Fewkes Jeffrey~The effects of church planting on the sending churches

DISSERTATION

An analysis of the effects of church planting on the sending churches

By

Jeffrey P. Fewkes

This work is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the

M.A. Pastoral Studies University of Derby (1999)

Module RP4ZZY: Independent Studies in Postgraduate Studies in Religion.

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ABSTRACT Looking at the effects of church planting on the sending churches, this dissertation incorporates the writer's previous and present personal experience of the exercise. The recent national decrease in new Anglican church plants is noted and it is suggested that awareness of difficulties in the exercise may be part of the reason. This study is phenomenological and multidisciplinary in its approach, incorporating the thought of pastoral theologians, sociologists, psychologists and others. The detailed responses are studied of sixteen Midlands parishes and the letters received by six others, responding to Questionnaires which were sent to thirty churches. Ten churches, plus his previous and present parishes, participated in more detailed interviews. The situation is compounded, the writer argues, by the interpretation given to events by participants. The investigative methods were refined as the study continued.

The survey shows one of the prime effects to be feelings of loss, similar to those suffered in human bereavement, when the plant begins to meet as the weekly norm, rather than for monthly or special events. Although numerically those in the surveyed churches going to form plant core teams are less than 10% of the total original congregation; the loss is more keenly felt since it includes key workers and also finance. The initial decrease in regular worshippers in the building tends to lower morale. Also involved is a loss of significant friendship as well as a sense of harmony and unity. These losses are noted to varying degrees by 93% of churches. This loss is analysed, via Attachment Theory, and aligned to the Kubler-Ross bereavement process. The stages of denial, anger, bargaining, depression and acceptance are observed to be affecting the whole sending church. Unlike bereavement the loss is unfocussed and congregation members find there is a dichotomy between logic and emotion. Issues of power and authority affect, to some extent, 73% of sending churches. The changing authority patterns, group structure and reinforcement increase the isolation of the different groups and with it attendant issues of power and authority. The process may be viewed differently by congregation members who are 'locals' or 'cosmopolitans' in their thinking. Sibling rivalry can be a power issue and 36% report serious personality clashes at the sending church. The fact the plant worship outside the 'holy space' increases the alienation. After analysing the differing methods leaders used to attempt a resolution of the difficulties, the writer suggests the distress may be somewhat alleviated by planting from a growth situation and by the availability of both 'instrumental' and 'expressive' leaders within both congregations; a New Testament as well as a standard management principle. Listening to the acknowledgement of loss and working through 'The Four Tasks of Mourning' is necessary. As in human bereavement this involves: a. Accepting the reality of the loss; b.

Working through the pain of grief; c. Adjusting to an environment in which the deceased (plant team) is missing and d. Emotionally relocating the deceased and moving on with life. Adequate preparation for the formation of the two new churches is essential for future progress and this involves formulating a strategy for both churches, not merely the church plant. The speed of formation of the plant should be a consideration for the sending church's benefit, as well as the plant team. The effective use of ritual as liminal stages in the plant formation is considered. The survey shows that overall numerical growth appears unlikely in the short term, but over time, and with the right procedure, church planting may be effective.

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Declaration

No portion of the work referred to herein has been submitted in support of an application for another degree or qualification of this or any other university or institution of learning.

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CONTENTS

Page

Introduction The National Scene Experience of a Midlands parish The complexity of the issue Biblical models Methodology Analysis of the Questionnaire results The churches involved Difficulties encountered Other demographic details Relationships What is lost in the planting process?

The effect of time The church survey The interview process Some features of the surveyed churches The root causes Loss or bereavement Attachment Theory The Kubler-Ross process The role of demography Other pastoral models Group Structure and reinforcement Issues of power The social acceptability of exertion Ecclesiology 'Holy space'

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Conclusion: mitigating factors Planting from a growth situation Availability of dual leadership roles Listening to the acknowledgement of loss.

A strategy for both the new churches Adequate preparation Get the speed of change right Time heals Use of ritual An example of good practice?

What is gained from this study?

Bibliography

Appendices A: Questionnaire B: Interview Questions

Diagrams Anglican Church Plants ('78-'97) Perceived loss in the sending church Perceived contentedness Perceived contentedness in the plant and sending church 'Mouton' diagram: level of discontent

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Acknowledgements

My thanks to the leaders (and previous leaders) of those churches which completed the Questionnaires which I did not follow up for interview, though utilising their material: St. Luke's, Halliwell, Bolton.

Burslem Methodist Mission Holy Trinity, Hinckley, Leicestershire The Church at Oakwood, Derby A small town church in the Midlands And to six others who wrote letters regarding the above.

Thanks also to those who went on to participate in interviews.

Central Hall Christian Fellowship, Stapleford, Nottingham Christ Church, Chilwell, Nottingham Christ Church, Newark, Nottingham.

The Christian Centre, Nottingham A semi-rural Anglican church in the Midlands St. Margaret's, Aspley, Nottingham The parish of Warsop, Nottinghamshire A multi-racial suburban church in the Midlands An open evangelical suburban church in the Midlands St. Paul's, Oadby, Leicester To my previous parish of St. John's, Bulwell, Nottingham And to leaders at the churches of St. Helen's, St. Andrew's and St. Luke's who comprise the parish of Stapleford, Nottingham.

To Bob Hopkins and Anglican Church Planting Initiatives.

To the staff of the University of Derby; and especially to Revd David Hart, my supervisor in this dissertation.

Jeffrey Fewkes

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An analysis of the effects of church planting on the sending churches by J.P. Fewkes INTRODUCTION Church Planting has been a tradition of the Church since New Testament times and refers to the setting up of a new congregation utilising some of the membership of the previous or sending congregation. The effects of this from Victorian times are easily seen here in Britain with the foundation of many daughter churches, often on the rapidly expanding new estates of the industrialised nation. The very use of the feminine term 'daughter' is in itself worthy of note. A number of these churches grew to be larger than the original church and a good proportion of the Anglican ones became parishes in their own right, as had happened in the writers previous parish in the East Midlands.

Something of the problems and diversity of theology encountered can be seen in the Methodist Church situation with the foundation of many similar churches [Primitive, Wesleyan and others] within a short distance. These have now largely been reincorporated.

My first curacy parish of Chester-le-Street in County Durham was one of the first pioneers of late twentieth century church planting, in the 1970s. There in a period of five years six satellite congregations were founded in school halls, a pub, a working men's club, and a community hall. The exercise was not - as I noted at the time- without it's pains and difficulties.

The last fifteen years has seen a popularising of the Practice and a rise in the number of para-church organisations offering advice and support. Not surprisingly the expertise and advice has focused on the newly forming plant and not on the sending congregation.

There has also been a proliferation in varieties of church planting. These range from duplicate services in the same building (possibly due to overcrowding), to multiple congregations (i.e. services with differing characteristics, aimed at a variety of people).

There has been the sending of differing numbers (from five to fifty), to form the nucleus of the new congregation with a variety of different support characteristics. The sending of a group from one church to assist an ailing and often elderly church has been featured.

This is termed a re-plant. A nomenclature has arisen as shorthand for the variety of plants.

The motivation for planting has also been varied. It has ranged from the impossibility of getting more people into an existing building; through the desire to break through natural attendance ceilings in a single congregation; to a desire to reach hitherto unchurched people in a particular geographical area or social grouping (e.g. those on a Council estate or youth) In 1997 it was anecdotally observed at a Diocesan (lay) Readers meeting that the vast majority of churches (fourteen out of fifteen) which had participated in the process of church planting had undergone an upheaval. This was not in the plants themselves, which had either been successful or generally failed completely, but in the sending church. One of the participants was a Trainee reader in my last parish who observed that we were

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experiencing similar difficulties. All were however hard-pressed to define the exact nature of the difficulty.

The National Scene The following graph, reproduced by permission from Anglican Church Planting Initiatives (ACPI), shows the number of Anglican Church plants registered with them over twenty years.

The recent decline may be explained by a variety of factors. Hopkins and Fox (1999) suggest a number, including the increasing variety of planting typologies - which might cause some not to register the plant, as increasingly they do not fit the 'traditional' mould.

They also however comment that the exercise has proved more difficult than was previously imagined and does not necessarily provide the 'quick fix' required by modern organisations. I believe part of that difficulty has been within the sending churches themselves and this is the subject of this essay.

Experience of a Midlands parish.

By 1995 I had been the vicar of St. John's, Bulwell, Nottingham: an East Midlands parish, consisting largely of deprived council housing for fourteen years. The single congregation had reached what appeared to be a ceiling in church attendance (around two hundred adults) at the parish church – and having attempted a number of well established schemes to further increase the size of the congregation – a “church plant” was proposed.

This involved the commissioning of approximately fifteen adults, plus the married woman curate, as a core team to form a new congregation in a building one mile from the 8

parish church. The exercise was partly seen as a church growth technique - knowing that congregations frequently ceased growing overall at approximately that number, as the number leaving [often unnoticed] matched the number of people entering the church.

Other recognised motivations included the relative physical isolation of one area of the parish. There was also a desire to build on the high profile which had been established by the vicar and curate, who both lived in the vicinity, and utilise further the multi-purpose church hall - much used by local residents for secular activities - which had been built in that area. A survey at an open church meeting on the matter of planting indicated a ninety five per cent approval rating for the procedure.

Briefly, the church plant itself was initially very successful and resulted in approximately thirty-five new adults joining the new congregation on a regular basis, plus a number of children. Many more came irregularly to the monthly services. The experiment appeared to be so successful that the church council agreed to run the services virtually weekly within six months of its inception. The curate was given permission to stay for a further (fifth) year to help establish the new congregation.

However within a matter of months growing discontent was noted at the parish church.

This presented itself in various forms. Various leaders accused the curate of being selfseeking and ambitious, for instance, despite the fact that she had postponed impending promotion to incumbent status for the very purpose of establishing the new church plant.

Others accused the ‘plant’ (and by implication is leadership) of ‘splitting’ the church.

Other frictions within the leadership were gradually noticed. These included the attempt to form a private prayer group of fourteen parish church leaders. Membership was to be by invitation, but noticeably excluded the vicar, curate, their spouses and those on the leadership team who had connections with the church plant, though the basis of the gathering was consistently claimed to merely friendship and support. Most of the fourteen were also amongst the largest financial contributors to the church. This was perceived as a power issue by the clergy and addressed to such. The opposition of the clergy resulted in the official closure of the group.

All attempts to bring the obvious discontent over the church plant out into the open and face the issues were avoided by the parish church leadership, who denied that they had any problem with the plant per se and talked in terms of personalities and the necessity of 'spiritual warfare'.

One attempt to deal with the problem was the organisation of a day away at a quiet country location for anyone who would like to attend. The stated aim was to analyse where the church was and begin to formulate a strategy. In practice the clergy also wanted to give the opportunity for the discontent to be expressed in a safer, public environment. A diocesan official - with wide experience of church planting - was brought in to facilitate the day at which we undertook a 'SWOT' analysis (strengths, weaknesses, obstacles and targets/ tactics). Firstly, this took place in small groups excluding the clergy, spouses and facilitator who retired to the local pub. A reporting back to the whole meeting followed this. Although various minor matters of discontent were raised the matter of the church plant was not mentioned at all. This so perplexed the facilitator that he brought the matter up. It was unanimously denied that anyone had any problem with the church plant at all.

Behind the scenes, however, the murmuring, gossip and general discontent appeared to continue. Mounting discontent led to fear within the plant core team of the church plant 9

regarding its future; particularly with the curate's imminent departure and the possibility of the vicar also leaving soon. Would the Council close the plant down? Numbers reached a plateau at the church plant, but appeared to drop at the parish church with a consequent fall in morale. Despite denials it was widely assumed that more had gone to the church plant. In fact the most common comment defaulters made were "I do not like the atmosphere of gossip and criticism," or "It is not like it was" This underlying discontent continued until my departure in the summer of 1998.

Frictions resulted in the resignation of many of the church plant core team from the Church Council during the Interregnum. The Council at one time announced at the plant's Sunday service, without the prior consultation of the plant, the intention to reduce the plant's meeting to once a month. Protests resulted in the rescinding of the motion and the matter left until the appointment of a new incumbent.

This seemed to me to be an extreme example of the discontentment and difficulty by many Christian churches. Having since moved to a new parish, albeit with a different sociological structure, I faced the prospect of having to instigate two church plants of a particular type. The two daughter churches of Stapleford - unlike the parish church itself, which is relatively thriving - have small and elderly congregations. Neither has an expected life span of more than a few years without an injection of new life; and I felt this had to come from some sort of church plant. Keen to ensure a smooth transition at both the sending and receiving churches ends I proposed two years of preparation for the sending of the first re-plant team. However within four months a team of ten adults volunteered to assist the curate in the exercise at one daughter church and was sent out.

After four months this seems generally to have been successful. Against expectations there has been little or no antagonism from the sending church and the original daughter church has warmly received the team. Whilst there have been losses, particularly in the parish church Sunday school, and in key workers, there has been little trauma. The reasons for the striking difference will be investigated at the end.

THE COMPLEXITY OF THE ISSUE Human reactions to situations do not normally involve a direct response; but rather involve an intermediate step, interpretation, between the stimulus and the response. This defines the situation as far as the recipient is concerned. W. I. Thomas states: "Preliminary to any self-determined act of behaviour there is always a stage of examination and deliberation which we may call the definition of the situation."

(Thomas 1923, p. 42) Things may not be, then, as they appear and the interpretation may radically alter the social implications of any situation. The Thomas Theorem (Thomas 1928) states: "If men define situations as real, they are real in their consequences" (p. 572) The subjective interpretation of any situation is just as important as the objective situation, if indeed it is ever possible to gain this objectivity. Self-fulfilling prophecies illustrate this. As George Furniss (1995) remarks: "A false definition of the situation evokes new behaviour, which then makes the originally false conception come true‌ Entire social groups - racial, ethnic, and gender "minorities" - fall subject to self-fulfilling prophecies; a false definition of reality (intelligence, aptitudes, and capacities) becomes so widely institutionalised in the society that situations that might provide evidence to disprove it never arise. In short culture - the complex of a society's definitions of 10

reality - is the filter through which the individuals perceptions of the physical and social world pass, and that individual's actions are responses, not to the objective reality, but to the cultural definition." (p. 20) What we receive as information therefore is subjective and interpreted. An investigation into the symbiosis or connection between the sending and the planted churches and the dynamic between them was conducted by written Questionnaire to the minister. The Questionnaire at least highlighted the way things APPEAR to be to the incumbents. In order avoid this subjective interpretation as far as possible the Questionnaire was followed up by interviews in ten churches of different denominations and styles of ministry. The ministers view was taken, but also a senior member of both the sending church and the plant were interviewed. In some cases it has been of interest to note the differing interpretations given to the same situation by the interviewees. From this study proposal for future anticipation of problems and the taking of appropriate action to prevent such a recurrence has been promulgated. Whilst much study has been done on the formation of church plants themselves, to the best of my knowledge that - though often noted - no study has been done on this inter- relationship.

The main focus of the study is on the actual results in terms of the underlying attitudes and behaviour presented by the formation of church plants. However the formulation of parameters by which to conduct questionnaires and interviews has also been instructive, as these in themselves must affect the apparent results. A copy of a Questionnaire is in the appendix. . The difficulty seemed to me, to be in terms of formulation. Would it act like the "false memory syndrome" referred to in child abuse cases and bring to mind problems, which were - in fact - not present? As the Thomas's might have said, it is not how things ARE, but how they APPEAR that is important. The provision of a convenient packaged 'interpretation' might, in itself, skew the resulting answers.

Inherent in the previous paragraph is a furthering of the understanding of how the major philosophical orientations of gaining knowledge affect the formulation of questions and analysis of results. Thomas Kuhn (1970) pointed out in “The Structure of Scientific Revolutions" the fatuousness of attempting to: "Elaborate theories rather than attempting to refute them. Eventually the accumulated deficiencies of a paradigm lead to its overthrow and replacement by another paradigm in what Kuhn labels a 'scientific revolution'." [Barker, Pistrang and Elliott (1994) p. 18].

A more phenomenological approach has been attempted, particularly in view of my previous personal experiences in this area. As Tolman (1994) wrote: “Phenomenology starts with the immediately given, human life-world and proceeds to dispense with its particular contents through procedures of bracketing and reduction. …(It) unlike traditional empiricism, acknowledges the irreducibility of the first person as the starting point for analysis” (p. 32f) My own previous experience in this area cannot be disregarded. But Judith Bell says all scientific discovery starts with a hunch or hypothesis [Bell (1993) p.19]. Hence my theory of the appropriateness of the bereavement process model in understanding the underlying causes of any discontent must be subject to critical analysis and falsification theory.

Other factors taken into consideration include the concept of modes of consciousness.

Peter Berger (1979) writes 11

'Modern consciousness is one of the many historically available forms of consciousness... It is possible that modern consciousness, while expanding man's awareness of some aspects of the universe, has made him lose sight of other aspects that are equally real." (p. 8-10) Differing forms of religious language may then indicate differing experiences, but equally may refer to differing interpretations of the same objective event. Talk, for instance, of "spiritual warfare" (as at Bulwell) should, also be taken into account in observing the multidimensional view of consciousness just outlined and the analysis could not be complete until the spiritual - and dark forces at that - are also taken into account. These forces are a feature, not just of Christianity, but also of Islam and Zoroastrianism. The process of bracketing and reduction is therefore carefully observed and the phenomenon observed at different levels.

Biblical models.

The New Testament provides a number of models for church growth and planting, utilising a particular language. St Paul, talking about church development said, (1 Cor 3:6) "I planted the seed, Apollos watered it, but God made it grow." Though this may well be re-interpreted in sociological terms, it may as easily be argued that one conception is as valid as the other is and that the multidimensional view of consciousness must allow for the accuracy of both.

Christian churches in general - and in particular those usually found to be involved in church planting - utilise Biblical language and consciousness. It is therefore helpful to see something of the perceived dynamic in these terms.

Christ's final command (Matthew 28:18-20) was "Go into all the world and make disciples of all nations." Previously he had said, "As you have sent me into the world, I have sent them into the world... As the Father has sent me, I am sending you." (John 17:18 + 20:21). He also based many of his parables around the theme of 'growth': talking of 'seed growing secretly', of growing plants mixed with thorns and weeds, of tiny mustard seeds growing into large trees. In training his disciples he sent them out in pairs on mission exercises.

Peter Nodding (1994) comments, utilising similar language and dynamic: "Churches who are gripped by this incredible vision will be imaginative and effective in church planting. It is surprising how many of us can begin with the word 'go' and still base out outreach around the word 'come'. " (p. 4) The early church took those precepts and moved rapidly in the spreading of Christ's message. Acts 13: 1-5 shows 'prophets and teachers' receiving direct commands from the Holy Spirit in the confirming of similar inspiration within Paul and Barnabas and commissioning them to move out and plant new churches in different locations. "Set apart for me, Barnabas and Saul for the work to which I have called them."

Whilst others may doubt the veracity of the language used and the concepts lying behind them, it is not possible to doubt that they provide a compelling dynamic for the believer.

This dynamic sometimes forces behaviour, which may be uncomfortable for both believer and the unbelievers with whom they come into contact. Its dynamic also - as is illustrated in this dissertation - makes culture and society within the Christian church 12

itself difficult and fractious as it forces behaviour against fundamental sociological and psychological principles.

Having said that let me leave the issue of language and consciousness in order to outline something of the immediate methodology behind the dissertation before returning to interpretation later.

METHODOLOGY. Initial enquiries were made by means of questionnaires to thirty churches, which had been identified, as participating in church planting in recent years. The object of the questionnaire, at one level, was to select key variables (e.g. length of time in existence) to enable a look at the process of bereavement and other factors over time, there being insufficient time or resources at this level for a longitudinal study. As the study progressed it was itself subject to the “Pastoral cycle” (below). This was easier to do and refine at the interview stage than that of the initial questionnaire. There was an unexpectedly high response rate of 50% with another 23% sending partial information or apology by letter.

Whilst it was intended that the selection of individual churches for interview should be based on the criteria of where they are in the process, the returns indicated this was not realistic. Ultimately their geographical location was the primary factor in facilitating interviews. Other variables, size/growth, social class, area, type of plant, theological stance, ideally needed to be taken into account, but this would have made the study too wide ranging.

Available literature, commercially published or available from the various church planting organisations and support groups in the United Kingdom, was studied. Initially this identified some of the parameters for the formulation of the initial questionnaire and secondarily identified parameters for the individual interviews.

The underlying causes of discontent or reasons for relative content in each of the above cases was investigated further, following Ballard and Pritchard’s (1996) ‘Pastoral Cycle’ "Experience, exploration, reflection and action" (p. 118f) This is similar to Gerkin's (1984) "Hermeneutical circle" (p. 138 - 141).

A number of Clergy or ministers, pro- active laity - possibly church wardens or deacons and leading members who remained with the sending church - were identified with whom to conduct more in-depth interviews. In the matter of the lay interviewees careful thought had be given to their choice in order to get an objective response, though these were generally chosen by the minister.

The interview results were further explored and reflected upon in order to perceive common patterns of response and behaviour. The dissertation includes an analysis of the methods used in order to ensure a measure of relative objectivity in data collection and a critical evaluation of any original hypotheses made.

Anonymity was also a question and churches were given this option. Whilst it may remain possible for individual pastoral situations to remain anonymous: church situations

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are more easily identifiable but I hope to avoid this by the omission not only of names, but certain identifiable facts.

The conclusion has included formulation of a way forward, which deals with and fulfils basic human needs of security and significance for all within the changing situation. The difficulties within churches (where they exist) may begin with loss and its natural response - but they are surely exacerbated by many other factors and wholeness cannot ensue until they are addressed and worked through.

ANALYSIS OF THE QUESTIONNAIRE RESULTS The churches involved Of the sixteen detailed responses (including one for my previous parish) thirteen were Anglican, one Assembly of God, one Methodist, one was Open Brethren. Of those wishing to be identified as representing a particular tradition or theological stance one referred to themselves as Anglo-Catholic, two Central, four Open and eight Conservative Evangelical. Seven also referred to themselves as Charismatic. Whilst this is a very small sample, it appears to reflect the national figures for the theological stance of those involved in church planting.

There appeared to be a great openness to questioning, and I am extremely grateful for this. Nine ministers agreed to interviews with themselves and the two others outlined; four gave qualified agreement. None who completed the form refused to be interviewed.

Three ministers wished their churches to remain anonymous.

Below are the overall questionnaire results. These have been listed briefly for the sake of clarity.

Difficulties encountered.

Participants were asked to rate the responses in this section: 0 (no problem) to 5 (problems resulting in serious division).

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64% had medium to very serious Loss/Bereavement problems (3-5 on the scale) in the sending church. However only 23% indicated a similar response in the plant. Only one Minister said this was not a problem at all. 93% indicated a score of 1 and above as regards sending church, indicating some loss/bereavement.

Perceived loss in the sending church

6 Discontent

5 4 3 2 1 0 0

5

10

15

Years plant had run weekly

It was not possible to draw any conclusions from the plotting of the discontent due to Loss /Bereavement problems against time, as is indicated by the almost random spread of results on the scattergraph above. Time was insufficient for longitudinal studies at each church.

54% said they had serious problems (i.e. rated 3 - 5) with regard to lack of authority structure in the plant. 71% rated this as a minor problem (Score of 1 and above).

28% were seriously concerned about power or authority issues in the sending church, but this rose to 62% in regard to plants. 73% rated this item 1 and above ending church, 86% in the plant.

42% indicated serious problems relating to the speed of the plant formation regarding the sending church, 38% thought this a serious problem in relation to the plant. This appears to indicate that any preparation period is more for the church than for plant team members themselves.

36% of clergy said there had been serious personality clashes within sending church, 38% within plant itself.

66% had used 'one to one' methods in attempting to resolve problems, 58% Church Council debate, 58% utilised the sent leadership, 33% open church meetings, 21% reasserted the leaderships authority. 14% said they ignored the problem.

63% Said they were open to further planting procedures.

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Other demographic details There appears to have been little significant overall numerical growth in the number of worshipping adults, when both congregations are totalled. This growth was just 3.9% overall, though this figure is hardly indicative since the time period covered varies widely. Six congregations showed decline, eight had some growth, and one was static.

But the growth ranged from 2% to 75%, the decline from -4% to -51%. Since there has been an average congregational decline in the United Kingdom of 10% past 6 years, it might be presumed that to remain static indicates some real comparative growth.

More success has been achieved with regards to children less than sixteen years. An overall average growth of 15% over the periods was noted. Most plants (54%) showed a rise in the numbers of children over time, 15% showed figures remained static, 15% a decline. This compares with a widely reported serious decline in the numbers of children attending Christian worship in Britain in recent years (though no specific figures are available).

The makeup of any new members attending the varying church plants indicated: New converts 32% Lapsed returning 37% Transfers 31% 13% of churches began the plant because of the establishment of a new housing area, 53% placed it in a relatively un-reached estate or area in the vicinity. 33% began the exercise through the application of church growth techniques. 13% did it for the sake of congregation members (in part at least). Only one church (Halliwell, Bolton) actually began planting due to overcrowding (and they have now closed both plants).

In 50% of cases the initial motivation involved the senior clergy, the assistant minister or curate inspired 29%, 50% were at least partly initiated by laity.

The sent plant core teams ranged from a handful to 35 (and that out of a congregation totalling (800 adults). The average was 15.1 in the core team. The size of the core team did not seem to depend on sending church size.

Significant laity were involved in the planting process in all but one church. Of the plant leadership approx. 80% had been approached by the clergy of the sending church, 60% included volunteers. From the Questionnaire results none appeared to have been imported - initially -from other parishes. The composition of the remainder of the initial plant membership was 90% volunteers, with only 20% being asked by ministers.

The following will be dealt with in more detail when looking at some of the interviewed churches, but for the sake of clarity some comments are listed here: Relationships Less than half the respondents answered the specific question relating to how the sending church/ planted church relationships have been affected. Of those who did the replies indicated a number of ways. Those listed include: rivalry, criticism, friction, division, power and pride.

What is lost in the planting process?

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These will be dealt with individually when the interviews are analysed, but all the churches answered the question "Was anything LOST in the planting process? What?"

Three churches indicated 'unity' and 'harmony of purpose' as a major loss.

Most said the sending church had lost key individuals; people from various positions, leaders, children's workers, small group leaders, musicians, loyal adults and young people.

Two said loss of finance in the sending church had been a problem, causing some resentment.

One indicated a loss of good will and another a slowing down of the previous numerical growth, which they had experienced.

Only two churches claimed that nothing had been lost at all.

The effect of time Time does heal eventually. After twenty three years in Worksop the losses and difficulties appear to have been worked through and a new church building erected, though the congregation after that time is exactly the same as it had been before the exercise, but on two sites rather than one.

I would not want to assert too much by it. However the following is a Graph relating the average 'contentedness' of four groups of people: sending church leadership and congregation, plant church leadership and congregation. Each minister was asked to rate this on a scale of 0 (grave discontent) to 5 (very happy). Fourteen church ministers gave these indications.

Perceived Contentedness

Level of Contentedness

6 5 4 3 2 1 0 0

5

10

15

20

25

Years plant had run weekly

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Whilst the sample is very small, it would appear that many churches find their level of contentedness decreasing for some while - possibly reaching a trough after about three years. Two churches however appeared to be still experiencing difficulty in this area after nine and thirteen years respectively, but their situations will be further investigated in the next section.

The following graph is drawn from the same set of figures from the above, but the levels of contentedness in the sending church and the plant church are shown separately (leadership and membership of each averaged). From the pairs of indicative pointers it can be seen that the level of contentedness is generally and consistently higher in the plant than in the sending church.

Perceived contentedness in the plant and sending church Level of contentedness

6 5 4 3 2 1 0 0

5

10

15

Years plant had run weekly

20 Plant

25 Sender

One minister who did not fill in the questionnaire, as he was new to the parish wrote this, "Here at X the experience of the 'birthing' of Y was painful and hurts and grievances remain an issue to this day - almost six years on. I have sought to understand the history without bringing it explicitly out into the open once again, and then having reached some understanding, to move on. So I would be reluctant to convene a group to address your questionnaire‌ It is encouraging to know that we are not alone in our struggles. I am sure that your work will bring real benefits to churches looking to plant." (Letter to author)

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THE CHURCH SURVEY The Interview Process As indicated on page five, care had to be taken in asking 'non-leading' questions to avoid putting into interviewees minds concepts which might not actually be present. The Pastoral Cycle was also utilised both when assessing the Questionnaire results and in reframing the questions as the interviews progressed. In particular it was noted that the issues of power and authority assumed a much higher profile than had previously been thought. It was not going to be possible to complete a longitudinal analysis on anything other than my previous church, which might have led to a validation of utilising the Kubler-Ross parameters for assessing differing responses over time to loss or bereavement. The basic Questions, which formed the basis of each interview, are listed in Appendix 2,

SOME FEATURES OF THE SURVEYED CHURCHES Since the primary aim of this dissertation is to look at the effects of planting on the sending church, no attempt is made at giving a complete account of the church planting activities at each of the individual churches, but only basic facts and features, which are of particular interest. This inevitably involves a concentration on difficulties.

Central Hall Christian Fellowship, Stapleford, Nottingham The above Open Brethren fellowship began "Meeting Point" as a monthly evening meeting in a Community Centre in a mixed housing area, about a mile from their meeting hall. Seventeen years ago led by Robert Roper. The meetings went weekly twelve years ago. All three interviewees agreed the reason - although they had held weekly 'gospel' (evangelistic) meetings in the Central hall with reasonable congregations; it had become very rare for non-Christians to attend and their hall was only one of many in the town centre.

'Meeting Point' was very successful as drawing in outsiders. Problems arose - from the Leaders viewpoint - with regard to the authority of the oversight. This is understandable when talking with three other leaders who remained at the central location. One did not recognise 'Meeting Point' as a church plant at all and referred to it as an 'outreach' event.

Two other leaders - in hindsight- would have preferred to make the service totally independent due to difficulties in the practicalities.

Loss was a real problem; one remaining leader commented, "Suddenly the numbers at the gospel services (at Central Hall) halved. That felt a weakness. There was unease because it was the younger element that went on the outreach. The older folk stayed. The Sunday school shrank considerably as people opted to go to Meeting Point." Robert Roper commented, "Some saw it as a rival work and therefore were suspicious of the work and the people involved. They felt we had 'copped out' of involvement and commitment to the Central Hall church programme. However a lot rejoiced at young people now coming.

The matter of power and authority was shown particularly in two areas: a. Theology. Brethren theology involved the practise of the women attending worship with heads covered and not addressing the meeting or even praying publicly. Whilst in 19

general agreeing, Robert Roper commented, "Some of us didn't see the wearing of hats as a central tenant. And the outreach leaders felt it was more important to get everyone to pray rather than hinder them." They also felt they should use a 'modern' translation of the Bible, where the central congregation used the Authorised version, as the AV would be incomprehensible to unchurched people. This was seen as a slide into liberalism by about 25% of the central congregation. Robert talks of receiving abusive letters from older congregation members and 'public slanging matches'. "The young people," he says, "seemed to have more grace and love than people who had been Christians for years."

The remaining leaders interviewed remembered clashes in particular over the use of more modern hymns, rather than the traditional Brethren hymn book as being an issue.

They also comment that - particularly in the case of the role of women - no one ever formally came to them with the problem. The oversight did not have regular meetings with the plant leadership, but only met when problems arose. b. Authority. The weekly breaking of bread was a central practise of the denomination.

Robert says that even new members were expected to attend the 9.30 am service as well as the evening outreach. The leaders were also expected at the 11.00 am worship service.

They attempted, he says, to conform. The plant was not allowed to have a separate breaking of bread service, as this would have constituted it as a separate church. Roper felt the central oversight wanted to dominate everything. All agree there were sharp personality clashes.

Eventually the four original Elders of the congregation gave up office and about 25% left to join other traditional congregations. The Central Hall evening service was abandoned and the work joined at the Community Centre. They have kept together and are now considering buying an ex Public House in the vicinity of the community centre as a focus for the work and closing down the Central Hall. Numbers are overall about half those previously experienced. They have compromised on hymns, Bible version and hats but women still do not speak in public worship.

Though Central Hall is extreme, especially in their attitude to women, the problems highlighted here are typical of those experienced by others in similar situations and will be analysed later.

Christ Church, Chilwell, Nottingham A large suburban, middle class Anglican fellowship, Christ Church has many able people but has suffered from a number of changes in Incumbent and long interregna in recent years. The Incumbency is presently again vacant. This and other problems have resulted in a decline of well over a third of its membership to around three hundred. It is evangelical with 'charismatic' overtones. One church plant, formed forty-two years ago on the only significant area of Council housing, now has its own building and curate-incharge and pastoral re-organisation may make it an independent parish soon. All three interviewed agreed there had been a 'Prolonged sense of loss in Christ Church' due to the above and the present plant has heightened that general feeling, particularly when the paid Youth Leader and his family decided to join the plant rather than stay back at Christ Church. The curate also commented, 'The loss was more deeply felt than we realised. We lost committed, key people from the Sunday school leaders, worship group and others.'

Pathway Christian Fellowship is then a second church plant and has been running weekly for two years with the aim of reaching an relatively untouched private housing area only 20

half a mile from both the main and daughter churches. Lay leader (Paul Lawlor) believes there were 'Power issues in the plant, due to the fact that the curate did not come with the team.' He comments, 'It 's difficult trying to lead a team that you were one of just before.'

Leadership is via a group of three, who have monthly meetings with the curate.

Also, he says the speed of the plant formation and the fact that it started weekly immediately, after six months for team preparation, increased the emotional impact back at base. Colin Slater (Churchwarden at Christ Church) adds that bereavement was heightened by the alterations in the base morning services. Previously around ten had attended at 8.00 am and two hundred at 10.00 am. The moving of the 8.00 am service to 9.00 am had resulted in a transfer of many traditional members and a total of around one hundred; leaving just a hundred and ten at the new 10.30 am service. The most dramatic drop had been, however, in the evening congregations many of whom had also migrated to the morning.

Colin feels the fact that the Pathway congregation chose to hold their own service instead of attending the recently departed vicar's farewell/ blessing of re-ordered halls, 'spoke volumes'. Curate, Ian Mountford, says this was negotiated through and agreed with the departed incumbent due to prevailing local circumstances. This is a good example of the 'subjective interpretation' remarked on earlier. It is now how things are, but how they APPEAR to be which is important.

Christ Church, Newark Part of Newark Team Ministry, and initiated by the ' low central' Anglican Christ Church, in around 1990 to reach into a small Council estate; this plant closed last year, 'owing to over-powering leadership splits' according to the honorary curate, Annie Johnson, who has been there for the whole period. I also interviewed the previous incumbent, Graham Knott.

Annie comments that the nine or ten 'keen people went to the plant.' The main problem was that of power. Some transferred from other churches who 'were not used to authority or being answerable to anyone.' In particular one leader and his wife came. They had previously been members of a local Assembly of God (AoG) and effectively took control 'under God'. The female curate, who also represented them on the Church Council, though assigned to the task - was not allowed to preach there. After a prolonged period of friction the Council decided to close down the service - particularly as it was making little numerical impact on the estate. The plant went independent, led by the AoG member. At an ecumenical meeting another AoG member referred to the meeting as 'the AoG plant'. However internal frictions resulted in the AoG leaders departure and the collapse of the plant within twelve months of independence. Most of the new members returned to Christ Church, which has now begun to increase in size again.

The previous incumbent agrees the problems, but points out that the AoG couple had been extremely generous - both to the church and him personally. He saw them as impulsive and had their hearts in the right place. They were, he felt, 'accountable to me personally as vicar, but not to the church Council or the structures.' He says the problems included; a lowering of morale at Christ Church because of lower numbers and known difficulties at the plant and that church members felt that evangelism was now being done by someone else and they 'need not bother'. There was also a large financial loss as the plant took many large givers and kept their own finances.

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Christian Centre, Nottingham.

This large, eclectic, city-centre Assembly of God fellowship totals around eight hundred, though membership has dropped considerably in recent years. Associate Pastor John Pettifor's full time role is the co-ordination of the ten fellowships and plants associated with the Centre. Their most recent plant was two and a half years ago at Redhill, a suburb five miles north of city with a leader who had been 'discipled' by working with a previous plant for six months. The team of thirty-five had met together for six months following this and the plant had then 'one weekly immediately. Though the leader is presently in full time work, it is expected that he will 'work himself into full time ministry' within a few years and that the fellowship will gradually become 'interdependent'.

There have been no major problems but John says that planting always involves a feeling of loss in the sending church. (He rated the problem as 3),. He said, 'The bereavement process can seem like a marriage and honeymoon in the planted church. At first there is a sense of euphoria. Bereavement has a similar euphoria: its part of the denial stage. Do not make any decisions while the euphoria is taking place. Then they come to the place of reality; often it is a healthy crisis to do with ownership. People often ask after six to twelve months, 'Do I belong here, or to the home church?' Some return to the mother church. He believes this should not be discouraging.

A prime element -John feels- is the key leader, who will be recognised by the church Eldership. They believe in an initially strong authority structure - 'done apostolically'.

They see the work as like a developing infant and after two years give limited financial and other autonomy to the congregation. Leaders are expected to attend the home church in the evening to be 'fed', since they are giving out each Sunday morning.

The philosophy of church planting has been accepted - and is financially supported by the church. But there are always, they feel, the elements of loss and of possible power and authority issues to contend with. Part of the benefit is the releasing of ordinary congregational members into leadership roles in a limited and defined setting.

A semi -rural, Anglican Church (St. A's) Containing a mixture of churchmanship and theologies St A's is a congregation of around one hundred. A previous incumbent had the vision to plant a congregation in a relatively unreached mixed area.

Initially there appeared to be a measure of relief as those who left for the plant tended to be involved in and were promoting 'charismatic renewal' . It had been a 'positive time' in the church with overall growth and the development of housegroups.

After a few moths the numbers at the parish church Sunday school were seen to have dropped and the plant was 'blamed' for this. By 1993 the plant was generally thought to have been 'taking' others from the parish church. This was not entirely true, however the constituency of the fledgling congregation was representative of a particular kind of churchmanship, ('a bunch of happy clappies' according to another reader) rather than of people from the local estate.

The 'crisis' came as one individual (a licensed Reader) took over leadership. The present incumbent and another Reader described them as from a 'fundamentalist' background.

Whilst other readers took turns on village church Rotas, this individual's time was spent 22

(with the previous incumbents permission at the very least) at the plant. He then left for work commitments elsewhere. The plant had not grown over a substantial period and was, others felt, 'a millstone' (financially and otherwise) round the parish church's neck.

The present leadership recognise communication as the real problem. "Being 'reader-incharge' would not have been a problem. But this was never an issue. It should have been debated by the church." (A Reader). Failure to outreach; the feeling that it had 'become a church within a church'; the lack of available and willing leadership and the fact that for occasional offices the residents of the estate always recognised the parish church as the 'holy space'; resulted in the final closure of the plant this year after a nine year run.

The present incumbent believes that - to some- extent - the plant was a scapegoat for a series of other problems within the parish, which were simply not being addressed.

St. Margaret's, Aspley, Nottingham An evangelical, charismatic suburban Anglican fellowship of around two hundred and fifty adults, St Margaret's began a monthly outreach fourteen years ago with the intention of working a relatively unreached Council estate. Crane Fellowship 'went weekly' in 1994 with a team of twenty adults. Presently it has a regular attendance of about twenty; having lost a number of original leaders, the curate (who was effectively minister in charge). Several local residents have been converted and joined. One is now in the leadership team.

The vicar, David Ward, rated the problems as 5: for loss/bereavement in sending church and for personality clashes and lack of authority structure in the plant (especially after the departure of the curate who has not been replaced by the Diocese). The main loss, he feels, was the departure of twenty-four key people, though only two were resident on the estate. As regards the plant he notes they, 'saw themselves no longer as a bridge of St Margaret's but as a unity in themselves. The parish church financed the project and continues to do so.' He attends monthly to celebrate Communion. In general, he feels, the plant has not grown as the 'books' said it should and this has been a disappointment.

'We've plodded on'.

Apart from practical problems relating to the local authority venue one leader from the sending church says the plant suffered 'a loss of direction' so severe it could have caused severe disturbance and conflict.' Problems generally were met with a 'stiff upper lip' rather than being addressed. At the parish church the weekly service contributed, he says to a 'lowering of morale‌. And drop in numbers'. After five years the sense of contentedness is now high again, though it took some time to work through.

Steve, the third leader interviewed was converted through the plant on the estate five years ago. He is very grateful to those who have worked on what residents' feel is a 'forgotten part of Aspley' and is enthusiastic. He mentioned problems with 'Us and them' several times and this seems partly sociological.

Warsop Parish, Nottinghamshire.

This is a small town Anglo-Catholic parish with a fairly traditional parish church of around sixty-five. Desiring to reach into an isolated ex-mining village they began a 'Let's find out' group meeting in the home of a worshipping couple living in the village. The intention from the outset was a locally based congregation: which had not existed since a 23

daughter church had closed there due to apathy and vandalism in the 1960's. To this was added a monthly weekday Communion.

Outgrowing the home just over three years ago, they began to meet bi-weekly on Sunday mornings in the Meden Vale Miners Welfare Youth Club next door. Under the leadership of curate, Philip Stead, they have a Committee and constitution and look forward to running weekly soon.

The three interviewees felt the exercise so far to be relatively problem free, though most leaders attend the parish church on the alternate weeks and so feel themselves half there.

They rated loss as '1', but saw no other problems in the sending church. That loss had involved the removal of lay pastoral leaders, but these feelings had generally not been talked about. Though the plant had suffered leaders had themselves suffered from a severe sense of loss and there had been bad personality clashes.

Interestingly they are considering a move to take over the Methodist church, where a handful of people meet monthly for a service as a. they feel a greater visibility would assist the outreach and b. they still feel the need for a 'holy space'. Communion began round a table - but is now back in rows, 'church style'. They also all feel they are restarting something rather than beginning new work.

A multi-racial, suburban church (St B's) The incumbent of this 'central churchmanship' parish initiated a plant on a new mixed estate and brought in a non-stipendiary (now part time paid) curate to commence it, ten months ago. The parish church itself has suffered from incumbent absences over several years. The service has only been running weekly for four months in the curate's home as there are no community facilities, nor has a convenient school yet been built. The curate in charge comments 'the parent church has had very little involvement with the plant - the core of worshippers are disaffected St. B's people - although that situation is changing.

The work is not so much a mission on the estate as a mission to the people of St B's as I try to interest them in the dissertation.'

A Reader of long standing commented, 'St B's tends to be very inward looking and parochial. Anything outside their churchyard wall is really nothing to do with them. They feel some guilt. They know they should be interested in (the plant).' The Reader also indicated the incumbent largely ignored problems and gave little practical support either to plant or church. The curate feels the plant was 'sold' to the parish church on the basis of 'You provide the money the curate will do all the rest'.

There are major issues outstanding: one of which is the legal position of the plant. The curate is concerned that the parish insurance does not cover the venue. Yet, she says, all efforts to clarify the situation have floundered in a sea of apathy.

There is also no authority structure and the curate feels this ought to have worked out prior to the start of the plant, which was made too quickly. 'No one thought through the practicalities.' There is, for instance, no plant representation at all on the Church Council.

An Open Evangelical, Suburban Church (St. C's)

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St C's congregation has had a steadily declining congregation and looks back to the days when the main building was full, though its minister rates the contentedness as 'high'.

The formation of a church plant on a large unevangelised 1960/70's private estate had been mooted, off and on, for about ten years. Two years ago a lay group of four was given permission to start a monthly evening service on the estate. This had little impact and floundered. A year ago the meeting was transferred to the morning and the venue changed. The service went fortnightly eight months ago with a core team of twelve, a couple of which have moved away. The plant now numbers twenty, of whom 50% are new members. Core team members generally attend the parish church on the alternate weeks. The total number of worshippers over the two services is now exactly the same as it was previously.

Again the parish church rate their 'loss' factor as 3, and note the loss of some of its most active members and frictions regarding the distribution of the parish newsletter- which plant members regard as being irrelevant to the estates needs and interests. The plants youth and children's work has not been a success and is being reviewed.

A warden at the parish church comments, 'On paper if we are serious about mission this was a good thing to do. I'm unsure about whether the home church was strong enough though‌ Its one - but it does not seem to be one. I'm delighted to hear it is going well. I pray for it, but I'm not a part of it.'

St. Paul's, Oadby, Leicester St. Paul's itself was planted from St Peters, Oadby about fifteen years ago and now has its own premises and vicarage. It regards itself as Conservative evangelical/charismatic.

The area consists of fairly affluent private modern estates that are still being developed.

An ecumenical service was proposed monthly on a new estate with the local Baptists, around six years ago. This ran for eighteen months, but the Baptists withdrew as it 'went weekly'.

The 'Grange' plant began with a core team of ten Anglican adults and ten youngsters (including a number of teenagers). Meeting in a school hall, numbers now total fifty-five adults and twenty-five youngsters though this includes 20% transfers and 50% 'lapsed returning', as this is the only church in the vicinity. The numbers at St. Paul's have risen to their previous figure of eighty adults, though numbers of children are slightly down at thirty five, despite losing several back to the more traditional St Peters as St Paul's went further in the charismatic' direction.

Though outwardly successful - and the only church of those interviewed to show significant overall growth - the five leaders interviewed were all cautious their assessment (made together). Contentedness was generally rated 3/4. They rated loss at the parish church as 4, power and authority issues as 3, The plant itself noted only minor difficulties and was run by one of the Readers who wrote, 'The sending church felt threatened by the plants rapid independence from it.' They have representation on the church council.

The loss was felt as that of good friendships and fellowship in working together, and was described as 'very painful'. One said, 'I lost my closest friend in the church.' Another commented, 'St Paul's seemed to flounder after the church plant. The congregation lost its sense of purpose and had depleted resources when the others left.' Some felt they 'had

25

not been kept informed about what was going on at the Grange.' The feelings of loss had been addressed by the incumbent and generally morale appeared comparatively high.

The loss was also felt in Sunday school workers - three of whom moved to the Grange.

The biggest loss though was the division of the youth work. Previously numbering around twenty, they felt the move into two smaller groups had probably been a mistake as neither was really viable and youngsters were probably being lost as a result. All felt they had not recognised this as a potential problem early enough.

THE ROOT CAUSES LOSS OR BEREAVEMENT: THE PHENOMENOLOGICAL FACTOR As already stated, the writer hypothesised that, though there may be a variety of contributory factors, a root cause is related to the matter of loss and bereavement. This has been borne out by the responses from other churches: 64% saying this was a serious issue (rated 3 -5) and 93% indicating some problem in this area (rated 1 and above). In all the examples of other churches outlined above - except St B's, which was begun by an imported cleric working initially almost alone - loss is a factor, though in the case of St A's it is not termed as such. I believe the basis of the hypothesis is therefore proved, and will go on to show how these feelings may be lessened or heightened depending on other mitigating factors within individual congregations.

In discussion, a clergyman from a nearby parish, which had also sent out a church plant, agreed that his situation was 'like bereavement' and noted similar ambivalence and even hostility to the plant the church itself had created. St. Luke's, Bolton reported Hopkins (Ed.) (1989) that there were "Bereavement blues back at base" (p. 4-6).

This was despite a growth in numbers at the base church. Both their plants have now closed - although over issues of authority and power rather than loss.

The scope and time-scale of the dissertation has not, as I remarked earlier, enabled the longitudinal study in each case which would prove the relevance of the particular KublerRoss parameters relating to this. Hence the following section relates largely to observations based on experience at Bulwell, with comments from other situations as may be appropriate.

Attachment Theory.

John Bowlby's 'Attachment Theory' is, arguably, the most influential of modern works on separation and loss. It provides a way of conceptualising the tendency in people to make strong affectional bonds with others and a way to understand the strong emotional reactions then these bonds are broken. This is helpful in understanding the responses, which stem from the division of individuals in the process of church planting. Briefly, his thesis is that attachments stem from needs of security and safety in infancy, usually associated with specific individuals: initially the mother. These are rooted in biology and provide a pattern for many different relationships in adulthood. As Worden (1997) says, "Forming attachments with significant others is considered normal behaviour not only for the child but for the adult as well‌. If it is the goal of attachment behaviour to maintain an affectional bond, situations that endanger this bond give rise to certain very specific reactions." (p. 8) 26

These include the common grief stages. Bowlby's (1988) study of literature on mourning caused him to write of, "Several component responses‌. common in healthy mourning. These include anger, directed at third parties, the self, and sometimes at the person lost, disbelief that the loss has occurred (mistakenly termed denial), and a tendency, often though not always unconscious, to search for the lost person in the hope of reunion." (p. 32) The Kubler-Ross process.

Elizabeth Kubler-Ross's analysis, in the 1970's, of the process of dying in "On death and dying" is not only applicable to those facing either death or bereavement but also to others suffering any kind of loss. The stages of bereavement included, she claimed, 'denial, anger, bargaining, depression and finally acceptance'. Other writers on bereavement such as Hinton (1974), Worden (1997), C.M. Parkes (1986) acknowledge all except the bargaining stage though commenting that the stages may come in any order. Parkes (1986) says, "The most characteristic feature of grief is not prolonged depression but acute and spasmodic 'pangs'." ( p. 60) All five stages of the Kubler-Ross analysis appeared to fit what was actually going on within the sending church in Bulwell and accounted for much of the ambivalent feelings towards the plant. There the sending church was working on two levels at least.

Logically the concept of growth, and the causing of new people to join the faith, could not be resisted in an evangelical congregation. The process of bereavement, taking place at the emotional level, could not however even be acknowledged, as - unlike normal human bereavement - there was no acceptable cause. It was then even more unfocussed and unacknowledged than would have been in the case of a death, where, at least, what is lost can be identified and dealt with. I will then deal with the loss in Kubler-Ross parameters.

"Denial."

This is described (Kubler-Ross 1979) as a "Healthy way of dealing with the uncomfortable and painful situation with which some patients have to live for a long time. Denial functions as a buffer after unexpected shocking news, allows the patient to collect himself and, with time, mobilise other, less radical defences." ( p. 35) Hinton (1974) says this phenomenon is not merely connected with death and bereavement, "Some people tend throughout life to ignore or deny unpleasant possibilities which threaten their equanimity." (p. 10) Almost all dying patients, she noted, experienced this. It was experienced throughout the planting exercise at Bulwell. Parish church members were consistently invited to see the "plant" in operation, but virtually none did so. This same reluctance to visit the plant was noted in other interviewed churches. This is avoidance behaviour and clearly part of denial. Graham Knott (Christ Church, Newark) said, "Very few went to have a look from the sending church." Though not a specific question, similar comments were made by the incumbents of three or four other church in the sample and a lay member of St Margaret's 27

Aspley commented, 'A large part of the problem was unacknowledged. We kept a "stiff upper lip" and all buckled down, but it left a big hole."

There was regular insistence from parish church members in Bulwell that we were still 'one church, just two congregations'. Attempts to displace this notion of oneness were greeted with outright hostility. This is also to do with issues of the exercise of power.

The private prayer meeting might also be seen in terms of a desire to run to a place of safety, where everything was just as it was before, rather that a direct power strategy.

The most obvious example was that of the 'day away' where all refused to acknowledge they had 'any problem' with the plant. Logically and theologically they did not have. E emotionally it hurt but the hurt had to be denied.

John Pettifor of the Christian Centre, Nottingham commented above on the 'euphoria' like initial state for the team, which he believes, actually represents bereavement phenomena in the plant core team members. There is dissonance between what is actually happening and the emotions of the people. Misplaced euphoria indicates denial.

"Anger."

Kubler-Ross (1979) notes that "When the first stage of denial cannot be maintained any longer, it is replaced by feelings of anger, rage, envy and resentment‌ wherever the patient looks at this time, he will find grievances." (p. 44f) Alan Hinton (1974) notes that "Alongside the mourners grief and self-criticism may come criticism and blame of others". ( p. 170) CM Parkes [in Hinton (1974)] notes that clergy and/or doctors involved may all be the objects of such anger in the latter case making "wild allegations that there has been neglect or reprehensible failure to diagnose a fatal disease until it is too late." (p.171) Regarding the displaced anger against hospital clergy in such situations Hinton (1974) writes, "The displacement is even more obvious when the priest is a target for criticism and the bereaved may even denounce God." (p. 171) Worden (1997) remarks, "When someone you love dies its very common to feel angry‌ (it) comes from two sources. One, with frustration, and two, from a sense of regressive helplessness. Whatever the source, it is that many people experience intense anger, but they do not always associate it as anger toward the deceased. This anger is real and it must go somewhere, so if it is not directed toward the deceased, the real target, it may be deflected onto other people such as the physician, the hospital staff, the funeral director, the clergyperson, or a family member." ( p. 43) Delving even deeper, he had written earlier; "Bowlby concludes that there are good biological reasons for every separation to be responded to in an automatic, instinctive way with aggressive behaviour."

[Worden (1997) p. 9] 28

This was certainly the case with the clergy involved in Bulwell, particularly the curate who led the plant. Rage was often not directed at the 'cause' as this was unrecognised, but displaced into minor details and alleged neglect or failure. It was alleged that - since worshipping numbers had dropped at the parish church - those missing were going to the plant instead. Actually they were simply not attending. The reasons varied, but comments like "I do not like the atmosphere of gossip and criticism", "There is too much backbiting nowadays." "It's not like it was," and "Something is missing" were heard. The Thomas Theorem was being worked out in practice.

Stapleford Christian Fellowship leader, Robert Roper, commented on the level of personal aggression, accusation and blame in which the anger was focussed on different issues. One quotation may suffice, "You are attempting," he claims was said, "to come out from under the authority of the mother church because it was more suitable for your theological and spiritual preferences." Blame as also focussed, as in Chilwell and St A's on the financial 'burden' of the work or differing aspects. In lesser cases the anger may be veiled in complaints (as at Oadby) of 'not being kept informed' or in other more socially acceptable ways.

"Bargaining."

Noted by Kubler-Ross, though ignored by many other writers on death and dying, bargaining is also noted by Eric Berne (1967). This represents "child" behaviour, in transactional analysis terms, as experienced under stressful situations. This may come out under the guise of a variety of his 'games'.

In Bulwell, some objected that it was simply a matter of being "done too quickly". Others suggested a delay in going weekly, or a gradual increase in the number of services. The bargaining in Bulwell included threats (made and unsaid), and irrational and uncharacteristic anger. One PCC member, for example, experienced an anger out of all proportion to the request, when faced with a request for a 'float' of ÂŁ25 per month for church Plant requisites (the additional income from the plant, paid directly into parish funds, far exceeding this). He was unable to argue logically against the concept and so focussed on a triviality to expend his exasperation. Perhaps denial of funds would delay the inevitable. No one at Bulwell ever argued that the weekly services should be delayed so they themselves could become reconciled to the new situation.

As in all the other situations related from the various churches, it was the concept of the new congregation meeting as the norm, rather than the 'grand mission' which was unacceptable. There appears to have been virtually no opposition to monthly events, and far fewer to bi-monthly or fortnightly. It is when plants 'go weekly' (either entirely or meeting just once a month together) that the trouble starts.

When church planters talk of the necessity of a preparation time before the plant is launched, they normally have in mind the preparation of the team and the logistics. It is probably those left in the sending church who need that time in order to be prepared for the loss and be allowed to work through the 'bargaining' stage.

"Depression."

Kubler-Ross (1979) notes that,

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"numbness or stoicism, anger and rage, will soon be displaced with a sense of a great loss and depression " (p. 75) Worden (1991) says the anger, "may be retroflected, turned inward and experienced as depression, guilt or lowered self-esteem." (p. 47) The lowering of morale at the parish church in Bulwell - especially when fuelled by success-stories coming from the plant - was notable, as was the number of individuals seeking help for low mood feelings, or simply staying away from worship. The effect can have the tendency to be self-perpetuating in close knit organisations like churches: depression hits so some stay away, so the rest feel more depressed, so some more stay away and so on. The spin out is always from the emotionally weakest, but eventually affects more and more.

Graham Knott (Newark) noted 'a lowering of morale' as one of the major emotional repercussions of their planting process and cites this as a reason for lowered church attendance. . Similar comments were made in most of the interviewed churches. Clearly this is a corporate expression of depression.

"Acceptance."

Hinton (1974) says of the dying, "Their acceptance is based on an understanding of its nature that is never complete‌ Many patients become almost indifferent to their leaving life, even though fully conscious. They may be less troubled than the onlookers." (p. 104) This was never really achieved in my previous parish on a wide scale, though KublerRoss notes that acceptance may be temporary and the cycle may always begin again.

This may account for the change in attitude in individuals over time. Other parishes, like Warsop, would appear to have come to the point of acceptance.

It was not possible to draw specific results from the scattergraph of discontent due specifically to loss or bereavement. However the trough in the general level of overall contentment after three years and the generally higher level of contentedness of the plant over the sending church appear to indicate that acceptance. Equanimity takes a number of years for any congregation to achieve. Perhaps it might be in order to talk of it taking any church five years to get over a church plant.

The role of demography The Social class and type of congregation also play a part, not only in the likely successfulness of the plant but also in the type and degree of trauma felt in the sending church. Merton (1957) [in Furniss (1995)] talks in terms of two types of referenceorientation the 'locals' and the 'cosmopolitans' "Locals feel comfortable in the intimate face-to-face relationships of the small town or the urban neighbourhood. The close community of family, church congregation, neighbours, and townspeople represents their "world". Locals are part of the town "grapevine" and gravitate toward the "homey" local newspaper and the gossip circuit. Cosmopolitans live in a different "world", where national and international events are the significant "news" .... Their occupations are often professional and managerial and involve communication with comparably placed people in distant areas. An educational difference often, but not always, 30

distinguishes locals and cosmopolitans, the latter tending to have university and postgraduate training." (p. 47) John Hewitt (1989) [in Furniss (1995) (p. 47)] talks in terms of social versus personal identity as being the distinguishing mark between 'cosmopolitans' and 'locals'. The organic community of small town or council estate life encourages the development of oneself in relation to those amongst whom they live: i.e. a social identity. Personal identity is based on projects and on the self, stressing the 'I'. Everyone, Hewitt suggests, tends to identify with one or the other and so therefore play out one's life on different stages: the local or 'society' in general. Cosmopolitans then, whilst affected by change and loss, view it in a different context.

A study by Wade Clark Roof (1978) [outlined in Furniss [(1995) p. 49] looked at the two types mentioned above. It was in a different context, but one that sheds light on responses to loss, power and change. Furniss writes that cosmopolitans are found to have little, if any, association between the meaning and the belonging indicators. In Roof's survey it related to orthodoxy and churchgoing. With locals greater regularity at church fairly indicated greater orthodoxy - they had a greater social identity and found their meaning in that. With cosmopolitans this was not true. In regard to a death, 'local's were less affected in regards to their belief (9% said it weakened their faith), bolstered by their social identity, whereas amongst the cosmopolitans 27% claimed it weakened it.

The questionnaire results and interviews indicate a middle class commuter church like Oadby, St C's or (to some extent) Stapleford may well, on experiencing the loss of people to a church plant, suffer exactly the same type of emotional trauma as, say, working class congregations such as at Bulwell, or in small town fellowships. They may indeed be personally affected to a greater extent. They find it easier to rationalise and cope with the change (including that of a shifting power structure). Having done that they also appear to have the skills to express emotional discontent in less confrontational ways. This explains why the scores for discontent do not differ widely between congregations from different social groups: they are merely expressing it in different ways. They suffer more as individuals, but the group, as a group, suffers less.

Other pastoral models Other individual pastoral models may be posited into the situation to achieve greater clarity. These could include human birth, growth and increasing independence; and 'sibling rivalry'. Bob Hopkins (op. Cit.) referred in a recent conversation with me that he felt the tensions to be largely due to a change in the power structures and a search for a new identity and significance. This particularly occurs, he says, when all the significance is placed in the church plant.

This change in the power structure and gender conflicts arising from the fact that curate (and minister in charge) at my previous parish was a woman is also a factor. There is some evidence, even from the small sample dealt with in this study, to indicate that gender prejudice plays a role, even in churches and individuals not laying claim to Scriptural objections against women in leadership.

Group Structure and reinforcement

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Group structure and reinforcement through the formation of two separate groupings of people and the taking on the cultural values and norms of the group in which you are also tested in this situation. This is related to the forming of affectional bonds via attachment theory. Ainsworth (1991) writes, "In all social species that have been observed in their natural environment, it is clear that the group itself possesses a protective function for the individuals that compose it‌ furthermore in many social species it is apparent that in some activities, such as hunting, co-operative enterprise is more likely to be successful than individual effort. It is therefore reasonable to believe that there is some behavioural system that has evolved in social species that leads individuals to seek to maintain proximity to conspecifics, even to those to whom they are not attached or otherwise bonded‌." (p. 43f) Ainsworth goes on to give various examples of this grouping, as in gangs, the army and clubs; the most obvious social grouping, where norms are laid, growth is expected, behaviour patterns often laid down either formally either in constitutions or informally and indeed individuals socially coerced into conformation. St. Paul talks of similar things, but uses theological language.

Where St. Paul might talk of 'the family' or 'the household of God', biology and psychology talk of affectional bonds in kinship. Both dimensions are required for a full explanation of the power of social groups and of individuals within groups. However the arguments from the section on demography would indicate this to be of greater significance to 'locals' than 'cosmopolitans' within congregations.

The phrase 'us' and 'them' used in the situation at St Margaret's, Aspley then refers firstly to two increasingly distinct groups, formed by the church plant, each inter-working and producing differing norms and internal power structures. It also refers to the increasingly obvious cultural gap between the groups: the 'locals' (in the plant on the Council estate the more cosmopolitan element having moved away) and the 'cosmopolitans' from the private estates which generally populate the parish church.

Furniss (1995) comments, "the greater the cohesiveness of the group, that is, the more groups members like being part of the group, the greater is the influence of group decisions on the thinking of each member." ) (p. 57) Clearly the social stratification of the individuals is a factor, but so is the relative damage done to the group as a whole. Hence the distress caused at Oadby by the division of the youth group into two fairly equal, but smaller sizes on formation of the plant. The youth were left with inadequate reference groups to counteract the other secular reference groups with whom they came into weekday contact and therefore had a tendency to disintegrate as other norms and values were assimilated even in 'cosmopolitan' households.

ISSUES OF POWER Bowlby's 'Attachment Theory' also helps understand something of the issues of power inherent in many of the examples shown above. Indeed the very organisation of a 'church' as in any other voluntary body, involves mutual attachment and the threat to that 'unity', often remarked upon in the interviews, reflects a biological rather than a Biblical response. Bowlby (1988) said, 32

"‌ the purposeful activities of biological organisms can be conceived in terms of control systems structured in certain ways." (p. 33)

The social acceptability of exertion Michel Foucault's theory of power in modern society, as the imposition of punishment under the guise of 'seeking a cure' or helping them, is useful [Smart (1992) p. 75]. His questioning of 'what is power' and how is it exercised rather than 'where does it come from'? may assist in this multilevel study. His motifs of power and the consequent resistance are looked for at the interview stage where other factors were assimilated This - taken along with the reference groupings already outlined - result in the power struggle experienced in Bulwell. The younger group at the plant feared - with some justification - the aggression of both individual leaders, and because of peer pressure, the whole grouping, even though each individual within the group may have had differing views on the veracity of the grouping as a whole. A similar situation is seen at Stapleford Central Hall where social pressure was exerted and justified under the guise of theological purity.

The matter of authority and its exertion within individual churches was also shown to be a serious problem in 54% of planting churches and a minor one in 71%. In some this is inherent in the system, in others the result of the charismatic personality of the leadership. Sometimes there is usage of particular language (theological in this case), in order to give credibility to the power. The use of words like 'Apostolic authority' is notable within the Christian Centre. This is the spiritual equivalent perhaps of the 'expert' power below. The use of terms like 'spiritual warfare' in Bulwell indicates both denial and covert use of power within that parish.

This affects the satisfactory negotiation of any church plant. The authority-structure is intrinsically changed through the formation of any new plant. Group, congregational and individual power is diverted. (Foucault claimed that power was never lost, but simply moved around.) There is however an attempt to regain power and the security which stems from it.

That power may be exerted in a variety of ways, both by individual leaders and by groups. John Finney (1992) writes, "Possibly the most useful classification is that of French and Raven which sets out five possible 'types' of power: reward, coercive, legitimate, referent and expert. I have added another -'spiritual power' - which is capable of both use and abuse as any other kind of power." (p. 97) Loss, bereavement and power (of the various types listed above) come together here and this effects proactively. It is attachment, which is primarily lost, then in psychological and sociological terms, in the planting process in the sending church..

Ecclesiology Ecclesiology also therefore plays a role. Finney's (1992) comment is opportune, "A voluntary organisation tends to look for both strong leadership and yet has a built in resistance if it comes to pass" (p. 20)

33

However some congregations have strong leadership roles which over-ride objections.

The roles may either be positional, as in Anglo-Catholic churches like Warsop, or charismatic as in a Pentecostal one like the (Pentecostal) Christian Centre, Nottingham.

Because of the strength of the role or the personality they are more successful in avoiding personality clashes and power struggles. It is notable that in three of the sample the main difficulty seems to have arisen from members of other Assembly of God churches, where individualistic charismatic authority is claimed over legitimate, referent or expert authorities. This - I believe - stems from their lack of a central body and authority structure. Problems too have arisen in a number of the planting churches on the departure of the legitimate leadership figure. This was the case in Aspley and Bulwell on the departure of the curates.

The theological commitment of a congregation to aggressive evangelism, outreach and growth as in, say, an evangelical church, appears not alter to people's perception of the structural changes come about on church planting or the sense of loss. It may merely increase the level of denial. Religious organisations, especially, are places for the bringing of personal and ideological agendas, all of which may function within differing levels of our multi-conscious beings as happened both in the Anglican church in Newark and the Brethren congregation at Stapleford.

It is probable that the type of church plant initiated affect the response of the sending congregation. The degree of control, which the sending congregation retains, must affect general attitudes to the emergent church, though the survey is not broad enough to indicate the precise implications of this.

'Holy space' On one level of consciousness the notion of 'Holy Space' emanates from the same biological linkage as that of Bowlby's 'Affectional bond' (Op. Cit.). On another it might almost be likened to Durkheim's (1976) "totem". (p. 101ff) The building - almost always old - is so intrinsically associated with the formation of a grouping of people that they cannot relate without it. It becomes an icon or representation of the group itself. Recently there has been discussion in Stapleford about our buildings.

One suggestion - that we refurbish our church hall (forty years old) raised little opposition, except for the possible expense. The other - that we dispose of the parish church pews and replace them with comfortable chairs - raised the same opposition it would in most places. The pews themselves are only perhaps one hundred and forty years old and are extremely uncomfortable. But they have become part of the affectional bond, which incorporates the building. They have been there past living memory.

This is not merely a religious notion as is evidenced by the attraction of people for old villages and secular buildings. In some cases the attraction - as in National Trust properties is in what the building, might have represented to them and their community rather than what it actually was.

All represent stability and security. The Christian notion of a 'prayed in ' building which has been there for centuries find expression in Christ's words to his opposers (Luke 19:40) that if these people had not praised 'the rocks would have cried out.'

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Buildings such as these are accepted as 'holy space' by others within the Christian family and to a lesser extent by those of other faiths - just as Christians may find a Buddhist building or a Hindu temple to have a draw on them. An interesting encounter took place recently with a member of an Assembly of God church plant, which met weekly in a nearby school - and indeed had an office there. The request was a simple one; 'When was the parish church open, as they would like to have somewhere to pray regularly.'

They were delighted to be told how to gain entry each day. Their own home, or another secular building was not enough. Nor did either of our two daughter churches - curiously - but the seven hundred-year-old edifice. This I suggest is the notion of 'holy space'.

To violate that space and worship in a secular building has a logical attraction - but it is merely convenience. In attraction-theory terms to move deliberately into such a building is to move into the darkness beyond, away from security and the affectional bonds portrayed by the religious building and the feelings of loss are thereby increased. Moving into another religious building is a move of a lesser order. And to move to help another group within the same 'family unit' is less still. Hence re-plants into religious buildings would not draw such feelings of loss and the consequent pain, which those of church plants into secular buildings do. The moving out, like death, is a moving into the 'unfamiliar and unknown' and therefore a source of trepidation.

CONCLUSION MITIGATING FACTORS Planting from a growth situation The factor of growth and perceived success in the sending church, ought to lessen some of the distress, as it will lessen the feeling of failure and lowering of morale from seeing a church building which is emptier than it was. Bowlby's Attachment theory however shows that the feeling of loss will be to particular significant others and so individual loss at the departure of a close knit group will not be alleviated.

Too few of the churches replying to the Questionnaire had been, or continued to be, growing. Comparisons were not therefore possible. It is notable however that Stapleford, which had recently begun to increase, Warsop, which increased overall both registered 4/5 on the 'Contentedness' scales and Oadby, which shows a considerable growth, 3-4.

Conversely the Questionnaire results tend to show low 'Contentedness' scores where the church plant is conceived as a means of coping with a particular weakness - for instance of failure to grow overall, or a failure of the main church body to reach those of a particular social strata. The tactic does not (as in Bulwell, Aspley, Newark, Chilwell, Stapleford Central Hall, St. A's or St. C's) appear be effective overall, at least in terms of congregational size. The failure to show overall growth may be the result of a variety of factors, which have not been able to be eliminated from the study.

Availability of dual leadership roles Parsons and Bales studies (1955) referred to in Furniss [(1995) p. 62f] looked at cooperative problem solving and noted two emerging types of leadership in most groups.

Initially there was the 'instrumental leader' - the ideas person, who spurs the group onwards. Then a second type emerged whom they entitle the 'expressive leader' - more laid back and oriented towards feelings. These either co-operated bringing a measure of 35

relief to a tense situation, or conflicted. This dual leadership concept has been incorporated in a number of group management training programmes.

It is notable that leadership in the New Testament is almost always plural; from the sending out of Jesus's disciples in pairs and the choosing of pairs (Cf. Paul and Barnabas in Acts 13:1-3) for church planting exercises through to the election of plural leadership in local New Testament churches. Certainly Paul would have fitted the description of 'instrumental leader' whereas Barnabas's nickname 'son of encouragement' aptly fits that of an 'expressive leader'.

The availability of this duality of leadership both in the planting and sending churches would greatly assist the exercise. As Furniss (1995) comments on noted group formation; "When the group life became tense around the problems of completing the task, the 'expressive leader' had the capacity to bring some levity and tension release to the group atmosphere." (p. 62) Warsop interviewees talked of 'personality clashes' with the first (and initiating) curate 'N'. A spontaneous, extravert 'ideas' person who "tended to make decisions before consultation." Lay leaders found they were not able to confront him. However they noted with gratitude, Mrs. M, who they referred to as "a warm welcoming person", a motherly figure who lived on the estate and who dissipated much of the prospective antagonism.

This is a good local example of instrumental and expressive leadership in tandem.

Listening to the acknowledgement of loss Since the sending out of a church plant team engenders a similar sense of loss and bereavement in the sending congregation to loss through death, it is reasonable to presume that the way through the grief will also be similar. Worden (1997) outlines what he sees as "The Four Tasks of Mourning". Portrayed as tasks to be accomplished is helpful in allowing the sufferer to see a way forward and be pro-active in the grief. The same tasks are helpful in bringing churches through similar bereavements. They are: "Task 1: to accept the reality of the loss ‌ to come face to face with the reality that the person is dead, that the person is gone and will not return. Part of the acceptance of reality is to come to the belief that reunion is impossible, at least in this life." (p. 10f) Clearly there is always the possibility of becoming one church again in church planting and this searching for the reunion may deeply hinder both groupings. ACPI stress the importance of emphasising the final goal: the creation of a new church. Anything less simply leads to the searching behaviour written about by Bowlby and Parsons.

Denial is shown in a variety of forms on death. "Mummification" [Geoffrey Gorer in Worden (1997) p. 11] is the retaining of everything just as it is in the hope of the deceased return. Both partners in the church planting process need to have goals and aims in order to move on and not be merely biding their time in the hope of a return.

Denial of the meaning of the loss is another way of protecting the vulnerable. 'I never really loved him' does not provide a way through the grief but merely prolongs it. It is disconcerting to discover how many individuals within the interviewed churches said they had never previously really talked about how they felt and were surprised by the intensity of their feelings.

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"Task 2: to work through the pain of grief. .. It is necessary to acknowledge and work through this pain or it will manifest itself through some symptoms or other form of aberrant behaviour‌. Society may be uncomfortable with the mourners' feelings and hence may give the subtle message, 'You do not need to grieve, you are only feeling sorry for yourself.' (p. 13) Some deny the pain, and in some cases this comes out in 'euphoria'. Others try and change their thought patterns to avoid remembering and therefore, they imagine, the pain. Others note Worden, travel constantly from place to place. All these can be seen in church circles. Many Christians appear to move from church to church, never finding root; and never becoming emotionally engaged with the exercise and working through pain to find their liberty.

"Task 3: To adjust to an environment in which the deceased is missing‌ The survivor is not aware of all the roles played by the deceased for some time after the loss occurs. ‌ Many survivors resent having to develop new skills and to take on roles themselves that were formally performed by their partners." (p.

14f) In each of the interviewed cases in this study the loss has been of some of the most active and talented church members. Their loss is out of proportion to the size of the departing group, which is rarely more than 10% of the original congregation. Because of the nature of the exercise they tend to be the 'movers and shakers'; often seeing the plant as an opportunity to develop their own leadership gifts. For all the interviewed churches the loss has been initially felt in practical and financial terms: Sunday school teachers, readers. Other adjustments that must be made include that to the changed power structure, which the departed leave. This may show itself in a power struggle or despondency.

Bowlby (1980) writes "On how he achieves this (task 3) turns the outcome of the mourning - either progress towards a recognition of his changed circumstances, a revision of his representational models, and a redefinition of his goals in life, or else a state of suspended growth in which he is held prisoner by a Dilemma he cannot solve." (p.

139) This is reflected in my recommendation below that BOTH of the newly formed churches need to have goals, not merely the church plant. Worden (1997) completes his analysis, "Task 4: To emotionally relocate the deceased and move on with life... the counsellor's task then becomes not to help the bereaved give up their relationship with the deceased, but to help them find an appropriate place for the dead in their emotional lives - a place that will enable them to go on living effectively in the world... For many people Task 4 is the most difficult to accomplish. They get stuck at this point in their grieving and later realise that their life in some way stopped at the point the loss occurred." (p. 16f) One clergyman talked of the resentments caused by the plant. How were they resolved?

"Just by one to one talking. It was never a major issue. Never on the PCC agenda to be discussed. I knocked it on the head with my authority as (incumbent)." Since his church

37

(all three interviewees admitted) took a number of years to get back on its feet, it may well have been better to allow people to work through these four tasks of bereavement A more pro-active stance would have hastened the healing.

It follows that, Adequate preparation for the formation of TWO churches is essential when considering for formation of a plant, if the issues of loss and bereavement are to be worked through effectively. Also required is, A Strategy for BOTH the new churches.

If the formation of the plant was the only goal of the church, when the process has been completed the sending church is left goal-less. And the lack of meaning and purpose will increase the sense of despair amongst the membership. Part of that goal will be to assist the plant towards growing independence, but as in TASK 4 above, there must be a plan for independent development and growth. A strategy therefore needs to be developed, prior to the plants formation, which will enable both new churches to move forwards.

The model of infant growth and increasing independence is a helpful one here. But sooner of later our offspring 'fly the nest' and parents whose only goal in life relates to their children are equally left bereft when they are not needed any more. Rather they need to re-locate that relationship and reform on the basis of an equal one between responsible adults with love and mutual respect.

The matter of making; Adequate preparation for the emotional trauma and for real loss of workers seems obvious; but in many of the churches surveyed is so often lacking. It is a matter of concern that the two churches making the least preparation, and giving the least support, are the two led by the most senior clergy.

Getting the speed of change right.

Whilst attempts should be made to lessen unnecessary discontent, John Finney illustrates, utilising the diagram reproduced below that for any change to happen there must be an degree of discontent. Finney (1989) writes, "The amount of discontent with the present dictates the amount and pace of change which can be introduced‌ but it is not true that the more discontent the greater the possibility of change." (p. 135f)

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The 'Mouton' diagram is an indicator of discontent against change. At 0,0 there is no possibility of change. The possibility of changes rises to a certain point, but if the change is not made at the right time frustration and depression sets in and confidence is shaken.

In any church some - Finney says - will tend to stay at 0,0 and therefore oppose change.

Change can most easily be introduced at the Restless Creative stage, before the pioneers become frustrated and then disheartened and the congregation falls into two distinct groups, reinforcement takes place. "The church has been divided by doing nothing," he claims.

Timing then is very important is maximise change and minimise damage. Finney (1989) quotes Shakespeare's Julius Caesar, "There is a tide in the affairs of men Which, taken at the flood, leads on to fortune.

Omitted, all the voyage of their life Is bound in shallows and in miseries.

On such a full sea are we now afloat, And we must take the current when it serves, Or lose our ventures" (p.139) The importance of this is borne out by the 42% of the Questionnaire respondents who said that the speed of the planting process caused major problems in the sending church, and 38% in the plant itself.

Time heals The graph of contentedness against time seems to show that contentedness falls to a minimum after about three years. It is necessary, after doing all the above, to allow sufficient time for individuals and churches to both work through the loss situation and the resolve the consequent power issues, Time does heal: eventually.

Use of ritual.

Baptism, marriage or funeral services act as liminal events and as such aid the transition into a new state. I have noticed the tendency of bereaved families to talk of the deceased in the present tense, until the funeral itself. Afterwards they are almost always referred to in the past tense. The funeral as a rite has been part of the healing process.

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Church planting is a similar liminal event and the careful usage of ritual in the commissioning and sending out of the team may similarly assist the process. Such a rite would have all the elements of baptism, marriage and funeral.

AN EXAMPLE OF GOOD PRACTICE? Stapleford Having analysed the above, it becomes easier to see why - unintentionally for the most part - the re-planting at Stapleford has been relatively trouble-and-pain free. The reasons are listed below: a) The work was not a new one, and so clearly in need of assistance that there could be no sense of rivalry between the congregations. The average age of St. Andrew's was well over seventy and the congregation was literally dying. Their faithfulness over the years was well known and desiring to keep a witness in that particular area, they themselves were ready for change. b) Rather than dividing, the exercise has brought the churches closer together as they work on the re-development of their Christian ministries. c) The people who went still work hard in both churches. Team members include the Parish Secretary, who works daily in the parish church office, the Honorary Administrator, who also is regularly seen in all three churches and one large family who still run Parents and Toddlers at 'base'. Several still attend the monthly parade service at the parish church. d) The loss factor was acknowledged from the start and people encouraged to discuss their feelings. e) Being a relatively new incumbent I was still in the 'honeymoon' period. Change was expected and being welcomed in various areas as congregation members realised they had been 'stuck'. One of the criteria for my selection had been that I would 'change things round here'. f) A strategy was being developed for and by all three churches in the parish. The replant was merely part of an unfolding plan. g) The re-planting was done from a growth situation as presently overall year on year numbers show an 14% rise in adults attending at each church. Morale, therefore is quite high. h) The congregations - while mixed - tend to be more 'cosmopolitan' than 'local' in outlook. A number work in various Christian fields already (some paid, others as volunteers: for example in hospital chaplaincy support). There is a much larger turnover of congregation and so those missing are realised to be doing other valuable things. The turnover is increased by the large number of people (twenty two, plus students) who regularly preach or take services in all three churches, on a rota. i) There were a number of both instrumental and expressive leaders in both churches involved, as well as within the team. j) The notion of 'holy space' is not violated. There are ecclesiastical buildings already in place. There is no sense of 'going into the unknown', as there would be running a service in a secular building, no strangeness, less sense therefore of bereavement. k) To return to the 'Thomas Theorem', the stage of 'definition' or 'subjective interpretation' of the changing situation in congregation members minds is different due to all the above factors and hence the perceived pain is less.

WHAT IS GAINED FROM THIS STUDY? 40

Learning about ones own Christian community is always a positive gain. The insights of the social sciences, added to those of pastoral theologians and others, aid the totality of understanding and assist in effective functioning.

There have been many gains from church planting over the centuries, both is terms of numerical growth, the entry of the church into new areas and even countries, and maturation of the membership. Most attention has inevitably been given to the plant itself rather the sending church. This study has highlighted the similarity of experience of a variety of churches involved in planting and has shown that the adverse effects are normally more severely felt by the sending church than the plant. The latter may or may not be successful for a variety of reasons, which are outside the scope of the dissertation.

Regardless of churchmanship or style of ministry, the former almost always suffer a degree of loss whose symptoms are similar to that of human bereavement. Although these symptoms may not be so personally intense, they are suffered by the sending church as a whole who, unable to find an obvious acceptable focus for their grief, find a dichotomy between logic and emotion which increases the discontent.

The Kubler-Ross parameters for approaching death or human bereavement appear to fit and are useful in understanding the process. As in human bereavement, it is helpful to see the process as a series of tasks to be accomplished, in order for the whole church to be pro-active in its recovery and provide for its own growth and maturation.

The planting process also inevitably causes changes in the power structures. Power and authority become issues at the sending church as well as the plant, although - it seems to a lesser degree. Much of this may be linked with the loss itself.

If a church involved in planting is to be effectively pastored, due provision should be made for the factors already outlined in this conclusion, under 'mitigating factors'. This investigation of other churches has shown the advantage of looking at both good and bad practise in order that ministry may be improved.

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BIBLIOGRAPHICAL REFERENCES General •

Bell, J (1993) Doing your Research Project: 2nd Ed. Buckingham, Open University Press

•

The Bible, (1984) New International Version. London, Hodder

Methodology of Knowledge.

•

Barker, C Pistrang, N and Elliott, R (1994) Research Methods in Clinical and Counselling Psychology, Chichester, Wiley.

•

Tolman, C M (1994) Psychology, Society and Subjectivity: an introduction to German Critical Psychology. London, Routledge.

Grief and Loss Theory.

•

Ainsworth, M D S (1991) Attachment and other affectional bonds across the lifecycle in Parkes, C M et al (1991) Attachment Across the Life Cycle, London, Routledge

•

Bowlby, J (1980) Attachment and loss: Loss, Vol. 3: sadness, and depression. New York, Basic Books.

•

Bowlby, J (1988) A Secure Base London, Tavistock

•

Hinton, J (1974) Dying. London, Pelican

•

Kubler-Ross, E (1979) On Death and Dying. London, Tavistock.

•

Parkes, C M (1986) Bereavement: studies in grief in adult life: 2nd Ed. London, Tavistock

•

Worden, J W (1997) Routledge.

Grief Counselling and Grief Therapy: 2nd Ed. London,

Sociological Analysis.

•

Berger, P L (1979) Facing up to modernity. Harmondsworth, Penguin

•

Berne, E (1967) Games People Play. New York, Grove.

•

Durkheim, E (1976) The Elementary Forms of Religious Life: 2nd Ed. London, Allen and Unwin

•

Smart, B (1992) Michel Foucault. London, Routledge

•

Thomas, W I (1923) The Unadjusted Girl. Boston, Little, Brown and Co. 42

•

Thomas, W I and Thomas, D S (1928) The Child in America. Boston, Alfred A. Knopf

Pastoral Theology •

Ballard, P and Pritchard, J (1996) Practical Theology in Action. London, SPCK

•

Gerkin, C V (1984) The Living Human Document. Nashville, Abingdon.

•

Finney, J (1989) Understanding Leadership. London, Daybreak

•

Finney, J (1992) Church on the Move: Leadership for Mission. London, Daybreak

•

Furniss, G (1995) Sociology for Pastoral Care. London, SPCK

Church Planting Theory • Hopkins, B [Ed.] (1989) Church Planting 2: Some Experiences and Challenges.

Nottingham, Grove.

•

Hopkins, B and Fox J Conference to examine reasons for decline in church plants.

Article in Church of England Newspaper Fri April 30, 1999

•

Nodding, P (1994) Local Church Planting. London, MarshallPickering.

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APPENDICES APPENDIX 1.

Questionnaire on the effects of church planting.

Church: ………………………………………………………………

Minister: ……………………………………………………………..

Denomination: ………………………………………………………

Tel no: ………………………………………………………………

For how long has your church plant(s) been in operation…

Meeting monthly………………. yrs Meeting weekly………………. yrs Type of venue for church plant (e.g. school hall ) ……………………………………….

Number in original ‘sent’ congregation …

Adults Children (under 16) Church plant numbers now.………………

Adults Children (under 16) Number in original congregation at that time.

Adults Children (under 16) Number now………………

Adults Children (under 16) If the numbers have fluctuated both up and down significantly over time please comment……………………………………………………………………………………….. ………………………………………………………………………………………………….

What proportion (approximately) of any increase in the church plant is represented by….

New converts %; Lapsed returning %; Transfers % What proportion of any increase in the sending church?

New converts %; Lapsed returning %; Transfers % How long was the preparation period prior to planting? …………..

What did the training consist of for the plant core team?…………………………………….. ………………………………………………………………………………………………….

What preparation was given for the sending church?………………………………………….. ………………………………………………………………………………………………….

Does the plant have a separate church council from the sending church?

Yes/ No/ Subcommittee/ Other (please specify)……………………….

Were significant lay folk sent who had power in the previous congregation?

How did the plant leadership emerge? Volunteers/ Asked by clergy/ Imports from elsewhere How did the composition of the plant congregation arise? Volunteers/ Asked by clergy/ Imports.

Whose motivation was the church plant? (Circle several if applicable) Bishop or Overseer/ Congregational Minister/ Curate or Assistant Minister/ Lay Church Leadership/ Others Why was a church plant thought to be desirable? (e.g. overcrowding in original building)……………………………………………………….…………………………………… …………………………………………………..

Is the church plant of a particular type ( in Church planting terms)? Graft/ Transplant/ Vegetative/ Seed/ Re-plant/ Other(specify)……………………………………………………(Ignore if unknown)

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Your personal assessment of the present level of contended-ness with the plant in: Sending church leadership 0 (grave discontent) 1 2 3 4 5 (very happy) Sending church membership 0 (grave discontent) 1 2 3 4 5 (very happy) Plant church leadership 0 (grave discontent) 1 2 3 4 5 (very happy) Plant church congregation 0 (grave discontent) 1 2 3 4 5 (very happy) Has the removal of a significant leader (s) (e.g. Curate) affected the church plant? Yes/ No/ slightly Has the above removal affected plant/sending church relationships?

In what ways?……………………………………..

Was anything LOST in the planting process in the sending church? Yes/ No/ Slightly What?……………………………………………………………………………………………… ……

Were problems caused in the sending church as a result of the planting process? Yes/No/Slightly Rate difficulties encountered of a scale of 0 (no problem) to 5 (problems resulting in serious division) Sending Church Plant Loss/ 'Bereavement' 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 Lack of authority structure 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 Power or authority issues 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 Social Grouping 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 Theological emphases 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 Speed of plant formation 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 Personality clashes 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 Other (specify below) 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 ……………………………………………………………………………..

How were the most significant difficulties dealt with? (Circle several if necessary) One to one/ Church Meeting/ Re-assertion of authority/ Sermons & other teaching/ Church Council meeting/ Ignoring it/ Dealt with by sent leadership.

Theology of sending church? (Circle more than one if necessary) Catholic/ Central/ Open Evangelical/ Conservative evangelical/ Charismatic.

What would be your own openness to further church planting.

0 (never again) 1 2 3 4 5 (as soon as possible) Please indicate reason(s) for previous answer……………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………….

What would you do differently next time?………………………………………………….. ………………………………………………………………………………………………. ……………………………………………………………………………………………….

Would you be prepared to co-operate in 3 interviews with (a) Yourself (b) a significant leader (e.g. churchwarden etc) in sending church (c) A significant leader (e.g. curate/reader ) in church plant…..? Yes/ No/ Qualified Yes Tick if you wish your church to remain anonymous in the research.

THANK YOU for your assistance.

Revd. Jeffrey Fewkes

Stapleford Vicarage, 61 Church St., Stapleford, Nottingham. NG9 8GA. Tel 0115 939 7333

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APPENDIX 2.

Interview Questions 1.

What inspired the church plant?

2.

Were there theological issues and motives for planting?

3.

Who made the leadership decisions, what were they, and what staff were involved?

4.

What sort of area did the plant attempt to reach?

5.

What are the perceived losses, problems, or difficulties encountered in (a) the plant itself and (b) in the sending church?

How did these present themselves?

6.

How would you rate the level of 'contentedness' at formation of the plant, at its going weekly? And what about today?

Discuss the history of any difficulties over time.

7.

What attempts were made to solve individual difficulties?

8.

What guidelines for better practise in the future would you recommend for OTHER church planters?

(17,000 words, excluding Bibliography and Appendices) Jeffrey Fewkes

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