered to be old growth in this study, the estimated maximum stand age was less than 150 years, the age typically considered to be the minimum age for a stand classicence and mortality, the oldest stems in a stand may be found in the form of CWD, which was not cored. This issue is ubiquitous throughout old growth research (Yamaguchi, 1991; et al., 2013). Because of uncertainty in the estimate due to sampling methodology, and because this study did not debut instead by a range of structural characteristics assessed at each site, several sites with estimated maximum stand ages less than 150 years were still considered to be old growth sites. Across old growth sites, total O horizon N ranged from 195.1 to 27,292.1 kg-N/ha, with an average value of 6,154.8 kg-N/ha. Two-tailed paired t-tests found no statistical differences between concentrations of inorganic N species in old growth and

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Figure 3a-d. Average values for (a) nitrate concentration, (b) ammonium concentration, (c) N fraction (%), and (d) C:N ratio for each sampled old growth (blue) and adjacent secondary growth (red) stand. Stands are ordered from youngest to oldest by old growth stand age. T-tests found no statistical difference between values from old growth and secondary growth stands for either inorganic N species, the O horizon N fraction, or the C:N ratio.

Figure 4a-c. Linear regressions found that the values for (a) the N fraction (y=0.703x+0.357), (b) the C:N ratio (y=0.565x+9.018), and (c) the ammonium concentration (y=1.019x+18.572) in the secondary growth p < 0.00) with the values in the old growth stand.

secondary growth forests (Figure 3ad). Similarly, no differences were found between the N fraction or the C:N ratio of old growth and secondary growth forests when compared using twotailed paired tests. When compared

was observed between the depth of the O horizon in old growth and secondary growth stands. Values for the O horizon C:N ratio, N fraction, and ammonium concentra-

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tion in secondary growth stands were relationship (p < 0.00; R2 = 0.590, R2 = 0.487, and R2 = 0.784, respectively) with the values in the old growth stands ship was observed between the old growth and secondary growth nitrate concentrations. N dynamics along Old Growth Chronosequence R linear correlation was run comparing the O horizon SON pool to stand age for old growth forests p < 0.001), with SON decreasing slightly with stand age (R = -0.378) (Figure

Figure 5. Average O horizon SON pool (kg-N/ ha) and stand age of old growth forests. A PearR p < 0.001) slightly negative correlation (R = -0.378). A p = 0.035) strong negative correlation (R = -0.462) between old growth stand age and average O horizon depth (Figure 6) was observed.

either the C:N ratio, the SOC pool, or inorganic N species in the O-horizon and stand age were found. Soil Quality Indices and Carbon Storage R [RW1] linear correlation was run in order to determine if the measured soil quality indices (nitrate concentration, ammonium concentration, N fraction, and C:N) were amount of C stored within old growth forest stands of the Mid-Atlantic. cant correlation was found between any of the four soil quality indices (nitrate concentration, ammonium concentration, N fraction, and C:N) and the total C stored within the system (the sum of aboveground live biomass 68

Figure 6. Relationship between average O horizon depth (cm) and stand age of old growth R linear correlation found a sigp < 0.035) slightly negative correlation (R = -0.462).

C, aboveground dead biomass C, p = 0.004) weakly positive relationship was observed between the ammonium concentration and dead biomass C (R = 0.240). However, this correlation was driven by samples from one stand where soil conditions were wet, which likely led to increased microbial activity and subsequently higher con2014), and contained large quantities

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of dead wood due to recent hemlock mortality resulting from an outbreak of hemlock wooly adelgid. When this site was excluded from the analysis, no sigorganic horizon N fraction was found p = 0.031) positive correlation with the SOC pool (R p< 0.001) strong positive correlation (R = 0.599) was observed between the SOC pool and the depth of the O horizon. Species Effects A one-way ANOVA test was run in order to determine if dominant species cover could account for the observed variation in the O horizon N pools that was not explained by forest stand successional stage. Old growth stands were divided into four dominant species covers: (1) white oak/tulip poplar, (2) tulip poplar, (3) hemlock/chestnut oak, (4) sugar maple/red oak. The ANOVA analyses found that the O horizon ammonium concentration, N fraction, and C:N ratio (p < 0.001) cies cover (Figure 8a-c). Tulip poplar stands were found to have the highest ammonium concentrations and hemlock/chestnut oak stands were found to have the highest C:N ratio. Further Explanations of Variability Because the variation in the concentration of nitrate in the O horizon of old growth stands cannot be explained

Figure 7. Relationship between average SOC (Mg-C/ha) and N fraction for the O horizon of old p = 0.031) strongly positive correlation (R = 0.4566).

by either forest stand successional stage or dominant species cover, spatial analysis was performed in order to determine if historic atmospheric nitrate deposition could explain the observed nitrate variation. This analysis indicated that variation in nitrate concentration is not correlated with historic atmospheric nitrate deposition. was only able to explain 18.5% of the observed variance and suggested an interaction between elevation and O horizon C and N content. The second PC explained 12.0% of the observed variance in the data set and consisted of positive values for stand age, dead wood biomass, and negative values for live biomass. The third PC, explaining 10.2% of variance, was an aggregate of slope and ammonium. None of the PCs dominated, and sites did not differentiate themselves along PC axes, highlighting the complexity of interaction between biotic and abiotic factors.

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Discussion Nitrogen Status through Forest Succession The results of this study indicate that, in Mid-Atlantic forests, the SON pool of the O horizon does not increase with stand age. These results model of N through forest succession, which theorized that the SON pool would increase with stand age. However because the negative trend in total O horizon N with stand age is largely driven by high values from 150 year-old tulip poplar stands and low values from one 350 year-old site, it can not be conclusively said that the SON pool decreases in the old growth successional stage. Rather, based on the direct linear correlation between the N fraction of the old growth and

characteristics of the dominant overstory species. Similar to the O horizon N fraction, no statistical difference between old growth and secondary stands was observed for the C:N ratio of the O horizon. However, when the C:N ratio of the old growth stands was plotted against stand age, representing a continuum from approximately 100 years to over 350 years, no trend was observed. This is inconsistent with the results of Goodale and Aber (2001), Ollinger et al. (2001), and Mayer (2008), all of which observed a narrowing of the C:N ratio with increasing stand age. These studies cite more and decreased stand productivity as explanations for the narrowing of the C:N ratio. Importantly, this study differs from previous studies methodological-

Figure 8a-c. Box plots for each dominant species cover for (a) ammonium concentration, (b) N fraction, cover.

the secondary growth pools and the results of the ANOVA, which found that N fraction of the O horizon varied sigit is more likely that the N fraction is con-

ly, considering only the C:N ratio of the O horizon instead of both organic and mineral soil. Analyses that found C:N ratios of soil O horizons across the dominant species cover indicate that

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enced by the foliar chemistry of annual litter production, while long-term patterns associated with increasing stand of the deeper mineral horizon. This rethan the O horizon. Further research considering the mineral horizon in addition to the organic horizon would clarify how Mid-Atlantic soil C:N ratios are changing with forest succession. In conNo statistical trast to hydifference pothesized between old results based growth and on a more secondary stands was composer observed c o m m u n i t y, inorganic N species concentrations in the O horizon also showed no statistical difference between old growth and secondary stands. Similarly, Fisk change in the nitrate concentration with stand age. Goodale and Aber (2001) found increased rates of both mineralization and immobilization in old growth sites relative to disturbed sites er communities are present in the old growth sites of the Mid-Atlantic, the increase in inorganic N concentrations as a result of increased mineralization could be balanced by the decrease inorganic N concentrations as a result

of increased immobilization, with the net effect being the observed similarity in the concentrations of inorganic N in secondary and old growth stands. This study observed a strong correlation between concentrations of ammonium between secondary and old growth sites. This suggests that changes in the activity of the microbial community in relation to N cycling with stand age are mediated by site-speanalysis indicate slope, aspect, and topographic wetness index as potential drivers of inorganic N constituents concentrations. This suggests that wetness and temperature play a role in controlling the development of a microbial community as a stand ages. O horizon ammonium conceninant species cover, while O horizon nitrate concentration was found to vary independently of dominant species cover. This observed difference in the relation of inorganic N species to forest community is likely because the produces ammonium, which then must be converted by microbial activity to nitrate. This links concentrations of ammonium more closely to the decomposition of plant litter, while concentrations by the activity of nitrifying bacteria. Another factor that is potentially confounding nitrate concentrations is the spatial location of the study re-

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gion. The Mid-Atlantic is located within the windshed that has historically been the region of the country with the highest rate of atmospheric nitrate deposition as a result of industrial pollution in the Great Lakes region and in Pennsylvania (NADP, 2012). However, nitrate concentrations were shown through spatial analysis not to be linked to historic trends in atmospheric nitrate deposition. The inorganic pool of soil N is highly ephemeral, so deposited N compounds are likely to be rapidly assimilated into microbial and vegetative biomass or lost from the ecosystem through leaching. Reductions in atmospheric nitrate deposition rates since the end of the 1970s are also likely responsible for reducing the observable effect of atmospheric nitrate deposition in the Mid-Atlantic (Lynch et al., 1996). However, it has been demoncantly increase the concentration of N in foliage and subsequent litter, thus narrowing C:N ratios in both biomass and soil (Gundersen et al., 1998). Further spatial analysis of the distribution of O horizon C:N ratios and total C and N might provide further insight into the long-term effects of N deposition in the Mid-Atlantic and how this has inSecondary growth values were growth values for the N fraction, the C:N ratio, and the ammonium concentration of the O horizon. This indicates 72

that factors that vary regionally, including abiotic factors such as temperature and wetness and biotic factors such as species composition, are driving the variability seen in these three N characteristics. Further, based on historical land use data (Albani et al., 2006), we can assume that the majority of our secondary growth stands are approximately 75 years old. This suggests that when a stand has been regrowing for approximately 75 years, nitrogen characteristics such as the N fraction, C:N ratio, and ammonium concentration of the O horizon are largely established otic variables and will experience only minimal changes as the stand ages. Soil Quality Indices and Carbon Storage In contrast to what was hypothesized, none of the measured soil quality indices in this study were shown to be storage. This highlights that, although the N and C cycles are closely-coupled, interactions with biotic factors, such as microbial species composition and forest species composition, and abiotic factors, complicate the relationship between limiting nutrients and biomass. The positive correlation between the N fraction and the depth of the O horizon indicates that as the size of the SOC pool increases, the C:N ratio is not constant. This is further supported

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by the negative correlation between C:N ratio and the size of the SOC pool. Organic matter of the O horizon consists of dead vegetative biomass microbial biomass. The observed stoichiometric trend suggests an increase in the proportion of microbial biomass and more decomposed litter in the O horizon, which would have a lower C:N ratio relative to newly deposited leaf this would result in a relatively higher N fraction in the O horizon, implying that as the amount of SOC stored in the O horizon increases, a proportionally larger microbial population could be supported. The negative correlation between old growth stand age and the depth of the O horizon, but the lack of difference between the depth of the O horizon in secondary growth and old growth stands, suggests that O horizon depth increases with stand age as organic matter accumulates until a stand reaches the old growth stage, during which time the depth of the O horizon declines. The size of the O horizon is the product of litter inputs and the rate of decomposition. Factors leading to a reduced O horizon depth in the old growth stage include a decrease in litter inputs resulting from either a decline in stand productivity, changes in biotic factors such as canopy species composition and the associated decomposability of foliar litter, abiotic factors

resulting from changes in microclimate as the structure of the forest changdecomposer community, is able to more rapidly break down organic matter. Litter biomass shows no trend with stand age, implicating biotic or abiotic changes, a more mature microbial community, or a combination of these factors. The N fraction was shown to decline with stand age during the old growth stage of succession. Possible explanations for this decline include a loss of N from Mid-Atlantic forests through leaching from the system as the stand ages and productivity plateaus (McGarvey, 2013), or due to a reduced microbial population, which is possibly as a result of the decreased size of the O horizon. Reduced O horizon depth indicates a reduction in the input to the SOC pool of mineral horizons as a stand reaches the old growth stage. Because SOC is the largest C pool in temperate forests (Levy-Varon et al., 2012; Templer et al., 2012), reduced inputs to this pool could have important implications for the potential for C sequestration in Mid-Atlantic forests. Further, declining microbial biomass reduces the size of the microbial N sink in the Mid-Atlantic, potentially resulting in increased mineralization and leaching from these forests. The consequences of a loss of this N sink would have important implications on both a regional (Kinney and Valiela,

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2011) and global level, as management of N becomes more pressing with a rising global population dependent on N fertilizer-based agriculture (Galloway et al., 2008). As Mid-Atlantic temperate forests continue to recover and more stands reach the old growth cient decomposition will have increasingly important implications for Mid-Atlantic N and C sinks. Conclusions This study generated a unique dataset representing the variation in O horizon N pools within remaining old growth forests of the Mid-Atlantic. Although on average it only represents approximately the top 5 cm of forest soils, the O horizon has been shown to account for as much as 30% of carbon stored within Mid-Atlantic forests (McGarvey, 2013), making understanding interactions between N and C pools in this soil horizon crucial. This dataset provides important information regarding how the O horizon N pools will change as forests of the Mid-Atlantic approach the old growth stage. The results of this study suggest that ammonium concentration, C:N ratio, and N fraction are controlled not by stand age but instead by interactions between forest community composition and microbial decomposer community, and also that these factors vary at a stand-level scale. Thus, 74

patterns of N cycling are largely established during preliminary stages of forest succession and experience only minimal change as the stand matures further. This highlights the need for further research based on regional-level analysis of variation of forest soil N pools in order to better understand the effect of forest community composition on stand N dynamics. Additionally, spatial analysis of the distribution of soil and foliar C:N values relative to historic patterns of N deposition will provide further insight into how N deposition may have altered soil C and N pools in Mid-Atlantic forests. Variation in nitrate concentrations could not be attributed to successional stage, species effects, or N deposition. Soil nitrate a complicated interaction between multiple biotic and abiotic factors, and further research is needed to better understand the mechanisms controlling variability in nitrate concentrations. ences were observed between the N fraction, SON, or O horizon depth of old growth and secondary stands, all three of these variables were found to with stand age within the old growth stands. Because tree cores were not taken from secondary growth sites, a chronosequence representing all stages of forest succession could not be developed, but these results do indi-

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poser community as stands enter the old growth stage of forest succession, tions for both soil N and C pools as forests of the Mid-Atlantic reach the old growth stage.

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Biol., 12: 1151–1173. 13. Federer, C. A. Organic Matter and Nitrogen Content of the Forest Floor in Even-aged Northern Hardwoods. Canadian Journal of Forest Research 14.6 (1984): 763-67. 14. Finzi, A. C., N. Van Breemen, and C. D. Canham. Canopy Tree-Soil Interactions within Temperate Forests: Species Effects on Soil Carbon and Nitrogen. Ecological Applications 8.2 (1998): 440. 15. Fisk, M. C., D. R. Zak, and T. R. Crow. Nitrogen Storage And Cycling In Old- And Second-Growth Northern Hardwood Forests. Ecology 83.1 (2002): 73-87. 16. Galloway, J. N., A. R. Townsend, J. W. Erisman, M. Bekunda, Z. Cai, J. R. Freney, L. A. Martinelli, S. P. Seitzinger, and M. A. Sutton. Transformation of the Nitrogen Cycle: Recent Trends, Questions, and Potential Solutions. Science 320.5878 (2008): 88992. 17. Goodale, C. L., and Aber, J. D., (2001). The long term effects of land-use history on nitrogen cycling in northern hardwood forests. Ecological Application, 11: 253-267. 18. 19. Gosz, J. R., Likens, G. E., and Bormann, F. B., (1972). Nutrient content of litter fall on the Hubbard Brook Experimental Forests: New Hampshire. Ecology, 53:769-784. 20. Gorham, E., Vitousek P. M., Reiners, W. A., (1979). The regulation of 76

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H., Miller, E. K. (2003). Nitrogen availability and forest productivity along a climosequence on Whiteface Mountain, NY. Canadian Journal for Canadian Forests, 33: 1880-1891. 28. Kinney, E.L., and I. Valiela. 2011. Nitrogen loading to Great South Bay: Land use, sources, retention, and transport from land to Bay. Journal of Coastal Research 27:672-686. 29. Knicker, H. (2010). Soil organic N - An under rated player for C sequestration in soils? Soil Biology and Biochemistry, 43: 1118-1129. 30. Levy-Varon, J. H., W. S. F. Schuster, and

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Contribution to Soil Respiration in a Northern Temperate Deciduous Forest. Oecologia 169.1: 211-20. 31. Lovett, G.M., K.C. Weathers, and M.A. Arthur, (2002). Control of nitrogen loss from forested watersheds by soil carbon:nitrogen ratio and tree species composition. Ecosystems, 5: 712â&#x20AC;&#x201C;718. 32. Lovett, G. M., K. C. Weathers, M. A. Arthur, and Jack C. Schultz. Nitrogen Cycling in a Northern Hardwood Forest: Do Species Matter? Biogeochemistry 67.3 (2004): 289308. 33. Lynch, J.A., V.C. Bowersox, and Trends in Precipitation Chemistry in the United States, 1983-94 an Analysis of the Effects in 1995 of Phase I of the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1990, Title

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nical Information Service. 40. 41. NADP National Trends Network Data, Rep. Champaign, IL: National Atmospheric Deposition Program, 2012. Web. 02 Feb. 2014 42. Odum, E. P., (1969). The strategy of ecosystem development. Science, 164 (3877): 262-270 43. Oliver, C.D., Larson, B.C., 1996. Forest stand dynamics. John Wiley and Sons, New York, NY. 44. Ollinger, S. V., Smith, M. L., Martin, M.V., Hallett, R. A., Goodale, C. L., and Aber, J. D. (2001). Regional Variation in foliar chemistry and N cycling among forests of diverse histories and composition. Ecology, 83(2): 339-355. 45. Pederson, N., (2010). External Characteristics of Old Trees in the Eastern Deciduous Forest. Natural Areas Journal, 30: 396–407. 46. Reich, P. B., Grigal, D. F., Aber, J. D., Gower, S. T. (1997). Nitrogen mineralization and productivity in 50 hardwood and conifer stands on diverse soils. Ecology, 78: 335347. 47. Rothstein, D., (2009). Soil amino-acid availability across a temperate-forest fertility gradient. Biogeochemistry, 92(3): 201-215. 48. Schimel, J.P., Bennett, J., (2004). Nitrogen mineralization: challenges of a changing paradigm. Ecology, 85: 591-602. 49. Siren, G., (1955). The develop78

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Pet Burials and Cremation in Modern Virginia by Caitlin Hepner Caitlin Hepner is a fourth year from Lexington, Virginia double majoring in Anthropology and Archaeology. She authored this paper as the culminating thesis for her Anthropology capstone seminar, which focused on human-animal relationships. She hopes to use her studies in contemporary and past human culture in order to pursue a career in Archaeology or Museum Studies. Caitlin would like to thank her professor and advisor, Carrie Douglass, for her encouragement and aid in developing this research project. 80

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Abstract Although humans of all cultures have had prolonged and intense contact with animals for thousands of years, the modern western concept of pet-keeping is a fairly recent phenomenon, becoming widespread in Europe, the United States, and other cosmopolitan regions of the world within only the last century. Pets occupy a special category within western culture -- they are companions and friends to humans, but, more recently, they have become like family members. As this shift occurred, and pets began to occupy this category between “human” and “animal,” pet mortuary practice came to mirror human mortuary practice. This assertion is grounded in the existing anthropological literature surrounding the topic of pet funerary practice, and evaluated by conducting research at a variety of pet cemeteries and crematoria throughout rural and suburban Virginia. The research utilizes objective observation and statistical analysis to identify changes in the wording on markers in the latter half of Virginians and their pets. Next, it employs the ethnographic technique of informal interview, speaking with several pet cremation service providers from around the state in order to shed light on the more recent shift from pet burial to cremation, and the connection between human and pet mortuary practice. The data support the claims that Virginians have increasingly come to view their pets as more “human,” and that changing practices with regards to pet commemoration illustrate this shift in conceptualization.

Introduction Why is it that in modern American culture the bodies of certain animals must be so carefully and elaborately dealt with upon their death? Though humans have a long history of contact with animals, the social category of “pet” is a fairly recent phenomenon. Ironically, it originated during the late 19th century, when Europe and the United States became more urbanized. This left people more distant from everyday contact with domesticated animals on the farm as well as those living in the rural wilderness. Only a select few species, principally cats and dogs, made the transition from country to city with their owners. As Yi-Fu Tuan (1984) explains, the animals in this new category of “pet” performed, “no other function

than as playthings.” Additionally, urban living, with its isolating “private spheres” caused city dwellers to crave an outlet for their “gestures of affection” which the less segmented social network of rural society. With few other duties to of a “plaything,” as well as provide a source of emotional attachment. occupied a unique social category in relation to humans. Pets were indeed considered property, as farm animals had been in the past. However, they came to be viewed not only as objects of entertainment, but also as family members to whom their owners felt a genuine emotional attachment.

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As pets came to be considered more “human” in American culture, owners felt increasingly compelled to treat them as such when they died. Therefore, in this society, trends in animal burial should mirror trends in human burial. Just as a modern American would be unlikely to consider discarding the body of a loved one unceremoniously as trash, or burying it in a random, unmarked grave, he or she would be equally unlikely to do so with a beloved family pet. The focus of the study will be a series of Virginia towns and cities, which will provide data to evaluate the above claim using evidence collected from a number of pet cemeteries and crematoria in the area. Review of the Literature canonical study of the cultural implications of gravestone design trends in Colonial America, Stanley Brandes applied similar techniques to the Hartsdale Pet Cemetery, and outlined his conclusions in the 2009 paper entitled, “The Meaning of American Pet Cemetery Gravestones.” Owners have been interring their beloved pets in Hartsdale, located about twenty miles north of New York City, for over one hundred years. Ultimately, he argues that these trends in gravestone design demonstrate that as American society has shifted demographically throughout the 20th century, its conceptualization of pets has also transformed, so 82

that this class of animals has become a part of the family, and by extension, in grave markers at Hartsdale that illuminate these changes. First, the markers display a shift in naming patterns from nonsensical, such as, “Trixie, Rags, Jaba, Bunty, Boogles, Teko, Dicksie, Snap, Punch, Bébe, and more recognizably human names, like, “Maggie, Rebecca, Estrellita, Jasper, Chelsea, Jacob, Ronnie, Fred, Alex, Marcello, Oliver, Lucas, Max, and Timothy,” following the second World War (Brandes:2009:103,105). Second, are often described as “friends” on their gravestones, throughout the second half, language of kinship, such as “My Baby,” or “The Third Member of this Family,” becomes increasingly popular. Some markers show pets taking on their ically relating the pet to the owner subsequent This class of to World animals has War II is the become a part increasing of the family inclusion and by of religious extension, symbolmore human ism on pet grave markers. Scripture verses, engravings of the Star of David, and phrases similar to , “Until we Meet Again in Heaven,” all imply that pets were thought to

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have a soul, and to be capable of reaching the afterlife. Brandes determines that these three changes in pet representation in death ultimately illustrate the way in which human/animal distinction has broken down for this category of animals. Throughout the second half of the 20th century, demographic shifts -increasing A higher divorce proportion of Americans rely rates, marriage at on pets to alleviate their later ages, and lonlonliness ger life exand serve pectancy as significant resulting in others more widows and widowers -- have caused a higher proportion of Americans to rely on pets to alleviate their loneliness and ten wait longer to start a family, and have fewer children, leaving them with empty nests at an earlier age. Americans have therefore become more likely to take on a pet as a stand in for a child. He concludes that, “It is the marked prevalence and intensity of the family bond with animals, together tory distinctions between animals and humans among growing segments of society, that characterize present-day pet ownership in America,” and that materially at Hartsdale Pet Cemetery

(Brandes:2009:116). Recently, in countries where pet keeping is common, trends in pet funerary practice have changed, seemman funerary practice. As outlined by Stephen Prothero (2001), human cremation has boomed in America since 1963 due to a number of reasons . This year, the Catholic Church relaxed its ban on cremation, which had been in place since 1886. It now merely strongly discouraged the practice, instead of condemning it as a sin. Secondly,since 1963, there has been a backlash against the ostentatiousness and conspicuous consumption of the mainstream funeral of the post-World War II period, which included expensive caskets and tombstones, embalming, visitations, and elaborate memorial services. in the funeral business, as the bereaved began to turn towards cremation for its minimalism and practicality. Additionally, spurred the adoption of cremation by the American people as a way to protect the earth. One pro-cremation slogan from the era went so far as to say , “Save the Land for the Living,” (Prothero: 2001: 178). By 1999, one in four people in America were being cremated. Ashes could be spread in exotic or meaningful locations, or incorporated into momentous objects, such as shotgun shells or golf clubs. This turn illustrated a desire in the American people for

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a customizable, “fun funeral,” which was celebrated the life of the deceased individual. Prothero explains, “For themselves and their parents, baby boomers demanded rites that were cheerful rather than gloomy, plain rather than gaudy, private rather than public, informal rather than traditional,” and the process of cremation allowed them to achieve this type of memorial (Prothero: 2001: 201). Recent work by Chur-Hanson et al (2011) suggests that this shift has also affected pet funerary practice. The study took place in Australia, but discussed broader implications for all English speaking countries, including America. It explored bereaved Australian cremation over burial. Familiar themes regarding the relationship between owners and pets emerged, such as the comparison of pets to children, and the desire to provide pets with a funerary rite equal to that of a human. Many participants A desire in cited practhe American tical reasons people for a customizable, for choosing “fun funeral” c r e m a t i o n over burial, such as size of the deceased animal and lack of proper burial location , but also outlined emotional motivations for believed that cremation allowed bet84

ter opportunities for ritual expression of grief by providing the physical ashes, which could be kept and cherished, or symbolically spread. One pet owner explained that the ashes helped with the grieving process because the animal could remain with him. Cremation service providers also noted that allowing pets to have a similar memorial to humans, which included ashes, plaques, urns, or places in memorial gardens, allowed customers to move through the grief process. These service providers also acted as quasi-grief counselors for despairing pet owners, and believed that they had a duty not only to guide customers through the practical parts of the cremation process, but also to provide them with emotional support. Ultimately, Chur-Hanson et. al. come to a similar conclusion as Brandes when they argue that because owners view pets as family members, it makes sense that they would want them to be treated “with dignity and respect in death” (Chur-Hanson et al:2011:259). The work of these three authors provides a coherent timeline which displays changes in the relationship between human and pet funerary practice in America and other English-speaking countries. Brandes explains changing attitudes towards pets in American culture, and how this is displayed in their burials throughout the 20th century. Prothero explains that changes in ideological beliefs surrounding human funerary practice

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in America has caused a shift towards cremation throughout the second half of the 20th century. Although Chur-Hanson et. al. is a case study from Australia, it exhibits ideas similar to those discussed by Prothero, and therefore illustrates a link between human and pet cremation which may also exist in other English-speaking societies, such as the United States. Context The literature review deals with writings that focus on western, English-speaking cultures, namely America and Australia, but the focus of my study aforementioned ideas and trends also seem to be at play in Virginia, and can be used as models through which one can interpret Virginia pet and human funerary practice. My research aims to test whether or not these models hold up in Virginian society. Methodology In order to assess pet burial practices in Virginia, Heidi Memorial Pet Cemetery in Staunton, VA, as well as Faithful Friends Pet Cemetery in Sandston, VA, which is on the outskirts of Richmond were consulted. Both trips were made with the aim to test data arguments, and to determine whether the pet burial rate has decreased in recent time, thereby suggesting a recent trend towards cremation. For

each grave, the statistics recorded were: the year of interment, which of displayed on the marker, and the total count of characteristics. Those graves which contained a human-like name, those which displayed language associating the pet as a member of the family, and those which implied that the pet had some sort of religious or ethnic identity were recorded. Many graves displayed multiple characteristics, so these categories were not mutually exclusive. Statistical analysis was then run on the data in order to illuminate the overarching burial trends. Personal research on pet cremation practices came from a series of interviews with service providers in the state. There was an in-person interview conducted with one proprietor in Lexdividuals from Staunton, Chantilly, Fredericksburg and Lexington contacted through telephone and email conversations. All participants were asked the same six questions about their practices and clients: 1) When was your business founded, and what was your motivation for starting it? 2) Â In your experience, what are the animals that owners most commonly choose to cremate? 3) Is there any overarching trend in who seeks your service, or

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is it all kinds of people? For example, are people who choose to cremate usually families or singles, men or women, elderly or young, wealthy or not as well off, etc.? 4) Why do you believe that your customers opt for cremation over burial? Is there a more practical reason or does it have more to do with emotional attachment? 5) Have you noticed any changes in the business since you started? 6) Do you have any kind of interesting or funny anecdotes from your years in this business?

terred in 1978. Of these graves, there

Many of these conversations took place over the phone, so the quotations below are a result of note taking, ent and consistent grammar. Therefore, these may not be considered direct quotes. However, the meaning and majority of the main phrases are preserved, and do represent the partici-

there is no way of knowing when the pet cemetery opened, and thus, these burials might not be representative of the full decade. Additionally, the fact that it contains only three interments would skew the results, and render them ber that the data from the current decade remains incomplete (data ends in 2015). Faithful Friends Pet Cemetery on the outskirts of Richmond, VA contained 397 burials, ranging in date from 1967 to the present day (Fig. 3). The species breakdown was similar to Heidi Memorial:dogs and cats represented the two most common types of animal, but there was also one bird, and a handful of graves in which the species was not

Data Burial Data Heidi Memorial Pet Cemetery in Staunton, VA contained 215 dated burials, beginning in 1978 and spanning the decades to the present day. Although it was impossible to determine the species of pet for some of the burials, most of them consisted of dogs and cats. One lone skunk was in86

graves, 69% contain at least one of human-like qualities, while only 31% do not. The breakdown of characteristics by decade is demonstrated in Figure 2. This graph illustrates that the percentage of burials that do not contain smoothly throughout the four decades represented. There was no need for

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were prevalent across all graves in the cemetery. Of all markers, 68% contained at least one human-like trait, while only 32% did not. The breakdown of these characteristics by decade differs slightly from

all emphasized the diversity of animals with which they deal, listing examples of lizards, birds, horses, cows, rabbits, and guinea pigs. All stated that the demographics of the people they deal with are, for the most part, diverse. Owners who choose cremation could be male or female, singles or families, and young or old. Some mentioned that a sizable sector of their business is elderly people and who treat their pets as companions and stand in family members. One informant said, â&#x20AC;&#x153;A lot of the time the client has kids that are out of the house.

unbalanced statistics, which may be due in part to small sample size. From terments becomes more sizable, the statistics even The significant out, and there is an ob- other dies, so servable and steady de- they go out and cline in graves with none buy a dog. reason here as at Heidi Memorial . Cremation Interviews service providers, a general scheme of responses emerged. The businesses contacted began in 1995, 1999, 2003, 2010, and 2011. They recognized a demand for this type of service were motivated by a pet loss of their the options available to them. They deal mainly with cats and dogs, but

out and buy a dog. This person needs a companion and someone to take care of. The dog is the focus, and becomes the â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;primary care receiv-

1). Many stated that because pet cremation is a service that costs money, low-income owners might not be able to afford it. However, others explain that at 50-200 dollars, this is still a relatively cheap service, much more widely accessible than pet burials, which, including the cost of headstones, caskets, and cemetery lots, can add up to several hundreds or even thousands of dollars. Informants also listed a variety of practical and emotional motiva-

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to cremate their pets. To many clients, home burial, as well as cemetery burial, seem impractical compared to cremation. First, the comparatively cheaper cost of cremation makes the practice more appealing. Additionally, many providers stated that their clients did not always have the capability to deal with the large bodies of some dogs and other unconventional pets when they died. As one informant said, “If you a bigger hole to dig, which is a task or physical ability to carry out” (Informant 2). Others said that their clients simply did not have a place where they could bury their pets now that Virginia has become less rural. Urbanization and the suburban sprawl means that many of their clients live in apartments, subdivisions, and cities where they do not have land in which they can legally or logistically perform their own home burials. tions also contribute to the emotional motivations for cremating pets. One informant explains, “Society is more mopets behind. We cremate pets because they are like family members, and we want them to be able to come with us” (Informant 1). Another said that her clients expressed distaste at the idea of their beloved pets buried far away from them in the cold ground, and that some were so emotionally attached to 90

their pets that they planned to have remains. Some discussed the desire to keep pets close even after death, which has led to the development of memorating their pets, and cremation is a central component of this trend. For example, one service provider mentioned that pet ashes can be incorporated into jewelry, which bereaved owners can then wear, allowing them to keep their beloved deceased pets close at all times. Finally, all informants stated that their services have become increasingly popular throughout their years in the ed this to the fact that human cremation has become more popular in Virginian the 2012 annual Cremation Statistics Report from the Cremation Association of North America, which stated that human cremation had reached the rate of 33% in the year 2011. The informants made an explicit connection to what ceptance of this practice for humans in Virginia, and said that this They planned to have their has led more pets’ remains people to put in with consider it for their own their pets, as well. One informant explained, “Pet cremation has a connection to the human

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socially acceptable for humans because of religious beliefs, but people have gotten away from the traditional beliefs about funerary practice. Now has translated over to petsâ&#x20AC;? (Informant 3).

the peak pet burial years in Virginia, as this decade saw the highest number of interments. Heidi Memorial shows a very slight decrease by four burials in the sharp decrease by about one hundred burials during the same period. Although

Analysis The burial data from Heidi Memorial Pet Cemetery, as well as Faithful Friends Pet Cemetery, illustrate changing trends in the conceptualization of pets in Virginia throughout the 20th century. Pets in the region have indeed shifted from simply friends and companions to family members, registered in the language on their grave markers. Importantly, only about 30% of all graves in both cemeteries lacked a acteristics supporting his argument that pets had made the transition from friend to family member by the midpoint of the century. However, by breaking the data down by decade, this trend can be explored further. Excluding a few early anomalies at Faithful Friends, each decade saw a shrinking proportion of markers with no human-like characteristics, and an increase in markers that contained one, two, and even three of the characteristics. This provides further evidence that pets have come to be considered more â&#x20AC;&#x153;humanâ&#x20AC;? even into the present day. Furthermore, data from the cemeteries display a decrease in overall

it would appear that burials at both cemeteries have also dropped off in the most recent decade. Even if owners in these regions continued to bury their pets at the same rate they have been cade, at about 1.75 a year at Heidi Memorial and 9.25 a year at Faithful Friends, this would only result in a total of about 35 and 92.5 graves at the tively. These numbers lag behind the 72 burials at Heidi Memorial and 115 at Faithful Friends. This overall decrease in burials suggests that since the early different method of dealing with their cremation service workers provide evidence to support the claim that the alternative method Virginia pet owners is cremation. All informants said that their business was founded sometime after the year 1995, and they unanimously stated that the demand for their service has increased with every year,

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thereby supporting the trend from burial to cremation. The information collected from pet cremation service providers in Vir-

et. al. Owners prefer cremation because it allows them to keep the remains of their beloved pets close by. As society has become more mobile, they worry that they may have to move and stating that pets have come to be leave the bodies of their pets behind in viewed as replacement family members, the ground. Informants also stated that and therefore quasi-human. Informants owners believe that the inherent nature also echoed the arguments found in of cremation provides a better means the writing of Prothero and Chur-Han- of grieving for their pets. The ashes, - which are the byproduct of cremation, tivation for choosing cremation over allow for a much more customizable burial. When they were questioned, similar themes of practical and emotional ualistically spread, cherished at home, motivations arose. or incorporated into items of personal First, cremation is believed by adornment so that the owner can have many Americans to be a more simple them near at all times. and practical form of commemoration The above information represents for humans in comparison to burial. Informants presented a similar argument tivations behind pet cremation in Virin relation to pet cremation. The prac- ginia. However, individual participants tice makes more sense to pet owners, as differed in terms of the themes and it is cheaper than motivations they Pets have come to be a cemetery burial, chose to stress viewed as replacement and believed family members, and have the capawere most importtherefore quasi-human bility or space to ant to their clients. bury an animal near their homes. In summary, informants explained that owners practical versus emotional motivations want to give their pet a memorial equal are beyond the scope of this study. to that which a human would receive, However, all of these beliefs are presand they see cremation as the easiest ent in some capacity among Virginian and most effective means of achieving cremation service providers and pet this goal. owners, and they match up with arEmotional motivations listed by guments authors have made for both the informants for both human and an- human and pet cremation in other Enimal cremation also echoed the con- glish-speaking cultures. clusions of Prothero and Chur-Hanson Many informants explained that 92

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because pets are family members, owners feel the need to treat them as family members when they die -- they desire a form of commemoration equal to that of a human. Also, the majority of service providers interviewed explicitly linked the surge in pet cremation to more widespread acceptance and practice of human cremation in Virginia. As pets have come to be considered more human in Virginian society, trends in pet funerary practice have begun to mirror human funerary practice.

for humans, it also became more popular for pets. Ultimately, as pets achieved the status of family member in Virginia, their funerary practice shifted in order

Conclusion The changing conceptualization of pets in both American and Virginian cultures throughout the 20th century have led to a fascinating development in pet cemeteries and crematoria. As pets came to be considered more human, their owners chose to treat them as such in death. The data collected from Virginian pet cemeteries support the idea that pets have indeed come to be considered family members, and therefore more human. Information from several cremation service providers from around the state backs up this claim, while also explaining why owners have come to favor pet cremation

2. Brandes, Stanley. 2009. The Meaning of American Pet Cemetery Gravestones. Ethnology 48(2):99-118 3. Chur-Hanson, Anna, Black, Anne, Gierasch, Amanda, Pletneva, Alisa, mation Services upon the Death of a Companion Animal: Views of Service Providers and Service Users. Society and Animals 19:248-260 4. by Fire: A History of Cremation in America. USA: University of California Press 5. Tuan, Yi-Fu. 2007. Animal Pets: Cruelty and Affection. In The Animals Reader: The Essential Classic and Contemporary Writings. Kalof, Linda and Fitzgerald, Amy, eds. Pp. 141-153. Oxford: Berg

combination of practical and emotional factors that motivate owners to cremate. Most importantly, though, they

practice.

References 1. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Annual CANA Statistics Report 2012â&#x20AC;? 2012. http://eickhofcolumbaria.com/sites/default/files/

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Sharing the Living Light:

ative Works by Emily Ditsch 94

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Emily Ditsch is a fourth year from Phoenix, Arizona. She is an Art History and English double major and a History minor, with a concentration in Medieval and Renaissance Studies. While on Grounds, she has been particularly involved in Shakespeare on the Lawn and following graduation she plans on pursuing a career in Arts Administration and Public History. She completed this paper during the Fall 2013 semester in an Art History Seminar focusing on Astronomy, Astrology, Alchemy, Magic, and Mysticism in Medieval Art. She would particularly like to thank Professor Ramirez-Weaver for his help on this paper and his unfailing support and guidance over her four years at UVA.

Abstract In addition to her role as the leader of the monastic community of women at Rupertsberg, She is most well known, however, for her visionary work, Scivias. This work compiled the visions

share her visions with both her local community of women and the wider Christian world through unique for a woman in that time. within the framework of her status as a female mystic in an attempt to understand how Hildegard

Scivias, it is inaccessible to the reader. These additional creative works provide new pathways for people to both understand and take part in her visionary experiences. By comparing Hildeexpressed artistically in the corresponding manuscript illustrations in Scivias, this paper seeks to determine how Hildegard maintained her unique position as a female mystic in a male-dominated religious and political environment by making herself indispensible due to her visionary authority.

From an early age, Hildegard of Bingen1 felt a sense of spiritual duty regarding the visions she received from Heaven, yet she only openly discussed them with her close tutors, Jutta and Volmar. These visions gave Hildegard visual access to a number of allegorical 1. (b. 1098, d. 1179)

ranging from humans to architectural settings, that could only be explained with the aid of â&#x20AC;&#x153;a voice of Heaven.â&#x20AC;? It was only after a prophetic call at the age of 43 that Hildegard decided to preserve her visions for posterity.2 This 2. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop.

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led to a period of great productivity where, with the help of her tutor, Volmar, Hildegard wrote her best known visionary text, Scivias, composed over 70 liturgical songs, wrote almost 400 letters, rality play. This expansive body of work is incredibly cohesive, both thematically and rhetorically. Hildegard of Bingen used linguistic and artistic parallels to underscore her role as a visionary and emphasize her desire for reform in order produce a highly integrated body of creating a holistic method of worship and relationship with God. Throughout her visions, Hildegard emphasizes the divine nature of the information she receives to provide legitimacy, a necessity to be able to produce creative works. From the outset of her main visionary text, Scivias, Hildegard claims that her visions were divinely given. She opens her manuscript by saying, “And behold! In the forty-third year of my earthly course, as I was gazing with great fear and trembling attention at a heavenly vision, I saw a great splendor in which resounded a voice from Heaven, saying to me…”3 Through this immediate reference to divine inspiration, Hildegard both emphasizes the legitimacy of her visions and underscores her own humility. Hildegard must immediately establish this frameScivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 12. 3. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 59. 96

work and provide evidence that it is in fact divine inspiration that provides these visions. Hildegard maintains this throughout her Declaration by emphathese visions. This is made evident in the portrait of Hildegard with Volmar (Figure 1). Hildegard sits centrally, framed in a simple architectural setting. Divine inspiration literally touches her forehead, imbuing her whole mind with knowledge from Heaven. This inspiration resembles Hildegard with Hildegard the authority emphasizes to speak and the divine write. She is nature of the depicted with information a stylus and she receives wax tablet in hand, making it clear that though she records what she is seeing, Volmar, who physically intrudes on the scene with only his head jutting through to the central frame, preserves it for posterity in the codex he is grasping. The divine obligation to record these visions provides Hildegard with the authority to complete Scivias. This passage. Hildegard concludes this introduction to Scivias by stating, “And again I heard a voice from Heaven saying to me, “Cry out therefore, and write thus!”4 This reestablishment of the divine inspiration is critical. Hildegard reestablishes that she continues to receive these divine messages. In addi4. Ibid., 61.

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tion, Hildegard restates that she is con-

and political elite from an early age.7 Following the death of Jutta and Hilde-

her these visions. Most relevant, though, she was able to engage with the rethis introduction with a direct command from Heaven. Should she refuse, she would be directly disobeying the ordinances of Heaven. Through this statement, writing and sharing these visions becomes proof of humility, because it would be prideful to keep this divinely given knowledge to herself.5 This stress on compulsion goes further, due to HilRather than stating that the voice from Heaven merely compelled her to write, Hildegard emphasizes that the voice would write. This divinely given support ence. to continue her visionary work was secured through political and religious support. Her popularity and charismatic ability to gain a diverse group of supporters was due to interactions with diverse ecclesiastical authorities.6 early involvement with the Benedictine community, as her birth into a wealthy family gave her access to the religious 5. Helene Scheck, Reform and Resistance: Formations of Female Subjectivity In Early Medieval Ecclesiastical Culture. (Albany: SUNY Press, 2008) 132. 6. Barbara Finlay, “Origins of Charisma as Process: A Case Study of Hildegard of Bingen,” Symbolic Interaction 25 (2002): 537

Claîrvaux.8 St. Bernard interceded on who received a copy of Scivias while in Trier for a synod in 1147. This papal seal of approval allowed for greater distribution to religious communities, and the letter of benediction Hildegard received from the pope provided authentication of her visions and allowed her to continue writing.9 In addition, Hildegard then received the communicating with King Conrad, and later advising Frederick Barbarossa. The importance of this political and ecclesiastical support is made clear by Hildegard herself, who states that “these visions took place and these words were written in the days of Henry, Archbishop of Mainz, and of Conrad, King of the Romans, and of Cuno, Abbot of Disibodenberg, under Pope Eugenius.”10 that the visions are newly received and mind, this emphasizes the status of HilScivias. This political clout is key, as it allowed Hildegard to be the only wom7. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 10. 8. Ibid., 12. 9. Ibid., 13. 10. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 61.

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Figure 1. The Seeress. (From Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. New York: Paulist Press, 1990. 58)

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an of her age to be allowed to preach outside of her convent, allowing her to spread her messages to places as 11 berg. Only with the support and pro-

as the endlessly cyclical structure of the tunities for repetition and variation. This provided enough familiarity for meditation and enough diversity to celebrate

within this context that Hildegard comof maintaining orthodoxy posed over 70 liturgical Music was an and the Rule of St. Bensongs.14 The songs mainly all-embracing edict, could Hildegard discuss the hierarchy and concept safely produce her creorder of Heaven. Hildeative works without fear of losing funding from the wealthy families of her nuns, is clear as she created a new metaor risking excommunication or punish- physical language for use exclusively ment from the overseeing monastery of within the convent, which comprised of St. Disibod. a vocabulary of 900 names for earthly and Heavenly entities.15 This use of musically unique as a method of ex- music as a new language allowed for pressing the ineffable elements of her the women in her community to engage visionary experience. Music was an with her visions, through complex music. all-embracing concept, representing angels praising God, the proportions are unknown, as much was committed found in the celestial spheres, the re- to memory and not recorded, so exlationship of the soul to the body, and act rhythms are not preserved and it is the design of the world that cannot unclear if Hildegard utilized instruments, be perceived to the naked eye.12 though it is clear from her writings that she did not disapprove of their use.16 Community meant that she engaged cause unlike her contemporaries which day, reading all 150 Psalms in a single used small intervals, rarely over a 2nd week.13 This allowed for new musical or a 3rd, Hildegard frequently used 5th compositions to provide embellishment, intervals and wide ranges.17 This gives 11. Eckehard Simon. The Theatre of Medieval Europe: New Research In Early Drama. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) 67. 12. Anne King-Lenzmeier. Hildegard of Bingen: An Integrated Vision. (Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 2001) 85. 13. Katharine W Le Mée. The Benedictine Gift to Music. (New York: Paulist Press, 2003)133.

14. Richard Witta. “How to Make A Saint: On Interpreting Hildegard of Bingen” Early Music. 26 (1998) 483 15. Ibid. 16. John D. White. “The Musical World of Hildegard of Bingen” College Music Symposium, 38 (1998) 9. 17. Anne King-Lenzmeier. Hildegard of Bingen:

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ty, as she juxtaposes rapid ascents in pitch with slower declines.18 In particular, Hildegard uses this in conjunction with melismatic passages, which pair three or more notes per syllable, in order to emphasize melodies and key words, which are inextricably linked to the music she composed to accompany it.19 These musical qualities make it arterias cruciantes, literally crucifying the vocal chords as a form of penitence.20 This pating in the singing of the liturgy is a form of devotion. ary texts emphasize divine hierarchy. Hildegard was committed to reforming the church and maintaining order, which she feared would be lost due to the rise of mendicant orders.21 She An Integrated Vision. (Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 2001) 89. 18. Hildegard, Richard Vendome, and Stevie Wishart. The Complete Hildegard Von Bingen, Vol. 3: O Nobilissima Viriditas. (Hong Kong: Naxos Digital Services Ltd., 2004) 19. Hildegard, and Barbara Newman. Symphonia: a Critical Edition of the Symphonia Armonie Celestium Revelationum (Symphony of the Harmony of Celestial Revelations). (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998) 61 20. Bruce W. Holsinger. Music, Body, and Desire In Medieval Culture : Hildegard of Bingen to Chaucer. (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2001) 132. 21. Mary J. Carruthers. Rhetoric Beyond Words: Delight and Persuasion In the Arts of the Middle Ages. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010) 251. 100

concerns by redirecting and refocusing community. Throughout her texts, Hildegard emphasized the idea that order Heaven, which is in her music. Hildegard lists the orders in heaven by rank, expressing the natural order reduplicated Scivias, Symphony of the Blessed, Hildegard describes the “praises of the joyous citizens of Heaven…making music in harmony praising the ranks of Heaven.”22 Hildegard breaks up the nine orders of Heaven unconventionally, beginning with the “angels with shining faces who guard the people, / O ye archangels, who take just souls into Heaven.”23 Through this emphasis on hierarchy, Hildegard Humans are is not simply incapable of commenting on the power reaching God without their of angels, but meditation claims that humans are incapable of reaching God without their mediation.24 Angels actively protect frail human souls while on Earth, and without the aid of archangels they would be trapped and incapable of ascending on their own. It is clear that Hildegard believed 22. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 526. 23. Ibid. 24. Bruce W. Holsinger. Music, Body, and Desire In Medieval Culture : Hildegard of Bingen to Chaucer. (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2001) 132.

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arate, as she maintained this sense of hierarchy in her own convent, accepting only aristocratic daughters.25 This emphasis on hierarchy within the most musical of her visions demonstrates how Hildegard believed that music had the capacity to rebalance the natural world and maintain order. This is underscored by her statement that “the song of rejoicing, sung in consonance and in concord, tells of the glory and honor of the citizens of Heaven… the jubilant music indicates the spirit, and the celestial harmony shows the Divinity, and the words the Humanity of the Son of God”26 This direct reference to the Trinity and nature of Christ further represents how Hildegard believed music was a way of harmonizing the world. This “celestial harmony” integrates Heaven and Earth, the soul and Music was body, and the a way of harmonizing Divinity and Humanity of the world Christ, through imposing order. rors the same Vision, Symphony of the Blessed, through their emphasis on the women. As Hildegard was writing, the 25. Richard Witta. “How to Make A Saint: On Interpreting Hildegard of Bingen” Early Music. 26 (1998) 482 26. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 535

were becoming increasingly popular.27 The creation of liturgical songs that aldemonstrates the shifting role of women within monastic communities. The thematic nature of the songs Hildegard created line up with the liturgical progressions from Lent to Easter, providing narratives of salvation that tied in to 28 ticism. new music focused on celebrating the religious commitments of virgins and widows, a direct statement about the 29 ty. likewise demonstrates how she attempted to emphasize the redeeming qualities of women in the church, picking a model with direct relevance to Rupertsberg, as a charismatic woman gathering an army of strong women around her.30 Christian theorist to consider femaleness in a positive light.31 Through these new liturgical songs, Hildegard was not attempting to rewrite the liturgy, but merely expand it to allow for a broadincludes the women engaging in the 27. Mary J. Carruthers. Rhetoric Beyond Words: Delight and Persuasion In the Arts of the Middle Ages. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010) 264. 28. Ibid., 275. 29. Ibid., 264. 30. Ibid., 264 31. Ann Storey. “A Theophany of the Feminine: Hildegard of Bingen, Elisabeth of Shönau, and Herrad of Landsberg” Women’s Art Journal. 19 (1998) 17.

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101

ating this sense of inclusivity, Hildegard emphasizes the productive possibilities of female monasticism, while providing an opportunity for her community to participate in her visionary experience, singing the visions she received rather than experiencing them indirectly This power of female redemption is emphasized in the Symphony of the Blessed Vision in the inclusion of the “Song to Holy Mary,” the opening song. Hildegard discusses “The primary matter, which Eve threw into disorder. / He formed the Word in you as a human being, As once from primary matter He made all creatures…”32 Hildegard sets up a direct comparison between Eve and Mary, as Eve causing the disorder of otherwise pristine unformed matter, and Mary reordering it and returning the world to a state of harmony through the birth of Christ. Hildegard goes on mystery illumined, / And from her virginity sprang the glorious Flower.”33 Hildethat the redemptive qualities of Mary can be rekindled through the “living and provides access and understanding to these visions. Likewise, her mention of virginity and the sense of fecundity, lost in the Garden of Eden, implies that it can be regained by the state of 32. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 525. 33. Ibid. 102

virginity maintained by the women in her community. These themes are further depicted in the image that coincides with the text of the Symphony of the Blessed. The celestial nature of the choirs of Heaven is depicted through the lavish background (Figure 2). The striations of blue create forms almost like registers, yet rather than separating individual scenes, these aid in connecting choir. These groups are still placed hierarchically, Hildegard with Mary portrays prominently herself as a at the top, “frail woman” alone in her sphere. Each of these small spheres appears to be self-contained, yet Mary bursts out, her diadem and feet extending over the frame. Every sphere is given an intricate background, complementing the colors behind it on prominent, furthering the celestial nature of the static scene through its use of a deep blue and numerous shimmering stars, mirroring the small white detail around the frames. The very idea of portraying each group in orbs implies the idea of the music of the spheres, further underscoring the harmonious and healing qualities of music, depicted in this visual representation of the heavenly choir. Hildegard wrote to a diverse audience of correspondents, including

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Figure 2. The Choirs of the Blessed. (From Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. New York: Paulist Press, 1990. 523)

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local monastic community members, the laity, and major political leaders. These letters discussed a number of topics, from treating the sick to the spiritual 34 Her manner of writing has a remarkably similar style throughout her correspondence, regardless of the audience, responding with frankness, genuine support, and an awareness of her ability to assert herself yet remain humble.35 Throughout her letters, Hildegard portrays herself as a “frail woman” recalling her reputation for humility and recalling the elements in her texts that the Cistercians use to compare her to the Virgin Mary.36 Though this claim of frailty appears to letters portray frailty as a purely human condition rather than one that affects women alone. Throughout her letters she implores the political and monastic elites she communicates with to work towards ensuring the salvation of all people under their control, attempting to reestablish and secure orthodoxy. Throughout her letters, Hildegard emphasizes the theme of obedience that appears throughout her visions. In a letter to clerics at Trier, requesting a copy of one of her sermons from her 34. Charles Singer. “The Visions of Hildegard of Bingen” The Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine. 78 (1928) 12 35. Eckehard Simon. The Theatre of Medieval Europe: New Research In Early Drama. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) 65. 36. Barbara Newman. Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine. (Berkeley: University California Press, 1987) 2 104

traveling tour, Hildegard replies saying, “I heard these words from the mystical light of a true vision directed to the prelates and the clerics of Trier… This cleansing will have modest beginnings in this womanish time but later will grow stronger, until a manly time will arise, in which there will be wars and battles aris37

She continues, “Afterward, the justice and judgment of God will arise, and the people will know the discipline and fear of God.”38 This letter stresses the importance Hildegard places on obedience, mirroring the Benedictine rule, humility is unhesitating obedience.”39 It is critical that Hildegard is discussing the importance of this quality in a letter to a monastic community, emphasizing her desire for widespread reform. This desire for reform through adherence to the Benedictine Rule is mirrored in the Vision Six, Choirs of Angels.40 Hildegard states that within the each row of the orders of the choir, “those in the fourth have forms like human forms and feet like human feet, and wear helmets on their heads, and marble tunics.”41 She goes on to state that “thus the faithful 37. Hildegard, and Joseph L Baird. The Personal Correspondence of Hildegard of Bingen.. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) “Letter 223r” 38. Ibid. 39. Benedict, and Caroline White. The Rule of Benedict. (London: Penguin, 2008) 19. 40. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 1412. 41. Ibid.

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should faithfully imitate Him, Who is their Head, placing their hope in Heaven and fortifying themselves with the strong desire of good works.”42 This emphaand achieving this obedience through the desire of good works directly re43 This call for orthodoxy to those who were also under the Benedictine Rule, at that overwhelming concern for the state of monasticism. It is also key that Hildegard opens her letter by stating that she received this knowledge through a “mystical light of a true vision”, further underscoring the importance of her role as a visionary in proving legitimacy and encouraging those who had heard of Scivias to seek out her guidance. size a theme of militarism that is also depicted in her vision, Choirs of Angels. In her letter to King Frederick, Hildegard implores the newly crowned king to “take careful note that every place is overshadowed by a deceitful mob of people who destroy justice by the blackness of their sins... very black are the sluggish morals of those prelates who are wallowing in lasciviousness 44 Having had little time for 42. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 1412. 43. Benedict, and Caroline White. The Rule of Benedict. (London: Penguin, 2008) 19. 44. Hildegard, and Joseph L Baird. The Personal Correspondence of Hildegard of Bingen. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) “Letter

Frederick to exercise his newfound authority, Hildegard is already imploring him to be wary of the deceitful advisors that surround him, leading him astray in a time of peril. She continues to implore

so that God will not destroy you, and your earthly kingdom be shamed for it.”45 This blatant language of militarism and battling the Devil is clear through the entreaties for the king to act as a knight. This use of secular language vantage of her aristocratic standing, achieved monastic position, and celebrity to obtain privileges and attempt to cause political change, but she was able to oppose the same political leaders when they requested support, to remain a purely religious advisor.46 This theme of militarism extends to her visions. Hildegard describes how “those in the third have the appearance of white marble and heads like human heads, over which torches are burning, and from the shoulders own they are surrounded by an iron-gray cloud,” utilizing language which suggests permanence and stability, through the references to marble.47 She continues to say that “these are the Principal312”. 45. Ibid. 46. Barbara Newman. Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine. (Berkeley: University California Press, 1987) 13. 47. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 141.

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Figure 3. The Choirs of Angels. (From Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. New York: Paulist Press, 1990. 137)

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ities, and they show that those who by world must assume the true strength of justice, lest they fall into the weakness of instability.”48 This passage mirrors Hilleadership. This plea underscores the notion that kings are directly responsible for the physical and spiritual wellbeing of their people. As Frederick is obligated to protect and provide for his people, he must also do his best to maintain the spiritual health of the people he governed. To Hildegard, this meant encouraging reform and supporting those prelates who continued to faithfully uphold the Benedictine Rule. This is particularly important ship between Heaven and Earth. The earthly realm was inseparable from the kingdom of Christ, and the king could not be permitted to fail in ensuring the spiritual health of his people.49 This is that leaders “should contemplate their Head, Who is Christ the Son of God, and direct their governance according to His will for human needs… that and unshaken in strength of equity.”50 This passage directly parallels the letter written to Frederick, emphasizing the 48. Ibid. 49. Heinrich Schipperges and John Cumming. The World of Hildegard of Bingen : Her Life, Times, and Visions. (Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1998) 15. 50. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 141.

ernance, salvation, and how the two were inextricably linked. The Earth was a spiritual battleground, and any laxity in the ruler would lead to inevitable spiritual ruin. These themes of obedience and militarism are visually expressed in the image accompanying Choirs of Angels. The entire image has an overarching sense of order and forced structure (Figure 3). Each concentric ring is completely contained, with only the halos of the angels in the outer circle breaking out of the tightly controlled boundary. Even then, it is only those who are against the gold background, the same color as their halo, who have any indication of this change, and it is only the slight insinuation of an outline which breaks from this regularity. The overarching composition is hypnotic, as the repetition of form in each row and the use of a limited color scheme creates an almost iconic image. By incorporated thick lines of color into the design, such as the red elements of the 51

These thick lines suggest that the individual orders of the system cannot be broken and are impenetrable, even if the juxtaposition of the bright center and dark rings immediately surrounding it create a tunnel effect that optically draws the viewer into the image. This 51. Marsha Newman. “Christian Cosmology Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture 5 (2002) 41.

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idea of impermeability is underscored further in Scivias as Hildegard says that “God wonderfully formed and ordered His creation: ‘He destined some creatures to stay on the earth, but others to 52 This distinction between the earthly realms and idea that the divine pattern on Earth is mirrored in heaven, creating perfect parallels that cannot have a direct exchange even though they must constantly be in harmony. This sense of impermeability emphasizes order and hierarchy, as the iconic presen-

source of her knowledge, something inaccessible to the reader.53 By making herself indispensable throughout Scivias, Hildegard establishes a relationship where she can reasonably claim enough authority to provide political direction, outside of Scivias, due to her necessity in understanding the visions she alone receives. known medieval morality play, Ordo Virtutum, or the “Rite of Virtues.” This actively combines liturgy, drama, and mu-

Devil in an attempt to save a penitent soul. Music is a key portrays a sense of The “Living Light” element of the play, calm obedience in was the source of her as only the Devil is the choirs of angels. knowledge left without a musical The militaristic eleaccompaniment. 54 In the play, an Unhappy Soul laments likewise displayed in the image, such appear to be grouped in twos, further- tempts to convince the Unhappy Soul ing the idea of obedience and order, to remain steadfast against the tempand giving the suggestion of marching tations of the world. The Soul does military ranks. In addition, this image not listen, but returns to the Virtues as - a Penitent Soul after suffering in the cy at making herself invaluable to the world. After the Penitent Soul has been regained, Victory requests the help of and interpretation, the reader is unlikely to be able to sort through the image temptations, and Chastity reminds the and fully comprehend its allegorical Devil that she conquered him in the Virmeanings. This is made evident through 53. Hildegard, and Joseph L Baird. The Pervisionary status throughout her letters, alluding to the “Living Light” as the 52. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 139. 108

sonal Correspondence of Hildegard of Bingen. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) “Letter 333” 54. Roswitha Dabke. “The Hidden Scheme of tum” Parergon. 23 (2006)

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gin Mary, through the birth of Christ.55 the Virtues commended by orthodox groups, such as her emphasis on Divine Love, Hildegard exalted by characterizes the CisterHumility, cians.56 Her Queen of the plot is entireVirgues, as ly new, not the most recapitulatimportant ing stories factor in of the Bible saving the

... soul

lives, and it is unique in celebrating monastic virginity.57 Though there are no given stage directions, the extent to which Hildegard provides context for the emotional state of the protagonists and her reputation for allowing the women in her community to dress lavishly suggests that a fully staged production was quite probable.58 medieval morality play likewise displays parallels to Scivias, through its emphasis on humility. Throughout Ordo Virtutum, Hildegard characterizes Humility, Queen of the Virtues, as the most im55. Hildegard, and Audrey Ekdahl Davidson. Ordo Virtutum. (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medieval Institute Publications 1985) 56. Barbara Newman. “St. Hildegard of Bingen: Visions of the Feminine Divine” 14th Century English Mystics Newsletter. 7 (1981) 2 57. Eckehard Simon. The Theatre of Medieval Europe: New Research In Early Drama. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) 76, 77. 58. Ibid., 74-76.

portant factor in saving the lamenting soul. Humility is the only virtue with a solo part in all four scenes, and is the guiding force of the other virtues.59 The second scene begins with the statement, “I, Humility, queen of the Virtues, say: Come to me, Virtues, and I will nourish you to search for the lost drachma, and to crown the one who happily preserves.”60 Humility orders the other virtues, controlling their actions and guiding them to do what is right. Humility most actively battles against the soul, commanding the other virtues at the end of the play, saying, “Bind him, then, O shining Virtues!”61 This extensive power is made more evident as she continues “O all you Virtues, receive the mourning sinner with her scars for the sake of the wounds of Christ, and lead her to me… O miserable daughter, I wish to embrace you, because the great physician has suffered painful and bitter wounds on account of you.”62 Humility is directly responsible for the salvation of the soul, ensuring that the other virtues help bring the soul to her, and then ensuring her salvation once she has been received. This passage other virtues are steps on a ladder to 59. Roswitha Dabke. “The Hidden Scheme of tum” Parergon. 23 (2006) 60. Hildegard, and Audrey Ekdahl Davidson. Ordo Virtutum. (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medieval Institute Publications 1985) 10 61. Ibid. 31 62. Ibid. 26-27

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reaching the most critical virtue, humility, as only through their guidance can the soul reach the required state of humility, passing from virtue to virtue until achieves to embrace the soul to attempt to the soul. This portrays Humility as having the highest power of redemption, and the ability to physically heal the soul as the extension of “the great physician.” This emphasis on humility is a direct reference to the qualities espoused in the Benedictine Rule. in Scivias directly relate to the Benedictine Rule in another demonstration of her desire for reform. Throughout the Benedictine Rule, humility is consistently mentioned as being the height of virtue. This is epitomized in the largest section of the Rule, devoted entirely on dictating the steps one must use to achieve the appropriate state of humility.63 Benedict states, “if we wish to reach the highest peak of humility and if we wish to attain quickly that heavenly exaltation towards which we climb… we must set up for our ascent the ladder that Jacob saw in his dream, on which the angels appeared to him, descending and ascending.”64 Benedict directly quotes Genesis 28:10-19. Hildegard follows in this tradition in Book 63. Benedict, and Caroline White. The Rule of Benedict. (London: Penguin, 2008) 22-26 64. Benedict, and Caroline White. The Rule of Benedict. (London: Penguin, 2008) 22 110

Three, Vision Eight of Scivias, The Pillar But in the pillar, there was an ascent like a ladder from bottom to top, on which I saw all the virtues of God descending and ascending.”65 This direct parallel of both the BibHumility is lical passage both the and one foundation of the most and the prominent ultimate goal passages of the Rule of St. Benedict, referenced to throughout his text, legitimizes Hilalso establishing the framework for her scheme of virtues. It deviates from the model provided in the Bible and in the Rule of St. Benedict, as it is not the angels who are ascending and debut the Virtues that actively participate morality play is poetically and musically unique, yet the virtues Hildegard These virtues are Gift Virtues, those that have come down to humanity as man66 Good works are a necessary component of a virtuous life, yet that virtuous life is only these virtues accessible, and personal humility must be used to achieve any 65. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 425. 66. Roswitha Dabke. “The Hidden Scheme of tum” Parergon. 23 (2006)

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Figure 4. York: Paulist Press, 1990. 423)

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of them. This idea is stressed as Humility continues, saying “I am the pillar of humble minds and the slayer of proud hearts … Whoever wishes to imitate me and be my child and embrace me as a mother and carry out my work, let him start at the foundation and gradually mount upward from virtue to virtue, with a sweet and tranquil mind.”67 Humility is both the foundation and the ultimate goal, as the pillar and support of the other virtues, as well as the desired end. Humility cannot truly be achieved without the level of humility required to work towards the other virtues. Hildegard stresses the theme of laboring for God in both Ordo Virtutum and Scivias. In Ordo Virtutum, Hildegard states how “Contempt of the World” is “the brightness of life. O miserable pilgrimage on earth, with many labors, I send you forth. O Virtue, come to me, and let us ascend to the fountain.”68 The Virtues immediately reply, “O glorious lady, you always undertake the struggles of Christ.”69 This interac-

those within the community.70 Work becomes a meditative force, refocusing attention on salvation. In addition, Hildegard recalls her depiction of Humility, as it is through Contempt of the World that the Virtues are able to ascend towards Heaven and the fountain. This fountain, a representation of Christ, alludes to restorative and redemptive powers. This life-giving force can only be achieved through Contempt of the World and zeal for laboring towards Christ. This emphasis on labor is also Scivias. Hildegard describes that she saw “all the virtues… laden down with stones and going with keen zeal to their work.”71 Hildegard emphasizes the “keen zeal” of those virtues to continue this labor, despite being physically burdened, as doing the best work to achieve salvation. She continues, “And I hear that Shining One Who was seated on the This passage directly states the divine judgment on labor, which 72

that reaching a state of Contempt of the World allows the labors on Earth to become active work towards salvation. This is made clear in the Rule of St. Benedict, who states that “idleness is the enemy of the soul” and prescribes a set amount of physical labor to refocus 67. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 426. 68. Hildegard, and Audrey Ekdahl Davidson. Ordo Virtutum. (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medieval Institute Publications 1985) 16 69. Ibid. 16-17 112

belief through its approval. Hildegard actively hears the word of God proclaim the importance of labor and that the key virtues to strive for, and this direct 70. Benedict, and Caroline White. The Rule of Benedict. (London: Penguin, 2008) 72-73. 71. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 425. 72. Ibid.

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quote furthers this claim that labor is an active method of achieving salvation. be extended to consider the labor of childbirth. Hildegard discusses “a great and shadowed pillar, which protrudes both inside and outside the building” going on to explain that it represents the “great and incomprehensible holiness of the true Incarnation is so obscure to human minds that it cannot be contemplated... It can be understood in faith and works by those who labor in the divine cult.”73 This reference to the birth of Christ and the Virgin Mary recalls themes Emphasis on of motherthe individual hood, and Virtues and alludes to their attempts the labor of to reach Humility and childbearing. HowHeaven ever, when coupled with the phrase regarding the “works by those who labor in the divine bor through birth of Christ to the labor done by the women in her community because of their vow of chastity. By rejecting marriage and the possibility of having children, the women achieve the possibility of laboring within the “inside the building” rather than “those who stand idle outside” who can never fully understand the holiness of the Incarnation through contemplation by “faith and works” but only through 73. Ibid. 434.

“words and sounds.”74 Hildegard gives agency to her community by portraying their labors within the community as folThis emphasis on the individual Virtues and their attempts to reach Humility and Heaven are shown in the image depicted next to the text of The Pillar depicts a perfect complement to her gaps of her text (Figure 4).75 Hildegard depicts the Virtues ascending towards Heaven. Humility is placed at the top of but portrayed in a manner very similar to the Virgin Mary in the image accompanying the Symphony of the Blessed cally, ascending the ladder, static and serene. The named virtues which Hildeside of the ladder, Humility crowned at the top, Charity depicted in deep blue directly beneath her, and Fear of God depicted with a transparent garment allowing the viewer to regard her many eyes.76 The other unnamed virtues rise, unveiled, up the ladder, burdened by the red stones they carry on their shoulders. This image also depicts the “great pillar” representing the Incarnation, physically breaking through the 74. Ibid. 75. Barbara Newman. Voice of the Living Light: Hildegard of Bingen and Her World. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998) 110, 116. 76. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 4267.

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barrier of the building (represented as red and white vertical striations), with the pillar consuming the entire space to the left of the designation of the building. Unlike the vibrant image of the Virtues, whose intricacy and detail age. This conveys stability and order through the regularity, almost depicting a form of ashlar masonry.77 Hildegard visually portrays the dominance of Humility over the other virtues through the hierarchical presentation. In addition, she displays both forms of labor through the red stones carried up the pillar by the Virtues, and the reference to the Virgin Mary and birth of Christ in the â&#x20AC;&#x153;shining mirror, in which appeared with wondrous brightness the image of the incarnate Son of Godâ&#x20AC;? present on 78

Visually and rhetorically, Hildethemes found throughout her visionary works. These constant reminders of her visionary status to those engaging with her other works provided legitimacy and a framework in which she was encouraged by the established church to continue her work. These creative works gave greater access to the themes found in these visions, allowing for engagement with something that 77. Barbara Newman. Voice of the Living Light: Hildegard of Bingen and Her World. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998) 114 78. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane Bishop. Scivias. (New York: Paulist Press, 1990) 425. 114

only Hildegard could truly experience. Through her music, Hildegard expandthe themes and models for behavior new opportunities for meditation for the women of her community, as Hildegard quite literally created a new method of communication in order to attempt to express the ineffable elements of her likewise depicted the same concerns as Scivias, expressing her anxiety over spondence with Frederick Barbarossa likewise underlined her persistence in demonstrating the political responsibility of rulers to ensure the salvation of their people on Earth to ensure order rality play, Ordo Virtutum, demonstrates her preoccupation with maintaining the ideals set forth in the Benedictine Rule, through her portrayal of Humility as the Queen of the Virtues. Hildegard discusses the importance of both kinds of labor, childbirth and divine works. This equivocation of the term labor contion within her community, exalting the women who devote their life to Christ. By exploring the cohesive nature of

concerns of her community. Hildegard

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used her visionary status to protect the reputation and position of the women in her community, achieve great politi-

allow others to engage with her visionary works. 9. References 1. Benedict, and Carolinne White. The Rule of Benedict. London: Penguin, 2008. 2. Carruthers, Mary J. Rhetoric Beyond Words: Delight and Persuasion In the Arts of the Middle Ages. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010. 3. Dabke, Roswitha. “The Hidden Scheme of the Virtues in Hildegard Parergon. Vol. 23, 2006. 4. Finlay, Barbara. “Origins of Charisma as Process: A Case Study of Hildegard of Bingen,” Symbolic Interaction Vol. 25, 2002. 5. Hildegard, and Audrey Ekdahl Davidson. Ordo Virtutum. Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medieval Institute Publications , 1985. 6. Hildegard, and Barbara Newman. Symphonia: a Critical Edition of the Symphonia Armonie Celestium Revelationum (symphony of the Harmony of Celestial Revelations). 2nd ed. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998. 7. Hildegard, Columba Hart, and Jane

10.

11.

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14.

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Bishop. Scivias. New York: Paulist Press, 1990. Hildegard, and Joseph L Baird. The Personal Correspondence of Hildegard of Bingen. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. Hildegard, Richard Vendome, and Stevie Wishart. The Complete Hildegard Von Bingen, Vol. 3: O Nobilissima Viriditas. Hong Kong: Naxos Digital Services Ltd., 2004. Holsinger, Bruce W. Music, Body, and Desire In Medieval Culture : Hildegard of Bingen to Chaucer. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2001. Le Mée, Katharine W. The Benedictine Gift to Music. New York: Paulist Press, 2003. Newman, Barbara. Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine. Berkeley: University California Press, 1987. Newman, Barbara. “St. Hildegard of Bingen: Visions of the Feminine Divine” 14th Century English Mystics Newsletter, Vol. 7, 1981. Newman, Barbara. Voice of the Living Light: Hildegard of Bingen and Her World. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. Newman, Marsha. “Christian Cos-

Illumination” Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture. Vol. 5, 2002. 16. Scheck, Helene. Reform and Resistance: Formations of Female Sub-

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17.

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jectivity In Early Medieval Ecclesiastical Culture. Albany: SUNY Press, 2008. Schipperges, Heinrich, and John Cumming. The World of Hildegard of Bingen : Her Life, Times, and Visions. Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1998. Simon, Eckehard. The Theatre of Medieval Europe: New Research In Early Drama. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1991. Singer, Charles. “The Visions of Hildegard of Bingen” The Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine. Vol. 78, 1928. Storey, Ann. “A Theophany of the Feminine: Hildegard of Bingen, Elisabeth of Shönau, and Herrad of Landsberg” Women’s Art Journal, Vol. 19, 1998. White, John D. “The Musical World of Hildegard of Bingen” College Music Symposium, Vol. 38, 1998. Witta, Richard. “How to Make A Saint: On Interpreting Hildegard of Bingen” Early Music. Vol. 26, 1998.

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Parton Level Comparison of ttbb at Leading Order Versus Next to Leading Order by Clement Bohr & Eric Culbertson Clement Bohr and Eric Culbertson are both second year students in the College of Arts and Sciences. Clement is majoring in Economics and Physics and Minoring in French, while Eric is majoring in Physics and Cognitive Science. Together, they produced this paper during the Fall 2014 semester under the guidance of Professor Chris Neu. They both would like to express their sincere gratitude for the opportunity Professor Chris Neu has given them. Eric and Clement plan on continuing their research on the project in this paper. 2014-2015 | Volume 13

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Abstract The recently discovered Higgs-boson and its associated Higgs Field are key pieces to our current best description of the universe. The problem of Electroweak Symmetry breaking could be explained by the Higgs Mechanism, where all particles obtain mass through interaction with the Higgs-boson and the other fundamental particles must be measured. Due to large mass of the p.3]. However, once process, consisting of gluon fusion dominated by top quarks that produces a Higgs boson, can be examined to determine the coupling between the Higgs and the top mon background process. This background process is referred to as ttbb [10, p.3]. A complete characterization of this background must be done in order to better understand the signal. to be examined. Recent advances in simulation precision allow for a more complete representation of the ttbb process. One such advance is the implementation of Next-to-Leading (NLO) order calculations while generating events. The effect of the inclusion of NLO corrections in comparison to only leading order (LO) corrections is not yet well understood. LO calculations

primarily because of its ability to simulate processes at both LO and NLO levels [14, p 1-5]. The primary goal of this research was to assess the effect that NLO corrections had on the

increased values for transverse momentum, energy, and mass for all particles that were simulated. Additionally, the values for angular separation between particles were more centrally located at LO compared to NLO.

The Standard Model The Standard Model, as we have it today, is a combination of three group structure SU(3) Ă&#x2014; SU(2) Ă&#x2014; U(1), along with the addition of the Higgs Field[4, p.6]. Each of the three quanfundamental forces, excluding gravity, known in the universe: the Strong nuclear force, the Weak nuclear force, and Electromagnetism [2, p.3]. The quantum tum Chromodynamics (QCD) and it 118

governs the Strong force via the gluon bosons[1, p.1]. U(1) is known as Quantum Electrodynamics (QED) and mainly governs the Electromagnetic force via the gauge boson known as the photon[2, p.6]. SU(2) and U(1) are slightly more complex and are not an effective theory to describe the Weak nuclear and Electromagnetic force on their own. However, through the combination of the SU(2) and U(1), we get the uniforce, but at energy levels below

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Figure 1. Diagram of the currently known particles that make up the Standard Model [3].

174 GeV, the combination of the two result in the lone massless photon as the force carrier of electromagnetism and the massive W and Z bosons as the force carriers for the Weak nuclear force[2, p.3]. There are currently 18 fundamental particles contained in the Standard Model along with their antiparticles. The 12 fermions, which have spin Â˝, consist of the six quarks and the six leptons shown in Figure 1. There are 6 bosons in total: the gluon, the photon, the W+, W-, and Z bosons, and the recently discovered Higgs boson which we will discuss in more detail. The Higgs Boson has spin 0 while the other bosons have spin 1[3].

bined into the electroweak theory, the W and Z bosons should be massless like the photon because of electroweak symmetry. However, we know from experimental observation that the W and Z boson are quite massive. This means that at an energy level below 174 GeV, something causes the electroweak symmetry to break and the W and Z bosons to obtain mass. This process in called spontaneous Electroweak Symmetry Breaking (EWSB)[6, p.2],[8]. Until recently, the cause of EWSB was unknown. There had been many theories that could explain why EWSB happens, and one of the most prominent ones was the Higgs Mechanism. The Higgs Mechanism is the addition to the Standard Model of

The role of the Higgs Boson When SU(2) and U(1) are com-

Field, which permeates all of space and time [4, p.6]. The particles in the

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standard model obtain their masses through their interactions with the

The Top-Higgs coupling

proportional to the coupling that the particle has with the Higgs boson, the

has with any given particle describes the interaction that particle has with the

On July 4th 2012, it was announced that scientists at the Large Hadron Collider (CMS and ATLAS) had experimentally discovered and proved the existence of what seemed to be the Higgs Boson[4, p.19]. Though there are still many unknowns as to the precise characteristics of the Higgs Boson, enough to prove its existence. So far, the results have all been in agreement with the predicted characteristics of the Higgs boson of the Standard Modand that its couplings are proportional to the masses of the W and Z bosons, but remains to be precisely measured for the other fermions [10, p.3]. On the other hand, there are still many unanswered questions regarding the Higgs mechanism. Are there other Higgs bosons? What gives the Higgs its mass? Is there any measurable coupling with the top quark, the most massive fundamental particle? The next run of experiments at the Large Hadron Collider will take place in the spring of 2015, and, with upgrades to the equipment, many more characteristics of the Higgs can be measured, answering these questions [7].

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The coupling that the Higgs boson

that particle mass, the strength of the interaction being proportional to the

is related to the particles mass: massive particles need to interact more with the [9, p.5]. The Top quark, which is a very massive particle of approximately 173 GeV [12, p.2], has a much larger Higgs coupling than the other, much less massive, particles. The Higgs boson with a mass of approximately 126 GeV [15, p.1] usually decays into several possible fermion pairs, and, through this decay, its coupling to several particles has been experimentally determined to the top quark has not yet been found, as the top quark is more massive than the Higgs boson; the Higgs boson would need to have twice the mass of the top quark to be able to decay to it. If we assume the Standard model is true and there are no other forces, this coupling, however, can be determined via an interaction between two gluons, â&#x20AC;&#x153;a gluon fusion,â&#x20AC;? which is dominated by top quarks and produces a Higgs boson. Figure 2 depicts two Feynman diagrams of such gluon fusions where the top quark has a dominant con-

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tribution. The left one consists of two gluons that fuse into a top quark loop which decays to a Higgs. If there are any undiscovered particles from theories beyond the Standard Model, this is not a reliable process for measuring the top-Higgs coupling, as assumptions have to be made about the nature of the particles in the triangular loop. On the other hand, the Feynman Diagram on the right is a direct probe of the top-Higgs coupling. This process, which is the subject of our research, is a gluon fusion that decays into two top quarks

Figure 2. Two types of gluon fusions involving top quarks that result in the production of a Higgs boson [10, p.3].

and a Higgs boson [10, p.3]. The Large Hadron Collider, Compact Muon Solenoid, and ttH production The most advanced particle research that has happened thus far in particle physics has taken place at the Large Hadron Collider, LHC. The Large Hadron Collider is a huge particle accelerator that lies under the SwissFrench border. It is approximately 100 meters underground, and the circular accelerator has a radius of 27 kilometers. Particles are accelerated within the LHE using a combination of magnets to direct and focus the particles. The process of colliding particles in the needles 10 km apart with such precision that they meet halfwayâ&#x20AC;? [18]. There are multiple spots along the LHC where the collisions occur and where detectors are set up to analyze the collisions: ATLAS, CMS, ALICE, and LHC. The LHE can currently smash particles together 40 million times per second, with seven times the energy of any other particle accelerator [16]. The Compact Muon Solenoid, CMS, is the particle detector where most of the experiments regarding the Higgs boson have taken place. One of the main experiments that led to the discovery of the Higgs boson was at CMS in 2012. The experiment recorded an excess of events consistent with the decay of a particles with mass of 125 GeV in several differ

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Figure 3. bb-b. The red lines show the top quarks [20].

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ent decay modes that focused on the Higgs boson decaying to either two photons, Z bosons, or W bosons. This was compared to the expectations for the background data, which is the expected data without the production of a Higgs boson [17]. So far we have gotten accurate results on the mass of the Higgs boson via two of its main decay channels. A Higgs can decay into two photons or two Z bosons, and both of these give very accurate results [17]. CMS has also performed

the mass-energy measurement imprecise, as we cannot detect the neutrinos well [4, p. 25]. Another factor that blurs the results is the background data for the Higgs decay to a bottom quark pair. The background data for the top-Higgs production has identical Figure 4[21] depict Feynman diagram for the signal, and Figure 3[20] depicts a Feynman diagram that contributes to the irreducible background. Regardless of whether a Higgs is generated

main decay channels where it decays to a pair of W bosons or a tau neutrino pair. The largest decay channel for the Higgs is to a bottom quark pair which occurs about 60% of the time [10, p.4]. This process is referred to as tt to bb, or ttbb for short. These last three decay channels do not give as good estimates of the Higgs mass, due to various factors. With regard to the pair of W boson daughters, their decay products include one neutrino each. This makes

product is two W bosons and four bottom quarks. Since our particle detecmakes it very tricky to distinguish the signal from background [4, p.31]. ly on the top quark decaying to the Higgs, as this decay channel has until recently only given very crude data due to the irreducible background. The background process is commonly referred to as ttbar to bbar, or simply

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ttbb. Not only has the background been proportionately large compared to the signal, it is very intricate and has been very hard to simulate [10, p.33]. It is a two-sided issue where not only is the signal itself poorly understood, but the background is also poorly characterized. Recently with the large increase in computational powers and improvements in simulation programs such as the background data can now be more fully analyzed and understood. Now, simulation capabilities have extended to Next-to-Leading Order precision, which is discussed in the next section. This research takes advantage of the new technology and resources available to do a preliminary analysis

Figure 4. Example of the Feynman Diagram of [21].

on the background data for the Higgs to the bottom pair production channel. Only after the background has been more fully characterized can the signal be properly analyzed.

MadGraph5_aMC@NLO the framework used for generating simulated background ttbb events. This framework is a Monte Carlo tool that aims to accurately incorporate SM and BSM phenomenology. In this way, what is generated from this tool forms a connection between purely theoretical models and experimental high-energy particle physics. Being a Monte Carlo tool means that it runs many samples of random sampling to gain the knowledge of the distributions of many entities. What is especially useful is its ability to handle the generation of events at both leading order and next to leading order accuracy. The next-to-leading order (NLO) rections. Going beyond leading order (LO) accuracy is a relatively new progression. This is in part because of the complex nature of cancelling the infrared divergences when at NLO [14, p. 2]. These divergences occur due to contribution of massless particles in some processes [11]. Previously, these divergences had to be addressed case by case, which worked for a time, but was not ideal for large scale implementation. Now, with the results obtained from the LHC, high energy particle physics is was imperative to have a general solution for obtaining results beyond a LO precision. Thankfully, a universal solution

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for the cancellation of infrared singularities was developed for the NLO corrections. As indicated by its name, all of the features of MadGraph5 and tures not included in either. It is unique in all the elements needed to generate at NLO in its package. A focus on ease use in its design allows accurate generation to be done without much familiarity with the underlying Quantum Field

of parallelization in running processes, which was necessary for generating large sample sizes [14, p 1-5]. Flexibility in generating events is

easily be set by the user before generation. Some of these computations that are the merging of samples at NLO with FxFx and the handling of particle decay with MadSpin. FxFx merging is used to remove the double counting of jets that occurs when calculating a process at NLO with a parton shower[19]. Both FxFx merging and MadSpin were used

in our generation of ttbb events. Other computations, such as parton showering, were turned off during the generation of these events. Additionally other

these changes was setting the beam energy to 4000 GeV, creating an 8 TeV collision. The commands required to reproduce the events in this experiment are shown in appendix 1. Simulated data for the ttbb process was created at LO and NLO accuracy so that comparisons could be made between the two. After the all events were generated at LO and NLO, the properties describing the format. Inside every event, data on the momentum, energy, and other properties were included for every particle involved in the collision. An example of an event in LHE format can be seen in Figure 5. The number appearing at the top left of the event is the total number of particles. Each row consists of the data for each of those particles, with the leftmost column being the particle number. Information on the momentum, energy, and other properties of a particle can be found in the subsequent

Figure 5.

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columns.

in ROOT. The statistical and histogramming packages were essential in visualizing the data created [5].

Root the data inside it needed to be analyzed. The primary tools used in analyzing this data were provided by ROOT. ROOT is a framework developed at CERN that has thousands of tools that can help research in high-energy physics and data analysis in general. Accessing, processing, and presenting ing the libraries and objects included

Analysis Kinematics Figures 6-9 plots the transverse momentum (Pt), phi, and eta distributions for the extra b quarks, top-daughter b-quarks, the top quarks, and the W bosons. Transverse momentum is deplane. NLO corrections were expected to produce larger values for both

Figure 6. Transverse momentum, phi, and eta for the extra bottom quarks.

Figure 7. Transverse momentum, phi, and eta for the top-daughter b-quarks.

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Pt and energy, which is observed in this data for every particle studied. NLO produced smaller values, however, for the Eta value of all particles except the extra b-quarks. Eta, which also referred to as pseudorapidity, is related to the angle the particle makes with the beam axis. We will analyze the Eta values more in depth in the next section. The distributions for phi are very consistent, as evidenced by the nonzero KS values in eta plots for every particle. This is expected since phi should be uniformly distributed. The KS value refers to the value returned by the Kolm-

ogorov-Smirnov test, which is a test of equality. Overall, all the distributions of the decay products of the t-quarks are consistent with the distributions of the t-quark itself. Delta Phi, Eta, and R The delta plots can be seen in Figure 10-13 for the extra bottom quark pair, the bottom quark daughter pair, the top quark pair, and the W boson pair. Delta Eta and Delta Phi are tween the eta and phi values of two particles. Delta R is the square root of

Figure 8. Transverse momentum, phi, and eta for the top quarks.

Figure 9. Transverse momentum, phi, and eta for the W bosons.

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Figure 10. Delta Phi, Eta, and R for the extra bottom quark pair in each event.

Figure 11. Delta Eta, Phi, and R for the top quark daughter b-quark pair in each event.

Figure 12. Delta Eta, Phi, and R for the top quark pair in each event.

Figure 13. Delta Eta, Phi, and R for the W boson pair in each event. 2014-2015 | Volume 13

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the sum of the squares of delta eta and delta phi. In general, events calculated at LO tended to have slightly higher values of Delta Phi, and the value of Delta R tended to be slightly more cendifferences in most of the delta plots, however, even when plotted on a log scale. Minimum and maximum values of Delta R across all bottom quark pairs were characterized (Figure 15). Figure 14 counts the instances that the extra bottom quark pair had DelR less than 0.1, 0.2, 0.3, 0.4, 0.5, 0.7,.8,.9,1.0. This data was important in acquiring experimental data from CMS. The CMS de-

tector is only so precise; therefore, if the proximity, the detector may fail to detect or to distinguish between the two particles. It will instead result in data resembling a combined version of the two particles, which is nonsensical. It is good to have an idea of the proportions of b-quark pairs that have Delta R under a certain value, in order to know what to expect from the readings of the particle detector depending on its precision. If we know a certain proportion of the b-quark pairs will have a Delta R which is a smaller than what the detector can distinguish between we will expect to have that much obscured

Figure 14. Instances where extra b-quarks are separated by DelR < 0.1, 0.2, 0.3, 0.4, 0.5, 0.6, 0.7, 0.8, 0.9, and 1.0: DelR was calculated from the extra b-quark pair in each event. Each bin on the histogram depicts the proportion of extra b-quark pairs with DelR less than 0.

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data. This histogram also shows that there is little difference between NLO and LO regarding the Delta R of the extra bottom quark pair at low values. Ordered transverse momenta of the four bottom quarks in each event when every |eta|<2.5 Figure 16 depicts the ordered transverse momenta for the four bottom quarks in each event. The motivation for

these plots is too look closely at the spread of energy of the four bottom quarks in the events between NLO and LO. The low eta value insures a more direct beam which implies that we are looking at the data that is more softly scattered. Nonetheless, it is still apparent that overall the NLO has a higher transverse momentum throughout its entire spread than LO. NLO and LO both

a. Minimum DelR, DelPhi, DelEta.

b. Maximum DelR, DelPhi, DelEta. Figure 15. DelR for each of 6 b/bbar quark pairings of the 4 bottom quarks in each event. 2014-2015 | Volume 13

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Figure 16. Ordered transverse momentum of bottom quarks in each event with | Eta | < 2.5. From left to right, descending order of transverse momentum and Pt level (i.e. leading, 2nd, 3rd, 4th). Events with | Eta | > 2.5 were removed.

seem to have similar spread of their is systematically shifted upwards for all its bottom quarks to a higher transverse momentum. NLO again points towards the background data being more energetic than previously estimated by LO. Invariant mass between all possible bottom quark pairs The invariant masses between all 6 bottom quark pairs is shown Figure 17. It has quite a large spread, but the about 200 GeV. The LO sample produces a slightly softer scatter than the NLO sample. The LO sample also has a softer scatter in Figure 18, which looks at the invariant mass of only the extra bottom quark pair. The invariant mass of 130

Figure 17. Invariants mass of all b-quarks pairs. There are 6 invariant mass entries per event.

the extra b-pair is important because if the signal were included in our sample, a spike in the mass would be expected to occur around the 125 GeV level

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(the mass of the Higgs boson). In order to identify the signal, it is important for the background to be properly characterized. Conclusion Summary The NLO corrections to generated ttbb events increases the average energy and momenta of every particle in the event. The scatter is harder which not only produces more energetic particles, but it also expands the range and volatility in the direction the partiant mass of the b-quark pairs are also increased when the NLO corrections are included, which is very valuable to know since this is one the man methods the Higgs boson can be detected. The values for phi of all particles are consistent between the LO and NLO samples. We also analyzed the DelR values between LO and NLO thoroughly, which gave us a better understanding of what to expect in the particle detector. The NLO corrections showed that DelR values were more spread out, and we calculated the proportion of bottom quarks that would be in too close to each other to distinguish in a particle detector. Future Steps The next objective of our research will be to compare our production of the ttbb background data to the background data that is produced by a different collision simulator, Sher-

Figure 18. Invariants mass of extra b-quark pair. Only invariant mass entry per event.

using different methods. This will point out any discrepancies between the two background data sets. The case that they turn out to be very similar will point towards them both being fairly accurate according to our current understanding of the universe and the Standard Model. It is likely, however, that they might diverge in some ways, and we must consider this and adjust our expectations and understanding of the background data accordingly. Depending on how they diverge, the data or only small local issues, will decide how we will interpret and work around them. We are also interested in producing large samples of top quarks along with any types of jet (tt+jets) events which include all the top quark decay

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channels instead of only the ttbb decay channel. From the large sample of tt+jets we will pick out the bottom quark jets produced and analyze them in the same framework we analyzed ttbb. Of highest priority is to compare our ttbb background data to the ttbb signal. This is at the heart of the matter at hand. The end goal is to get precise measurements of the Higgs Boson through its decay products, and this will hopefully be possible when we can more precisely distinguish it from the background data. From this comparithe Higgs mass of approximately 125 GeV, but more interesting, the coupling the Higgs has with the top quark. Appendix: Commands for Event Reproducibility Generating at NLO: [QCD]

>madspin=ON >shower=OFF Generating at LO:

>madspin=ON >shower=OFF

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References 1. Amsler, C., T. DeGrand, and B. Krusche. Quark Model. N.p.: Particle Data Group, 21 Aug. 2014. PDF. 2. Romanino, Andrea. The Standard Model of Particle Physics. N.p.: SLAC National Accelerator Laboratory, n.d. PDF. 3. Elert, Glenn. Quarks and Leoptons. Digital image. The Physics Hypertextbook. N.p., n.d. Web. 4. Carena, M., C. Grojean, M. Kado, and V. Sharma. Status of Higgs Boson Physics. N.p.: Particle Data Group, 21 Aug. 2014. PDF. 5. “A Gentle Introduction.” A Gentle Introduction. The ROOT Team, 1995. Web. 24 Mar. 2015. 6. Kestenbaum, David. “What Is Electroweak Symmetry Breaking, Anyway?” FermiNews 23 Jan. 1998: 1-12. Web. 7. Ellis, John. “CERN Accelerating Science.” How Standard Is the Higgs Boson Discovered in 2012? Cern, n.d. Web. 24 Mar. 2015. 8. Taylor, Lucas. “About the Higgs Boson.” CMS Experiment. European Organization for Nuclear Research, n.d. Web. 25 Mar. 2015. 9. Bernardi, G. Higgs Boson: Theory and Searches. N.p.: Particle Data Group, 30 July 2010. PDF. 10. “A Particle Consistent with the Higgs Boson Observed with the ATLAS Detector at the Large Hadron

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11.

12. 13.

14.

15. 16.

17.

18.

19.

Collider.” Journal of High Energy Physics 338.6114 (2012): 1576 582. Cern, 22 Sept. 2014. Web. Schwartz, Matthew. Infrared Divergences. N.p.: Harvard, 1 Oct. 2008. PDF. Olive, K. A. Quarks. N.p.: Particle Data Group, 2014. PDF. Quilty, Donnchadhaa. TtH Hbb. Digital image. University of Glasgow, n.d. Web. Alwall, J. The Automated Computation of Tree-level and Next-toleading Order Differential Cross Sections. Tech. N.p.: Cern, n.d. Print. Olive, K. A. H0. N.p.: Particle Data Group, 2014. PDF. Taylor, Lucas. “What Is CMS?” What Is CMS? | CMS Experiment. CMS Experiment, n.d. Web. 25 Mar. 2015. Taylor, Lucas. “Observation of a New Particle with a Mass of 125 GeV.” Compact Muon Solenoid. Cern, 4 July 2012. Web. “CERN Accelerating Science.” The Large Hadron Collider. N.p., n.d. Web. 25 Mar. 2015. Frederix, Rikkert. Merging Meets

27 Sept. 2012. PDF. 20. Ttbb-fd. Digital image. InSPIRE HEP. N.p., n.d. Web.

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The Consequence of a Fallen World :

The Catholic Debate Over Slavery in America During the Antebellum and Civil War Era by Nicole Penn Nicole Penn, graduating from UVa in May 2015, is a double major in History and Foreign Affairs, with a minor in French. Following graduation, Nicole will be attending the College of William and Mary in order to pursue a Masters in History, so that she may continue developing her studies on the intersection of American politics and religion during the nineteenth century. Nicole is also currently working on a larger honors thesis in the History department on the role and experience of Confederate Catholics in the American Civil War. She would like to thank Professors Gerald Fogarty and D.H. Dilbeck for their guidance and support in all her research endeavors. 134

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Abstract Unlike many of its Protestant counterparts, the American Catholic Church avoided fracturing along Northern and Southern lines as a result of the antebellum and Civil War-era deprevent Catholics from voicing numerous opinions on the slavery controversy, informed both by their faith and surrounding culture. This paper analyzes these varying perspectives and determines how Catholics in both the North and South used their shared faith to arrive at highly divergent opinions on the issue of slavery. Additionally, this paper analyzes whether more Catholics supported slavery than sought its abolition, or vice versa. This paper uses a combination of secondary material written on Catholic history in the United States in addition to a number of primary documents written by Catholics living in both the North and South prior to and during the Civil War. It is divided into two main sections, focused respectively on anti-slavery and proslavery views, with each section divided into two further subsections focusing separately on although there were several strongly anti-slavery Catholics, most Catholics found the social in which many Southern masters treated their slaves. This viewpoint also lent itself to a “Catholic”

Historians often cite the American divided the nation along sectional lines in an unprecedented manner. In seceding from the Union, the creation of the Confederacy in the South resulted in a new government, a new army, and a contingent of new Protestant churches that had permanently split from their Northern brethren. Although some historians center disagreements over the power of the federal government as the primary cause of the war, a careful evaluation of the historical record provides evidence that the issue of slavery was the ultimate source

in the U.S. which succeeded in remaining united during both the prewar and wartime era was the American Catholic Church, an establishment whose adherents constituted roughly ten percent of the American population at the beginning of the war.1 However, even as the Church maintained its hierarchical structure and the organization of its provinces intact, both the Catholic laity and clergy could not avoid addressing the problem of slavery that was dividing their Protestant counterparts. Although Catholic responses to this problem were as diverse as the -

Southern states – a controversy which rapidly made its way to the pulpits. Nevertheless, one of the few institutions

1 William Kurtz. “Roman Catholic Americans in the North and Border States During the Era of the American Civil War” (PhD diss., University of Virginia, 2012), 2.

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ligious factors most often pushed them to repudiate the extremist positions of abolitionists and slavery proponents equal human dignity of slaves, while remaining extremely hesitant to support any method which would employ violent societal disruption in order to secure their freedom. With 3.1 million Catholics in the U.S. by 1860, the American Catholic Church ministered to a diverse population, the majority of which were immigrants from Europe whose experience in their home lands strongly colored their perception of slavery. Although a majority of the Catholic clergy and laity were Irish, there existed substantial pockets of German Catholics to the North and French Catholics in the South, with diocesan strongholds located in major cities like New York, Cincinnati, Richmond, Charleston, and New Orleans.2 As Benjamin Blied notes in Catholics and the Civil War, with regard to slavery “Differences arose mainly from their residence, politics, economics or antecedents.”3 One of the most important of these “antecedents” was the rise of anti-Catholicism in the 1840s, the product of increased Irish and German immigration and the continuing popularity of the Second Great Awakening, which extolled the virtues of Protestantism.4 In particular, 2 Benjamin Blied, Catholics and the Civil War, (Milwaukee, Milwaukee Diocese, 1945), 18. 3 Ibid, 7. 4 Kurtz, 16. 136

Protestants argued that the Catholic it incompatible with Republican principles – after all, as historian William Kurtz asks, “How could American Catholics be free to make their own decisions and to freely participate in politics and society when the pope and his bishops allegedly told them how to think?”5 This heightened wariness regarding Catholic immigrants eventually seeped into American politics, resulting in the rise of a handful of political parties seeking to limit the number of foreign arrivals to the United States which eventually developed an association with the abolitionist movement. The most famous of these was the Know-Nothings, a party whose Virginian branch articulated in their platform a strong condemnation of any group “‘which believes and maintains that any foreign power, religious or political, has the right to control the conscience or duty of a freeman.”6 Although Know-Nothing adherent Benjamin Johnson Barbour tried to explain “…that ‘it is against foreign politicks [sic] and not foreign religions I would have my countrymen combine,” this did not prevent many Protestant Know-Nothings from conabsolute temporal power.7 Know-Nothings formed some of the core constit5 Kurtz, 24. 6 Gerald Fogarty, Commonwealth Catholicism (Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame, 2001), 123. 7 Ibid.

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uencies of the new Republican Party of the 1850s, driving many Catholics to become staunch supporters of the Democratic Party, a political entity that opposed the alleged abolitionist

this progressive view. As historian John McGreevy explains, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Many Catholic intellectuals around the world accepted slavery as a legitimate, if tragic, institution. This acceptance rested upon the pervasive fear of liberal individuparty. Additionalalism and social It is not surprising that ly, most Catholics disorder that so some viewed slavery as recognized the shaped Catholic strong link which another of lifeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ills to thought during the be borne patiently by nineteenth cenexisted between those struggling under the Protestants tury.â&#x20AC;?9 Unlike their its oppression that composed Protestant counnativist parties and those that were terparts, most American Catholics acin the midst of fomenting abolitionism, leading them to develop a general consequence of living in a fallen world, aversion for the movement. In particular, and instead associated suffering with many Catholics were disturbed by the spiritual growth and piety.10 Given that many Catholic immigrants were victims destroy the Constitution for the sake of of famines and wars that had ravaged eliminating slavery in the U.S.8 Europe in the 1840s, it is not surprising In addition to the political differ- that some viewed slavery as another of ences which prevented many Catholics from siding with abolitionists, fundamen- struggling under its oppression. tal divisions between the Protestant It is important to bear these cirand Catholic interpretation of philos- cumstances in mind in order to unophy and theology affected Catho- derstand the contrasting assessments lic responses to the institution of slav- which Northern and Southern Catholics ery. For example, American Catholics made regarding the morality of slavery questioned the American Protestant in the United States during the antebelemphasis on individuality and their pro- lum and Civil War era. Catholics during gressive interpretation of history. North- this time faced innumerable challengern Protestants especially believed it es, with intense political and religious their duty as Christian men and women discrimination in the towns and cities to eradicate the societal evil that was 9 John T. McGreevy, Catholicism and Amerislavery, as part of their larger goal of can Freedom (New York, W.W. Norton, 2003), Most American Catholics did not share 8 Blied, 20.

52. 10 Mark A. Noll, The Civil War as a Theological Crisis (Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina, 2006), 131.

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to which they had either immigrated or had called their home for generations. As a result, as Kurtz maintains in his thesis, “Many Catholic leaders across the United States argued that their commuvative principles, and respect for the Constitution meant that they (…) were interested in maintaining the Union and Constitution as the surest guarantors of their religious liberty in the face of local anti-Catholic forces.”11 However, this assessment risks overgeneralizing the Catholic experience, especially when considering the number of devout Catholics in the South whose faith allowed them to believe strongly enough in the institution of slavery to support secession. It also risks overgeneralizing their counterparts in the North whose the Confederacy. It is only in reading the very words of Catholic clergy and laypeople that it is possible to develop a more nuanced approach to this moral debate, and to understand how in many instances, this imported religion served as a middle ground between those who strove to abolish slavery in a single blow, and those determined to treat blacks as subservient creatures until the end of time. Section I: Proslavery Catholic Views – The Clergy In 1839, Pope Gregory XVI published an apostolic letter, In Supremo, 11 Kurtz, 18. 138

condemning the slave trade, an act that was one of the catalysts for the cal legitimacy by Southern bishops and priests during the 1840s and 1850s. As historian Mark A. Noll explains, the letter “condemned the slave trade in very strong terms,” with “…enough antislavery language in it that it could easily be seen as an attack on the institution of slavery as well.”12 Although the letter began with a reminder that “…the divine Spirit, taught, in fact, the slaves themselves to obey their carnal masters as Christ, and to do the will of God from of the existence of slavery as a relationship between master and servant, it later described the sinfulness of those who would “…exercise that inhuman trade by which negroes, as if they were not men, but mere animals, howsoever reduced into slavery, are, without any distinction, contrary to the laws of justice and humanity, bought, sold, and doomed sometimes to the most severe and exhausting labors.” Additionally, Pope Gregory XVI cited numerous documents issued by previous popes that reinforced this view as a trend in 1462 correspondence on the same subject with the Bishop of Rubi, Paul Sublimus Dei, which forbade enslavement of Native suring of dissenters from this teaching in 1639. Finally, in a comment which infu12 Noll, 133.

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riated many proslavery supporters, the pope reminded his followers that “… sincere charity to all would most strenuously be recommended by the law of the gospel (…) it easily ensued therefrom, not only that Christians should regard their slaves, and especially Christians, as brethren, but also that they should be more prone to present with liberty those who might deserve it.”13 Excited by the language and prestige of its author, The New York Independent, an abolitionist magazine, published the letter in an attempt to get New York Catholics to become more active in opposing slavery. At the same time, abolitionist Wendell Phillips arranged for parts of the letter to be lar purposes. Nevertheless, what both Phillips and the New York Independent letter focused explicitly on condemning the slave trade, and not the institution of slavery itself. This was a point that proslavery clergymen repeatedly made, especially as they sought to reconcile their religious beliefs with the loyalty they reserved for their home states, which were at the moment already beginning to make secessionist overtures. No bishop made a stronger case for this interpretation of the letter than 13 Gregory XVI, “In Supremo,” in Letters of the Late Bishop England to the Hon. John Forsyth, on the Subject of Domestic Slavery: to which Pope’s Apostolic Letter, Concerning the African Slave Trade, with some Introductory Remarks, etc., ed. John Murphy (Baltimore, 1844), ix-xi.

of Charleston. Writing between 1840 and 1841, England wrote 18 letters to John Forsyth, a Georgia politician who was at the time the Secretary of State for the Martin Van Buren administration. Forsyth, an ardent supporter of slavery and slave-owner himself, believed that icism was fundamentally an antislavery religion, and England attempted to mitigate this belief by offering a detailed historical and theological defense of of slavery. In particular, England argued that the Pope was only reinforcing what had already been established as law by the American Constitution in 1808: the elimination of the slave trade. The papacy condemned only those actively involved in the process of capturing and reducing others who were once free into slavery, actions which after 1808 should not have pertained to any modern American slaveholder: “… now by the laws of the United States since the year 1808, it would be criminal in one of our citizens to go to Africa and there reduce a negro into slavery, from freedom, or to purchase and ship for a foreign port a negro so enslaved by another, or to introduce him into Georgia or any other place in the United States. This is what is common-

these several Popes reprehended and declared to be unlawful.”14 14 John England, “Letter I,” in Ibid, 17.

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In addition to clarifying the distinction between slavery and the slave trade, Bishop England devoted considerable time to discussing the biblical precedent for slavery. According to England, the abolitionist charge that slavery was in some way incompatible with natural law failed to take into account Christian tradition, which “…does not prohibit a man from bartering his liberty and his services to save his life, to provide for his sustenance, to secure other enjoyments which he prefers to that freedom and to that right to his own labor (…) Nor does the natural law prohibit another man from procuring and bestowing upon him those advantages in return for which he has agreed 15 v i c e. ” Any association A b r a between Cathol- ham, Job, icism and aboli- and nutionism threatened dangerous m e r o u s other results Biblical fathers owned slaves, and Jesus frequently employed the master/slave relationship in his parables on morality. Nevertheless, England acknowledged slavery was dubious at best, and attempted to reconcile this problem by noting instances of “…many slaves who would not accept their freedom; I know some who have refused it; and though our domestic slavery must upon the whole be regarded as involuntary, still 15 Ibid, “Letter II,” 22. 140

the exceptions are not so few as are imagined by strangers.”16 It is interesting that Bishop England devoted so much energy to defending the antislavery language of of abolitionism, when he maintained considerably more egalitarian racial views that many of his fellow Southern the last of his correspondence with Forsyth, England noted in a private letter that he did not support slavery personally, but knew of no way to abolish it in the United States.17 In fact, England op a school exclusively for the education of black children (slave and nonslave) alike. Nevertheless, as Bishop of Charleston, England was operating in strongholds, and any association between Catholicism and abolitionism threatened dangerous results – in fact, England experienced these consequences personally when his school for black children was burned to the ground in 1835. The potential retaliation for any Catholic presence in political activism was enough for England to circulate a letter during the presidential election of 1840 reminding readers that Catholics would never intend to form a political party.18 If England had to resort to such measures to defray mounting tensions between Catholics 16 Ibid, 23. 17 Blied, 22. 18 Ibid, 12.

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and native Protestants, support for a movement as radical as abolitionism simply had no place at his pulpit. With political circumstances driving many Catholic clergymen to speak out in favor of slavery as an institution, what differentiated their arguments from Protestants who shared their attitude lay in their understanding of the slave as an individual. A prime example was Archbishop Francis Patrick Kenrick of Baltimore, who between 1840 and 1861 published two editions of a textbook on moral theology that addressed the problem of slavery.19 In these works, he accepted slavery as it economic institutions, while noting how missible, but not treatment of the slave as a thing. The slave trade was wrong, slaves must be allowed to partake of the sacraments and educated in the faith, and lynching was abhorrent.”20 Catholic clergy repeatedly noted how the relationship between master and slave was one of mutual respect; both parties had rights that had to be observed and duties which they had to perform. England perhaps put it best when he cited how the apostles exhorted different yet essential duties to both master and slave in order to maintain harmony, “…recommending mercy and kindness to the master, obedience, 21

19 Noll, 127. 20 McGreevy, 53. 21 John England, “Letter IV,” 37.

Bishop England, moreover, noted that manity, Christianity considerably ameliorated their treatment in pagan Rome. Citing the letter of St. Paul to Philemon, England noted further that even if they did not share the same temporal status, through baptism in the Catholic tradition master and slave could be conJesus Christ and would treat each other in that manner.22 olutionary attitude, in spite of its acceptance of slavery as an institution, was its refusal to discuss the question of slavery in racial terms. Nevertheless, that is not to say that American clergymen completely lacked instances of prejudice – for example, Archbishop John Hughes of New York was famous for stating that “Africans were ‘as dark 23

Even worse, in a an address made in Richmond to dispel accusations that Catholics were complicit in abolitionist schemes, Jesuit James Ryder of Georgetown College asserted in 1835 that “…‘if abolitionists hoped to ‘better the look to the disgusting state of morals among the colored free in the Northern cities (…) and then let them look to 22 Ibid, 33. 23 John Hughes, “Sermon on the Occasion of His Return from Cuba,” in Complete Works of the Most Rev. John Hughes, D.D., Archbishop of New York: Comprising His Sermons, Letters, Speeches, etc., ed. Laurence Kehoe (New York, 1864), 222, quoted in McGreevy, 51.

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the peaceful, and contented, and secure condition of the Southern slave.”24 However, these opinions were personal instead of doctrinal; as much as the Church rested upon the importance of hierarchy, that hierarchy did not include a hierarchy of race. In fact, the Vatican supported the validity of interracial marriage, opposed segregation laws, and denounced polygenesis, a belief that differing races stemmed from differing species.25 In the Catholic tradition, it was just as possible and lawful for a white slave to serve a black master. At its core, Catholic theology considered slavery as a form of social organization. The possible social unrest that could result in trying to eliminate this institution was far more problematic to the Church than it was to work within the system to ameliorate any abuses that slavery might engender.

merciful treatment of slaves, such as in the example of Virginian Catholic Ann Behan Plume Herron, who died trying to nurse 19 of her slaves back to health following the 1855 yellow fever epidemic in Norfolk.27 Nevertheless, a lack of slave ownership did not prevent Balen masse from services when prayers were requested for “national unity” in the weeks following the attack on Fort Sumter. Many Southern Catholics prepared themselves to rally around the Stars and Bars in the coming months in de28

one of the most interesting aspects of proslavery Catholics was the fact that few of these Catholics owned substantial numbers of slaves. Particularly in areas of the Border States and Upper South, such as Virginia, it was rare for Catholics to own vast plantations operating exclusively on slave labor. Most Catholic slave-owners were mer-

Although American Catholicism historically stressed loyalty to the national government, as aforementioned radical abolitionist political rhetoric drove many Catholics to refocus their loyalties to the state level. Most Catholics respected the American Constitution as a document which safeguarded their political and religious liberties, and consequently were disturbed by the determination of certain abolitionist leaders (most famously, William Lloyd Garrison) to abolish this document because they believed it to be “proslavery.” Maryland native Chief Justice Roger Taney, who handed down the Dred Scott decision in 1857, was one

24 James Ryder, The Richmond Enquirer, 4 September 1835, quoted in Fogarty, 69. 25 McGreevy, 55.

26 Fogarty, 143. 27 Ibid, 129. 28 Ibid, 146.

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chants or otherwise members of the professional class.26 Those who did own slaves, for the most part, seemed

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of the many Catholics who feared the impact that such growth could have on the power of the federal government. Despite having freed his own slaves and aided numerous others to return to Africa, Taney rejected abolitionism because, as Blied notes, in his “…estimation slavery was a southern problem that was to be solved by those who were familiar with it and not by abolitionists who knew little about it from direct observation. Realizing how the strength of the North was mounting, Taney became more and more convinced that individual states should be free from federal domination.”29 In addition to disagreeing with their political philosophy, many lay Catholics also revolution, and disregard for the established order - characteristics which most Catholics found distasteful. As a result of this perception, combined with the very real hostility which many abolitionists demonstrated towards Catholicism, lists including Catholics who subscribed to abolitionist organizations prior to the Civil War were few and far between. Moreover, the Catholic laity in America did not speak out strictly in favor of abolition until 1862, even as they occasionally bemoaned the abuse of slaves in the South.30 In the same manner that clergymen like Bishop England wrote to 29 Blied, 17. 30 McGreevy, 51.

dispel Southern misunderstandings of the Catholic position on slavery, the laity was equally active in combating anti-Catholicism in the South and Border States, through carefully explaining Catholic doctrine on such an explosive issue. The “Letter of an Adopted Catholic addressed to the President of the Kentucky Democratic Association of Washington City” is highly reminiscent with a more biting and sarcastic tone. Written on June 30, 1856 in response to a speech by William Russell Smith, an Alabama politician who disparaged American Catholics for being disloyal to the South and its institutions, the anonymous letter (signed by “An Adopted Catholic” from Ireland) reinforces many of the points that England had already made regarding the Catholic view of slavery, with a particular emphasis on the evils of abolitionists and to civil government. The author of the letter noted how there was a natural alliance between immigrant Catholics and the Southern people, arguing that though a common enemy - the purely Know-Nothing Party, one the one hand, and the Black Republican or Abolition Party on the other.”31 The author also 31 “Letter of an Adopted Catholic Addressed to the President of the Kentucky Democratic Association of Washington City on Temporal Allegiance to the Pope, and the Relations of the Catholic Church and Catholics, both Native and Adopted, to the System of Domestic Slavery and its Agitation in the Unit-

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strongly articulated the way in which the Catholic Church, unlike many of its Protestant counterparts, had avoided division upon Southern secession due

most likely a criticism of the Pottawatomie Massacre that had happened in

as a legal institution, in addition to the brand John Brown, the raid that killed

(although not temporal) authority: We have no Church North and no church South; no Synod and no Conference of ours excommunicates the Christian citizen and declares him unworthy of Christian communion and Christian fellowship because he owns a slave. The Catholics of Massachusetts and of Maine, who own no slaves, extend the band of fellowship as Christians and as citizens to the Catholics of Virginia and the Carolinas, of Kentucky and of Louisiana, who may have their hundreds. Our faith embraces in its charitable scope every person and all the institutions of our common country. Our Priests present no memorial to Congress, “in the name of the Almighty God,” and advocate no treason to the laws and no murder

of the worst characteristics of Protestant abolitionism, and deeply troubled Catholic citizens across the North and the South. As a result, many across state lines would have sympathized with the ment of his fellow worshippers: Our laity everywhere try to be at once good citizens and moderate Christians! We are no fanatics; we are no Abolitionists; and we have no sympathy for any men who are arrayed against the laws of Congress and who are laboring to overthrow the Government of the United States. The Catholic who would array himself against the laws or section of this country, having equal rights under a common Constitution, would be guilty of double treason; treason to his country and treason to his religion. (Ibid)

day. (“Letter,” 1855, 2) ed States, January 15, 1855” Hathitrust Digital Library, http://hdl.handle.net/2027/hvd.hx4sk7 (accessed February 11, 2014), 1. 144

In addition to emphasizing the political loyalty of Catholic citizens,

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the author explained how the Church had nonetheless revolutionized the institution of slavery, in addition to further pointing out the hypocrisy of Northern abolitionists. Outlining the duties between master and slave, the writer noted how “…it has been the humane province of the Church to elevate the slave, (…) and to mitigate the terrible severities of the system as it found it among the Pagans. But while she did this, she admonished the slave of those duties he owed his lawful master, and the master of those Christian charities and mercies that were due to his slave in the eye of Heaven.”32 Instead of murdering people in the newly acquired American territories, Catholicism taught its followers to treat slaves with dignity and respect, and it lauded a system which in certain, optimistic cases provided a higher standard of living for blacks than in the North. This cynicism of the capitalistic lifestyle that the North espoused was another common theme in Catholic writings, and the “Adopted Catholic” manifested this sentiment in a commentary on the importance of respecting the Fugitive Slave Act and addressing the ironic state of immigrant workers in the Free States: This system of denunciation and unlawful interference was left by the Saviour, by his apostles, and by the Church, to such men as Seward, Sumner, Chase, Hale, Banks, Fremont, Theo-

dore Parker, Beecher, and other fanatics of this age and generation; men most of whom are in favor of enslaving and disenfranchising the Irishman, the Dutchman, and all persons born in foreign countries, and freeing the negro and enfranchising him. (Ibid) The author ended his letter in a poignant defense of Catholic loyalty to the South that would have elicited considerable support from many of his fellow Catholics in slaveholding states contemplating secession. According to him, Catholics could serve the South with the same fervor as their Protestant counterparts, especially given the fact that most Southern states were Democratic strongholds which had welcomed immigrants, unlike states where the Know-Nothings were in power (although fewer instances of anti-immigrant sentiment may have been due to the fact that the South merely received fewer immigrants than the North). Discussing the threat that northern politicians posed towards slavery, the author averred: But sir, this is a terrible assault upon the established institutions of the country, and the rights of the Southern states under the constitution, the Catholic portion of the people will

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be a reliable ally against the mongrel and the Vandal invader, with his united cohorts of Abolitionists and Know-nothings. The adopted citizens and the Catholics will gratefully remember and cordially return the favors they have received from the noble men of the South who have defended them and secured their liberties from this same common enemy. They will - I know they will! (Ibid, 7)

War era.34 The most vocal of these was Archbishop John Purcell of Cincinnati, a man whom historian Roger Fortin notes as maintaining a “…natural impetuosity and aggressiveness [which] led him to become an outspoken advocate of

Given that 40,000 Irish Catholics on behalf of the Confederacy, it would promise to the President of the Kentucky Democratic Association was in33

Section III: Antislavery Catholic Views– the Clergy When the Civil War broke out in 1861, the American Catholic Church operated under the leadership of seven archbishops and 37 bishops, three-quarters of whom lived in the Free states; however, out of all of these, only a minute handful openly supported abolitionism in the antebellum and Civil 33 George J. Marlin, “Catholics and the Civil War,” The Catholic Thing, Internet, available from http://www.thecatholicthing.org/ columns/2011/catholics-and-the-civil-war.html, accessed 9 March 2014. 146

closest friends was Auxiliary Bishop Sylvester Rosecrans, an abolitionist whose brother was the famous Union general William Rosecrans – both converts to Catholicism.35 Together these men published The Catholic Telegraph, one of the few diocesan newspapers in the U.S. which unequivocally condemned slavery as an institution, in contrast to the predominant attitude of other Catholic publications in both the North and the South. In fact, one can comments in an 1841 letter congratulating Bishop Anthony Blanc of New Orleans for the creation of the Propagateur Catholique, wherein Purcell decision to include slave advertiseadvertisements in a political journal…. It is not necessary to be an abolitionist to condemn a practice so repugnant 36

Purcell was unique among his 34 Blied, 36. 35 Roger Fortin, Faith and Action: A History of the Catholic Archdiocese of Cincinnati, 18211996 (Columbus: Ohio State University, 2002), 142. 36 John Purcell, “Letter from John Purcell to Anthony Blanc, April 2, 1841,” quoted in Fortin, 141.

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fellow clergymen for his ability to reconcile Catholicism and abolitionism. As previous sections have documented, most Catholic clergymen viewed the antebellum slavery controversy as a political and economic matter; only Purcell and a few others viewed it as a moral issue.37 Writing in 1861, Purcell argued that “‘He who tries to 38

He did not share the opinion posited by men such as Bishop England that slavery was a biblically acceptable institution, and in direct contrast to the cell instead believed that the Catholic Church “‘…has ever been the friend of set men free, and Christian people disregard his precepts and principles and example, when they seek to uphold or perpetuate involuntary human servi39 More interestingly, Purcell was not discouraged by the alleged anti-Catholicism of American Protestants and their reform campaigns, a sentiment which he made clear as early as in 1838 at a dinner speech covered by the Catholic Telegraph: “There are bigots in every country and of every religion; and it is unjust to attribute such 37 Ibid, 142. 38 John Purcell, “Letter from John McCaffrey to John Purcell, September 26, 1861,” AUND, quoted in Ibid, 143. 39 “Archbishop Purcell’s Lecture at Mozart Hall Last Sunday Nov. 1,” Catholic Telegraph, 4 November 1863, p. 860, quoted in McGreevy, 83.

sentiments to Americans as a people.”40 This perspective probably contributed to his willingness to support abolitionism, even as its most prominent supporters remained hostile to other Catholic clergymen across the nation, and vice versa. ist principles theologically consistent with Catholic interests, Purcell argued that these principles could also be politically consistent. In a jarring deviation from American Catholic tradition, Purcell often voted for Republicans in state and national elections. Although he received substantial criticism from Catholic circles for the manner in which he cast his Purcell was ballot, Purcell de- unique among his fellow fended his actions by clergymen for his ability to noting how reconcile slavery Catholicism was “‘…an and abolition unchristian evil, opposed to the freedom of mankind, and to the growth and glory of 41 Additionally, Purcell tempered the radical abolitionist claim that the Constitution had to be rewritten in order to eliminate slavery, by arguing that the institution of slavery 40 “Ireland: Dinner at Mallow – The Catholic Church in America,” Catholic Telegraph, 11 October 1838, p.350, http://proxy.its.virginia. edu/login?url=http://search.proquest.com.proxy. its.virginia.edu/docview/89962286?accountid=14678 (accessed February 1, 2014). 41 “Archbishop,” 82-83.

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was not at the heart of the founding of the American republic: He next explained away the apparent inconsistency between that admission in the American charter which said ‘that all men were of slavery in that country. He wished to be understood that he condemned slavery in the abstract, as did every American. It was a degrading form of society. The moral

abolitionists, Purcell instead chose to denounce the Confederacy, proclaiming in an 1861 address his wish “‘that the hideous rattlesnake of secession 42 Purcell was even harsher on Catholic draft-dodgers in the Union, arguing in the Catholic Telegraph that “‘It is the same as if your would cut the hose, so that the water 43

For Purcell, it was the moral duty of a good Catholic to support the Union as the nation entered civil war, both in order to preserve the Union and eliminate the offensive institution of slavery. Although he was the most vocal, Purcell was by no means the only antislavery representative among the Catholic clergy. A more infamous Southern counterpart was Claude Maistre, a New Orleans priest whom McGreevy describes as having frequently preached the virtues of emancipation, “…described slavery as a ‘monstrous

free Americans; it was part of the system established during her dependence and in existence for centuries. There were a great many political improvements, however desirable, that a government could not from prudential motives, introduce as soon as it wished. (Ibid)

John Brown, and led the public mournEven though his views represented a particularly radical branch of opinion on the Constitution and slavery demonstrated the moderating effect which Catholicism could produce upon contentious issues. Nevertheless, this moderation did actively condemning certain movements and groups. Instead of chastising 148

was removed from his congregation in 1863 by Archbishop Jean-Marie Odin for “…‘preaching the love of liberty and independence and exciting them [his congregation] even to insurrection 44 Although Mais42 John Purcell, “Letter from Spalding to Purcell, September 27, 1861,” AUND, quoted in Fortin, 141. 43 John Purcell, Catholic Telegraph, 9 November 1861, quoted in Ibid, 142. 44 J.M. Odin, “Letter from Archbishop J.M. Odin

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tre was a radical example, instances of Catholic clergymen actively undermining the institution of slavery were not uncommon. Despite their aversion to rebellion, evidence suggests that many Catholic priests in the lower portions of the Southern states either helped, or at least turned a blind eye, to slaves escaping to the North via underground railroads – a tendency perhaps driven by the particularly cruel manner in which slaves were treated in the Deep South.45 Section IV: Antislavery Catholic Views – the Laity Outspoken Catholic lay abolitionists were about as rare as their clerical counterparts; nevertheless, American Catholics had a long histoabuses. Charles Carroll of Maryland, the founder of one of the oldest Catholic families in the United States and the sole Catholic signer of the Declaration of Independence, set the tone by remarking that “‘[Slavery] is admitted by all to be a great evil; let an effectual mode of getting rid of it be pointed 46

In a reversal of the typical trend among Catholics, Carroll actually owned slaves, which he never freed despite the fact that he frequently condemned to Propaganda Fide, Aug. 14, 1863,” reel 64, folios 358 and 361, PF, quoted in McGreevy, 82. 45 Blied, 28. 46 Ibid, 22.

the institution which allowed him to keep them in bondage. Nevertheless, this was mostly due to a fear that these slaves would be left destitute if freed, bearing in mind the level of prejudice which existed against freed blacks in his state, and perhaps a Catholic understanding of the paternalistic care which a master owed his slaves.47 If any layperson could be conto abolish slavery, it would have been none other than Orestes Brownson. A member of the Transcendentalist Club who had converted to numerous other sects of Christianity before settling on Catholicism, Brownson did not represent the typical uneducated, immigrant Catholic which swelled the pews of Catholic churches in the 1850s and 1860s. As the publisher and editor of the Brownson Quarterly Review, Brownson was an intellectual who commented on numerous aspects of American society, including lengthy articles on the subject of Catholicism and its relationship to the American slave system. It is important to note that Brownson did not initially approach the slavery controversy from an abolitionist angle; in fact, he followed the conventional Catholic wisdom regarding slavery well until the 1850s. For example, Brownson defended the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850, which required Northerners by law to return escaped slaves to 47 Randall M. Miller and Jon L. Wakelyn, Catholics in the Old South: Essays on Church and Culture (Mercer University, 1999), 214.

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their masters, arguing “That law is constitutional, and the Constitution authorizes nothing repugnant to the Divine law.” Brownson also included an article in the Quarterly Review which argued that Hungarian peasants led worse lives than Southern slaves.48 These instances already point towards two of the threads common to the general Catholic understanding of slavery; a political desire to comply with federal legislation on slavery issues, and a theological approach which accepted slavery as one example of the inescapable suffering which plagued the world (and not even as the worst form of such suffering). Regarding abolitioncould rival those of the anonymous “Adopted Catholic”: They are the worst enemies of their country, and the worst enemies, too, of the slave. They are a band of mad fanatics, and we have no language strong enough to express our abhorrence of their principles and proceedings. . . . We have no sympathy with the abolitionists; we entertain not for a moment even one of their fundamental principles . . . and where the master is a true Chris48 Orestes Brownson, “The Know-Nothing Platform,” Brownson’s Quarterly Review 17, October 1855, p. 480, quoted in McGreevy, 48-49. 150

tian, and takes care that his people are instructed and brought up in the true Christian faith and worship, slavery is tolerable, and for Negroes, perhaps, even more than tolerable. . . . Whatever repugnance we may feel, personally, to the slave system, we are fully convinced that the greatest disservice they (the slaveholders) could do their slaves would be to grant them immediate emancipation; which would be as cruel as for a father to turn his children out upon the world, at a tender age, to take care of themselves. (Blied, 1945, 13) Nevertheless, Brownson abandoned this approach following the Dred Scott decision, despite the fact that fellow Catholic Justice Taney had handed it down. Not only did the decision appall him, but he began viewing the slavery controversy as a problem of Southern aggression, and one that the U.S. would best solve by emulating the abolitionist example set by the rest of the Western world.49 In a review The Abolition of Slavery in the October 1861 edition of the Quarterly Review, Brownson openly condemned the rebellion in the South, citing it as a product of (small-r) republican indolence: 49 McGreevy, 49.

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We know very well that we have fallen far below the virtues that founded this Republic, and gained this New World to civilization; we know that a long career of uninterrupted prosperity and unbounded luxury has done much to corrupt us ; we know that the labor in one-half of the Republic being performed by slaves, and a greater part in the other half performed by emigrants from foreign countries, has caused a lamentable forgetfulness of those principles of liberty so dear to our fathers, and produced amongst us a laxity of principle, an indifference to law, a disregard for personal rights and personal independence, without which no republic can long subsist and prosper; but we are not yet willing to believe that we have fallen so low, become so corrupt, so in different to liberty, or so dead to all moral considerations, as to be prepared to submit, for the sake of gain, or of preserving our manufactures, without a struggle to the indignities the Southern Confederacy would heap upon us, or to the adoption of the

base and inhuman principle on which that Confederacy is avowedly founded. (â&#x20AC;Ś) If there is any virtue left in us, we must resolve that we will be free ourselves, and do all in our power to secure freedom to all other men, whether white or black, yellow or copper-colored. If we do not, we are indeed "degenerate sons of noble sires," and deserve, as we shall receive, the scorn and derision of the whole world. (Brownson, 1861, 6-7) In addition to condemning secessionism on broad political and social principles, Brownson targeted the Catholic view of slavery, often citing the very evidence that proponents such as the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Adopted Catholicâ&#x20AC;? employed to make their proslavery arguments: Slavery, say what we will of it, is a great moral, social, and political wrong, and that, too, whatever be the complexion of the slave. If there be any truth in Christianity, if there be any truth in the teachings of the great Fathers and Doctors of the Church, God never gave to man the dominion of man; and hence St. Augustine, St. Gregory the Great, and oth-

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of mankind were called pascomplete opposition to the view which tors or shepherds, not lords claimed that these men allowed slavor dominators; and that God ery as a social institution; in his analysis, gave to mankind dominion the Church had actually been preparover the irrational creation, ing the world for the abolition of slavery but not over the rational. through the manner in which the masThe Church has tolerated ter was instructed to treat his slave as slavery, where she lacked an equal. For Brownson, Catholic pruthe power to abolish it; but dence prevented the Church from proher whole history proves that moting complete emancipation, which she sets would have Brownson was writing on her face been too rash a the eve of the war, when against it, measure (“creand uses military force appeared ating tumults inevitable, and the option all the and disorder”). of emancipation was means at More imporincreasing in viability her distantly, although posal, without shocking the Brownson remained ambivalent on public peace, or creating the intellectual and physical parity of tumults and disorder, to prewhites and blacks, he liberally believed pare the slave for freedom, their common humanity entailed them and to secure his ultimate to the same rights. In terms of theologiemancipation. The negro is cal evidence, there was very little in this a man—is a human being—a argument which differed from the fundamember of the human race; mental principles found in the “Adoptand, whether naturally inferior or not, to the boasted reached an entirely different concluCaucasian variety, he has sion than his Southern counterpart. Perthe same natural and inherent right to liberty that as a Catholic convert, which made him has the white man, and the more open to abolitionist principles, or wrong of enslaving him is as a Northerner who did not considjust as great as it would be er slavery an essential component of if he were white. (Brownson, daily life. Perhaps the difference lay still 1861, 17-18) in the fact that, instead of writing in the mid-1850s, Brownson was writing on the eve of the war, when military force apattitudes of the Church fathers was in peared inevitable, and the option of 152

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emancipation grew in viability. Despite his eloquent language and the considerable praise that he received from abolitionist and other low Catholic intellectuals criticized him heavily. Writing in 1857 to his friend, the equally liberal French Count of Montalembert, Brownson lamented how “I have nothing encouraging to write you of my own country. I am under a cloud now because I refuse to defend slavery as a natural right, and have received also 50 olic public.” In a famous episode at sity) in 1861, Brownson received public condemnation from Archbishop Hughes after discussing antislavery principles during his commencement speech. Not a year later, his Jesuit friends in Boston refused to let him enter their homes out of disappointment with what they perporting emancipation. In their minds, slavery presented no “moral or political only bring trouble to Catholics across 51

Despite this backlash, Brownson and his Quarterly Review were not alone in their support for emancipation, as The Catholic Telegraph fought to bolster additional support for their cause. Although the diocesan news50 Orestes Brownson, “Letter of Orestes Brownson to the Count of Montalembert, May 24, 1857,” I-4-h, quoted in McGreevy, 49. 51 McGreevy, 67.

paper was largely run by Archbishop Purcell and his brother, Father Edward Purcell, it received many articles and contributions from lay people , and was unequivocally support emancipation. This was a risky measure during the early

as a cause for war than emancipation – a movement which remained controversial even within the North. As McGreevy explains in quoting the publication, “The editors of The Catholic Telegraph in Cincinnati defended (…) the idea of freedom for all races, since ‘supernatural and moral freedom will never take place without the natural and the 52 More importantly, in 1844 The Catholic Telegraph reprinted an article from the Pennsylvania Freeman explicitly addressing the problem of abolitionist nativism. It argued that nativism was not compatible to the spirit of abolitionism, thus confronting headlong one of the major obstacles preventing more Northern Catholics from joining that reform movement: It is with lively satisfaction that I have seen, on the part of the anti-slavery press and of abolitionists generally – universally, almost, so far as my means of knowing go – a decided disapproval of the so-called “Native 52 A.G.R., “The Freeman’s Journal on the Bishop of Orleans,” Catholic Telegraph, 18 June 1862, p. 197, quoted in McGreevy, 84.

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American” movement. This is no more indeed, than was to be expected, as necessary, to consistency with anti-slavery principles, and as the natural working of the anti-slavery spirit. The narrow policy and proscriptive principles of the Native American party, its contracted and of course false views of mere patriotism, - to say nothing of philanthropy – in a word, its seeming utter forgetfulness of the great doctrine of human brotherhood, have in them nothing congenial with that love to man as man, regardless of birthplace, parentage, or physical peculiarities, which is the essence of true abolitionism; or with its natural product, a disposition to esteem every man according to his intrinsic worth, rather than for those accidents of nativity, feature and complexion over which he had not the slightest control. (“Nativism,” 1844, 285)

olitionism. Nevertheless, despite the presence of articles attempting to render abolitionism more palatable to Catholics, the fact remains that American Protestants dominated the abolitionist movement – although this tendency changes somewhat when considering Catholics living outside of the U.S. Unlike their American counterparts, European Catholics were generally opposed to slavery as an institution, and fought to across the Atlantic. One of the most famous of these was Irish political leader ithet “The Emancipator” for his work in securing political rights for Catholics in Ireland and England, although one could easily have applied the title to his outspoken condemnation of slavery in the U.S. For example, in a speech givby the Catholic Telegraph

This was a rare argument to circulate among readers who reviled abolitionists for their radicalism and alleged bigotry towards Catholics and other minorities, and yet one that was essential for reconciling Catholicism and ab154

his otherwise positive assessment of the republican nation: “And though there is a deep and dark stain upon the escutcheon of North America – though there is a dark spot upon her eagle, and its talons are covered with the blood of our fellow-men, because they are of a different colour – (…) America has outrun, in the race of freedom, the other nations of the earth.”53 53 “Daniel O’Connell,” Catholic Telegraph, 8 March 1838, p.102, http://proxy.its.virginia. edu/login?url=http://search.proquest.com.proxy.

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condemned Irishmen who supported the institution of slavery in the South, and attempted to use his popularity to sway Catholic opinion on the matter in the North, in hopes of bridging the gap between Catholics and abolitionists. However, his attempts were met with considerable backlash, particularly among Irish Catholics who worried that freeing slaves would increase competition for His Jesuit hired lafriends in 5 4 Boston refused b o r . to let him enter Many of these men their homes and womunderstand the reality of how slavstrength, and respected less his cause to emancipate blacks than they did his campaign to emancipate their Irish brethren in Europe. Given its long (albeit erratic) history of opposing slavery, France also produced a number of antislavery Catholic intellectuals who commented frequently on the discrepancy between Catholicism and proslavery ideology. Augustin Cochin, a French politician and writer, became particularly famous in the U.S. when Mary Louise Booth, a New York editor and writer, circulated her translation of The Results of Slavery in 1862. In addition to receiving enough popularity that Presiits.virginia.edu/docview/89959416?accountid=14678 (accessed April 9, 2014). 54 McGreevy, 51.

dent Lincoln personally thanked Booth work offered an elegant theological argument for why Catholicism and slavery were two incompatible institutions: Christianity has destroyed slavery. Yes, He who is pre-eminently the Redeemer, he who has ransomed woman from degradation, children from abandonment, subjects from tyranny, the poor from contempt, reason from error, the will from evil, the human race from punishment, Jesus Christ has restored fraternity to mankind and liberty to man. Jesus Christ has destroyed slavery.55 Like Brownson, Cochin argued that the Catholic Church had a long history of attempting to ameliorate the condition of the slave by emphasizing the spiritual brotherhood that existed between slave and master. More importantly, the type of biblical slavery which the Catholic Church tolerated was not the slavery which currently existed in the Southern U.S. According to Cochin, biblical slavery included â&#x20AC;&#x153;No slave-trade, no fugitive slave law, no slavery among natives; a year of jubilee; the purity of woman, the weakness of childhood, the rights of manhood, 55 Augustin Cochin, The Results of Slavery, 282, Mary L. Booth, (Boston: Walker, Wise, 1863), quoted in Noll, 136.

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placed under the provident protection of the law; equality professed, fraternity professed.â&#x20AC;?56 As a result, it was sheer fallacy to argue that that the institution of slavery which existed in the U.S. in the mid-nineteenth century was at all moral or defensible, even if one accepted the biblical legitimacy of certain forms of slavery. Section V: The Catholic Solution to Slavery

Catholic newspaper, the Wahrheitsfreund, put it best when it noted in 1854 that "â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The Church condemns slavery, but where she cannot abrogate it, preaches gentleness and mercy to the master and tries to elevate the slave by instruction, divine worship, and the 57

Although abolitionist Catholic voices were powerful, they certainly represented the minority opinion amongst Catholics. For the majority in both the clergy and the laity, embracing such a radical cause posed too many theological and political risks. Nevertheless, as the American Civil War dragged on, many Catholic intellectuals developed a new attitude: one which synthesized the philosophical undercurrent of proslavery Catholics with the general aims of abolitionist Catholics. This thesis esdent and measured approach towards tus while accepting the legitimacy of the institution, created an opportunity to gradually introduce emancipation. Instead of eliminating slavery in a single blow, which would have proven disastrous and chaotic in societies

The subtle, yet essential role which many Catholics argued the Church played in securing emancipation is the subject of a highly insightful volume published in 1863 in Boston. Written by James Fitton, a priest serving East Boser, Doctrines on the Emancipation of Slaves provides a careful defense of

Catholicism chose to operate within its legal bounds to ameliorate some of

promptitude, should remember that, even supposing a

56 Ibid, 299, quoted in Ibid. 156

right moment to slowly begin abolishing

additional arguments detailing how its restrained approach towards reform actually advanced the abolitionist cause over time. For example, regarding accusations that Catholicism failed to advocate the cause of emancipation rapidly enough, its author countered: Those who complain that Christianity did not accomplish the work of abol-

57 Der Wahrheitsfreund, 26 March 1857, quoted in Blied, 27.

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sudden or very rapid emancipation possible, and to say nothing of the bloody revolutions which would necessarily have been the result, the mere force of circumstances, by the insurit would have raised, would have rendered such a measure absolutely useless.58 In particular, what differentiated Fitton from similar antislavery authors (in addition to proslavery authors that used the same biblical evidence), was the manner in which he directly addressed many of the criticisms leveled against the Catholic treatment of logical evidence echoed that of both Catholic proslavery and antislavery apologists, only Fitton openly agreed that Catholicism did not directly lead to the legal abolition of slavery â&#x20AC;&#x201C; nevertheless, he asserted that Catholicism was crucial for establishing the environment which allowed such abolition to humanity and equal dignity that existed between master and slave, Fitton argued: According to Christian maxims, all men have a common origin and the same destiny; all are brethren in 58 Christian Doctrines on the Emancipation of Slaves (Boston: Patrick Donahoe, 1863), 7.

Jesus Christ; all are obliged to love each other with all their hearts, to assist each other in their necessities, to avoid offending each other even in words; all are equal before God, for they will be judged without exception of persons. Christianity extended and took root everywhere â&#x20AC;&#x201C; took possession of all classes, of all branches of society; how, then, could the state of slavery last â&#x20AC;&#x201C; a state of degradation which makes man the property of another, allows him to be sold like an animal, and deprives him of the sweetest ties of family and of all participation in the advantages of society? Two things so opposite could not exist together; the laws were in favor of slavery, it is true; it may even be said that Christianity did not make a direct attack on those laws: But, on the other hand, what did it do? It strove to make itself master of ideas and manners, communicated to them a new impulse, and gave them a different direction. (Ibid, 18) Changing the culture of slavery, important and a more effective mea-

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olition in a single blow. To change the institution without changing the culture, as some Catholic authors noted in previously cited passages, would be to invite continued suffering for those new freemen, whom society would continue to reject and disrespect even if their legal status had changed. One of the last pieces of evidence that Fitton uniquely cited was the many instances in Church history when the clergy and the laity exchanged money, services, and even their lives to free slaves. Fitton referenced numerous episodes in medieval chronicles where Catholics took the place of a slave, or would sell priceless Church artifacts in 59 dom. Additionally, Catholic bishops would often write letters of recommendation for recently freed slaves in order to prevent them from falling into slavery once more, and the Church never asked for slaves to compensate them for the money or treasure that it had spent to secure their liberty. However, the Church could never allow its members to secure slaves from bondage by â&#x20AC;&#x153;seizing them forcibly,â&#x20AC;? or through any other form of lawless behavior. 60 To do so would have incurred further in an era where Catholicism already received considerable persecution, ability to ameliorate the conditions of 59 Ibid, 22. 60 Ibid, 23. 158

slaves in its own quiet, yet determined manner. Conclusion Despite the frequency with which non-Catholic Americans perceived Catholics to be the mindless objects of papal manipulation during the 19th century, a close examination of primary literature reveals a range of opinions on the slavery controversy that were as diverse in their conclusions as the origins of their authors. Catholics certainly did not speak with one voice, and their conclusions often depended on their geographic differences. Nevertheless, examining the most important and lengthy examples of Catholic writing on slavery does illustrate certain shared thematic undercurrents which speak to the unique Catholic perspective on the relation between the Church and State ly, Catholics both in the North and the South believed that slavery was the inevitable product of inhabiting a fallen world. It was an imperfect arrangement for regulating societal relations, and yet corrections to the system (particularly in emphasizing the spiritual and human dignity of the slave) could mitigate the horrors which often accompanied slave-holding. Moreover, most Catholics did not believe that sudden and aggressive emancipation was the answer to slavery (save for a few, historical antipathy towards revolution-

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ary actions which violently disrupted society. Contextually, it is also important to note that although religion played an important part in determining how Catholics viewed enslavement in the U.S., political factors derived from religious antipathies and nativist sentiment often drove even those sympathetic to the plight of slaves away from the largely Protestant-dominated abolitionist cause. Nevertheless, it was their deep-seated respect for the law, in addition to their congregational unity, which allowed most Catholics in both the North and South to accept abolition in the immediate aftermath of the war. Many churches opened up black

Church to concentrate on a subject that the clergy and laity across the nation could certainly agree on: the sal-

and bishops across the nation celebrated the opportunity to receive more converts to the Church. Writing a few months after the end of the war, and years after he had publicly sung Te Deum Bishop McGill noted that â&#x20AC;&#x153;â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;The emanci-

can to give them the knowledge of the 61 Following the Second Plenary Council of Catholic Bishops in 1866, the American Catholic Church embarked on a long and complicated journey to incorporate the masses of people for which Church members on both sides of the war had fought and died over. Although this step involved no fewer controversies, it allowed the 61 Fogarty, 195. 2014-2015 | Volume 13

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References 1. Blied, Benjamin J. Catholics and the Civil War. Milwaukee: Milwaukee Diocese, 1945. 2. Brownson, Orestes A. Review of The Abolition of Slavery, by Augustin Cochin. Brownson’s Quarterly Review (October 1861), 6-18. 3. Fitton, James. olic Christian Doctrines on the Emancipation of Slaves. Boston: Patrick Donahoe, 1863. 4. Fogarty, Gerald P. Commonwealth Catholicism. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame, 2001. 5. Fortin, Roger. Faith and Action: A History of the Catholic Archdiocese of Cincinnati, 1821-1996. Columbus: Ohio State University, 2002. 6. Kurtz, William B. “Roman Catholic Americans in the North and Border States During the Era of the American Civil War.” PhD diss., University of Virginia, 2012. 7. “Letter of an Adopted Catholic Addressed to the President of the Kentucky Democratic Association of Washington City on Temporal Allegiance to the Pope, and the Relations of the Catholic Church and Catholics, both Native and Adopted, to the System of Domestic Slavery and its Agitation in the United States, January 15, 1855.” Hathitrust Digital Library. http://hdl. handle.net/2027/hvd.hx4sk7 (ac160

cessed February 11, 2014). 8. Marlin, George J. “Catholics and the Civil War.” The Catholic Thing. Internet. Available from http://www.thecatholicthing.org/columns/2011/ catholics-and-the-civil-war.html, accessed 9 March 2014. 9. McGreevy, John T. Catholicism and American Freedom. New York: W.W. Norton, 2003. 10. Miller, Randall M., and Jon L. Wakelyn. Catholics in the Old South: Essays on Church and Culture. Mercer University, 1999. 11. Murphy, John, ed. Letters of the Late Bishop England to the Hon. John Forsyth, on the Subject of DomesCopies, in Latin and English, of the Pope’s Apostolic Letter, Concerning the African Slave Trade, with some Introductory Remarks, etc. Baltimore: 1844. 12. Noll, Mark A. The Civil War as a Theological Crisis. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2006.

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How the State Imagines her People :

A Case Study on Chinese Domestic Uighurs Violence by Marco Chen Siyuan â&#x20AC;&#x153;Marcoâ&#x20AC;? Chen is a second year psychology and rising commerce student from China. He hopes to understand the society through studying politics and psychology and to use business as a tool to make positive impacts. This research paper was written for an Islamic Studies seminar at Hong Kong University of Science and Technology (HKUST) in summer 2014. Marco appreciates the teaching and advice he received from Professor Ahmed al-Rahim and the mentorship on qualitative data coding he received from Professor Jonah Schulhofer-Wohl. 2014-2015 | Volume 13

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Abstract The recurrent nature of unrests in the Xinjiang Province in China often draws attention. The media and public concerns revolve around the Islamist and separatist cause of the violence and the state puts increasing efforts on the political control and massive operations, yet disrupted. Therefore it is worthy of examining the long-term effect of state approaches on the inal government articles and secondary literatures on minority policies, and utilizing databases on incidents taken place over the past years to ascertain the trend of violence, this paper seeks to comparatively trace the effect and implication of state policies and the patterns of regional violence in the case of Xinjiang Province. The sporadic and unorganized grievances of people in Xinjiang Province arise largely from ethnic discontent, but are simply utilized and

very public and state press itself, which results in a series of approaches inaccurate and rather ineffective in solving the problem at its root.

Introduction In June 2014 the Chinese government launched another round of massive police operations in Xinjiang province targeting groups deemed as violent and separatist criminals. The operations had followed a resurging number of violent incidents throughout the country conducted by Uighur people this year. These police actions are the latest in a series of sweeping operations named the “strike hard” campaign. Initiated in 1996, this campaign against crime throughout China has made Uighurs and separatists in Xinjiang a key target1. In China, the roots of terrorist violence can range from the personal to the ideological. Regular 1. Davis, Elizabeth Van Wie. "Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China." Asian Affairs: An American Review 35, no. 1 (March 2008): 15-30. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014), 21. 162

crime and threats to the public order by mobilizing police, but this decade, they have been increasingly applied to Xinjiang province2. Chinese government directed the spotlight to separatist groups including the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM), now well-known by Chinese, when the Chinese State Council released a document titled “East Turkistan Terrorist Forces Cannot Escape with Impunity” on 21 January 2002, which served as a background document cataloging the violent acts of Uyghur terrorists, some with links to Osama bin Laden3. The document discusses the issue by naming the subject mostly with the “vague 2. Ibid., 16. 3. Threat in Xinjiang." Journal Of Muslim Minority Affairs 32, no. 4 (December 2012): 528-544. Religion and Philosophy Collection, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014), 531.

The Oculus

generic term4”of “East Turkistan terrorist There are indeed Al-Qaeda eleorganization5”, and the groups that the ments traced in the recent decades of text implies have connections with the Xinjiang violence. The prominent group incidents described are all mentioned ETIM has an original agenda in 1990s “in scattered references throughout the of demanding greater autonomy in document6”. Given that the document Xinjiang and establishing a fully indestands with such importance as the most comprehensive public accounting to date of separatist resistance and or- West9. Even though ideologically this ganizations in Xinjiang and the PRC's parochial state-seeking nationalism is - different from the international jihadist tent of anti-state activity in the region terrorism of Al-Qaeda, whose agenda 7 , though the mainly focused police actions on cleansing “infollowing year These the Chinese au- are the latest in a series thorities released of sweeping operations it is noticeable named the “strike hard” that both could some additional campaign names of organiappeal to the zations considered responsible for Xin- ideas of Sayyid Qutb, which the then jiang terrorist activity such as the East deputy of Al-Qaeda al-Zawahiri menTurkistan Islamic Party of Allah and the tioned as that “the battle between Shock Brigade of the Islamic Reform- Islam and its enemies is primarily an ist Party8, it could be understandable that the media from then on habitually cation…a battle over to whom authorfound its reference in the 2002 document and referred to the similar incidents as conducted by “East Turkistan laws and material principles”10. Major terrorist organizations”. leaders of the group have all been related to Al-Qaeda to different extents. 4. Millward, James A. "Violent separatism in XinjiHasan Mehsum pledged bayaat to ang: a critical assessment." (2004), 13. 5. 2002. ""East Turkistan" Terrorist Forces Canthe Taliban leader Mullah Omar and not Get Away With Impunity." China.org.cn. 01 was killed in a Pakistani army raid on 21. Accessed 06 25, 2014. http://www.china. an al-Qaeda compound in 200311; his org.cn/english/2002/Jan/25582.htm. 6. Millward, James A. "Violent separatism in Xinjiang: a critical assessment." (2004), 13. 7. Ibid., 12. 8. Jones Leaning, Melanie, and Douglas Pratt. "Islam in China: From Silk Road to Separatism." The Muslim World 102, no. 2 (2012): 308334, 332.

9. Zenn, Jacob "On the Eve of 2014: Islamism in Central Asia.." Current Trends in Islamist Ideology 15. (2013): 67-91, 75. 10. al-Zawahiri, Ayman. “Knights Under the Prophet's Banner." Asharq al-Awsat, 13. 11. Zenn, Jacob "On the Eve of 2014: Islamism in Central Asia.." Current Trends in Islamist Ideol-

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successor Abdul Haq has been idenindividual associated with Al-Qaeda . Even though no group calling itself ETIM claimed responsibility for violent incidents in the 1990s13, ETIM began promoting “jihad in East Turkistan”, under the more formalized name of Turkistan Islamic Party, through a propaganda campaign that involved the publication of The whole dozens of Arprovince is abic, Turkish, haunted with Russian and well-founded Chinese vidterrorist eos through agendas its media wing, Islom Awazi (Voice of Islam) and Islamic Turkistan14. Separately, In November 2006, the jihadist Al-Fajr (Dawn) Media 12

described as on behalf of the cause of “jihad in East Turkistan” against the 15 . However, the presence of these links does not lead to the conclusion that the whole province is haunted with well-founded terrorist agendas, as implied by the Impunity document by Chinese state authority, and it certainogy 15. (2013): 67-91, 75, 76. 12. Khan, Shirley A. US-China Counterterrorism Cooperation: Issues for US Policy. DIANE Publishing, 2009, 6. 13. Ibid., 7. 14. Zenn, Jacob "On the Eve of 2014: Islamism in Central Asia.." Current Trends in Islamist Ideology 15. (2013): 67-91, 76. 15. Khan, Shirley A. US-China Counterterrorism Cooperation: Issues for US Policy. DIANE Publishing, 2009, 10. 164

anti-terrorism campaign like the one in Afghanistan. There is no active terrorists groups formally recognized. The United States has refused to designate any other PRC-targeted and “East Turkistan” or Uighur-related organization as a “terrorist organization” except ETIM, which Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage designated in 2002 after months of bilateral discussions, and Assistant Secretary of State James Kelly claimed this “not as a concession to the PRC.”16 Even ETIM itself, after the death of Haq, lacks strong leadership and is too weak to be an effective organization at present17. The environment of the region has been improving. Strategically, the recent U.S. focus on Afghanistan and Pakistan has stabipressuring anti-China terrorists who train or have sought refuge in the region18. China is increasingly focusing on the subduing effect of Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the China-India-Israel consultative triangle, and the China-U.S.-Pakistan axis to promote greater regional and international cooperation in combating terrorism19. Socially, the internal economic situation in Xinjiang has been well nurtured by infra16. Ibid., 6, 9. 17. Sun, Degang. "China and the Global Jihad Network." Journal Of The Middle East & Africa 1, no. 2 (July 2010): 196-207. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014), 205. 18. Ibid., 205. 19. Ibid., 206.

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state. GDP rose 11% in 2008, aboutUSD 61 billion20. Reforms in "nationality" policies advanced by Hu Yaobang brought non-Han cadres back to the party21. Programmed Han Chinese immigration dilutes the ethnical density to almost half and brings in accelerated social projects. With restrictions on minorities and religions being loosened in 90s and rounds of “strike hard” campaigns never formally been brought to a close after 200122, it seems intuitive to think that Xinjiang violence would be certain to wane along the time of this decade. Yet as the following information shows, the situation fails to conthese political and operational efforts. The Missed Target State media has been effective in controlling the volume of certain events, and it has done so in the past decade. Before and during the Beijing Olympics Games, people rarely heard about the serial violent plots against police and the recent round of “strike hard” cam20. Gunaratna, Rohan, Arabinda Acharya, and Pengxin Wang. 2010. Ethnic Identity and New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 155. 21. Millward, James A. "Violent separatism in Xinjiang: a critical assessment." (2004), 7. 22. Davis, Elizabeth Van Wie. "Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China." Asian Affairs: An American Review 35, no. 1 (March 2008): 15-30. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014), 17, 21.

paign major newspapers attentively report and decry the cases of violence against innocent Xinjiang citizens. In order to have an objective overview of the trend of the Uighur violence, we refer to coding all the events conducted by press-reported “Uighurs separatists” from 1992 to the end of June 2014, selecting cases and drawing data from the Global Terrorism Database (GTD) supported by University of Maryland and Wikipedia23 for the record of incidents taken place in 2013 and 2014. Unclear events and the most recent ones were cross-referred in major newspapers to clarify, thus yielding a result covering most incidents needed for the statistics. The resulting charts show that efforts of the state have not been able to sweep away the domestic Uighur violence. Instead of a descending amount of casualties and incidents, the charts demonstrate characteristic features on the Uighur violence these years. Generally, regular campaigns, international anti-terrorism cooperation and economic improvement have not sigviolence seems to be developing on its own pace, as clashes culminated before and during the Beijing Olympic Games, and well planned attacks took place in both 1996 and 2014. 23. See “http://www.start.umd.edu/gtd/about/” for an overview of the database, and “http:// record.

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Yearly Casualties from “Uighur Separatists” Violence

Types of “Uighur Separatists” Incidents

have mixed natures. While there are certainly operations as well planned and implemented as series of assassinations in 1996, the 2009 massive attack on Urumqi citizens and the March 2014 attack in Kunming station, there are also individual or amateur cases such as those in later 2014. In fact, two of the 2014 incidents resulted in over 300 casualties of the year, with other six minor ones easily foiled or ineffective. Therefore it is reasonable to question the result of comprehensive efforts of the Chinese government. It is also reasonable to claim that those efforts resulted in gained consequenc166

es not totally expected. First, the international cooperation brings out the issue of human rights to the global stage, where several parties including separatists can bring up the theme of “human rights” and internationalize Xinjiang troubles, divert attention from their terrorist activities, and portray Chinese counterterrorism efforts as anti-Muslim persecution24. As human rights groups also express concern that the U.S. designation of ETIM as a terrorist organi24. Sun, Degang. "China and the Global Jihad Network." Journal Of The Middle East & Africa 1, no. 2 (July 2010): 196-207. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014), 207.

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zation in 2002 helped China to further justify persecution against the people in Xinjiang25, the victimized sentiment among locals could be further enhanced by this smoke from many sides. Second, this victim mentality, together with the religious and ethnical difference, primes locals to seek evidence of government persecution, which turns out to be found in the heavy presence of security forces and large scale of operations during each renewed round

economic gap between the rich and the poor and between Han and Uighur peoples are growing as well27. The de-

assistance outside, which created a "blood-transfusion" type of economy28. Yet Han Chinese immigrants, fostered by the state and drawn by the improving economy, are perceived to be monopolizing high paying jobs, essential resources like oil and gas, discretionary deployment of forces in and threatening the ethno-religious the cities, the identity of local Violence in Xinjiang periodically people; Uighurs province arises from changing of the mostly do not amount of police both organized genuine speak Mandacross-border terrorism rin and are less and paramilitary and scattered individual in the region by well educated29. mobilization the state negConsidered that atively suppressed the residents. The politically the lack of training of minority state unexpectedly attests to its own im- nationality cadres is already preventage of a bully over the province. Third, ing these cadres from playing effective the socioeconomic programs such as roles30, these socioeconomic division the Western Development sponsored by the government over the decade ing socially invaded. All of these conhas backlashed as well. Indeed, per and Pengxin Wang. 2010. Ethnic Identity and capita GDP has increased from near New York: Palgrave the bottom in 1949 to twelfth out of MacMillan, 154, 155. thirty-one provinces in China. State- 27. Ibid., 155. owned banks continue to provide low 28. Wang, David D. "East Turkestan movement in Xinjing." Journal of Chinese Political Sciinterest loans to minority entrepreneurs, ence 4, no. 1 (1998): 1-18, 9. and environmental protection has also 29. Gunaratna, Rohan, Arabinda Acharya, been largely invested26. However, the and Pengxin Wang. 2010. Ethnic Identity and 25. Khan, Shirley A. US-China Counterterrorism Cooperation: Issues for US Policy. DIANE Publishing, 2009, 9. 26. Gunaratna, Rohan, Arabinda Acharya,

New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 45, 153. 30. Wang, David D. "East Turkestan movement in Xinjing." Journal of Chinese Political Science 4, no. 1 (1998): 1-18, 9.

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sequences could result in grievances that are communal, ethnical and nevertheless temporal: other things equal, it could be surmised that these grievances would diminish as the market matures and new generations realize the region. However, the reality is that these grievances are being complicated by outside factors, and form the other origin of the violence. On one hand, terrorism agendas has sparkled in the region; they take the chance to validate their actions and thus rally more supporters and sympathizers from local communities for their ideologies31. When one deems the patrolling Han police not a symbol of bothering from outside and violence around the place, but rather a threat to the future of his own ethnical community, personal freedom and livelihood, one would believe that he is now forced to resist. The politicized grievances justify the acceptance of resorting to terrorist actions. On the other hand, it should be noticed that the way Chinese government recognizes the position of minorities, religions and particularly of ethno-religious communities, leads to an approach of policy design and imposition that could be amiss in realizing the improvement ofminority relationships with the state. As Gunaratna and others 31. Gunaratna, Rohan, Arabinda Acharya, and Pengxin Wang. 2010. Ethnic Identity and New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 151. 168

noted, from the perspective of Uighurs, process is felt to have posed a threat and triggered a desire to protect their own identities from assimilation, and in this way the use of violence would become legitimate to counter the chronic sense of injustice32. In a word, currently the inappropriate recognition and impression of the Chinese government on Xinjiang Uighurs community cause detrimental. The Perceived Threat While the fact is that violence in Xinjiang province arises from both organized genuine cross-border terrorism and scattered individual mobilization out of communal discontent, the Chinese government has put excessive attention on broad anti-terrorism and political anti-separatists guidelines by unduly tying the ethno-religious grievnection corresponds to and resonates with the state policy on minorities and religions in a misleading way. Together they lead to the current stagnation of massive operations yet recurrent violence. The presence of Al-Qaeda type terrorism has been overemphasized. As David Wang presented, most China watchers believe that the East Turkistan movement in Xinjiang does not pose a 32. and nation-building process will be addressed later.

The Oculus

serious threat to China's territorial integrity and social stability in Xinjiang: Many Muslims back China's ethnic policies; local leaders are loyal to Beijing; most countries would not sympathize with the separatists, and East Turkistan movement groups are not getting along with each other very well33. In the 2002 “East Turkistan Terrorist Forces Cannot Escape with Impunity” document, the ideological base of the terrorist movement is described as a jihadist movement derived from the colonial time when “some old colonists called Xinjiang as East Turkistan in order to separate and control it”. The document claimed that “at the beginning of 20th century, a small strand of fanatical Xinjiang separatists and religious extremists fabricated the theory that East Turkistan has historically been independent according to this nomenclature”. The document did not directly mention “jihadist”, the movement of combating

movement described in this statement has not been historically popular. Further evidence of why the ETIM kind of jihadist terrorism does not have found in the work of Kendrick Kuo. He argued that the variety of Islam shaped among Uighurs has actually created a barrier to the propagation of the jiSunni that is “more lax than the other schools and giving a larger role for rea-

but it followed that “the theory boasted that there would be a theocratic state and decried to eliminate all the heretics34”. The word “heretics” appeared to be “pagans” in the English version, reminiscent of the Al-Qaeda global jihadist movement. Yet in reality the hybrid of nationalism and jihadist

the incorporation of local customs in the religious praxis all suggest that the jihadist propaganda originated from strict puritanical Wahhabism would not 35 . He further presented that “Uighurs generally consider their current polity—in terms of living as minorities—as religiously legitimate” and that “Uighurs, especially the urban and educated, are not attracted to the idea of a Muslim state”36. Therefore as at the beginning, it can once again be concluded that the Al-Qaeda style of terrorism does not have a major share in the Xinjiang situation. Yet Chinese government has used “terrorism” as the umbrella term to explain all the violence and the tactics against it, regardless of the reality of mixed violence natures in Xinjiang. The

33. Wang, David D. "East Turkestan movement in Xinjing." Journal of Chinese Political Science 4, no. 1 (1998): 1-18, 11. 34. 2002. ""East Turkistan" Terrorist Forces Cannot Get Away With Impunity." China.org.cn. 01 21. Accessed 06 25, 2014. http://www.china. org.cn/english/2002/Jan/25582.htm.

35. hadist Threat in Xinjiang." Journal Of Muslim Minority Affairs 32, no. 4 (December 2012): 528-544. Religion and Philosophy Collection, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014), 531, 532. 36. Ibid., 534, 535.

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conventional wisdom about Xinjiang rorism for many countries besides China today might be characterized as fol- as well. Indeed, the situation of Uighurs lows: "There is a growing threat of Uyghur has received unprecedented attention separatist violence in Xinjiang linked to following the 9-11 events, the U.S. atsome degree to international Islamist tack on the Taliban regime in Afghanand terrorist movements."37 As Davis istan, and establishment of U.S. military pointed out, the Chinese tend to refer bases in the Central Asian republics to Xinjiang concern by the three-char- 40, considered that Uighur separatists acter slogan of “separatism, extremism, have been drawing inspiration and and terrorism”, envy from their The nature of Islam and dubbed as Central Asian the tide of international “three evil forcanti-terrorism movements es” by the campendence after has pushed forward the the 1991 Soviet paigns against concern about terrorism them, implying Union collapse. a distinct link between the three con- Meanwhile Islam itself has often been a cepts. For instance, Chinese Presi- sensitive issue socially. It has been portrayed, as Kuo cited, as a cause for seagainst the three evil of separatism, ex- dition because of the “Muslim majoritartremism and terrorism” in June 2004 at a SCO meeting38. China perceives that holistic religion that requires Muslims to “the three evil forces” have posed one single threat to the stability and securi- in Muslim-majority territory. Therefore it is ty of China, because the state viewed religiously illegitimate for Muslim minoriterrorism as a byproduct of ethnic sep- ties to be assimilated into non-Muslim aratism and religious extremism.39. societies and so Muslim minorities are It might be contended that the oriented toward rebellion41. However, nature of Islam and the tide of inter- a deeper observation would not so national anti-terrorism movements has much vindicate the way the Chinese pushed forward the concern about ter- government perceives Xinjiang. The 37. Millward, James A. "Violent separatism in majoritarian view of Islam is inherently Xinjiang: a critical assessment." (2004), 29. problematic, when it argues against 38. Davis, Elizabeth Van Wie. "Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China." Asian a comprehensive survey of notions in Affairs: An American Review 35, no. 1 (March 2008): 15-30. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014), 18. 39. Gunaratna, Rohan, Arabinda Acharya, and Pengxin Wang. 2010. Ethnic Identity and New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 137. 170

40. Millward, James A. "Violent separatism in Xinjiang: a critical assessment." (2004), 10. 41. hadist Threat in Xinjiang." Journal Of Muslim Minority Affairs 32, no. 4 (December 2012): 528-544. Religion and Philosophy Collection, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014), 534.

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aptation of Islam, which includes migration, the notion that Muslim can move away when facing the prospect of being dominated by other religions, and fessional political system. The tendency of China to “put the terms of terrorism, separatism and extremism on equal footing 42” is not a recent phenomenon either. Impunity has already relied frequently on the ambiguous term “East Turkistan terrorist organization” – which is, as mentioned earlier, customarily appropriated by the media – to refer to several groups 43; the document also tried to prove the terrorism nature of the situation by listing incidents dated back to 1990s. Yet the fact is that the majority of Uighur separatist movements this generic term refers to are peaceful and have disclaimed any support for violence or terrorism44. The document clearly is not following the 9-11 trend of the state on Xinjiang issue. It is not even tenable to believe that the state attributes all the violence to terrorism so that it could justify its massive operations and “covering up the violation of 42. Gunaratna, Rohan, Arabinda Acharya, and Pengxin Wang. 2010. Ethnic Identity and New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 140. 43. Gunaratna, Rohan, Arabinda Acharya, and Pengxin Wang. 2010. Ethnic Identity and New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 138. 44. Ibid., 140, 141.

human rights45”, because the citizens of a country clearly understand the implication of instability and insecurity from counter-terrorism operations in a country, and incurring such an unsettling thought among people costs more than accusations of violating human that the Chinese government has not recognized the innate complexity of the Xinjiang issue, but rather interpreted it in a way too perfunctory to be comprehensive. Before exploring the origins of such questionable perception on the Xinjiang violence, it should be noted that the undifferentiated attribution of enced civil society as well, particularly public opinions. On its own, the media has been using the fact that Xinjiang has a primarily Muslim population as a perennial hook for pieces about the place and the Uighurs, especially after 2001 terrorist attacks in the United ongoing global narrative of "Islamic terror"46. This ostensibly seems reasonable when Millward pointed out that even at many Western media outlets it is also arguably the idea of a nexus of Islam, 47 ning a story about Xinjiang . However, Western media resorts to this simply 45. Ibid., 136. 46. Millward, James A. "Violent separatism in Xinjiang: a critical assessment." (2004), 28. 47. Millward, James A. "Violent separatism in Xinjiang: a critical assessment." (2004), 28.

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because they have limited resources, as accesses and correspondents to the province are highly limited48, but element of Xinjiang violence could synchronize with the massive reaction of the state on the Xinjiang province and produce long-term effect. Mostly state-supervised, Chinese media are still the primary source of information for many people while relying on state voices for quotes of opinions and editorials, but the public is meanwhile looking for additional validation of the terrorist violence reported by media; scrupulous operations of state security apparatus in the province. Thereby the image of a violent Xinjiang province haunted by Islamism would be corroborated, and in this way the state would receive from public more urge and concerns of quickly suppressing the “three evil forces” and resort to “strike hard” more often. Thus the state, by instructing its belief to the media and using its own action to work in concert, sions in the civil society on the Xinjiang issue and receive positive feedback from this image, further warranting its own opinions and actions. This impression leaves uncertainty and antipathy in public opinions to the province. It is not the reality but the image approved of by the state that affects people negatively. Yet how and why the state interprets the complex issue in a simpli48. Ibid., 28. 172

The Designed Concept If it is believed that the Chinese government addressed the Xinjiang issue in an insensitive way, then it needs to be proven what shapes the unease besides the terrorism agendas claimed by the state. Only after that can the government approaches be interpreted and an explanation of why the state is doing so be given. The mentioned before as one reason of violent mobilization besides terrorism, yet a comprehensive look is needed for this exploration. Ethno-religious community Identities of an ethnic minority are often produced by comparing themselves with dominant identity values, when domination fails or is not tolerated.49 While domination will work if, as Jack Snyder puts it, “the power of the dominant group is so overwhelming as to preclude rational resistance or when it is tolerated by those who… decided that being second-class citizens

“those values for which the majority of a society identify as most characteriz-

49. Gunaratna, Rohan, Arabinda Acharya, and Pengxin Wang. 2010. Ethnic Identity and New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 14, 16.

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In the case of Xinjiang, the domination should now be assumed as non-material, that is, the Uighur resisting emotion arises largely not from material inequality caused by unfair legislative treatment, but from the abstract identity imposition “caused by the nation-building process”51. It is the minority reaction to nation-building process that will include demand of self-determination and even terrorist activities, as the nation-building process represents an exercise of state power dominated by the majority to build a national identity.52 In the case of Xinjiang, it would be seen that “the failure of the state to address the sentiment of marginalization, exploitation and discrimination”53 among locals is a primary oversight during this process. What enables these identity conmensional nature of the Uighur commu50

Uighur ethnicity; with a Uighur majority of 75.9% in 1949 and 45.2% in 2000 in Xinjiang province54, ethnic aggregation is clear. According to Eickelman and Piscatori, ethnicities are construct-

ed by an internal architecture of rivalries within collectivities55, which could stand for some differentiating characteristics of the group of people. These characteristics are socially and politically powerful, in that they “widen the horizons of individuals as participants in a larger enterprise”56, which would means the whole society. The internal difference enables the group to set boundaries from other groups in the society, and provides them with the source of political and social cohesion.57 The ability to set boundaries, which means “the demarcation of decision-making units in society and the enforceable rules for resolving jurisdictional disputes among the units”58 and is empowered by ethnicities, would in turn be utilized by the group “in their competition for status and entitlements”59. This we can see in the case of Xinjiang, as Uighurs demand and justify more preferential and autonomous policies from the state with their minority status. However, the Uighur-Han identi-

50. Ibid., 15, 16. 51. We assume so before we further explore the minority policies. 52. Gunaratna, Rohan, Arabinda Acharya, and Pengxin Wang. 2010. Ethnic Identity and

demand from Uighurs to the state focus not only on their ethnicity but also on the religion. The identity of being Muslims becomes another part of “internal architecture of rivalries” for Uighurs, and in this case the boundary it set over-

MacMillan, 16. 53. Gunaratna, Rohan, Arabinda Acharya, and Pengxin Wang. 2010. Ethnic Identity and New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 46. 54. Ibid., 152.

58. Ibid., 18. 59. Ibid., 106.

55. Eickelman, Dale F., and James Piscatori. 1996. Muslim Politics. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 104. 56. Ibid., 107. 57. Ibid., 107.

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laps with that of ethnics. Even though Kendrick Kuo presented that “being Muslim is only one of several competing identities that comprise a theoretical Uyghur umbrella-identity”60, Islam has become a venue of communication to the state for UiIslam has ghurs. Kuo statbecome a ed, like we menvenue of tioned above, communica- that the Uighur tion to the identity is a state for plural one comUighurs prising of many elements, yet he ascertained that different ones will be expressed relative to whom they are being compared to.61 In the occasion of political communication as a group in the society, Islam spontaneously become their political language. The language of religion, as Eickelman and Piscatori cited, means a language expressing meaning through images and symbols62. This symbolism, however, is part of the “common notions” for the group and “would be apparent when the shared assumptions of religion, value or something else of the group are attacked.63 In the case of Xinjiang this would mean that the 60. hadist Threat in Xinjiang." Journal Of Muslim Minority Affairs 32, no. 4 (December 2012): 528-544. Religion and Philosophy Collection, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014), 537. 61. Ibid., 537. 62. Eickelman, Dale F., and James Piscatori. 1996. Muslim Politics. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 15. 63. Ibid., 16. 174

identity imposition, the top-down nation-building process “inadvertently stimulated Muslim self-consciousness”64 pressed through the language of Islam, which by then would be transformed into a political language. The demand of preserving Uighur Muslim identity against the encroachment of state policies has thus been issued not only for individual violent mobilization but also for the political standoff between the Uighur group and the state65. This transformation could be seen as facilitating the formation of the community, and further, the identity shared symbolic expressions articulated through languages are the means of socialization and create a social bond between individuals”66. The communication between the state and the Uighur community also results in a political nature of the community, when so far as a community constitutes more than an economic group, or in other words possesses value systems ordering matters other than the directly economic disposition of goods and services”67. Hereby it could be concluded that in terms of the Xinjiang violence, the Chi64. Ibid., 16. 65. Here it proves again the need to present the original state law on minorities and religion, and this would be done soon afterwards. 66. Eickelman, Dale F., and James Piscatori. 1996. Muslim Politics. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 9. 67. Ibid., 9.

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nese government is in fact dealing with a Uighur political community that has both ethnical and religious dimension. In another word, the Uighur people have formed an ethno-religious community able to react to the state policies on both minority and religion issues. State policies Therefore it has been proven that the mobilization of communal grievances, the other aspect of the origin of Xinjiang violence besides that of jihadist terrorism, appears as a compound generated by the reaction of this ethno-religious community to state policies. It is this fact of ethno-religious community that the state fails to recognize; he state addressed it improperly through a set of policies that did not discriminate these layers clearly and produced the grievances fueling the

mous region regarding bureaucratic, education, economy and jurisdiction gional national autonomy”. In the prefmultinational State created jointly by the people of all its nationalities in the country”, in which the “nationalities” is used to mean ethnicity. It clearly states that “regional national autonomy means that the minority nationalities, un-

organs of self-government for the exercise of the power of autonomy” and spect for and guarantee of the right of the minority nationalities to administer their internal affairs and its adherence to the principle of equality, unity and common prosperity for all the nationalstrate the space allowed, or rather say patronized by the state for autonomous administration. Article 17 states the state overthat “the chairmen - The Uighur people have of an autonomous ghur issue, and formed an ethno-reli- region, the prefor why it is doing gious community able to fect of an autonreact to the state policies omous prefecture on both minority and state policies on or the head of religion issues minorities and rean autonomous ligions and their implications must be county shall be a citizen of the naanalyzed, in order to explore why it tionality exercising regional autonomy”; pushes the Uighur people to this far. The major guideline of state mi- agement, that “the state shall develop nority policies is the Law of the PRC on preferential policies to increase border Regional National Autonomy (LRNA). trade…encourage the development - of locally superior products and ex2014-2015 | Volume 13

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ports, and increase the autonomous

another paragraph argues, “together with the people of the whole country, international dealings in the manufac- adhere to the people's democratic turing sector”; Article 71 asks for accru- dictatorship, support reform and opening educational investment; Article 47 ing, follow the construction of a socialist and 48 asks the jurisdictive procedures road with Chinese characteristics”. The to clear the language barriers and reason it is necessary to “speed up the - economic and cultural development of guage. the ethnic autonomous areas” is that However, we should notice the in this way they can “concentrate their fundamental motive of the state is efforts on the development of socialist design these patronizing policies. The modernization, socialist market economics, strengthen socialist democracy autonomy law plays an important role and legal development, strengthen the not only “in giving full play to ethnic development of a socialist spirit and culture”. This rationale is further conover their own affairs” but also “in de- solidated, as many other statements veloping among do in documents The law is adopted “for them a socialof the Party, by resolving the ethnic isist relationship following “the sue in China through of equality, unity leadership of the its application of Marxand mutual assisCommunist Party ism-Leninism” tance, in consolof China and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism, Mao and in promoting socialist construction Zedong Thought, and Deng Xiaoping in the ethnic autonomous areas and Theory.” Therefore it emerges that the the rest of the country”. As the starting Chinese government tends to focus paragraph states, the law is adopted on how the minority policies could be “for resolving the ethnic issue in China conducive to the socialist project. As through its application of Marxism-Le- a result, if patronization functions the ninism.” The ideological objective of designing this law is clearly the same as cally applied, and simple parameters that of many other laws and even of like economy indices would be the the constitutions, and it could be sug- main focus. In another document, Nagested that the state is patronizing the tional Minorities Policy and Its Practice minorities to “buy them in” to pursue this in China, a white paper from 2000 same goal of “socialist construction” as that demonstrates the implementation the rest of People do. They need to, as of minority laws, major attention is put 176

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on increasing productivity, with indices such as iron output, number of educational institutions, counties out of the destitute, cattles and medical services listed throughout the paper. Termed as “economic determinism”, Yuen Siu Tim pointed out that by “unifying the ethnic groups together under the shared objective of economic development instead of replacing ethnic identity of different ethnic group with ‘class

the state (Art. 4 of LRNA) and ‘place the interests of the state as a whole

designer of economoic approach to minorities], had successfully let economic development to override any consideration of ethnic identity” 68 statement links back to our argument that the state does not address the ethnic aspect of the Uighur community, showing that there is a consistent oversight of ethnic element in the design of

presented characteristics of Chinese minority policies that converge with the three broad categories of minority rights: self-government rights, special representation rights in the legislature or bureaucracy; and accommodation, yet he conceded that besides other visible aspects of minority rights unsatis-

The reason for this oversight is worth considering. It is true that these top-down policies of higher proportion of representatives in the government, right to bear more children and entitlement to direct economic subsidies from the governmentcould be perceived

weaker ethnic minority brothers69, but if this is the main reason then some existing constraints would be compromising. For example, self-governing organs must implement the laws and polices of 68. Tim, Yuen Siu. "Ethnic Minority Policy of Peo69. Ibid., 4.

which means that statutes and regulations that govern the exercise of autonomy rights need higher bodies such 70 prove. If the state were to empower full “duty” then it could have appointed an independent minority committee for reviews of the articles to guarantee the

the Chinese conception of autonomy plays down the role of local elections in autonomy, and sees autonomy as a product of political expediency (which can thus be changed when circumstances change) rather than as an inviolable right71. The ideas of “political expedien70. He, Baogang. "Minority Rights with Chinese Characteristics1." In Multiculturalism in Asia, by Kymlicka, Will, and Baogang He, eds., edited by Will Kymlicka. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2006. doi: 10.1093/0199277621.003.0003, Chapter 3. 71. He, Baogang. "Minority Rights with Chinese Characteristics1." In Multiculturalism in Asia, by Kymlicka, Will, and Baogang He, eds., edited by Will Kymlicka. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2006. doi: 10.1093/0199277621.003.0003, Chapter 3.

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they can be applied to the Chinese of religion includes not only the same religion policies as well, in addition patronizing position as that of minority, to that the religion policies are much but also a determinist idea produced less “preferential”. The major document, ideologically. The guidance of dealing Regulations on Religious Affairs in 2005, with domestic religion affairs, published clearly mandates the bureaucratic and in 1982 titled Basic Views and Policies jurisdictive supervision of the religion on the Issue of Religions in Socialist establishment: It asks for religious bod- Era of China advocated the “goal ies to be registered and to have its and focus in terms of implementing rearticles and activiligion policies is to The state treats the ties “in accordance unite the religious religious activities with the provisions and non-religious of the Regulations and establishments as people and conon Registration Ad- equal to other social centrate their spirit organizations ministration of Asand strength on sociations”, and the personnel should the common goal of constructing the keep records in “the religious affairs de- modernization of socialism74”. This claim, partment of the people's government 72 at or above the county level (article terminism” is built up into one theme of 6, 27)”. In this way the state treats the the document that “it is necessary to religious activities and establishments guide religion to accommodate with as equal to other social organizations, socialism75”, clearly showing the tenwhich means that “ethnic organizations dency of the state to recognize issues with political agendas at the local as “political expediency”. The other grassroots level are forbidden, thus view of religion is inherited from Marxism. [preventing] ethnic people in being The materialist conception of history able to organize themselves and de- in Marxism viewed religion as a mortal fend their minority rights when they are thing, like all the other things, unable to violated.73” exist eternally76; therefore, as the document stated, “the Party needs to further 72. It also includes that much discussed Article understand the nature of generation, 11, that “the making of hajj abroad by Chinese citizens who believe in Islam shall be organized by the national religious body of Islam” 73. He, Baogang. "Minority Rights with Chinese Characteristics1." In Multiculturalism in Asia, by Kymlicka, Will, and Baogang He, eds., edited by Will Kymlicka. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2006. doi: 10.1093/0199277621.003.0003, Chapter 3. 178

74. 1982. " ." Purdue University. 09 12. Accessed 06 25, 2014. https:// www.purdue.edu/crcs/itemResources/chineseVersion/ChinaDOC/1.pdf, Chapter 4. 75. . 2007. . : , 441. 76. Ibid., 398.

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development and mortality of religions and guide religion policies onto the 77 dong Thought ”. This ideological attribution to religion only further primes the state to design its policy on religion in an “expedient” way. As the document so states, “we have to recognize the long-term nature of the existence of religion in socialist condition”; the document attributes religion to the fact that with the social development, and so the religion is “the residual of the deprived class of old time”78 (Ren 439). Thus in terms of religion the state does not view it as a sustainable issue that could yield any return in the long run: the state has a tendency to “handle” it rather than “guide” it. Having uncovered these problematic assumption in state polices, we the state keeps ignoring both ethnic and religious aspect of Xinjiang violence. On one hand, the Chinese government has viewed the minority issue as part of the “load” to “carry” on the socialist project truck, and deemed the overall trend of development to override minority identities as an ethnical community, essentially “dehumanizing” the issue; on the other hand, the state 77. 1982. " ." Purdue University. 09 12. Accessed 06 25, 2014. https:// www.purdue.edu/crcs/itemResources/chineseVersion/ChinaDOC/1.pdf, Chapter 3.

views the religion issue as a collateral in the whole socialist project, such that as long as this issue is not a hindrance of the whole project then the treatment is reasonable. It would be predictably problematic if in policy making an authority has undue assumption and design its own concept of the subject of an issue, yet this is what has been discussed. In the case of Xinjiang violence, where the two issue forms a conjunction thanks to the existence of ethno-religious community of Uighurs people, the state policies could be amiss threefold: in the two individual aspects of religion and ethnicity, and also in the junction group where they overlapped. As Eickelman and Piscatori cited, Chinese authorities seek to maintain a sharp distinction between ethnic The Uighur violence and religious has not been identities of efficiently minority peoaddressed ples, out of fear that religious activities may contribute to political destabilization79, yet in a sense this is what took place in Uighur communities in response to state actions. Conclusion It is now clear that the Uighur dressed because the unique synthetic nature of Uighur community is not rec79. Eickelman, Dale F., and James Piscatori. 1996. Muslim Politics. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 59.

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ognized and considered by the state in approaching the issue; the actions taken failed to address the communal grievances and the violence mobilized by these grievances, and it is precisely the concepts of minorities and religion that the Chinese government designs for itself in its policy making that ultimately leads to this inaccuracy. Arguments exist, as discussed earlier above, that the state is intentionally clothing the issue with anti-terrorism pretext to avoid human rights accusation or geopolitical strategic disadvantage. While such excuses seem disproportional in terms of longevity, cost and implication when compared with the creation of a region with decades of recurrent “terrorism”, we can also refute them by referring back to the 1982 Basic Views document. The document has already demonstrated a tendency to oversimplify issues, at a time when even al-Qaeda has not been founded: it mal religious activity, which at the same the criminal and anti-revolutionary destructive activities shrouded under religion clothes80”. The assumptions here of religions are consistent with those of 2002 East Turkistan statement and current accusation of Uighur terrorism, and we can easily assume the same con80. 1982. " ." Purdue University. 09 12. Accessed 06 25, 2014. https:// www.purdue.edu/crcs/itemResources/chineseVersion/ChinaDOC/1.pdf, Chapter 10. 180

sistency of policy in the minorities issue as well. Given that these assumptions of religions and minorities have more or less been elevated to an ideological ment of China, it is unlikely to deal with the inaccuracy of policies from its root. that as long as the operations on Xinjiang violence includes, and possibly prioritizes the consideration of communal discontent as a cause of the situation, the situation would not be beyond control. From top level of the type of operations to conduct in the region, to the bottom level of how the local people should be communicated with, there are certainly many measures to remedy the Uighur community from macro and micro levels. References 1. 1982. " ." Purdue University. 09 12. Accessed 06 25, 2014. https://www. purdue.edu/crcs/itemResources/ chineseVersion/ChinaDOC/1.pdf 2. 2000. "National Minorities Policy and Its Practice in China." Gov. White Papers-China.org.cn. 06. Accessed 06 25, 2014. http://www. china.org.cn/e-white/4/. 3. 2001. " ." . 09 12. Accessed 06 25, 2014. http://www.gov.cn/ziliao/

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htm. 4. 2002. ""East Turkistan" Terrorist Forces Cannot Get Away With Impunity." China.org.cn. 01 21. Accessed 06 25, 2014. http://www.china.org.cn/ english/2002/Jan/25582.htm. 5. 2006. " ." . 02 24. Accessed 06 25, 2014. http://www.gov.cn/test/20066. al-Zawahiri, Ayman. â&#x20AC;&#x153;Knights Under the Prophet's Banner." Asharq al-Awsat. 7. Davis, Elizabeth Van Wie. "Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China." Asian Affairs: An American Review 35, no. 1 (March 2008): 15-30. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014). 8. Eickelman, Dale F., and James Piscatori. 1996. Muslim Politics. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. 9. Gunaratna, Rohan, Arabinda Acharya, and Pengxin Wang. 2010. Ethnic Identity and National New York: Palgrave MacMillan. 10. He, Baogang. "Minority Rights with Chinese Characteristics1." In Multiculturalism in Asia, by Kymlicka, Will, and Baogang He, eds., edited by Will Kymlicka. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2006. doi: 10.1093/0199277621.003.0003.

11. Jones Leaning, Melanie, and Douglas Pratt. "Islam in China: From Silk Road to Separatism." The Muslim World 102, no. 2 (2012): 308-334. 12. Khan, Shirley A. US-China Counterterrorism Cooperation: Issues for US Policy. DIANE Publishing, 2009. 13. Kuo, Kendrick T. "Revisiting the SalaOf Muslim Minority Affairs 32, no. 4 (December 2012): 528-544. Religion and Philosophy Collection, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014). 14. Millward, James A. "Violent separatism in Xinjiang: a critical assessment." (2004). 15. Sun, Degang. "China and the Global Jihad Network." Journal Of The Middle East & Africa 1, no. 2 (July 2010): 196-207. Academic Search Complete, EBSCOhost (accessed June 25, 2014). 16. Tim, Yuen Siu. "Ethnic Minority Policy 17. Wang, David D. "East Turkestan movement in Xinjing." Journal of Chinese Political Science 4, no. 1 (1998): 1-18. 18. Zenn, Jacob "On the Eve of 2014: Islamism in Central Asia.." Current Trends in Islamist Ideology 15. (2013): 67-91. 19. . 2007. . : .

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Research Around Grounds : Professor by Nojan Rostami

got to be the strangest chemistry class“Wallspace” is an interdisciplinary and “interspace” brainstorm lab. Her bookshelf lined with all sorts of books and the 24 foot whiteboard that serves as a wall covered in what appears to me as gibberish, Professor Fraser recounts to me how she went about getting the funding and designing Wallspace with some of her architect friends. An interdisciplinary brainstorm lab, Wallspace seems to be an extension of Professor interests. A biochemist by training, Pro182

fessor Fraser leads a team of graduate and undergraduate students researching the practical application of luminescent materials in addition to holdschool of architecture and collaborating with UVA artist in residence Natalie Jeremijenko in her free time. Passion, excellence, and above all else, balance, Professor Fraser tells me as we walk to her lab, is what she believes college should be about. On her research team, the professor says that they are “very much driven, but also open to people just being people and our interests outside

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actly what she meant by that until they room and sat down with what has got to be the most diverse group of people at at UVA. To understand Professor fessor Fraser; and to understand Professor Fraser one needs to just look at her in each and every one of her students. From how they dressed, their body language, how they spoke, right down to their beards (or lack thereof) no two of them were even remotely alike and yet work. them what they research, and Bill Morris, part krav magra instructor and part biochemist, gives me a sort of elevator pitch from which I gathered that they researched things that glow. After a quick demonstration involving a sheet of wax paper, some dyes, an oven, and a laythe importance of their work dawned on me. The Fraser Lab works on luminesboth solid and polymer, that have, and I quote, â&#x20AC;&#x153;really cool propertiesâ&#x20AC;?. When the dyes are put in a biodegradable polymer they have two emission colors which allows them to serve as an oxygen detector. Combining mechanics and biochemistry, the Fraser Lab does potentially groundbreaking work in creating and improving medical equip-

ment. The two emissions from the polymer can be measured proportionally to oxygen levels, allowing for monitoring and prediction of chronic wounds, cancer tumor characterization, and tissue engineering. The current technology for these things is expensive and hard to handle, according to graduate student Alex Matthew. What the Fraser Lab does differently is develop digital cameras that are both cheap and portable to create probes that allow for real time use during procedures and tests. Creating the dyes and polymers used in their work is an incredibly ate student Chris DeRosa, the average undergraduate student takes a semester to create a dye, and even longer to make a polymer. Undergraduate student Caroline Kerr, however, mana few months. Caroline joined the Fraser Lab last summer and as a second year student is the youngest member of the team. This year, under Professor the many alumni of the Fraser Lab to be honored with a Beckman Scholarship. Professor Fraser makes a point of making mentoring a part of the undergraduate research experience at her lab, and regrets that she can only take 2-3 undergraduates at a time on her research team. On the application process, Professor Fraser says that due to the small size of her lab and the num-

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ber of undergraduates she can take on her team, the application process is very competitive. Applicants are treated as if they are job applicants, and if accepted Professor Fraser pays them special attention to cultivate them academically and professionally. Over the years, Professor FraBeckman Scholarships, Goldwater Scholars, and, â&#x20AC;&#x153;almost routinelyâ&#x20AC;?, Harrison and other fellowships in prestigious programs. Many of the students also work as teaching assistants in their respective departments. Almost all volunteer in some capacity at Madison House or similar programs. More than anything she wants her undergraduate students to not only do well but to excel in their academic and professional pursuits, and yet she stresses the importance of not pushing oneself beyond their limits. To undergraduate students who want to get involved in research the professor has one thing to say: think about what it is you care about

become minimal or even nonexistent in career. Research around grounds has become the exception rather than the er than spread themselves too thin, Professor Fraser believes that students to excel at it without forgetting to take time to indulge in other interests. With her exceptional work in the biomedical engineering department at UVA, joint appointment at the school of architecture, and artistic collaborations, as a monument to her philosophy of balance and diversity. Maybe the Fraundergraduate research and mentorship should be how all undergraduates should experience UVA. Maybe such an approach is impossible to achieve with 14,000 undergraduate students and the idea of research around grounds is slowly dying within the undergraduate community. But maybe, just maybe, under the mentorship of Professor Fraser, Caroline Kerr and the community of re-

to the pressure to spread yourself too thin. Students, she believes, try to hard to be perfect at everything, only to too soon. She believes that the modern undergraduate experience is a pressure cooker of competition where students need to decide on an academic and career path with little to no guidance. The role of research has 184

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