Wier Andy~the involvement of new forms of church in regeneration by The Sheffield Centre

The involvement of new forms of church in the regeneration of deprived communities

Andrew Peter Wier July 2002

This thesis is submitted in partial satisfaction with the requirements of the Degree of Master in Science in Urban Regeneration. School of Environment and Development, Sheffield Hallam University

I certify that this Thesis is my own unaided work and that all sources of reference have been acknowledged.

Acknowledgements Many people participated in this research, through project visits, telephone interviews, and email questionnaires. I wish to thank them all: Carl Belcher (Eden Project), Jane Grinnoneau and Allison (The Furnival), Mark Perrott and Graham Watkins (The Regeneration Trust), David Evans (Tear Fund), John Summers (New Way of Being Church), John Vincent (Urban Theology Unit), Mike Breen (St Thomas’ Church), Bob and Mary Hopkins (Anglican Church Planting Initiatives), Ann Morisy (Diocese of London), Stuart Murray (Spurgeon’s College), George Lings (Church Army), Greg Smith (University of East London), John Sadler (Urban Ministry & Urban Theology Project), and Nathan Oley (Faith Works Campaign). I also want to thank Rob Furbey, my academic supervisor, for his advice, encouragement and support, and the staff and congregation at St Stephen’s Church Netherthorpe, where I have been working for the past two years, for everything that I have learned from them about ‘being church’. Finally, I wish to thank Gill, my fiancée, for supporting and helping me in so many different ways throughout the course of this research project. Andy Wier, July 2002

Abstract The current government’s approach to ‘neighbourhood renewal’ has at its heart a strong emphasis on the involvement of the community and voluntary sector. Within this context, there is growing interest in the involvement of churches and other faith communities. But though the church’s contribution to regeneration seems considerable, its ability to sustain this and engage with the government’s agenda is seriously threatened by a pattern of church decline that would appear to question the church’s continued existence. Yet while the institutional church is declining, it is suggested that ‘new forms of church’ are emerging, some of which are having a significant impact on the regeneration of deprived communities. Given the unresearched nature of the subject area, this research is essentially exploratory, and investigates the rationale, methods and impacts of new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities. Local case studies are examined but, rather than being the sole focus of analysis, their approaches are explored within the context of wider ‘networks’ and issues of broader significance. Accordingly, data is gathered at three main levels: local (3 local case studies), network (the approaches of 4 network leaders) and overview (broader issues highlighted by 7 strategically placed individuals). At each level, rationale, methods and impacts are explored with reference to a 2-dimensional conceptual framework, developed during the preliminary stages of the research to help compare and contrast different approaches. The research shows there to be considerable variety in the rationale of new forms of church involved in regeneration, and the conceptual distinctions between ‘church’ and ‘project’ and ‘liberal’ and ‘evangelical’ approaches are shown to be particularly useful. With relation to methods, it seems premature to speak of definitive ‘models’. At this stage it is only possible to identify the features associated with particular approaches, with there being strong differences between liberal and evangelical approaches but common features between the two concerning relations between ‘church’ and ‘project’. In terms of impacts, new forms of church are shown to be able to make a potentially significant contribution to ‘regeneration’ in its broadest sense, stemming primarily from personal relationship and the ways in which they make a difference to people’s lives. However the extent to which perceived impacts, often regarded by churches as having a ‘spiritual dimension’, correspond with the outputs and outcomes associated with government regeneration programmes is far from clear. So the involvement of new forms of church in the regeneration of deprived communities is potentially significant but far from straight forward. The research highlights some of the main tensions involved and raises challenging questions for both government and church. Government plans to further involve faith communities in regeneration come under serious challenge when the contemporary church context is considered, and though new forms of church undoubtedly contribute to regeneration, they are not necessarily the best-placed agencies to assist in the delivery of government programmes. For the church, the current political climate of increased openness to the involvement of faith communities in regeneration cannot be regard as an opportunity to regain the position of power once enjoyed under Christendom. Involvement with official programmes will only take place within the context of terms and conditions set by government. This raises some most-important questions for the church – not least as to what its primary function is and the extent to which this is compatible with the agenda of government.

CONTENTS 1

INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................6 1.1 1.2 1.3

POLICY CONTEXT...............................................................................................9 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4

INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................39 RATIONALE ......................................................................................................39 METHODS .........................................................................................................45 IMPACTS ...........................................................................................................52 CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................54

PROBLEMS AND TENSIONS............................................................................55 6.1 6.2

INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................30 AIMS.................................................................................................................30 RESEARCH STRATEGY ......................................................................................30 RESEARCH METHODS ........................................................................................34 LIMITATIONS ....................................................................................................36 CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................37

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS ......................................................39 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5

INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................19 PAST AND PRESENT FORMS OF INVOLVEMENT – “URBAN MISSION” .................19 A CHURCH IN CRISIS?........................................................................................22 NEW FORMS OF CHURCH AND REGENERATION ..................................................25 CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................29

METHODOLOGY................................................................................................30 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6

INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................9 THE WIDER CONTEXT OF GOVERNMENT POLICY ..................................................9 CURRENT INTEREST IN CHURCHES AND OTHER FAITH COMMUNITIES ................13 CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................17

LITERATURE REVIEW – THE CHURCH AND REGENERATION ..........19 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5

A CHANGING CONTEXT .......................................................................................6 AIMS AND OUTLINE ............................................................................................7 CHOICE OF TOPIC ................................................................................................8

CHURCH / PROJECT ...........................................................................................55 THEOLOGICAL APPROACHES .............................................................................57

CONCLUSIONS....................................................................................................59 7.1 7.2

LESSONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT ......................................................................59 LESSONS FOR THE CHURCH ..............................................................................59

APPENDICES ...............................................................................................................61 APPENDIX A – SOME STORIES OF NEW FORMS OF CHURCH ...........................................61 APPENDIX B – RESEARCH DIARY .................................................................................64 APPENDIX C – CASE STUDY VISITS INTERVIEW SCHEDULE..........................................65 APPENDIX D - INTERVIEWS WITH NETWORK LEADERS .................................................67 APPENDIX E - EMAIL TO STRATEGICALLY PLACED INDIVIDUALS ..................................68 BIBLIOGRAPHY .........................................................................................................70

TABLES AND DIAGRAMS FIGURE 1 – THE WIDER CONTEXT.......................................................................................9 FIGURE 2 – THE RATIONALE FOR UK URBAN POLICY ......................................................11 FIGURE 3 – STORIES OF NEW FORMS OF CHURCH INVOLVED IN REGENERATION ................26 FIGURE 4 – THE 3-LEVEL RESEARCH STRATEGY ...............................................................31 FIGURE 5 – CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................32 FIGURE 6 – NETWORK LEADERS .......................................................................................33 FIGURE 7 – FEATURES OF THE LIBERAL-EVANGELICAL CONTINUUM.................................57 FIGURE 8 – LIBERAL-EVANGELICAL: PERCEIVED ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES ....57

1 Introduction It is estimated that there are over 131,000 church-run community projects in the UK (Oley, 2002) and accordingly there is growing interest in the current and potential contribution of churches and other faith communities to the regeneration of deprived communities. Such interest is reflected in research literature, political debate, and government policy documents, and has become particularly prominent in the light of the current government’s National Strategy for Neighbourhood Renewal (Social Exclusion Unit, 1998, 2000, 2001).

This research attempts to contribute to the wider body of literature around the role of faith communities in regeneration by exploring the involvement of new forms of church in the regeneration of deprived communities. This little-researched subject area is particularly significant in the light of the changing context described below.

1.1 A changing context Since the post-war consensus and the foundation of the welfare state, the political context has changed considerably. Extensive state provision and the taxation needed to underpin it are now perceived as a liability and the consequent reinvention of public services has had profound implications for urban regeneration programmes. Accordingly, the current government’s approach to the delivery of regeneration programmes has at its heart a strong emphasis on the involvement of the community and voluntary sector, within which faith communities play an integral part.

So government now apparently endorses and encourages the involvement of faith communities in regeneration. But the reaction of church leaders to this has been mixed. Some have heralded the current political climate as an opportunity for the Church to “rediscover its role at the hub of community” (Faithworks, 2002), while others are suspicious and fearful of the church being incorporated into a state agenda. But it is not only the political context that has changed. The church itself is undergoing some form of crisis. Attendances have declined so much over the past 150 years that it has been suggested that the church could be within one generation from extinction (Brierley, 2000). In questioning the church’s continued existence, these trends potentially undermine the sustainability of church-run community projects, and pose challenging 6

questions for a government keen to promote the involvement of faith communities in regeneration.

It is the contention of this thesis that the church is undergoing a period of reinvention or rediscovery associated with the change from Christendom to post-Christendom. While the institutional church is declining, new forms of church are emerging, some of which are either directly or indirectly involved in the regeneration of deprived communities. Though the institutional churchâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s significant contribution to regeneration, both historical and current, should not be disregarded, it is important that new forms of church receive sufficient attention. These are likely to hold indications and clues as to the shape of the church to come, and require careful examination in order to inform church strategy and government regeneration policy.

1.2 Aims and outline This research aims to explore the following three key questions: 1. What are the rationale and ethos of new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities? 2. What are the methods used by new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities? 3. What are the impacts of new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities?

These questions cannot be adequately explored without knowledge of the relevant language, ideas and concepts. As previous research specifically on the involvement of new forms of church in regeneration is lacking, this piece of research is conceptually weighted. Consequently, the earlier sections of this report that set the scene are deliberately thorough, and in order to permit this, the amount of empirical fieldwork undertaken has been more modest.

The next section considers the Policy Context to the involvement of faith communities in regeneration, firstly locating it within the wider context of government policy and secondly exploring it in more detail. The Literature Review that follows focuses specifically on the church and regeneration; it covers past and present forms of involvement, the implications of major changes affecting the church, and the emergence 7

of new forms of church involved regeneration. The fieldwork Methodology is then described, and Data presentation and analysis follow. Finally, a presentation of the main Problems and Tensions highlighted by the research precedes the main Conclusions.

1.3 Choice of topic It is important that new forms of church are studied in relation to regeneration because the future of the church is a critical issue affecting its ability to engage with the government’s regeneration agenda.

This research is ethnographic in that it attempts to study the involvement of churches in regeneration from within their own terms and by ‘climbing into their world’, engaging with the church’s understanding of itself. As author of this report, I identify myself as a member of the Christian faith community and am aware that as such I bring specialist knowledge and awareness to a little-researched area, but that my personal involvement and interest may limit my impartiality and perspective.1

Much of the terminology and literature around new forms of church is specialist and technical and may be difficult for the secular reader to understand. However, these difficulties are surmountable. Where this thesis uses specialist language that may be unfamiliar to the secular reader, appropriate explanation is given, either in the text or through footnotes.

I have been involved with various different local churches, particularly within the evangelical / charismatic wing of the church, and have been a member, volunteer, trainee, and paid employee.

2 Policy Context 2.1 Introduction This section considers the policy context to the involvement of faith communities in regeneration. First, it locates the involvement of faith communities within the wider context of government policy. Secondly, it explores in more detail the current interest in it on the part of government, politicians and political parties, and researchers.

2.2 The wider context of government policy The current governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s approach to involving faith communities in regeneration should be considered in a much wider context as indicated in the diagram below:

Figure 1 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; The Wider context

2.2.1 Post-modernity First, we need to consider the wider social, political and cultural context and it is virtually impossible to do this without referring to post-modernity and the plethora of

other terms pre-fixed by ‘post’ used within the social sciences in recent times to attempt to describe a changing world.2

Academic debates about post-modernity have been extensive but for the purposes of this discussion, a short overview will suffice.3 Post-modernity presupposes the end of modernity, an era characterised by a belief in human progress and rationality. Modernity can be traced back to the Enlightenment4 and is associated with the emergence of secular (as oppose to religious) meta-narratives.5 Post-modernity presupposes the end of all this and the emergence of a new era, as yet ill-defined. It is associated with the breakdown of nation and class, the two great collective identities of the modern era (Hebdige in Hall and Jacques, 1989, p.90), and with the continual smudging of personas and lifestyles (Mort in Hall and Jacques, 1989, p.169). The post-modern era is supposedly one in which everything is questioned and confidence in meta-narratives and their associated mass movements is lost; it is characterised by pluralism, relativism and uncertainty. Yet there is also confusion as to how values are actually derived. This perhaps explains both an increased interest in ‘spirituality’ (rather than traditional religion) within mainstream culture and the re-assertion of religious fundamentalism at the periphery. This context raises challenging questions both about the values that underpin regeneration and the involvement of an eclectic range of faith communities.

2.2.2 Changing role of the State Within the broader context of post-modernity, we now highlight the changing role of the state. Given widespread economic globalisation, the relationship of the nation state to the rest of the world has fundamentally changed, and the capacity of national governments to control their own affairs much diminished. A review of british politics since 1945 would suggest that State capitalism and the Keynesian welfare state enjoyed a heyday in the post-war period but hit crisis in the mid-1970s, with considerable restructuring in the years that followed and the state becoming a vehicle for transmitting the global market discipline to domestic economies (Hoogvelt, 1997). This has involved

E.g. post-ideological, post-fordist, post-secular, post-structural, post-feminist, and post-colonial. For further reading, see Turner (1990), Lyon (1999) and Inglehart (1990). 4 A philosophical movement that challenged the central role of religion in the pre-modern era and asserted that humans and nature could be understood without reference to God 5 All-encompassing explanations of history that claim universal relevance and truth. 3

the frontiers of the state being rolled back (or rolled out6) through programmes of privatisation, deregulation and the de-centralising of lower-level decision making; but at the same time, steps have been taken to increase the centralised regulatory powers of the state – for example in regulating the activities of schools and health authorities. And in regeneration this is reflected in the increased involvement of local communities and voluntary organisations. The rhetoric of the current government is on the state as a facilitator of partnership, wanting to utilise the expertise and resources of other agencies. As Gordon Brown has argued, the way forward is government and charities working in “partnership based on mutual respect…” (Chalke, 2001, inside cover).

2.2.3 Historical urban policy Having outlined the wider social and political context, we now consider the specifically ‘urban’ context and provide a historical overview of government attempts to solve the ‘urban problem’. Pre-1977 Urban Policy Largely ad hoc; urban problems spatially concentrated and marginal Social pathology; central direction and support from private sector

1977-79 Urban Policy Relatively coherent; urban decline given central position in 1977 White Paper. Structural; State-directed partnership with private and voluntary sectors

Nature of problem

Run-down State of cities; pockets of poverty

Long-term economic and environmental decline; concentrated effects in cities.

Explanation

Pathological behaviour of deviant groups; obsolescent but improving urban fabric Contradictory: correct pathological behaviour; continue improvements to urban fabric; modernise and redistribute.

Deindustrialisation affecting urban fabric; urban-rural shift.

Conception urban

Theoretical approach

Aim of policy

Reverse industrial decline; stop urban-rural shift.

1979-93 Urban Policy Vague: area of dereliction; locus of market activity; locus of unrest; political issue. Neo-liberalism underwritten by State intervention; subsidy to private sector through infrastructual investments. Physical and social dereliction; maladjusted population; spatial concentration in inner city locations. Flight of capital and population; too much State intervention Attract return of capital; create favourable investment climate; control unrest; reduce role of State, especially local government.

Figure 2 – The Rationale for UK Urban Policy (Source: Dabinnet, 2000)

‘Rolling back’ was the phrase used by Thatcher and others in the 1980s but this may be misleading in that it implies that state’s powers have been diminished. As Clarke and Newman (1997) suggest, it may be more appropriate to talk of the ‘rolling out’ of the state.

2.2.4 New Labour and Neighbourhood Renewal In contrast with the above approaches, current policy associates urban areas with ‘opportunity’ and conceives cities as drivers of economic performance within the new economy (Dabinnet, 2000). The theoretical approach of the New Labour project has been described as ‘The Third Way’7, and has also been strongly influenced by the ‘communitarian’ writing of Etzioni (1995) and others.

The government’s understanding of the nature of the urban problem is primarily in terms of social exclusion rather than poverty. This is strongly influenced by policy debates within the Labour party in the early-mid 1990s, and particularly associated with the Commission on Social Justice (1994) and the Social Exclusion Unit (SEU). Social exclusion is explained in terms of market and institutional failure and focuses explicitly on the spatial concept of “neighbourhood” (Dabinnet, 2000).

Using indices of deprivation, the government has placed particular emphasis on the 88 most deprived local authority districts in the country and its approach to addressing problems in these areas8 is centred around the concept of “neighbourhood renewal” as documented in the development of a National Strategy for Neighbourhood Renewal (SEU, 1998, 2000, 2001).

The National Strategy Action Plan (SEU, 2001) sets out the Government's vision for narrowing the gap between deprived neighbourhoods and the rest of the country, intending that “within 10 to 20 years, no-one should be seriously disadvantaged by where they live.” This is to be implemented at a national level by the Neighbourhood Renewal Unit9 but there is also a very strong emphasis on the “involvement” of local communities and organisations in the design and delivery of local regeneration programmes. So now, as part of the community and voluntary sector, we turn our attention to the involvement of faith communities.

Whether this represents a coherent philosophy or clever spin-doctoring is a subject of contention. For evidence about the degree of deprivation in these wards, see SEU (2001), pp.12-13 9 Responsible for driving progress across government through measures such as new minimum floor targets, Local Strategic Partnerships, Community Empowerment Fund, Neighbourhood Renewal Fund, New Deal for Communities, and Neighbourhood Wardens (NRU, 2001). 8

2.3 Current interest in churches and other faith communities Here we consider current interest in involving churches and other faith communities in regeneration, as signified by government, political debate, and academic research.

2.3.1 Government interest Government involvement of faith communities in regeneration already takes place to some degree at a number of levels. The Inner Cities Religious Council (ICRC) was created in 1992 and includes representatives of five of the largest faith communities in England: Christians, Hindus, Jews, Muslims and Sikhs. It is chaired by a Government Minister and aims to provide a forum where faith communities and the Government can work together on urban renewal and social exclusion. ICRC is part of the Urban Policy Unit formed to take forward the agenda of the Urban White Paper (Nov 2000) and it also relates to the Neighbourhood Renewal Unit.

The government’s neighbourhood renewal strategy also acknowledges the role of faith communities, alongside other members of the community and voluntary sector, in regeneration and attempts to involve them more fully. ‘Making it easier for local organisations to get funding’ was Key Idea 13 arising from the National Strategy Consultation (SEU, 2000), recommending that:

“a more pragmatic approach should be taken to funding faith organisations” The National Strategy Action Plan (2001) recognised that faith groups may offer a channel to some of the hardest-to reach groups and adopted the Consultation’s idea of a more pragmatic approach to funding faith groups, recognising that they may be the most suitable organisation to deliver community objectives. Furthermore, it envisages faith communities as having an important role to play as members of Local Strategic Partnerships.

At a local level, the DETR has issued guidance on Involving faith communities. This acknowledged the potentially significant contribution of faith communities to regeneration but admitted that in many areas government recognition had yet to be fully reflected in local practice “with enthusiasm in some areas matched by apparent reluctance to involve faith communities in others” (DETR, 2001). Also at a local level, 13

the Local Government Association (2002) recently published a good practice guide for local authorities and faith communities.10 This sets out existing good practice in relations between local authorities and faith communities, highlights some of the common problems experienced by faith groups and their local authorities, and provides advice and information on developing these relationships.

2.3.2 Political Debate In the run-up to the 2001 UK election, both major parties promoted conferences, delivered leaders’ speeches and made references in their manifestos about the valuable social role of religion and faith based charities (Smith 2002, p.3).

A key landmark in this process appears to have been when in July 2000, both Tony Blair and William Hague addressed ‘Faith in the Community’, the millennium conference of the UK’s black-majority churches. Both praised black churches and recognised the role that they and other churches play in the areas of education, employment and community development (Chalke, 2001, pp.20-21). These ideas were elaborated further by Blair when, in a speech to the Christian Socialist Movement in March 2001, he told the religious organisations gathered there:

“Your role in the voluntary sector, working in partnership with central and local government, is legitimate and important and where you have the desire and ability to play a greater role, with the support of your communities, we want to see you do so … we want you as partners, not substitutes. We want to take this partnership forward wherever we can.” (The Guardian 30/3/01). Derided as a “Holier than thou” election campaign (Bates, 2001b) by those who did not share the party leaders’ warmth towards faith-based groups, these occasions prompted diverse reactions and sparked a media debate with particularly extensive coverage in the Guardian newspaper. In the backdrop of northern ‘riots’11, the faith-based schools debate, and the aftermath of September 11th, some commentators considered a faithbased agenda dangerous and were vociferous in their objections.

Published in conjunction with Inner Cities Religious Council; DTLR; Active Community Unit and the Inter Faith Network for the UK. 11 This refers to racially motivated disturbances in Bradford and other northern cities

Members of faith communities have themselves contributed to the debate, with many arguing that rather than detracting from the value of their community work, their faithbased motivation is critical to their success. The Christian MP Stephen Timms cited work by the think-tank Demos suggesting that:

“much of the best innovation in the provision of local health, homelessness, community regeneration and drug relate services is now being shaped by people with strong religious beliefs.” Timms attributed this to faith groups’ exceptional degree of commitment, being willing to share their lives with others. Recognising the potential contribution to regeneration, he argued “we need to be open in Government to working with those projects, not expecting them to abandon the faith which has inspired them, but being willing to accept it and work alongside the initiatives they are developing” (Timms, 2000). Similar themes are prominent within the FaithWorks campaign, aiming to ensure that “the Church will begin to be taken just as seriously as a welfare provider as we were in centuries past” (FaithWorks, 2002).

Initiatives such as FaithWorks have caused some alarm among those unsympathetic to faith-based groups and fearful of parallels with the USA where, from the mid 1990’s, “Charitable Choice” legislation and funding programmes have involved numerous religious groups in a variety of welfare programmes. Though the new Bush administration’s establishment of a new White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives12 represents an approach unlikely to be reproduced in a British context, it has nevertheless prompted wide-ranging debate on both sides of the Atlantic (Wallis, 2001) and an extensive body of academic literature (Smith, 2002, p.3).

2.3.3 Research interest Smith (2002) provides a useful overview of US and UK research literature, showing there to be an extensive North American literature on faith-based groups in partnership with the State but only a relatively scanty academic research literature in the UK. Yet there does appear to be growing recognition of the contribution of faith communities to regeneration in Britain. For example Faith makes Community Work (Shaftsbury / DETR, 2000), has highlighted some of the significant features of faith-based community work: 12

This involves contracts with faith-based organisations to deliver welfare services.

•

The resources of faith communities in the UK are significant – e.g. many

faith communities are located in areas where other community resources and buildings are scarce; •

Faith communities’ mission Statements reflect a concern for their local

community; values around service, equality and compassion are found in most faith traditions and are often referred to in community work; •

Over the centuries, faith groups have provided a wide variety of services

responding to the needs in their community. The history of faith-based community work as an institution and the long-term commitment of faith leaders provide stability and add value to shorter term projects; •

Each week thousands of volunteers contribute innumerable hours and

expertise via faith based projects; •

There is a growing understanding of the commonly accepted broader

principles and practices of community development; but due to its theological foundation and faith-based values, faith based community work continues to be distinctive from community development, as it is generally defined in the secular sector; •

There are many examples where faith communities have joined in

partnership with wider networks and participated in regeneration initiatives that benefit the whole community.

Broadly similar findings have also arisen from research specifically focusing on the role of the Christian Church. Harris (1995), for example, notes the “significant, if largely hidden” long-standing contribution of Christian congregations to the UK welfare system. Yet a common theme running through much of the research literature is that though church involvement in regeneration has the potential to be enormously beneficial, there are many tensions and dilemmas for churches, communities and funders. These are explored in relation to New Deal for Communities by Chester et al (1999) and more generally in a report for the Baptist Union by Jump (2001). Additionally, Harris (1995, 1998) and Cameron (1996) both consider some of the management issues arising in faith-based organisations. So though the church appears a useful component of the voluntary sector to further government neighbourhood renewal objectives, a review of the work of Harris (1995) and Richardson (2001) suggests the following limitations: 16

•

Projects serving the community will have to compete with claims for

resources for congregational activities; •

The continuity of a project is often dependent on the enthusiasm and

personal circumstances of just one or two committed people, who are often only volunteers; •

Untrained, unsupported volunteers may be faced with complex social

problems; •

It is the level of informality and conferred autonomy that sustains volunteer

commitment in the main, and where projects are subject to the intervention of outside sponsors, “the commitment and enthusiasm of volunteers melts away” (Harris, 1995, p.69); •

There is sometimes an endemic resistance of local councils to take faith

groups seriously; •

A mismatch between the primary aims of statutory regulation, social welfare

agencies, funding requirements and the spiritual agenda of the faith communities may mean faith communities having to dilute their driving ethos.

2.4 Conclusion In this section we have outlined the policy context to the involvement of churches and other faith communities in regeneration. Yet so far we have only concentrated on ‘regeneration’ as defined in terms of government programmes such as the Single Regeneration Budget, New Deal for Communities and the Neighbourhood Renewal Fund. We need to also consider its broader meaning (Furbey, 1999) and the contribution of local churches in ways that might not always be officially regarded as ‘regeneration’. There are an estimated 131,000 church-run community projects in the UK (Oley, 2002) and in some cities, attempts have been made to build up a quantifiable picture of how churches are contributing to their local communities. SEARCH (2000), for example, found that in Hull at least 1,000 hours of church based social action take place across the city each week and the Churches Regional Commission has commissioned similar exercises elsewhere (e.g. Wier, 2001). Many of the activities covered here are relatively simple activities like Mother and Toddler groups and Lunch Clubs. But such ‘relational’ groups may be seen to play a vital role in regeneration, particularly with relation to

social capital (Richardson, 2001), regardless of whether or not they are funded by â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;regeneration moneyâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;.

There is a definitional issue at stake here in that there may be a gulf between how government defines regeneration and how churches define it. Given the churchesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; potentially considerable contribution to regeneration as outlined above, it is worth taking time to attempt to consider how the churches understand their involvement in deprived communities and regeneration. We do this in the next chapter.

3 Literature Review – The Church and Regeneration 3.1 Introduction There is a possible definitional gap between government and church views of regeneration and this needs to be considered if the government’s intention to further involve faith communities is to become a reality. We need to be able to understand churches’ approach to regeneration and to enter into their world and language. Terminology is important here because, despite some notable exceptions13, the term ‘regeneration’ does not figure particularly prominently within church writing’s on involvement in deprived communities. Instead there is within the churches a vocabulary of ‘urban mission’, much of which clearly relates to regeneration. Accordingly, this section begins with a review of literature associated with the ‘urban mission movement’ that has informed past and present forms of involvement. It then goes onto review some of the literature around a church in crisis and to assesses the implications for regeneration, before it documents the emergence of ‘new forms of church’ involved in regeneration.

3.2 Past and present forms of involvement – “Urban Mission” An “urban mission movement in Britain” emerged during the 1980s (Smith, 1999b, p.4), accompanied by a growing body of literature on ‘urban theology’ (Green, 1998, p.1). The central catalyst to both developments was the Church of England’s 1985 Faith in the City Report (ACCUPA, 1985). Yet churches in Britain have had a long-standing history of involvement in deprived urban areas

3.2.1 Before Faith in the City “Since the mid 19th century wave of urbanisation and industrialisation the British churches have had a long history of concern for the cities and their people” (Smith, 1999b, p.3) and various examples of pre-Faith in the City literature are identified in a bibliography of urban mission literature up to the 1980s (Lancaster Theological Seminary, undated). Yet before the 1980s there were only the beginnings of a body of

E.g. Jump’s (2001) report on regeneration for the Baptist Union

literature around urban mission and urban theology, and much of this was from North America.

An early attempt at a comprehensive co-ordinated presentation of issues related to urban mission strategy is found in Torney (1970). Other writings are more specific in focus. Some attempt to articulate a view of the place of the city in God’s place for mankind, combining biblical, historical and social science approaches (Shriver and Ostrom, 1977), while others such as Culley and Nile Harper (1969) and Vincent (1981) focus specifically on the condition of the urban church.

3.2.2 Faith in the City In the context of the “urban crisis” which came to a head in public perception with a wave of street disturbances in several cities in the early 1980s, the church became a major player in the inner city debates with Archbishop Runcie’s appointment of a commission to report on the situation in Urban Priority Areas and to make recommendations to church and nation. The Faith in the City Commission analysed the urban scene and the church’s role within it, receiving submissions from numerous local and specialist groups and discussing a range of issues including employment, housing, education, law and order. Its final report contained 38 recommendations directed to the church and 23 to the government and nation (ACCUPA, 1985).

3.2.3 Since Faith in the City Here we review the significance of Faith in the City in terms of its influence on government policy, local regeneration, urban mission, and urban theology.

Influencing government policy Considered pre-publication to be full of “naïve Marxism” by a source close to Downing Street and identified since as a clear step in the rupture between the Church of England and the Conservative Party (Smith, 1999b, p.4), Faith in the City caused a political storm. Assessing its impact ten years on, Houston (1996) provides a review of the Church’s ecumenical attempts to influence government policy.

Local impact in regeneration Faith in the City led to the establishment in 1988 of the Church Urban Fund (CUF), which by 1993 had invested nearly £17million in over 700 projects in urban priority areas in England. In assessing the impact of this investment on local communities, Farnell et al highlight the “degree of success” with which CUF-funded projects developed and nurtured community spirit, broke down barriers, and provided muchneeded community facilities. But they also point to its limitations by suggesting that CUF alone could not compensate for “the impact of wider social change and directions in public policy” (Farnell et al, 1994a, p.122). A separate report then assesses CUFfunded broad-based organising, a distinctive and controversial approach to the mobilisation of urban communities and addressing powerlessness (Farnelll et al, 1994b).

Urban mission Faith in the City is attributed with inspiring “a diverse range of para-church organisations, denominational agencies, single issue campaigns, lay orders, and local church projects” (Smith, 1999b) in urban areas, and many of these are documented in Staying in the City (Bishop’s Advisory Group on Urban Priority Areas, 1995).14 Furthermore, at a global level there also appears to have been increased networking for urban mission, as shown by conference papers associated with the formation of the International Urban Ministry Network (Linthicum, 1995).

Urban theology Such networking has also contributed to some degree of cross fertilisation of theological ideas. There has been within inner city churches a convergence of Catholic, Evangelical and Reformed thinking, focusing on the notion of the “Kingdom of God” (Smith, 1990). Yet urban theology also has its tensions and Smith identifies ‘incarnational’, ‘transformationist’ and ‘separatism’ as three contrasting approaches (Smith, 1988, pp.25-27). Highly significant in cultivating a distinctive discipline of ‘urban theology’ is the Urban Theology Unit in Sheffield and the work of John Vincent as documented in Hope from the City (Vincent, 2000).

These include Church Urban Fund, Inner Cities Religious Council, The Archbishops Urban Theology Panel, Churches National Housing Coalition, Churches Commission for Racial Justice, The Ecumenical Urban Forum, Churches Community Work Alliance, and the Urban Theology Unit.

3.2.4 Summary There appears to be a consensus within much of the literature outlined above that whilst there is still plenty of work to do, â&#x20AC;&#x153;the Churches can justifiably be proud of what they have so far accomplished by virtue of their presence in the inner cities and their reflection on urban living and missionâ&#x20AC;? (Green, 1998, p.1). However, as we will now see, there is also literature suggesting that the church is in crisis and which poses serious questions as to the viability and sustainability of current forms of involvement.

3.3 A church in crisis? Here we review the evidence of declining church attendance figures and locate this trend within the context of debates about post-Christendom and post-modernity. We then consider its implications for church involvement in regeneration.

3.3.1 Declining church attendances The most frequently cited evidence of a church in crisis is the cataclysmic decline in church attendance in England from 24% of the population in 1851 to 7.5% in 1998. This has led to suggestions that if present trends continue, the church could literally be one generation from extinction (Brierley, 2000, p.227). Furthermore, it has been suggested that the problem of decline has been particularly severe in deprived inner city communities, as evidenced by the failure of mainline denominations to establish numerically thriving congregations in urban priority areas (Smith, 1996). But this is not a particularly new phenomena15 and the closure of inner city churches in recent times is partly attributable to declining inner city populations (Smith, 1988, p.6).

3.3.2 The changing context: post-Christendom Declining church attendances should be considered within the broader context of changes in society at large. As we have already seen, post-modernity and similar terms have been used within the social sciences to attempt to make sense of a changing world. Similarly, within Christian writings in the 1990s, terms such as post-evangelical, postcharismatic, post-liberal, post-denominational, and post-Christendom entered the

Smith suggests that the churchesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; failure to recruit the manual labouring classes (particularly adult males) to responsible church membership goes back at least as far as the 13th century.

vocabulary of the church (Murray and Wilkinson-Hayes, 2000, p.3).16 The latter is of particular relevance to the changing position of the church within society, and is explained below.

The Christendom era presupposed by the term ‘post-Christendom’ can be traced back to the fourth century when Constantine I adopted Christianity. After 300 years of life on the margins as a persecuted underground movement, Christians had an opportunity to work from the centres of political power and to exercise influence throughout society, with the church becoming a major landowner and guardian of morality with unquestioned spiritual authority. Yet under the sustained influences of the renaissance, reformation, enlightenment, industrialisation, and urbanisation, Christendom has crumbled (Murray, 2001). As Murray argues:

“Vestiges of Christendom remain in the public consciousness and in anachronistic laws and customs, but vestiges is what they are. We live today in a post-Christendom society. This is a complex society – plural, secular, multireligious, technological, post-modern – but not Christian. And in this society, the churches are again on the margins, as they were in the early centuries” (Murray, 2001). So the church in the western world is no longer regarded as one of the central institutions that bonds society. Instead, churches today find themselves marginalized in the context of a pluralistic world, and, with much-diminished social prestige and political influence, they increasingly resemble churches pre-Christendom (Gibbs & Coffey, 2001, p.212).

3.3.3 Implications for regeneration These changes profoundly affect the churches’ ability to engage with regeneration and potentially undermine three traditional characteristics of current forms of church involvement: sustainability, distinctiveness, and connectedness.

Sustainability It has been said that churches and Christian organisations are well-placed to innovate and implement sustainable solutions (Chalke, 2001, p.32) because they represent a

There are however some earlier examples such as The Making of Post-Christian Britain by Gilbert (1980)

constant local presence, extending far beyond the lifetime of government funding programmes. But declining church attendances challenge this assumption. If as has been suggested, the church could be one generation from extinction, current levels of church social action will not be viable in the future as there will be no recognisable church left to sustain them.

Distinctiveness It has also been suggested that a key feature of church-based involvement is its distinctiveness. Chalke, for example, argues that “many churches and other faith-based charities are sufficiently removed from the established central or local government approaches” that they can ‘think outside the box’ and lead governments to new ways of thinking about and solving problems (Chalke, 2001, p.38). But the church is now in a severely weakened position and unable to finance all of its work itself, often turning to public authorities for funding for regeneration-related activities. Such funding however, comes with strings attached and the church has to work towards the government’s agenda. The professionalisation resulting from secular funding may cause projects to become divorced or disconnected from grass roots congregational life (Smith, 2002, pp.11-12). This is problematic and may undermine distinctiveness because it appears to be the resources of the congregation (e.g. personal relationships, social capital, volunteers, and members’ vision) that makes faith-based involvement distinct.

Connectedness Finally, it has been said that churches are “the most locally rooted organisations in the country”, bringing tremendous advantages to regeneration in terms of local knowledge and being representative of local people (Chalke, 2001, p.29). But once again, this is undermined by declining church attendances and weakened even further by other social trends: Communities are becoming much more diverse and its increasingly difficult to speak of any geographic locality as a homogenous ‘community’. In this context, it is difficult to talk of a declining traditional church as being ‘representative of the community’.

3.3.4 Hope from the margins? So we have seen that the church is undergoing some form of crisis and that this poses serious questions for its involvement in regeneration. While in 1900 the church operated 24

as an institution at (or at least near) the centre of the social and cultural life of the nation, the church in 2000 was no longer anywhere near the centre. The church, Murray (2001) argues, can no longer think or speak or act as if it is still at the centre and must instead accept its position at the margins. Similarly, Gibbs and Coffey suggest that in a post-modern post-Christendom context, the church cannot hope and should not attempt to regain the position in society that it enjoyed under Christendom. The church should relinquish its power-hungry Christendom mindset and rediscover the mindset of the early pre-Christendom church, which was an underground movement rather than a powerful institution (Gibbs & Coffey, 2001, p.212).

Yet, to quote the title of a pamphlet by Murray and Wilkinson-Hayes (2000), there are signs of Hope from the margins in the embryonic development of new understandings and approaches to ‘being church’ in a marginal context. ‘New forms of church’ are emerging that may hold clues as to the shape of the church to come and its relation to regeneration. We therefore need to try to understand them.

3.4 New forms of church and regeneration 3.4.1 Introduction Literature around new forms of church has become increasingly frequent in recent years, though it is not entirely new.17 But it does not yet represent a coherent body of thought, and the emphasis is primarily upon experimentation. The approach of Murray and Wilkinson-Hayes is typical: “We do not attempt to address the major missiological and ecclesiological issues facing the church in Britain today. We simply offer stories of new ways of being church which have emerged in recent years, together with brief reflections on what these might signify” (Murray and Wilkinson-Hayes, 2001, p.6). Similarly, Hinton (2002), Sine (1999), and Lings (1999-2001) also provide offerings of stories of new ways of being church. Yet attempts at theory have been made, with a notable attempt at identifying new models (as oppose to merely new forms) of church being that of Moynagh (2001). Meanwhile, Gibbs and Coffey argue that a new paradigm of churches is emerging but that rather than representing models to be replicated in identical form, these provide principles to be contextualised, (Gibbs & Coffey, 2001, p.230). However, given the fundamentally practical and experimental

nature of the subject area, it is with stories that we begin our review of the involvement of new forms of church in the regeneration of deprived communities. This then leads into a more theoretical analysis.

3.4.2 Experimentation and stories To provide a clear and definitive definition of ‘new forms of church’ would be difficult at this stage. Instead, here we identify some of the examples that have been referred to within the emerging literature. This is not to say that each of these examples qualifies as a definitive example of a new form of church but it is hoped that the summaries provided in Appendix A will give the reader some kind of indication of what new forms of church might be like. Examples have been selected that appear to have particular relevance to regeneration in the broadest sense and have been taken from three main collections as follows: Name of example

Unit 8 Pond Church Living Proof Pen Rhys Urban Expression Hope Community The Furnival Café 2000 Orbiston Neighbourhood Centre Teeside Peace Centre Zion Baptist Church Eden Project Regeneration Trust

Encounters on the Edge (Lings, 1999-2001)

Hope from the margins (Murray et al, 2001)

Building Bridges of Hope (Hinton, 2002)

No known documentation18

Figure 3 – Stories of new forms of church involved in regeneration

3.4.3 Distinct approaches We now attempt to begin to identify some of the similarities and differences between these examples by introducing the distinction between ‘evangelical’ and ‘liberal’ approaches. This is essentially a matter of theology.19 ‘Evangelical’ is a term which has

The assertion that traditional forms of Church life are rapidly dying and that a new age had dawned is found in Jones and Wesson (1970). 18 Given the emerging and experimental nature of the subject area, the list here is far from comprehensive. Most examples of new forms of church will be undocumented. The ones mentioned here were highlighted as particularly relevant in a preliminary conversation with Hopkins (10th May 2001). 19 By theology, we mean “within Christianity, the systematic study of the nature of God and God's relationship with humanity and with the world” (www.infoplease.com).

in modern times come to be used of a major movement which places especial emphasis upon the supreme authority of The Bible and the sacrificial death of Jesus (McGrath, 2001). Meanwhile ‘Liberal’ is especially associated with a movement stressing the continuity between religion and culture and the supreme moral and religious example of Jesus. Historically, evangelicals and liberals have been at opposite wings of the church and with relation to ‘new ways of being church’, their emphases appear to differ.

Evangelical approaches Within evangelical circles, the terms ‘church-planting’ and ‘church growth’ figure prominently in relation to new ways of being church. In recent times, “all major denominations have come to put church planting20 on their agendas and most have some level of formal recognition of its significance” (Spriggs in Brierley, 2000, p.203) but though strongly advocated during the 1990s as the most appropriate response to declining church attendance, “church-planting has not accomplished as much as its advocates were hoping for” (Murray and Wilkinson-Hayes, 2000, p.4). Various reasons are cited for its shortcomings and proponents insist that the problem lies not with the concept of church-planting but with the forms and models of church that are being planted. They feel that “reproducing existing models of church through church-planting will not do” (Murray and Wilkinson-Hayes, 2000, p.5), and distinguish between the inherited institutional mode of church-planting (aiming to reproduce traditional styles and structures) from an emerging non-institutional mode that aims to create a new sort of church (Hopkins, 2000).

Much within church planting draws heavily on the work of the church-growth movement. In response to declining church membership, church growth literature involves the scientific study of churches that are growing numerically in order to identify causes of growth. Schwarz (1998) for example presents practical conclusions from “the most comprehensive study ever conducted on the causes of church growth, identifying eight “quality characteristics” and six “biotic principles” within church growth (Schwarz, 1998). 21

Hopkins provides a useful introduction to church-planting, defining it as “the activity of an individual, a group, or the whole of an existing body of Christians aimed at establishing a new identifiable group / gathering” (Hopkins, 1992, p.5) 21 Schwarz’s 8 quality characteristics of growing churches are: empowering leadership, gift-oriented ministry, passionate spirituality, functional structures, inspiring worship services, holistic small groups, needs-oriented evangelism, and loving relationships. His 6 six biotic principles within church growth are: interdependence, multiplication, energy-transformation, multi-usage, symbiosis, and function

Liberal approaches Liberal approaches tend to resist the evangelical emphasis on church growth to new ways of being church in an urban context are strongly influenced by ‘liberation theology’22 (a movement begun in Latin America in the late 1960s oriented toward the goal of political liberation from poverty and oppression) and the associated ‘basic ecclesial communities’. These began to appear in Latin America in the 1960s and 1970s and were communities of poor, marginalized, oppressed people, banding together ‘in the name and presence of Christ’ to support one another in the midst of a life of deprivation and injustice.

Within British urban mission networks, base communities and liberation theology have received considerable academic interest, as shown by the work of Boff (1986), Price (1987), Hebblethwaite (1993), O’Halloran (1996), Clark (1984), de Santa Ana (1979, and Cook (1985). But for all the academic interest, Smith (1987) writes, “there are almost no examples of genuine base communities yet to be found”. Hinton (1998) however suggests that similar communities do exist, though not yet with such a clear identity.

The New Way of Being Church (Price, 2001) network is associated with the development of “small Christian communities” in Britain and this approach appears to be strongly influenced by the experience of the base communities. This in turn is closely linked with the Building Bridges of Hope (BBH) initiative, with its emphasis on building connections between local Christian communities and the wider human communities in which they are set” (BBH, 2002). Based on “the biggest research sample ever taken of congregations in Britain and Ireland”, BBH surveying has identified ‘seven core learnings’ or indicators of churches that build effective bridges23 and Hinton (2002) provides accounts of some examples.

Though Church growth theory is generally the preserve of the evangelical wing of the church, there are some exceptions, such as Gill (1988). And while liberation theology is predominantly emphasised by liberals, it has received some attention from evangelicals (Smith, 1990). 23 BBH’s 7 ‘core learnings’ are: focusing vision, building local partnerships, sharing faith and values, nourishing daily living, developing shared leadership, becoming communities of learning, and being accompanied

3.5 Conclusion In this section we have reviewed the literature around past and present forms of church involvement in regeneration, considered the challenges threatening the sustainability of current forms of involvement, and documented the literature that is emerging around â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;new forms of churchâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;. We have introduced the distinction between evangelical and liberal approaches, and this will be significant in informing the design of appropriate research methodology in the next section.

4 Methodology 4.1 Introduction Given the un-researched nature of the subject area, this thesis is conceptually weighted and the empirical research undertaken will be tentative and explanatory. It will also be ethnographic in that it will attempt to understand the regeneration involvement of new forms of church from within their own terms, aiming to engage with the churchâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s understanding of itself and its approach to regeneration. As we have already seen, this is necessary in order to be able to critically assess the ability of the church of the future to engage with the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s regeneration agenda.

With this in mind, this section outlines the aims of the empirical research and then summarises the overall research strategy, incorporating the description of a conceptual framework informed by the work done in previous sections, before the research methods are described. The limitations of this methodology will then be noted, and then followed by a conclusion.

4.2 Aims The aims of the research are as follows:

1. To explore the rationale and ethos of new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities; 2. To explore the methods used by new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities and help identify sensitising concepts, distinctions, typologies and models; 3. To explore the impacts of the involvement of new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities.

4.3 Research Strategy The above aims are exploratory in nature. In view of this, it is considered necessary that insights from local practitioners be complemented by contributions from those able to

assist in locating specific examples within a broader context. Accordingly, this research intends to gather data at three main levels: •

Local level – Practical examples of new forms of church involved in

regeneration; •

Network level – Formal and informal networks of churches, projects and

individuals; •

Overview level - Strategically placed individuals able to comment on issues

of broader significance.

Each of these three levels is important and is inter-related to the others. At the local level, we are able to examine one particular case study in detail. At the network level, we can compare different local examples within the same ‘network’ and contrast the approaches of different networks. And at the overview level, we are able to see the bigger picture and assess more clearly the significance of different networks in relation to one another. The diagram below demonstrates this:

Figure 4 – The 3-level research strategy We now introduce the conceptual framework that will be used to explore the involvement of new forms of church in the regeneration of deprived communities at each of these three different levels.

4.3.1 Conceptual framework Derived as a result of reflection on the examples and approaches outlined in the literature review, it is intended that the conceptual framework introduced here will be used as a research tool. It takes the form of a grid, within which it is hoped that different

local examples and network approaches can be located, and which can be used to make comparisons between them.

Liberal

‘Project’ emphasis

‘New church’ emphasis Evangelical

Figure 5 – Conceptual framework The vertical axis concerns the distinction between ‘evangelical’ and ‘liberal’ theological approaches already noted. The horizontal axis is primarily concerned with emphasis and identity; it distinguishes those approaches that see themselves primarily as a new form of church from those that see themselves more as a community development ‘project’. It is expected that the grid will serve as a useful framework. However, it is regarded not as a finished product, but as a tentative hypothesis and as a useful starting point for identifying further typologies, concepts and distinctions.

4.3.2 Project selection We now introduce the various data sources used in the empirical research, distinguishing between local, network, and overview levels.

Local level At the local level, three projects have been selected for analysis from the examples identified in the literature review as potential examples of new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities: •

The Eden Project, Manchester24

•

The Furnival, Sheffield

•

The Regeneration Trust, Worlds End, London.

There are a number of local branches of the Eden Project across Greater Manchester. Eden Salford has been selected as the local example to be studied in this research.

These have been chosen on account of their reputation25, accessibility26, willingness to participate in the research27, and their relevance to the conceptual framework. Initial impressions would suggest that the Furnival would be more towards the liberal end of the theological spectrum, while Eden and Regeneration Trust are more evangelical. It is suggested that Eden is more explicitly church-oriented while the Regeneration Trust is more project-oriented. At the liberal end, just one example has been selected because the Furnival seemed particularly interesting as a potential example of both church and project, or neither. Network level At a network level, four ‘network leaders’ were selected. These were identified as being representative of distinct approaches and networks (formal or informal) that may be of particular relevance to this research. Taking into account considerations of accessibility and relevance to the conceptual framework, the following individuals were approached and agreed to participate in the research:

•

John Vincent, Urban Theology Unit

•

John Summer, New Way of Being Church

•

David Evans, Tearfund UK

•

Mike Breen, Tribal Generation

The diagram below suggests how these different network leaders might be positioned within the conceptual framework:

Project

Liberal John Vincent John Summers (Urban Theology (New Way of Unit) Being Church) David Evans Mike Breen (Tearfund UK) (Tribal Generation)

New Church

Evangelical Figure 6 – Network leaders

For example, highlighted as of particular interest in preliminary conversation with Hopkins, 10th May 2001. 26 The Furnival in Sheffield and Eden Project in Manchester are easily accessible from my base in Sheffield, and a visit to the Regeneration Trust was arranged to coincide with a work-related visit. 27 Investigated through preliminary contact with a number of the examples identified in the literature review.

Overview level At an overview level, a speculative email was sent to strategically placed individuals identified, through preliminary research and recommendation, as being potentially able to contribute a broader perspective. Of eleven individuals contacted, seven responded positively. These were:

•

Stuart Murray – Spurgeon’s College

•

Ann Morisy – Diocese of London. Author of Beyond the Good Samaritan (Morisy,

1997) •

George Lings – Church Army

•

Greg Smith – University of East London

•

John Sadler – Urban Ministry and Urban Theology Project, Byker, Newcastle

•

Nathan Oley - Faith Works Campaign

•

Bob and Mary Hopkins – Anglican Church Planting Initiatives

4.4 Research methods The research strategy described above enabled three local case studies to be studied in the context of four identified networks whilst incorporating the broader perspectives of various strategically placed individuals. The methods of enquiry employed at each of the three levels varied, permitting greater consideration of detail at a local level and more opportunities for broader comments at the overview level. But as we will see, there are common features in the overall approach.

Local level At this level, local case studies were visited and their experiences discussed in a taperecorded semi-structured interview with a relevant leader or representative. This interview was loosely structured around the questions and prompts detailed in Appendix C, and lasted between 1 and 1 ½ hours. Though this interview was the main focus of each visit, in each case opportunities to speak to other people involved were sought and taken, and where possible activities were observed and documentation requested. This was considered important in comparing the answers given by leaders in an interview, with what actually happens on the ground, but the amount of information it was possible

to gather by these secondary means varied between the case studies.28 Additionally, one of the ‘broader level’ interviews was of particular use here as Hopkins knew about all three local case studies and was able to assist in comparing and contrasting approaches.

Network level At this level, the main method of enquiry was a semi-structured interview based around the interview guide in Appendix D. This interview was ‘face to face’ where possible so that it could be tape-recorded. But in two instances, problems of distance meant that a telephone interview had to be arranged instead. Where telephone interviews took place, detailed short-hand notes were taken during the interview and written up in full immediately afterwards. Furthermore, additional documentation that the network leaders provided or submitted later (by email) proved to be extremely useful in complementing the data gathered in the interview itself.

Overview level The speculative email sent to strategically placed individuals is included in Appendix E. This summarised the nature and aims of the research, and an attached Microsoft Word document contained a list of questions. Those willing to participate in the research were invited to submit their responses in writing via email or, if they preferred, to participate in a telephone interview. Of the seven participants, four submitted written responses, (averaging 1000 words in length) and the other three participants were interviewed.

Overall approach The questions put to participants at each level (local, network, overview) are detailed in Appendices B, C and D. In accordance with the research aims, participants at each level were asked about the rationale, methods, and impacts of new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities. But the specific questions asked varied between levels. Questions at a local level were tailored to focus on the specific experience of the local case study being visited, at the network level to identify distinct approaches associated with each particular network, and at the overall level to permit the contribution of broader insights.

At the Furnival, I had a recorded conversation with a second worker, observed the café, and collected documentation. At the Regeneration Trust, I carried out 2 full interviews and observed an after-school homework club. Eden Project policy meant it was not possible to observe any youth work firsthand but I was taken on a guided tour of the ‘Life Centre’ and spoke to volunteers preparing a schools lesson.

In line with the exploratory nature of the research, a semi-structured technique was used in the interviews at local and network levels. The interview guide served as a rough outline for the interview and the prompts and questions served as a ‘checklist’, rather than a rigid order. The approach at the ‘overview’ level was somewhat different in that the majority of participants submitted their responses in writing. Nevertheless, flexibility was also permitted here: Respondents were told they were allowed to give their general thoughts on the subject area without sticking to the specific questions, or to skip over questions they did not feel they were well positioned to answer.

In all cases, people being interviewed – either in person or by person - were sent advance notice by email of the aims and nature of the research and the questions I would be asking. This meant that respondents had the chance to think about the questions prior to interview and to bring relevant documentation with them. This ‘advance thinking time’ was considered particularly useful given the conceptual nature of the research.

Permission to record all face-to-face interviews was obtained, either in advance of the visit, or at the beginning of the interview. Respondents were assured that afterwards, they would be sent a full transcript of the interview by email, and given the chance to indicate whether they wished any comments they had made to be treated sensitively or anonymously. In all cases, permission was given and there were no significant issues regarding confidentiality.

4.5 Limitations The main limitations of the research methodology described above will now be outlined and discussed.

Classifications The methodology has attempted to classify each respondent to one of three levels (local, network, or overview) but to some degree these classifications seem artificial. A subjective value judgement has been made and the individuals concerned may not necessarily fit neatly into the category to which they have been assigned. For example, many of the ‘strategically placed individuals’ and ‘network leaders’ had considerable local experience, and many of the ‘local practitioners’ were able to offer some very 36

perceptive broader strategic insights. Similar criticisms may also be applied to the attempt to classify local case studies and network leaders within the conceptual framework. But on balance, these classifications are considered useful conceptual tools as long as we hold them quite lightly.

Detail The methodology used does not permit a particularly detailed or rigorous analysis of any specific case study or network. Most of the time at each case study visit was spent talking to leaders rather than participants. Though there was some observation and crosschecking, the data gathered primarily reflects only the ‘official’ view and the perceptions of the one person being interviewed. The extent to which this corresponds with the reality on the ground has not been explored in great detail and would require further research. This lack of detail is in many ways inevitable given the exploratory nature of the research. The questions asked were intentionally conceptual, and the amount of local detail deliberately kept brief in order to allow the insights from local practitioners to be complemented by those with broader perspectives.

Impartiality As already indicated, I identify myself as a member of the Christian faith community and consider my specialist knowledge and awareness to be advantageous. The importance of understanding new forms of church from within their own terms by entering into their world has already been noted, and as a practicing Christian and church-worker I have been able to do this. When introducing myself, I mentioned the fact that I worked for a church. And during the interviews, I indicated that I understood what respondents were saying, even when using ‘Christian language’, by nodding, making short comments, and asking follow-on questions. This helped put respondents at ease and enabled them to explain themselves more easily. But my familiarity with the Christian world is disadvantageous in that when using explicitly Christian language, respondents did not explain what they meant as clearly as they might have done. There is therefore a danger that I unintentionally misinterpreted their words, and that by imposing my own understandings upon them, the original meaning has been misrepresented.

4.6 Conclusion Given that there is no known research to date specifically about the involvement of new forms of church in relation to regeneration, the limitations of this research are 37

considerable and there are many things that it cannot do. But overall, the methodology described above is considered appropriate to the task in hand â&#x20AC;&#x201C; that of helping us begin to explore the involvement of new forms of church in the regeneration of deprived communities in accordance with the research aims.

5 Data Presentation and Analysis 5.1 Introduction In presenting the findings of the empirical research, this section is structured in keeping with its three main aims and the three levels on which the methodology focuses. Looking at local, network and overview levels, it examines the rationale, methods and impacts of new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities. Firstly, we consider their rationale, looking at the aims of local case studies, the values associated with identified networks, and the broader influences identified by strategically placed individuals. Secondly, we look at their methods, considering in turn the local practice of the case studies, the models represented by different networks, and the broader methodological issues highlighted at the overview level. Thirdly, we examine their impacts, highlighting the local difference being made by case studies, the distinctive contribution associated with particular networks, and noting their broader significance at an overview level. The section then concludes by linking into the following section that highlights ‘problems and tensions’.

The conceptual framework introduced in the previous section will be used throughout to enable us to compare and contrast rationale, methods and impacts at each of the three different levels. Liberal

‘Project’ emphasis

‘New church’ emphasis Evangelical

5.2 Rationale Here we consider the rationale of new forms of church involved in regeneration. First, we look at the at the aims of local case studies, then at the values associated with particular networks, and finally at the broader influences identified by strategically placed individuals.

5.2.1 Local aims We will consider the aims of the local case studies, firstly with reference to theological intention and the conceptual framework’s vertical axis, and secondly with reference to identity and the horizontal axis.

Theological intention There are both similarities and differences in rationale and aims between each of the three case studies. But theologically, the similarities are strongest between Eden and Worlds End, and these appear to be somewhat different from the Furnival.

The Eden project’s intention was expressed primarily in terms of the phrase “redemption”29. Perceiving that that the local community was failing to thrive for both ‘spiritual’ and socio-economic reasons, Eden’s aims were both evangelistic30 and holistic31. Though the language at the Regeneration Trust was somewhat different in that the over-riding rationale was summed up with the theme of “the Kingdom [reign] of God”, there are strong parallels with Eden in the identification of both spiritual and socio-economic aims and the vocabulary of holistic mission32. The phrase “Kingdom of God” also came up at the Furnival. But this appeared to be interpreted somewhat differently in aims that focused “not so much on what we do but on simply being here” and a primary emphasis on listening to local people. Rather than coming with a predetermined agenda to be ‘imposed’ on the local community, the aim at the Furnival is for local people to set the agenda, with the faith community itself believing that this is how God’s voice is most audible.

Relating this to the vertical axis of the conceptual framework, it would appear that the aims at Eden and World’s End appear more consistent with evangelical theology, with those at the Furnival being more liberal.

Identity When we consider the identity and the horizontal axis, we see that the church / project distinction was problematic for each of the three case studies. In each case, it was felt 29

Understood as the restoration of the area according to the purposes of God. As reflected in an explicit and unashamed ‘spiritual’ emphasis 31 As reflected in the recognition of the need to treat a young person as a “whole person”, working with their parents, their schools, the local council, and local agencies. 30

that to say whether they identified themselves either primarily as ‘church’ or as ‘project’ was extremely difficult, and that it would depend on whom within the organisation one spoke to. Some involved would see their involvement in an activity as participation within a ‘project’, while others would see the same activity as ‘church’. Furthermore, both terms (‘church’ and ‘project’) were considered to be potentially problematic.

There was felt to be particular potential for misunderstanding with the word ‘church’, arising from the vast array of connotations associated with it. But despite these language complications, all the case studies identified themselves in some ways as a form of church. It was however, considered necessary to clarify and describe what is meant by church, and interestingly, the word ‘community’ featured prominently in the descriptions given by each of the three case studies33 and two of the three referred to the communities of Jesus’ followers that existed before the term ‘church’ was consciously applied.

Yet though it was recognised that the term ‘church’ may be technically

accurate, opinions varied about whether it was actually helpful to use the term. At the Furnival, it was agreed after some clarification that the term ‘church’ “is alright” but that greater emphasis should be given to alternative descriptive language34. Respondents at Eden and Worlds End in contrast were generally a bit more comfortable with the explicit identification of their work as ‘church’.

Yet as well as being regarded as a form of church, each case study also had identifiable projects associated with it, and in each case these received some degree of secular funding. However, as we will later see in relation to local methods, this has raised challenging questions about the extent to which ‘church’ and ‘project’ are integrated or kept separate from one another.

5.2.2 Network Values We now consider the values associated with the identified networks, again with relation to theological intention (vertical axis), and identity (horizontal axis).

According to this, the socio-economic and the spiritual were understood as being intrinsically connected and approaches that emphasised one to the neglect of the other were seen as fatally flawed. 33 E.g. “7-day a week community” (World’s End), “faith community” (Furnival) and “a community of God’s people – God’s people on display in the area” (Eden).

Theological intention The network leaders spoken to generally considered the liberal-evangelical distinction on the vertical axis to be helpful and important. There was some discussion, but no consensus, about terminology, with opinions varying about whether the terms ‘radical liberal’ and ‘radical evangelical’ might be incorporated into the framework. The interview with Summers also highlighted both similarities and differences between the framework used here and that developed through Stage B of the Building Bridges of Hope process.35 When asked about where they would position themselves on this axis, the network leaders generally responded as anticipated, with Breen and Evans identifying themselves at the ‘evangelical end’, and Vincent using the terms ‘radical liberal’ to identify his position. Summers however identified himself as somewhere in the middle of this axis.

Network leaders’ responses appear to suggest that there are distinctive values associated with networks at each end of the spectrum. At the liberal end, Liberation Theology and the experience of Basic Ecclesial Communities from Latin America are highly influential, highlighting principles of empowerment, liberation, justice, egalitarianism, and shared leadership. At the evangelical end, the vocabulary of “integral mission” or “holistic transformation” insists that the demonstration of the Christian faith through community involvement and the proclamation of the Christian gospel through evangelism are inherently inter-connected.36

Identity For the network leaders, the horizontal axis generally proved more problematic than the vertical axis, and it was difficult to differentiate between values associated with a project-oriented approach and a church-oriented approach. This is reflected by the following comment from Vincent:

“Every congregation a project, every project a congregation”

E.g. ‘faith community’, ‘people in the way of Christ’ On the vertical axis of this diagram, positions ranged from ‘God working only through us’ (perhaps corresponding to the evangelical position) and ‘God working through everybody’ (perhaps corresponding to the liberal position). 36 This stance is articulated particularly in the written documentation than Evans provided – Evans (2002) and Micah Network (2001). 35

Responses here re-emphasise the point already made in relation to the case studies that new forms of church involved in regeneration are unlikely to see themselves solely in terms of either ‘church’ or ‘project’ – both labels are likely to be recognised as applicable, though the relative emphasis of each may vary over time, and different individuals involved may place different labels on the same activity.

It appears that at the distinction between ‘church’ and ‘project’ is particularly blurred at the liberal end of the theological spectrum, with both Vincent and Summers emphasising the ‘fuzzy’ boundaries between church and community as an intentional feature of Basic Ecclesial Communities. At the evangelical end, it may be easier to make some differentiation by highlighting the differences between the values emphasised by Breen and Evans. Breen’s focus was explicitly on reassessing the nature of church in a post-Christendom context, suggesting that lessons can be learned from the pre-modern church. Furthermore, Breen argued the priority for churches should be ‘discipleship’ rather than projects and ‘programmes’, suggesting that there is a clear difference between the two.37 For Evans, the emphasis is on identifying and defining the role and nature of the church in ‘development’38 and as such the focus is different to Breen’s. Nevertheless, the categorisation of Evans’ approach as purely project-oriented would be inaccurate for he stresses the importance of ‘development’ (with an emphasis on relationship) as oppose to ‘welfare’ (with an emphasis on projects).

5.2.3 Broader influences We now end our consideration of rationale by bringing in the broader insights of strategically placed individuals.

Theological intention Responses from strategically placed individuals underlined the importance of the distinctions on the vertical axis in understanding the rationale of new forms of church involved in regeneration. Both evangelical and liberal influences were identified. ‘Holistic’ or ‘integral’ mission (emphasising both evangelism and community involvement) were considered to be particularly important within evangelical circles, 37

Discipleship is about helping people become followers (disciples) of Jesus. Breen argued that ‘programmes’ create a provider / client relationship that holds people in dependency, and suggested that Jesus provides an alternative example of ‘discipling’ people into an empowered status.

while liberation theology and Basic Ecclesial Communities were a stronger influence within liberal circles.

But responses here indicated that the evangelical-liberal continuum was by itself insufficient to adequately reflect the full range of theological values associated with new forms of church involved in regeneration. Smith identified a number of distinct groupings that included charismatic house churches, radical liberal, catholic, and black Pentecostal and not all of these could be easily located on the vertical axis. Furthermore, there were tensions not only between groupings but also within groupings – for example apparently contradictory tensions were evident within black Pentecostalism between the influences of American fundamentalism and third world theology.

Identity Responses here suggest that some kind of distinction can indeed be made between approaches that intentionally seek to return “to the basics of what being church is all about, drawing on New Testament principles and learning from history” (Murray calls these ‘Anabaptist values’) and those with a more explicit ‘community development’ or ‘project’ emphasis. However, for reasons we will explore more fully later, this distinction is far from straight forward, and the disconnection of the two elements is often considered problematic.

5.2.4 Summing up It appears that the conceptual distinctions (evangelical / liberal; church / project) highlighted here are useful in helping us understand the rationale of new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived community. But they are far from definitive, and some of the respondents suggested ideas for modifications or alternative typologies. A common stand cutting across many of the responses concerning local aims, network values, and broader influences is that of “incarnation”.39. Many Christians understand Christ’s incarnation as a model for urban engagement, leading to involvement in regeneration through living among local people and identifying with them. But though people with very diverse views and backgrounds all cite ‘incarnation’ as influential, the way they interpret it varies considerably. For some, it appears that 38

This term encompasses both international development at a global level and community development at a local level.

‘incarnation’, with its emphasis on engagement and identification, is recognised as an end in itself, while for others it needs to be balanced by a counter-cultural emphasis speaking of distinction and transformation that is tied to a clear ‘proclamation’ of the Christian message. These different ways in which ‘incarnation’ is interpreted will be a key focus as we now move on to consider the methods used by new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities.

5.3 Methods In relation to methods, we look first at the local practice of the case studies, secondly at the models represented by different networks, and thirdly at the broader methodological issues highlighted by strategically placed individuals. We will pay particular attention to the ways in which an incarnational approach to ‘being church’ is interpreted across the theological spectrum, and to the relationship between ‘church’ and ‘project’.

5.3.1 Local practice Here we consider the local practice of the case studies, looking firstly at the approach to ‘being church’ and secondly at church-project relations.

‘Being church’ An emphasis on ‘incarnation’ certainly seems to have been reflected in the methods of ‘being church’ employed by each of the case studies, but this was expressed in different ways by each case study, and with the differences being strongest between the Furnival and Eden.

There is a very explicit and intentional emphasis on ‘incarnation’ at the Furnival and the Minister there recounted her story of coming to there “very powerless, without status or wealth or power.” The primary methods emphasised were associated with ‘being here’, listening to local people, and working with them to respond to what they say they need. The Eden approach in contrast involved much larger numbers of people coming in from outside. It is incarnational in that these voluntary youth workers are moving into live “smack bang in the heart of the community”. But they are coming with more of an intentional agenda than at the Furnival, and there is much more of an explicit countercultural emphasis tied to the ‘proclamation’ of the Christian message. The Regeneration 39

Theologically, incarnation is associated with the Christian belief that, in Jesus Christ, God became a

Trust appears to be somewhere in the middle. Like Eden, it represents a self-conscious attempt to come into an area from outside with an agenda that is to some degree predetermined. Yet it has not happened as suddenly or as in such large numbers as at Eden. The cross-cultural issues are less stark and in this sense there are parallels with the Furnival.

The approaches at Eden and The Regeneration Trust both run the risk of being labelled imposition and in this sense at least, the Furnival’s methods initially appear more sustainable and less problematic. The Furnival’s approach is deliberately small and nonthreatening, with fewer people coming in from outside, and with those that have come in consciously abandoning their own agenda and serving the agenda of local people. However, to the extent that it is more dependent on the resources of local people and on external funding to make things happen, the autonomy of the faith community may be more limited.

Eden’s methods are puzzling in that, though they involves a large number of people who are culturally different coming from outside with a pre-determined agenda, it seems that they have generally been favourably received by the communities to which they have moved. Similarly, the Regeneration Trust’s approach of deliberately targeting particular issues and setting up activities (e.g. Homework clubs) without extensive consultation40, could potentially be criticised as paternalistic, but once again they seem to have been well-received. In trying to make sense of this, Hopkins suggests that it is attributable to the fact that Eden and the Regeneration Trust have targeted and achieved a degree of success in addressing ‘high-profile high-impact issues’ (street youth and education respectively):

“If you actually touch a need that is perceived by a high percentage of people as being potentially transforming for their quality of life, then a group that would normally be seen as outsiders can be much more quickly welcomed and received”41.

human being, living among humans and becoming like them. 40 There is a danger, they say, in assuming that communities know what they want; furthermore, there should be a ‘prophetic’ element to the church that calls people to what they need rather than what they want. 41 Though Hopkins is one of the strategically placed individuals, this quote has been included here because of his particular knowledge of the local case studies.

So we have seen that ‘incarnation’ is reflected in different ways within the methods of each of three case studies. However, it is worth nothing that each of these examples is also to some degree dependent on the resources of the wider church, with the Regeneration Trust having close links with one of the largest churches in the country (Holy Trinity Brompton), the Eden model dependent on recruiting volunteers through national church networks and on the supporting infrastructure provided by a strategic city-wide organisation, and the Furnival (though in some ways reluctant to be labelled ‘church’) receiving support and recognition from the institutional church through its constitution as a Local Ecumenical Project.

Church – Project relations We will now move on to consider church-project relations, and observe the methodological difficulties associated with the disconnection of ‘church’ from ‘project’.

All three case studies involved formal gatherings of the ‘church’ or ‘faith community’ and these were usually on Sundays. Yet they all emphasised that these Sunday gatherings were not the sum total of what it meant for them to ‘be church’. What went on there during the week, rather than being seen as a separate project, was regarded as an integral part of the faith community’s life. There were however differences in the way this understanding was articulated. At the Furnival, there has emerged a ‘theology of sacred presence’, according to which simply ‘being there’ is of central importance, while at Eden and the Regeneration Trust, perhaps greater weight is placed upon the centrality of the core worshipping community.

The ‘projects’ associated with each case study were each financed to some degree by secular funding (‘regeneration money’). In each case, this money was handled, not by the faith community itself, but by a separate organisation set up by the faith community.42 But concern was expressed about the danger of the ‘project’ becoming disconnected from the faith community and examples of where this had happened elsewhere were viewed as disasters. This is illustrated by the following quote from the Furnival:

“Never ever separate what you do from what you believe or vice-versa”

So though it was considered necessary to set up separate organisations to handle secular funding, various strategies were employed to attempt to ensure they did not become separate from the faith community. At the Furnival, this meant that ‘independent’ organisations were set up in such a way that the faith group would always be the dominant group on the trustees. Meanwhile, though two separate organisations existed at World’s End (the Regeneration Trust and the church), it was stressed that essentially the same people were involved in both so that “in spirit, its one and the same thing”.

Nevertheless, it was felt that despite these strategies, the introduction of secular funding created various tensions for both the faith community and funding bodies. When asked about how they tensions were handled, the words “integrity” and “honesty” figured prominently in responses. Sometimes a decision had to be taken to refuse a particular type of funding because in order to keep the money, there was a danger in drifting away from what it means to be a faith community. And at other times, there had to be an integrity on the part of the faith community in terms of “doing what we said we’d do and not something else”, with the Regeneration Trust citing the example of “when someone comes to a class to do Excel 2000, we don’t teach them about Jesus – that’s not because we’re embarrassed about Jesus, its because we said we’d teach them Excel 2000.”

5.3.2 Network models Here we attempt to identify network models for new forms of church involvement in regeneration by looking firstly, at different approaches to ‘being church’ within a deprived community and secondly at the relationship between ‘church’ and ‘project’.

‘Being church’ In identifying methods of ‘being church’ within a deprived community, each network emphasised the importance of ‘incarnation’ and of the church itself functioning as a ‘community’. But there appear to be significant differences in emphasis between the approaches of each network leader. These differences are particularly evident when we compare the approaches of Summers and Vincent with those of Breen and Evans and 42

The Regeneration Trust was set up as the charitable fund-raising arm of the church to which it was connected, the ‘Life Centre’ was seen as a separate entity from Eden Salford, and the Furnival was involved in seeking independent charitable status for its projects.

consider the extent to which the boundaries between church and community are ‘distinct’ or ‘fuzzy.

For Summers and Vincent, incarnation meant that the core faith community needed to be relatively small in order for there to be fuzzy boundaries between church and community. Vincent expressed this by using the word “Parachurch”43 and suggested the model of a core Christian community with a common life, taking a decisive step such as buying a shop or a pub, and leaving the door for others to get involved. Meanwhile Summers highlighted a model of “small Christian communities” that draws on the experience of Basic Ecclesial Communities in Latin America and which, in addition to being small and having fuzzy boundaries, emphasised ‘facilitation’ as oppose to ‘leadership’, and the mobilisation of people at the grassroots.

Within the methods identified by Breen and Evans, incarnational engagement with the local community was important, but a distinct difference between church and community was also necessary. So for Breen, incarnational methods (living and interacting with local people, serving and loving them) needed to be accompanied by the proclamation of the Christian message and ‘discipling’44 people. Meanwhile, incarnation for Evans meant the local church being a “catalyst animator”45 within the local community.

Church-Project relations At the liberal end of the theological spectrum, the boundaries between church and community are ‘fuzzy’ while at the evangelical end they are more ‘distinct’. This also has implications for the relationship between ‘church’ and ‘project’.

At the liberal end, it appears that fuzzy boundaries mean there is greater potential for overlap between church and project without this being considered problematic. Vincent suggests that in his ‘parachurch’ model46, it may be quite a long way down the line before it is necessary to draw organisational boundaries between church and project. The same may also be true for Summers ‘small Christian communities’ approach, which 43

Vincent described this as a church for the non-churched or a church alongside the Church. This was expressed in terms of “enabling them to realise that God is able to change their lives”. 45 A catalyst because it is an agent of change and an animator because it is itself open to change. 46 A Christian community buying a pub or shop and leaving the door open to see who else comes in that associates with the project that arises. 44

although more explicitly “a new way of being church”, shares many similarities with Vincent’s approach.

The more distinct boundaries at the evangelical end make the relationship between church and project somewhat more complicated, and there are significant differences in emphasis between the methods identified by Breen and by Evans. As we have already seen, Breen explicitly focuses on ‘being church’ and he interprets this in terms of ‘discipleship’ rather than ‘programmes’. Consequently, involvement in projects associated with official regeneration schemes is considered potentially problematic because the funding comes with ‘strings attached’ that may distract the church from its task of ‘discipling’ people. Evans’ approach is somewhat different in that it focuses not so much on ‘being church’ but on ‘development’. Though he distinguishes this from a project-oriented approach, it appears that there is greater potential here for local churches to be involved in developing projects. This is reflected in the written documentation provided that outlines a model of church showing local churches being supported and assisted by non-governmental Christian parachurch organisations (Evans, 2002).

5.3.3 Broader methodological issues We now end our consideration of methods by bringing in the broader insights of strategically placed individuals.

‘Being church’ Responses hear suggested that to speak of definitive ‘models’ may be premature, and that at this stage it is only possible to identify the features associated with particular approaches. Murray, for example, suggests that new forms of church within deprived communities will need to: be diverse in order to engage with a plural and fragmented society; be smaller, rather than larger and less institutional; be holistic rather than compartmentalised; encourage belonging before believing, and live with the tension between homogeneity and heterogeneity

As we have seen, though interpreted in different ways, the methods of local case studies and network leaders were all strongly influenced by the theological principle of ‘incarnation’, and the importance of this notion was re-emphasised by the strategically 50

placed individuals. This is reflected, for example, in Lings’ comment that “engagement in the mission is the process by which to find a form of church which will be appropriate to that mission” and in Murray’s emphasis on responding to contextual issues rather than being locked into fixed patterns.

Church-Project relations The strategically placed individuals also made comments that resonate with the points already made about church-project relations.

It appears that in order to function effectively, many new forms of church require a degree of support and assistance from larger organisations (as shown by the fact that each case study was to some degree dependent on the resources of the wider church). In this regard, several individuals commented on the current or potential role of networks and parachurch organisations providing further support. As Evans suggests, there appear to be important issues around recognising the ‘comparative advantages’ of the local church and the larger Christian organisation, and facilitating interaction between the two.

However, respondents also recognised that there is often a tension between what it means to be a church and what it means to be a project, and that this tension may be exacerbated by the introduction of secular funding or by the involvement of a parachurch organisation with professional methods. Smith, for example, suggests, there are many examples of innovative Christian projects involved in regeneration that aren’t actually ‘church’.

5.3.4 Summing up We have reviewed the methods used by new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities, looking at local practice, network models, and broader methodological issues. It should be noted that ‘models’ identified here are very tentative and exploratory to the extent that it is debatable whether the label ‘model’ is applicable. There are many problems and tensions that still need to be explored, and we will return to these after we have considered the impacts of new forms of church on the regenerations of deprived communities.

5.4 Impacts Here we examine the impacts of new forms of church on the regeneration of deprived communities. We first highlight the perceived local difference being made by case studies, and then look at the distinctive contribution associated with particular networks, before noting points of broader significance at an overview level.

5.4.1 Local difference As a consequence of receiving regeneration funding, each case study had been subject to some degree of monitoring and evaluation, though not necessarily in a comprehensive manner for the whole project. However in each case, responses to questions about perceived impact suggest that the ways in which new forms of church are contributing to the regeneration of deprived communities are not adequately reflected simply by reference to government targets and outputs.

The ways in which case studies understood themselves as fundamentally making a difference are very difficult to measure, but could perhaps be understood in terms of their contribution to social capital. This phrase was consciously used by the Regeneration Trust, and hinted at with references to “relationship, hope, security, togetherness, cohesion” and “the loving acceptance of every individual” by Eden and the Furnival respectively. Specifically, it is through relationship and ‘personal impact’ that the local case studies appear to be most clearly contributing to social capital and regeneration, and in each case there was reference to people’s lives being changed.47 The alleged changes are substantial but in that they are essentially ‘qualitative’, they are inherently difficult to measure. Furthermore, they are understood by the case studies as having a spiritual dimension – expressed in terms of people “experiencing the liberation of God” at the Furnival and having “an encounter with Jesus” at Eden. As such, they pose challenges to conventional approaches to evaluating regeneration.

5.4.2 Networks contributions The responses of network leaders indicated that the contribution of new forms of church to regeneration was difficult to quantify, and in many ways still only a potential one.

For example in terms of ‘people on the edge being loved into becoming what they want to be’ (Furnival) or ‘real differences’ in the lives of people with problems of substance abuse, poor self-worth, and persistent offending.

Furthermore, if it was felt that resistance to professional methods within the church sometimes hindered evaluation.

Nevertheless, the network leaders re-iterated the point already made in relation to the local case studies that the primary way in which new forms of church see themselves as contributing to regeneration is through personal impact and ‘changed lives’. Terms such as ‘empowerment’, ‘building confidence in people’ and ‘helping people reach their potential’ were common amongst all respondents. But there was considerable variety in the reasons given for these impacts. Vincent emphasised the sense of commitment to a local area over the long-term but stressed that this is a strength of community-led organisations generally, arguing that “there’s no evidence that church-related community work as such works differently from ordinary community work”. This is perhaps typical of a more liberal approach, while evangelicals are more ready to attribute impacts to God.

5.4.3 Broader significance The responses from strategically placed individuals to questions about impact on regeneration emphasised features associated with the contribution of churches generally. Murray, for example, suggests that faith communities in general contribute stability, local knowledge, working in teams, skills and resources. And Oley re-iterates the central argument of the FaithWorks campaign: that church community projects are rooted, transforming, imaginative, committed and sustainable, and that churches are able to contribute in these ways because of, not in spite of, their faith-based motivation. Picking up on the particular contribution of ‘faith’ in regeneration, Morisy suggests that faith may prove to be a useful way of handling the anxiety caused by the introduction of large amounts of regeneration funding to an area.

No new features, associated with the specific contribution of new forms of church were identified. This is reflected in Murray’s statement that it is not clear whether “new forms of church have different contributions to make, though these new forms may sustain faith communities in fresh ways or make them more accessible to others in the wider community”.

5.4.4 Summing up We have reviewed the impacts of new forms of church involved in regeneration by looking at local difference, network contribution, and broader significance. These highlight that if regeneration is defined in its broadest sense, new forms of church have a potentially significant contribution to make, stemming from the ways they are perceived to make a difference to peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s lives. However the extent to which these perceived impacts correspond with the outputs and outcomes associated with regeneration programmes is far from clear and in many cases it seems that where new forms of church are having a significant impact on regeneration as defined by government, it is as much unintentional as intentional.

5.5 Conclusion In this section, we have presented the findings of the empirical research and explored the rationale, methods and impacts of new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities at local, network and overview levels. The conceptual framework developed in the previous section has proved a useful, though far from definitive, tool for mapping and understanding different approaches. But we have seen that this little researched subject area is fraught with problems and tensions, and these will be considered in the next section.

6 Problems and tensions The previous section has shown that the involvement of new forms of church in the regeneration of deprived communities is far from straight forward, and this section outlines and analyses some of the problems and tensions highlighted by their experience. It is structured according to the two axes on the conceptual framework we have been using.

Liberal

‘New church’ emphasis

‘Project’ emphasis

Evangelical First we shall consider problems and tensions associated with the horizontal axis, and the Project / Church relationship. Secondly, we look at the vertical axis in relation to evangelical and liberal theology.

6.1 Church / Project In the previous section, it proved very difficult to locate local case studies or network approaches at particular positions along the horizontal axis. Rather, it was shown that within new forms of church involved in regeneration, some distinction between ‘project’ and ‘church’, as evidenced by the formation of two separate organisations is commonplace. The reasons for such a separation or disconnection of project from church will essentially be either philosophical or pragmatic. If the reasons are philosophical, there will be few reasons to regard the disconnection as problematic or dangerous. If however, the reasons for the separation are pragmatic rather than philosophical, things will not be so clear-cut and there is much greater potential for problems and tensions.

At each case study, it was implied that the distinction between ‘project’ and ‘church’ was largely for pragmatic reasons. It was felt that having two separate entities was useful for funding purposes, but that care should be taken to ensure that projects do not become disconnected from the faith community (e.g. in terms of staffing and 55

management committee representation). Similarly, responses from network leaders revealed dis-ease at the prospect of ‘project’ becoming completely disconnected from ‘church’.

The forced disconnection then is regarded as problematic because

involvement in regeneration as it is officially defined would appear to require a level of organisational change which, if pursued by a local church project, would risk resulting in that project becoming increasingly distant from the church.

We can better understand this by recognising that there are inevitably tensions between the agendas of church and government, and the church has to maintain a real discipline about what its primary task is. However this is defined, it is unlikely that it will correspond exactly with the way the government defines its agenda for regeneration because, as Morisy argues, “regeneration and helping people do business with God do not overlap completely.”

There are also tensions between the informality that appears so crucial to the contribution of new forms of church to regeneration, and the bureaucracy apparently necessary to engage with official regeneration programmes. This tension is evidenced by the very limited amount of evaluation carried out by new forms of church, attributable in part to what might be perceived as a culture of amateurism and a resistance to professional methods. Yet what some would criticise as ‘amateurism’, others may regard as an advantage. Many new forms of church are inherently informal and people-centred, and it is this ‘amateurism’ that enables them to make a unique and distinct contribution. This was highlighted by responses from network leaders and strategically placed individuals, with some suggesting the need for greater openness to professional methods within churches, and others expressing concern about ‘getting over-run with paperwork’ and ‘jumping through the government’s hoops’ Though these issues impact all churches and other faith communities to some degree, they appear to bear particularly heavily upon new forms of church. Often lacking the premises, organisational structures and formal status enjoyed by the institutional church, new forms of church may be overlooked in the regeneration process, and even if recognised will find it much more difficult to fulfil various organisational requirements associated with funding eligibility.

6.2 Theological approaches A review of evidence from case studies, network leaders and strategically placed individuals reveals that the distinction between ‘evangelical’ and ‘liberal’ approaches is a helpful one in considering the involvement of new forms of church in the regeneration of deprived communities. The diagram that follows is an attempt to summarise the features associated with each approach in the light of the evidence of this research.

Through everybody

Liberation Theology & Base Communities I N F L U E N C E S Holistic integral mission

G O D W O R K S48 Only through us

LIBERAL THEOLOGY Kingdom of Set by local God expressed community through ‘being here’ I N T E N T O N

Listening and serving

Blurred

S T R A T E G Y

A G E N D A

Yeast / Salt: (mixed in)

I M A G E R Y49

E D G E S

Kingdom of Partly preCrossGod expressed determined cultural through (imposed?) and visible ‘transforming’ EVANGELICAL THEOLOGY

Distinct

Mustard seed / Light (visible & distinct)

Figure 7 – Features of the liberal-evangelical continuum The above diagram, though inevitably somewhat crude and imprecise, serves a useful function in developing upon the basic distinctions on the conceptual framework and the table below shows the relative advantages and disadvantages of each approach.

LIBERAL APPROACH Perceived advantages • • •

EVANGELICAL APPROACH

Perceived disadvantages

Strong connection to community Partnership with others Listening emphasis

• • •

Perceived advantages

Limited church autonomy Distinctiveness questioned Sustainability issues

Perceived disadvantages

•

Energy

•

Visible

•

Minimal consultation Resource-intensive

•

Distinct / prophetic

•

Overtly spiritual

Figure 8 – Liberal-evangelical: Perceived advantages and disadvantages

The ‘God works’ part of this typology has been adopted from a framework identified by Summers. The examples used here draw on biblical imagery. In Matthew 13: 31-31, Jesus says the Kingdom of Heaven is both like yeast mixed into flour to make bread, and like a mustard seed planted in a field. In Matthew 5: 13-16, he calls his disciples both “the salt of the earth” and “the light of the world”.

Again, this table inevitably makes vast generalisations and is subjective in that it merely concerns the way approaches may be perceived. What one person considers a disadvantage may be an advantage to someone else.50

Yet it helps us to better

understand the differences between evangelical and liberal approaches, and the tensions involved in attempting to combine the advantages of the two.

For example the overtly spiritual nature of the evangelical approach is problematic to some. But others may consider it advantageous â&#x20AC;&#x201C; for example those sympathetic to the values that underpin it.

7 Conclusions It is tempting to be prescriptive but, as we have seen, the involvement of new forms of church in the regeneration of deprived communities is far from straight forward. Of central importance in understanding the reasons for this is the fact that the church and government have differing agendas and that the extent to which these are compatible in relation to regeneration is both variable and unclear. Though the potential contribution of new forms of church to regeneration is considerable, their tangible regeneration impact is often as an unintended spin-off benefit rather than as explicity intended outcome, and this raises doubts as to whether ‘success stories’ can be reproduced. Nevertheless, there are lessons to be learned by both church and government.

7.1 Lessons for the government The government rightly recognises the potential contribution of churches and other faith communities in relation to its neighbourhood renewal strategy. But when we consider the contemporary church context, characterised by a declining institutional church and the emergence of new forms of church, we see that this area is fraught with difficulty and that new forms of church are not necessarily the best placed agencies to assist in the delivery of government-funded regeneration programmes. With relation to rationale, we have seen that though the aims of new forms of church vary considerably, in many respects their primary intention is significantly different than that of government. With relation to methods, new forms of church are often reluctant for their ‘regeneration projects’ to become disconnected from the spiritual life of the faith community, and there are tensions between the level of bureaucracy apparently necessary to engage with official regeneration programmes and the informality upon which new forms of church rely. And with relation to impacts, there are considerable differences between church and government in the way that success is defined, monitored and evaluated. Nevertheless, if the government is willing to listen, they may be able to learn something from new forms of church in terms of a much broader approach to and understanding of ‘regeneration’.

7.2 Lessons for the Church There appear to be lessons to be learned with regard to the relationship between new forms of church and the wider church. As we have seen, many new forms of church 59

benefit greatly from outside assistance. Yet many new forms of church resist particularly close relations with the institutional church; though this enables them to enjoy a certain amount of autonomy, it sometimes comes at the cost of hostility from the established church and lack of recognition by regeneration structures. So there may then be a greater potential role for parachurch networks and organisations to play in supporting and resourcing new forms of church.

And there are also lessons with regard to the way in ways in which new forms of church relate to government in regeneration. Many within the Christian world have interpreted the current political climate of government openness to the involvement of faith communities within regeneration as a time of tremendous opportunity. However, it is imperative that the church recognises that this is happening within the context of a postChristian liberal democracy. To view the current climate as an opportunity for the Church to regain the position of power it once enjoyed under Christendom would be fundamentally mistaken. Where secular funding is made available to churches and other faith communities, government sets the terms and conditions, and the faith communities are required to subscribe to the governmentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s aims and objectives. This raises some most-important questions as to what is the primary function of the church and the extent to which this is compatible with the agenda of government.

Appendices Appendix A – Some stories of new forms of church The stories below have been selected from the emerging literature as possible examples of new forms of church involved in the regeneration of deprived communities.

i) Unit 8, Shipley, West Yorkshire. An existing church leased a small property on an industrial estate and joined in partnership with others of goodwill to empower others. This resulted in ‘church’ “beginning to form under their feet” and suggests it may often be the case that a new work finds it is doing church before it is clear how it should be Church” (Lings, 1999b, p.15).

ii) Pond Church, Blackheath - a church being planted through working in partnership with the local community in clearing a stagnant pond. This, it is suggested, indicates that post-Christendom it is more appropriate for church to begin with partnerships in community building and getting alongside a community’s stated needs, rather than with an invitation to worship (Lings, 2000, pp.20-23).

iii) Living Proof, Cardiff. A Christian community involved in teaching skills to young people. The leaders are ordained and Living Proof is recognised as an Anglican churchplant. Seen as modelling community engagement “in a way that is currently too Christian for the secular world to take on without suspicion and too secular for the Church to embrace without mistrust” (Lings, 1999a, p.2).

iv) Pen Rhys. A traditional church involved in supporting and complementing the work of local schools, particularly through music lessons and choirs, having identified education as a primary long-term need in its community. Cited as an example of church becoming relevant, without any attempt to ‘dumb-down’ the content” (Murray and Wilkinson-Hayes, 2001, p.11).

v) Urban Expression, East London. Teams of young Christians are placed in underchurched areas to share their faith with people around them. They do not want to use the term church until it is given to them and owned by local people but live and work in

the area, worshipping in homes, and getting involved in youth clubs and community activities (Murray and Wilkinson-Hayes, 2001, p.13).

vi) Hope Community, Wolverhampton. Having conducted a community survey and listened to people’s pain and despair, three Roman Catholic sisters rented a flat in a tower block and continued their life of community and prayer, making themselves available to local people. Their presence catalysed many social changes, and although they did not set out to initiate anything, estate services, computer courses, and literacy training followed (Murray and Wilkinson-Hayes, 2001, p.8).

vii) The Furnival, Sheffield. A former pub converted into a community centre. “The Furnival would resist being labelled a church plant… They say church, as we currently use the term, is too closely identified with congregational meetings for worship.” Yet worship and prayer are the lifeblood of their activity (Murray and Wilkinson-Hayes, 2001, p.9).

viii) Café 2000, Luton. A group of local women opened a former shop unit as a community café as a place for people to meet, and also with a small laundrette and second-hand clothing shop. As a source of community and spirituality, Café 2000 has been described by some as being church for people who don’t go to church (Hinton, 2002, pp.9-11).

ix) Orbiston Neighbourhood Centre. A community centre sharing space with a parish church. Some church members have been disappointed that numbers at Sunday worship have not grown since the centre opened, but others say that rather than church happening for a few one hour on Sunday, it is “happening here seven days a week for many” (Hinton, 2002, pp.59-65).

x) Teeside Peace Centre - Two nuns moved to a council estate where the last church buildings had been demolished over twenty years before. They befriended people and regular ecumenical worship began to take place and the nearby Enterprise centre became a makeshift church, with plans to establish a ‘Peace Centre’ for celebration, reflection and worship (Hinton, 2002, pp.72-79).

xi) Zion Baptist Church is a small church community in Cambridge that has come to understand church as seven days a week, twenty-four hours a day through its 62

involvement in community mission projects such as free community lunches, a homeless Night shelter, and a community transport scheme (Hinton, 2002, pp.102-106).

xii) Eden Project, Manchester. Teams of young Christians move in to live in deprived communities across Manchester as voluntary youth workers, working with local schools and other organisations in association with the evangelistic work of the World Wide Message Tribe51, often in partnership with an existing local church.

xiii) Regeneration Trust, Worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s End, London. A â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;7-day a week churchâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; being planted in a multi-racial community, including a charity being set up to provide ICT training and educational support.

A nationally known Christian dance band, working in Manchester schools.

Appendix B – Research Diary 10 May 2001 31 October 2001 1 March 2002 8 March 2002 14 March 2002 18 March 2002 19 March 2002 26 March 2002 4 April 2002 5 April 2002 2 May 2002 3 May 2002 24 June 2002

Preliminary conversation with Bob and Mary Hopkins (Anglican Church Planting Initiatives) Conversation with George Lings (Church Army) at ‘Changing World Changing Church’ conference at Church Army Telephone interview with Greg Smith Visit to Eden Project, Manchester (Eden Salford) Visit to the Furnival, Sheffield Visit to The Regeneration Trust, Chelsea Telephone interview with David Evans (Tearfund) Interview with Bob Hopkins (Anglican Church Planting Initiatives) Telephone interview with John Summers (New Way of Being Church / Base Communities model) Interview with John Vincent (Urban Theology Unit / ASHRAM Community) Attended Faith Works Event with Steve Chalke in Sheffield Telephone interview with Nathan Oley, Faithworks Interview with Mike Breen (St Thomas’s Church / Tribal Generation)

Email responses received from: • Ann Morisy • Stuart Murray • George Lings • John Sadler

Appendix C – Case Study Visits Interview Schedule 1. INTRODUCTION a. (Agree taping beforehand – send summary of questions) b. Thanks c. Taping – anonymity? Sensitivity? comments on transcript d. My research is about… I’m interested in… I’d like you to share with me about (experiences and reflections) 2. WHAT YOU DO (PROJECT BACKGROUND) a. Describe project to me b. Cover history, membership (size, composition), buildings, funding, staff (paid and volunteers), typical activities, management, constitution, documentation 3. WHY? (RATIONALE / ETHOS) a. History – how did it get started? Who was involved? Where did initiative come from (leader, members, local people)? b. Prompted by a particular local need - social or spiritual? (What do you understand to be local needs?) c. Intention – to be church / regenerate area? d. Aims (documentation?) – evolving or fixed? e. Does project see self primarily as a community project or a church or something completely different? f. How do you understand the relationship between social and economic aims and spiritual ones? Understanding of regeneration g. Values (e.g. re church growth, partnership, discipleship, leadership – shared?) 4. HOW? (METHODS / MODELS) a. Consciously influenced by any particular models, examples, theological ideas, reading? (e.g. Church Growth, Church Planting, Liberation Theology…) b. Describe leadership / management structure. How are decisions made? Is consultation important? c. Do you work with other organisations in the community? Issues to do with community partnership d. What’s been your experience of funding? How funded? Issues to do with secular funding e. Have you got involved in any way with official (government) regeneration programmes – e.g. SRB, NDC f. Does project consciously regard self as a form of church? Do members / users / outside observers? What makes it church? g. How do you do church? (when and how does church meet – different levels / sizes? Particular model? h. Would you regard project as a new form of church? What distinguishes it from older forms? i. In practice, has there been separation or integration of the ‘secular’ (involvement in regeneration) and the ‘spiritual’ (the life of the church)? Is the distinction between ‘secular’ and ‘spiritual’ a helpful one?

j. Does your approach represent a reproducible model? What principles can be drawn out? Would you have done anything differently? k. Future plans – where do you see it all going? 5. WHAT DIFFERENCE TO THE COMMUNITY? (REGENERATION) a. Do you think project’s work contributes to regeneration of local community? In what ways? Particular strengths? b. Any evaluations carried out? c. Anything written about it – e.g. local press? What do you think local people think of it? What about other organisations? d. Do you think that faith-based groups offer anything distinctive to regeneration? e. Are there any lessons for the government in its programmes to regenerate deprived communities? 6. WHAT DIFFERENCE TO THE CHURCH? a. How has the ‘church’ (community of faith) changed as a result of involvement in regeneration? Numbers grown? Composition? Style? Values? b. Has project’s understanding of what it means to be church changed? c. Anything written about approach to being church? d. Are there lessons the wider (institutional) church can learn from your experience? 7. AND FINALLY a. Anyone else in your organisation I should speak to? Any relevant meeting b. Any documentation c. Any suggested contacts, projects, networks, literature etc? d. Thanks etc

Appendix D - Interviews with Network Leaders Questions 1. What new forms of church are emerging that are having a significant impact in regeneration of deprived communities? (get them to name specific projects etc) 2. Tell them where I’ve visited and show them framework I’ve developed (conceptual development). Radical liberal

‘Project’ emphasis

‘New church’ emphasis Evangelical

Ask them to: a. Comment on this generally b. Say where they’d identify themselves and their movement / organisation / whatever c. Comment on the significance of their part of the quadrant in relation to others 3. Rationale (with respect to framework): What’s the appropriate starting intention for new forms of church in regeneration of deprived communities? Meeting local needs / Forming church / Evangelism / Social Action… (Is there a singular appropriate starting point?) 4. Methods: Are there identifiable models / strategies / techniques. Are these transferable / reproducible? 5. Impacts of church on regeneration: What do faith-based groups / new forms of church offer to regeneration? Are there lessons for the government in its programmes to regenerate deprived communities? What’s the significance for the State? 6. Impacts of regeneration on church: In a context of decline, what are the impacts of involvement in (regeneration of) deprived communities on the church? What’s the significance for the church? 7. How do you see the relationship between (new expressions of) Church and State post-Christendom?

Appendix E - Email to strategically placed individuals Dear, I’m writing a post-graduate dissertation on the involvement of new expressions of church in the regeneration of deprived communities; this is the final part of my MSc in Urban Regeneration at Sheffield Hallam University. I’m hoping you’ll be able to spare a few moments of your time to offer your perspectives on the issues I’m researching. In the attached Word Document, I’ve outlined some of the questions that are central to my research. To answer these, the methodology I’m using involves visiting 3 significant projects (Eden in Manchester, The Furnival in Sheffield, and the Regeneration Trust in Chelsea) on the ground and interviewing network leaders who are able to comment on the significance of these particular projects and give a strategic overview. Additionally, I am also writing to strategically placed individuals like yourself who, I think, may be able to offer useful insights and a broader perspective. I’ve prepared the attached Word document with a view to making it as easy as possible for individuals like yourself to offer your thoughts. It may be that you feel better positioned to answer some of the questions more than others; if this is the case, that’s fine – skip over the less useful ones. Alternatively, if you want to give your general thoughts on the subject area without sticking to the specific questions, that’s fine as well. In short, whatever comments and perspectives you are able to offer on the subject area would be gratefully received. Just so you know, the time-scale I’m working to is to have all the methodology completed by the end of April, but the sooner the better really. I’m guessing that the easiest way for you to respond will be by Email. But if you’ll find it easier to literally put pen to paper, please feel free to send your response to my postal address. Alternatively, I’d be willing to carry out a telephone interview with you at a convenient time; please let me know if you’d prefer to do this. Many thanks for your time Andy Wier Post-graduate student, Sheffield Hallam University (MSc Urban Regeneration) 14 Hammond St Netherthorpe Sheffield S3 7PP Tel: 0114 275 1480 (St Stephen’s Church), 0114 272 6050 (home)

Postgraduate dissertation (MSc Urban Regeneration), Sheffield Hallam University Andy Wier, 14 Hammond St, Netherthorpe, Sheffield S3 7PP Tel: 0114 2751480 (St Stephenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Church), 0114 272 6050 (home) The involvement of new forms of church in the regeneration of deprived communities Many thanks for taking the time to answer these questions. Please feel free to only answer some of the questions, and to use as much space as you need.

1. Do you know of examples of new forms of church that are having a significant impact in the regeneration of deprived communities? Please tell me about some of these.

2. Can you identify particular models / theories / principles / theological values that may be seen to underpin these significant examples or to suggest a way forward for the future?

3. In what ways are faith communities in general and new forms of church in particular contributing to the regeneration of deprived communities? Are there lessons for the government in its programmes to regenerate deprived communities?

4. Are there particular lessons about the way we do church that arise out of the experience of these new forms of church involved in urban regeneration?

5. Are there problems / limitations / tensions that have been highlighted by the experiences of new forms of church in the regeneration of deprived communities?

6. What are your views on the relationship between Church and State postChristendom? 7. Can you suggest any further reading, contacts or projects relevant to this research? 8. Would you be interested in receiving by email a summary of the findings of this research?

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