PAPER OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY
ISSUE 62
JUNE 2011
RESIST! Wage cuts for low paid
By Fiona O’Loughlin CCORDING TO Richard Bruton, the misnamed Minister for Enterprise and Jobs, the crisis in the economy is the fault of upwards of 200,000 workers who may be covered by JLCs and REAs. He has singled out these workers for further cuts in their wages and conditions. Yet while the cleaner, security worker, hairdresser and hotel worker will see their wages slashed, Ivor Callely will pocket €63,000 per year for the rest of his life! Presumably, for service to the state. The document called ERO/REAs: Outline Reform Agenda presented by the Minister, wants to dramatically alter the working conditions of some of the lowest paid in society. This is an attack on working class families already struggling to keep their heads above water. It is a clear indication of who this government wants to pay for
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the crisis. These workers are the same people who have been hit by the Universal Social Charge, cuts in education, health services and social welfare. This is yet another example of the working class being handed the bill while the people who caused the crisis are given a free ride. How are these proposals going to stimulate the economy or create jobs when 200,000 people will have less money in their pocket to spend? Research has shown that lower paid workers spend all of their income to survive and generally spend it locally. It is the wealthier in society that have the luxury to save for a rainy day. For many working class families the rainy day is today. Decent jobs with good working conditions are the solution to the unemployment crisis not poverty wages and cuts in welfare. These proposals are nothing more than an attempt to accelerate the race to the bottom. It is an attempt to cut wages to increase profits for the employers. The majority of employers in the sectors affected have had their
PRSI contributions cut in half and a reduction in VAT from 13.5% to 9%. The proposals state that employment regulation orders would have to take into account rates and levels of unemployment of our trading partners. Both IBEC and Minister Bruton have highlighted that wage levels in some comparable sectors in the North are 30% less. This is a warning of what is to come. For what are we being asked to take all this pain? Apparently it’s the diktat of the IMF and ECB, who want to secure the repayment of loans and protect the major European banks and bond holders. However, Ireland is not going to be able to pay back this loan and there will be a default - it is only a question of time. Leo Varadkar, Minister for Transport, let the cat out of the bag when he stated that Ireland would need a further injection of funds from IMF/EU. The Fine Gael/Labour government is an anti- working class government - it is pursuing the same right wing agenda Fianna Fail and the Greens. Any
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illusion that the Labour Party would soften the right wing agenda of Fine Gael has been quickly shattered. The embarrassment of some Labour backbenchers will be swiftly dealt with by the leadership. Eamonn Gilmore has stated that the “the bottom line here is a necessity to reform the way in which the joint labour committees are operating. The government is committed to reforming that. Richard Bruton has a job to do. I support him in doing that. The decision on what the outcome will be will, be a decision that will be made by the government”. Not much joy in that statement for the hundreds of thousands of workers facing further reduction in their rates and conditions or the people who voted Labour in the vain hope they would defend the working class. This proposal must be fought and defeated. The right wing union leaders should call for immediate protests to warn the government of what the working class are capable of in the event that they try to force these pay cuts through.
info@socialistparty.net
REAs & JLCs Employers’ claims are a myth By Feargal de Buiteléir WAGES AND conditions for up to 200,000 of the lowest paid and most vulnerable workers in the country are under serious threat. The government, IMF and employers’ organisations are out to abolish or seriously weaken the Registered Employment Agreements and Joint Labour Committees that nominally set minimum wages, conditions and provisions for overtime, working hours and training in low paid sectors like retail, hospitality, hairdressing, as well as construction and contract cleaning. These workers are predominantly female, low paid and non-unionised. Employers’ organisations have been trying to have REAs and JLCs abolished for some time, claiming that they are uncompetitive and a barrier to employment. Chambers Ireland even went so far as to claim in a headline on their website that “Reform measures (read pay cuts) can help protect vulnerable workers”! (1 June 2011) The recent Duffy/Walsh review found no evidence to support the claim that pay cuts would support job creation, and the reality is that although it may benefit individual employers initially, it would enable a further race to the bottom in wages and conditions and actually hurt small businesses by decreasing the spending power of hundreds of already low paid workers. People working in these sectors don’t keep their money in vast bank accounts waiting for an opportunity to invest profitably, but tend to spend all of the income on goods and services. At present, the Quick Service Food Alliance, spearheaded by companies like Supermacs, who have seen profits increase by 18% for the year ending December 2009, have a constitutional challenge to the JLC system in the High Court seeking to have the whole system abolished. This follows similar attempts by electrical contractors and hoteliers in recent years.
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June 2011
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news
THE SOCIALIST
United Left Alliance must argue for socialist policies By Kevin McLoughlin HE ULA, in existence just seven months, was established to pull together a slate of candidates in advance of a general election. The election then came quickly, a year and a half early, forced along because the deepening economic crisis smashed the basis for the government. The economic crisis and the austerity attacks of the new Fine Gael / Labour government, even worse than those of Fianna Fail and the Greens, now pose huge challenges for the ULA. This isn’t a recession; it’s a depression, which is being made much worse by the austerity policies of the government, the EU and the IMF. The latest figures show unemployment is up despite mass emigration. The combination of huge indebtedness and no productive investment in the economy means it is impossible to see the circumstances in which economic decline can be halted over the next years. The growing prospect of a double dip in the world economy makes the situation here even gloomier.
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The recent developments in both Greece and Spain, where new mass struggles have erupted from below led by young people, are extremely significant. That there is suspicion of political parties and some hostility to the distribution of political leaflets and papers in these movements at the moment doesn’t alter the extremely progressive character of these developments. In both countries, the social democratic parties presided over the crisis and are now the ones imposing the dictates of the capitalist market. The trade union bureaucracies have also refused to organise a fight back against austerity. These conditions created the basis for the current explosions from below. While the mood amongst working class people in Ireland is down at the moment, fundamentally the situation here has much more in common with Greece, Spain and Portugal than different. Labour is now in power and has begun to demonstrate in practice its betrayal of the working class. The hatred of the trade union leaders was graphically illustrated by the mass booing of Messr’s O’Connor and Begg when they tried
REAs & JLCs Employers’ claims a myth
ULA TDs - building resistance to the cuts.
to address the trade union rally last November. The ULA, the individual members and the groups involved, must prepare for an inevitable explosion of anger here which, when it comes, will be every bit as significant as the movements sweeping southern Europe. The ULA has a responsibility to help resist the devastation of living standards and the war being waged against the working class itself. Struggle and the mass mobilisations, including militant industrial action, can knock back the attacks of the government and the bosses and the ULA must assist
workers to take action and to seize back control of their unions from the bureaucracy. However, crucially unless the capitalist system itself is challenged, the government and the bosses will return relentlessly over the next years to try to restore profit levels by super exploitation and the imposition of poverty conditions reminiscent of the 1950s or the 1930s. Therefore, as well as fighting the attacks, the ULA has the responsibility to advocate a real alternative – a complete break with capitalism and a socialist programme and plan for economic development,
Build the ULA - fight the cuts By Michael O’Brien
(continued from Page 1) The existing rules of REAs and EROs are routinely flaunted by employers whenever they feel that they can get away with it. Of 4,000 inspections of firms by the National Employment Rights Authority, less than half were found to be compliant with employment laws. In the hotels sectors, compliance was only 23% and in retail, only 17%. In fact, part of the fast food companies’ argument is that if all of their workers lodged retrospective claims for the money owed to them in unpaid wages etc. they wouldn’t be able to cope with the claims! Nevertheless, REAs and EROs remain a vital aspect of workers’ protection, especially as a tool around which they can organise. This is the real fear of many employers – that workers will become aware of their rights and pursue them. Government politicians and the media have consistently repeated lies about the pay and conditions afforded to workers. For instance, Fine Gael TD, Olivia Mitchell, recently claimed that it was impossible to get a meal out on a Sunday outside of the cities because restaurants had to pay workers €20 an hour to wash dishes. In reality the rate, for an experienced adult worker with time and one third Sunday premium is €12.42, with a rate of €9.31 for the rest of the week. For a worker under 18, the Sunday rate would only be €8.69 with a nor-
mal rate of €6.52 an hour. Now Minister Richard Bruton has his intention to finalise an action plan before the end of June. His intentions include: l REA / JLC rates tied to any future cuts in the minimum wage. l Abolition of Sunday premiums. l Abolition of any protection under the REA / JLC for workers under 18. l Abolition of any recognition of training, experience or higher level of skills. l Attack on sick pay provisions. And crucially l Ability of employers to opt out through “inability to pay clause” l Removes obligation on employers to keep proper records of working hours etc These last two alone would mean the end in reality of any chance workers might have to enforce their rights. It is absolutely vital that we waste no time in organising vigorous resistance to these attacks, defend sectoral agreements as an absolute minimum and simultaneously begin a drive to educate and organise all workers to defend their rights and livelihoods.
the only alternative to private ownership of wealth and profiteering. The Socialist Party thinks that the ULA should aspire to lead the revolt against austerity, which is likely to include young people, the working class and sections of the middle class. However, the job of the ULA is not to become the leadership of a revolt on the basis of hiding the left and socialist policies necessary to overcome the crisis. That would contradict the purpose for establishing the ULA in the first place. The job of the ULA is to argue for socialist policies and strive, over time, on the basis of peoples experiences of capitalism in crisis, to win mass and then majority support for genuine socialism as the only way forward. While the conditions are difficult for working class people, this crisis of capitalism poses an historic opportunity to build a new mass socialist movement. The ULA should be confident of its ability to put forward a skilful and a strong case for socialist policies and, on the other hand, the ULA must have confidence in the ability of young people and the working class to understand and become champions for revolutionary socialist change.
HE UNITED Left Alliance has the potential to be at the heart of the active resistance to the fresh round of attacks coming from the government in the months ahead. In order to achieve this potential, there are important tasks the ULA has to focus on in the immediate future. The ULA needs to initiate and lead struggles under its own banner and within broader campaigns. The “reclaim the unions” initiative which will be formally launched in the autumn and the pre-existing No Water Tax campaign are examples of two vital arenas of work for ULA members. In addition to this, engaging in campaign work on defending REA / ERO conditions that are due to come under attack in July, pushing for an active response from the unions and going into workplaces with leaflets putting forward a fighting strategy to workers who will be affected. On 3 July, we will also see the convening of a major public event on the issue of negative equity from which the ULA, working with householders and others who want to genuinely fight on this issue, should aspire to build a real campaign of people power to resolve the mortgage crisis. Engaging in all this campaigning activity is vital if the ULA is to maintain and develop its profile in workplaces and communities and likewise to make joining newly formed local ULA branches seem purposeful to working people, the unemployed and youth.
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The ULA must actively campaign against attacks like water charges.
The ULA contested the General Election on a limited programme that was seen as a response to the crisis. Now that we have a platform with five TDs who have plenty of speaking opportunities and can periodically bring motions or bills to the Dáil, the ULA is correctly seen as a factor in the political scene and the national debate on all the big issues. The development of research
and policy that needs to take place is not because we have illusions that the establishment parties will accept our alternatives and those radical reforms will be achieved through the Dáil by our TDs’ powers of persuasion. Instead, the aim should be to use the platform and resources of the Dáil positions to contribute to developing the ideas and arguments for the struggles out there in society. Breaking the cutback consensus of the establishment and the right-wing trade union leaders will assist in the development of a fightback which is inevitable given the scale of attacks planned by the government. The workshops and plenaries at the ULA Forum on 25 June should be, among other objectives, a practical input into this development of radical left alternative ideas. The Forum and proposals initiated by the Socialist Party to further democratise the interim steering committee by facilitating the election onto it of people who do not belong to the affiliated organisations should be seen as practical steps in the development of the ULA. A series of ULA meetings have taken place all over the country. Most have been modest in size but with more than enough people participating to allow for ULA branches to be launched. It will only be a matter of weeks and months before we will feel the impact of Fine Gael / Labour's austerity attacks. The ULA and the Socialist Party are engaged in important preparatory work to ensure that there will be a political force capable of responding to these attacks in every city and town.
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June 2011
THE SOCIALIST
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THE NATIONAL Forum of the United Left Alliance will offer an opportunity to put the launch of the Alliance into perspective and to discuss its further development. All over Europe, there is a huge vacuum in political life, more particularly on the Left. That vacuum has been left by the inexorable move to the right and into the camp of market capitalism of all the Social Democratic and Labour parties. While the leadership of those parties had for a whole historical period seen themselves as just another arm of the establishment and played such a role in the many governments in which they participated, there was often a strong Left within, which fought for a Left programme and to develop those parties into real fighting organisations of the working class.
That day is gone however. With the collapse of the Stalinist regimes around twenty years ago and the worldwide triumphalist propaganda that accompanied this in the capitalist media, these parties have moved fully into the camp of the capitalist class and dropped all pretence of any allegiance to socialism. The active workers and young people who genuinely fought for a socialist programme in these parties in previous periods are no longer there. The evolution of the British Labour Party to the point where it was as right-wing in economic policy as Margaret Thatcher and could launch the criminal invasion of Iraq is only one among many striking examples. Others are the Greek, Spanish and Portuguese Socialist Parties which are currently inflicting savage austerity on working
“The huge vacuum on the Left as a result of these developments poses a major task for the socialists of the present day. New mass parties of the working class committed to a socialist programme have to be built.” people, the unemployed, the youth and the poor at the behest of the EU / IMF as dictated by the financial markets representing Europe’s main banks and powerful speculators. The huge vacuum on the Left as a result of these developments poses a major task for the socialists of the present day. New mass parties of the working class committed to a socialist programme have to be built. And it is to meet this critical responsibility that the United Left Alliance has been launched. The ULA has already taken important steps. The agreement of a principled Left programme on which the General Election was fought was crucial. The programme states that there is no sustainable solution to the economic and social problems of society on the basis of capitalism and that is a key foundation on which to build. The gains made in the election fighting on this programme and on the campaigning record of the
Yes to Metro North!
activists of the organisations and individuals making up the Alliance, are a firm foundation on which to build. It is inevitable that there has been somewhat of a pause in the political momentum since the election. There is a certain wait and see approach by ordinary people in regard to the Fine Gael / Labour government. Although there were no great illusions in these parties, there has been, nevertheless, a certain hope that the new government could only be better than the Fianna Fail / Green disaster and that things might change. Any such hopes are being dispelled by the day. The shape of the struggles to come is taking outline. The attack on the lowest paid workers will lead to resistance. The imposition of new stealth taxes next year such as water charges, a home tax or household utility charge will evoke not just opposition but active campaign of resistance through Boycott /
HE TALLAGHT Sports Complex in Balrothery stands in desperate need of repair and 13 staff face the prospect of redundancy due to cutbacks being implemented by the Labour-led Department of Education. The sports complex is one of only two such centres, countrywide, which are under the remit of the Department of Education. Due to a lack of investment over the years by the Department, the centre is in need of immediate repairs and refurbishment. The staff at the centre have gone beyond the call of duty to keep the centre operational, however, they now face the threat of redundancy. In fact, letting these workers go even goes against the Department’s target for cuts, it becomes clear that these non-unionised staff are an easy target. In the run up to the General Election, a public meeting on the threats facing the centre attracted a huge crowd of over 400. This emphasised the importance of the centre to the local community and their opposition to any threat to the centre or its staff. All the election candidates turned up and pledged their support to the centre and the workers, yet despite the con-
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By Sarah Killeen WO EXCELLENT public meetings organised by Clare Daly TD and the Socialist Party were held in Swords on the subject of saving Metro North. The working meetings have agreed to launch a cross-community campaign to save this vital project which will bring urgently needed jobs and infrastructure to thousands of people throughout North Dublin. The campaign - Yes to Metro North - has organised a committee and various plans are underway, including leafleting houses and shops, an online petition and Facebook campaign and a public rally to demonstrate the community’s support for the project. At the second meeting, a representative from the Railway Procurement Agency outlined the
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current status of the project and the benefits it will bring to North Dublin and indeed the city as a whole because the Metro project is a crucial part of Dublin’s future infrastructure. The line, which will run from Swords to Stephens Green in under 25 minutes, serving Santry, Ballymun, DCU, Drumcondra and others will bring 130,000 into the public transport system. The overall building of the project will create at least 25,000 jobs. In the future, the Metro will link up with the Dart and Luas at strategic locations in the city to form the basis of the kind of sustainable transport infrastructure which Dublin will have to have. The project is also ultimately wealth generating and one study estimates that for every €1 invested in it, Metro will yield €2 to the state. Minister for Transport, Leo Varadkar, says that only one of the
three planned infrastructural projects can go ahead. However, of the three, Metro North is the only one which has full planning permission, which has millions of euro already spent on preliminary works and which has funding in place to begin the first two years of work. Metro North is exactly the kind of “shovel ready” project which the government say that they want to invest in in order to create jobs. There is no justification for it not to go ahead and that is why we feel that a concerted campaign, beginning in Swords, but hopefully encompassing other communities in North Dublin, such as Finglas, Santry and Ballymun, can put enough pressure for the Government to give the green light to the project. The public rally for the campaign will be held on Monday 13 June at 5pm outside Fingal County Council Offices.
Joe Higgins is the Socialist Party TD for Dublin West
Save Tallaght Sports Complex at Balrothery By Dave Murphy
Metro North could create 25,000 jobs.
Non Payment campaign. The United Left Alliance can come into its own through being central in launching these campaigns. The public representatives of the Alliance can use their public platforms to assist build the campaigns and to wage powerful media campaigns to take the fight into the heart of the establishment. They and the other activists must be central to constructing powerful, active campaigns of worker and people power to halt the austerity juggernaut while all the time arguing for a socialist alternative. It is through these struggles that the Alliance will be strengthened and a basis laid for further gains, all of which is part of the process of building a new powerful party of the Left.
stituency returning three government TDs, including Cabinet member Pat Rabbitte and Minster of State, Brian Hayes, there has only been cutbacks at the centre since the election. A follow up meeting was held with representatives of staff, users and all the local politicians at which it was decided to continue the campaign. The Socialist Party has launched a petition against the cutbacks and to defend the workers but also that the centre should be put under the control of South Dublin County Council (SDCC). SDCC has the centre as an integral part of its countywide swimming and sports programme. The Socialist Party argue that SDCC should take the centre under its control with a grant from the Dept. of Education and Dept. of Sport to pay for refurbishment. The jobs of the workers should be protected and any cuts in hours or conditions reversed. The centre also has basketball and tennis courts, and a running track which have been allowed become run down and unused which could become important additional features of the complex’s facilities. Estimates put repairs costs at around €1 million, a drop in the ocean to save a popular public amenity compared to the billions that have been thrown into the banking black hole.
Swimming pool at Tallaght Sports Complex.
opinion & news
JOE HIGGINS the
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June 2011
THE SOCIALIST
news
No home tax, no water tax Don’t let them get away with it!
Open Hansfield station!
By Clare Daly TD OUSEHOLDERS STRUGGLING under massive mortgages, trying to make ends meet with pension levies and the hated Universal Social Charge, were absolutely horrified to hear Minister Phil Hogan announce that the government was going to introduce a household utility charge from 1 January next year, with figures speculated as being in the region of €200 a year for every household! This is alongside preparations for a new property tax and a water tax. Despite all the confusion and denial from government on this issue, it's clear that no matter what they end up calling it, a new tax connected to the home is imminent. Yet another broken promise! Before the election, Fine Gael said there would be no water tax without meters, while Labour said that there would be no water tax at all! Clearly they think that they can bulldoze their way to imposing a raft of new stealth charges and squeeze yet another pound of flesh from ordinary workers and our families, while they continue to line the pockets of unsecured bondholders. Let them take note - they are not going to get away with this. In the mid-1990s, the Socialist Party was to the forefront of mass campaigns of civil disobedience that made the
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Advertisment: “look whats coming - Hansfields very own train station”
Anti water charges protest outside convention at Croke Park
water charges uncollectable and forced the government to abolish them. Similar campaigns of people power made the Poll Tax uncollectable and led to the downfall of Margaret Thatcher. The catch-call of that campaign was "Can't Pay! Won't Pay!" and there is no doubt this new charge will be met with a similar opposition. Attendees to the €420 per head inaugural Water Metering Summit in Croke Park on 31 May were met with a lively and determined protest of United Left Alliance and No Water Tax activists to let them know that they will be met by a mass campaign of civil disobedience on this issue. The conference was organised with the backing of the likes of Celtic Anglian Water and addressed by no less than the Minister for the Environment him-
self. You could almost see the dollar signs lit up in the eyes of engineers from companies hoping to win contracts for installing water meters in approximately 1.2 million homes, at an estimated cost to the state of €600 million. Many of those in attendance are already sniffing around Ireland's water and waste water systems, with a proliferation of “Design, Build and Operate” contracts being awarded to public private partnerships, despite costing the state more in the long run. Workers from local authorities who presently run the state's water supply met with United Left Alliance TDs last month to express their opposition to a speeding up of this process. It is clear that the introduction of meters has nothing to do with
efforts to conserve water but rather to try and individualise the supply, ultimately making it easier to privatise. Combined with the intention to set up Irish Water, it is clear that there are powerful vested interests pushing in this direction. We will not allow an environmental cover to be used to hide what is in reality an attempt to extort extra taxation. With over 60% leakage of the public water supply in some areas, it is a joke to spend money on meters, which simply measure rather than modify the supply. If they were serious about addressing water conservation, then they should invest in a massive programme to repair the water network, and a grant scheme to retrofit homes with water saving devices.
Force government to solve pyrite crisis Homebond insurance scandal protest OE HIGGINS TD raised the issue of pyrite during leader's Questions in the Dail in May. He put it directly to Enda Kenny that a number of Fine Gael TDs had been very vocal on pyrite last year, including a visit by Kenny himself to pyrite homes. Fine Gael now appeared to be giving the same responses as Fianna Fail last year. Clare Daly TD is following up a meeting with all TDs representing constituencies affected by pyrite. As the figures grow to an estimated 50,000 homes, residents affected by pyrite are stepping up their action on the issue. A pyrite action committee has been formed representing residents from Balbriggan, Rush, Blanchardstown, Ashbourne and other areas. A website pyritecrisis.wordpress.com and network has been set up, with a view to
pressuring the politicians and Homebond, the largest developers' structural insurer. Homebond was set up by the Consruction Industry Federation, the people who made billions during the boom. Now they are stalling claims and making excuses not to deal with householders. They under-insured hundreds of thousands of homes and don't have sufficient funds to deal with the pyrite problem. This is a national scandal. A protest is taking place at Homebond's head office at Construction House, Canal Road, Dublin 6 on Friday 10 June at 3pm to demand all necessary testing of houses is done. More importantly, a remediation fund must be established to address the issue. Residents are urged to attend as the beginning of a campaign to get pyrite homes deal with properly, once and for all.
was a need for a vocal and determined lobbying campaign at a national level involving representatives from effected estates, in order to force the government to intervene in a serious way and resolve the crisis. Homebond, the structural guarantee set up by the Construction
Industry Federation, is stalling in its assessment of houses and a protest has been called outside the Homebond offices on Friday 10 June at 3pm to highlight this. A campaign website has also been set up at:
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Pyrite cracks in houses
By Richard O’Hara SUCCESSFUL public meeting, facilitated by Clare Daly TD, was held in Balbriggan in May to discuss the problem of pyrite in houses across north County Dublin. The idea behind the meeting was to initiate a broad campaign on the issue involving residents from effected estates across the county. It was chaired by Socialist Party Town Councillor Terry Kelleher and was also attended by local constituency TDs. Although it was aimed initially at residents of Balbriggan and Rush, an attendance of roughly 90 people also saw residents from Lusk, Santry and Ashbourne turn up to voice their concern at the issue. During the property bubble, rock
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containing pyrite was often used as infill under concrete floors in houses, due to lax regulation. Pyrite results in serious structural damage in homes, causing floors and walls to buckle and split and has been discovered in thousands of houses across the country. It is deeply unfair that homeowners, forced to pay obscene amounts to buy their homes during the property bubble, now find themselves saddled with serious structural problems which can cost up to €70,000 to repair The consensus at the meeting was that attempting to pursue legal action on the issue would be futile and that a political solution was needed in the form of a redress board which would set funds aside for the repair of pyrite-effected homes and would also pursue those responsible for this appalling crisis. It was also agreed that there
pyritecrisis.wordpress.com
Hansfied Train station closed
Empty platform at Hansfield station
By Councillor Ruth Coppinger UBLIN 15 residents are organising themselves to get the Hansfield train station opened. Residents wake up and see a railway station next to their homes which could bring them to the city centre in 20 minutes. Yet they can't access it and have to take the bus (over one hour) or get into their cars, as the developers refuse to build an access road to the station. The taxpayer has paid out €10 million for this state-of the-art infrastucture, yet developers - who we are bailing out - have delayed its use for a year. The Ongar Facilities Action Group is made up of residents of Barnwell and Ongar. The group has called a public meeting on 7 June to make the politicians and Irish Rail answerable to the community. In particular, Minister for Transport, Leo Varadkar, who is also a local TD, is being asked to explain what he will do to resolve this situation. The local community has been canvassed and leafleted and work done in the media to increase awareness. The authorities must be forced to take whatever action is necessary, including Compulsory Purchase Order to seize land for a road. The Socialist Party will continue to work with the community until this station and other facilities in the area, such as the community centre, are opened.
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See Facebook “ Open Hansfield Station”
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June 2011
THE SOCIALIST
Inquiry fails to uncover the truth By Owen McCracken HE REPORT into the killing of Lurgan solicitor, Rosemary Nelson, by the loyalist paramilitary group, the LVF leaves many questions unanswered. The inquiry team was charged with investigating if “any wrongful act or omission” by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), British Army or British intelligence services, and the Northern Ireland Office (NIO) were a contributing factor in her death. Upon publication of the report, Owen Patterson, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, told the House of Commons that those "looking for evidence that the state conspired in, or planned, the death of Rosemary Nelson will not find it in this report". This report will however be viewed by many as another whitewash that failed to expose the “dirty war” activities of certain state forces. Rosemary Nelson rose to prominence as the legal adviser to the
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Rosemary Nelson killed by loyalist paramilitaries in 1999
Garvaghy Road Residents' Coalition, led by former republican prisoner Breandán Mac Cionnaith. She also represented leading republican Colin Duffy when he
was acquitted of the IRA killing of a UDR soldier in 1993 and again when the case against him collapsed for the killing of two RUC officers in 1997. This was at a time
Working class fighters Not gender quotas!
Do we really more Mary Harneys?
By Laura Fitzgerald INISTER PHIL Hogan has unveiled a plan to impose a quota on the number of female General Election candidates that parties must stand. Starting at 30%, this will increase to 40% over time. Failure to reach the quota will result in cuts to state funding to the “offending” political party. Such a measure is designed to increase the “Mary Harney” school of female TDs in parliament – women who support and will implement vicious austerity – policies disastrous for working class women who are both workers in and consumers of the public service. The Socialist Party believes what’s needed is more women fighters akin to Clare Daly TD and Joan Collins TD, both of whom have been working class and trade union activists for decades. Gender quotas for female candi-
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dates will not increase the participation of working class women in politics. Even in 21st century Ireland, women generally speaking are still mainly responsible for child-rearing and caring duties, as well as on average spending more weekly hours on household chores. State run, quality, free childcare, both pre-primary and after-school provision, is absolutely essential to easing this burden. If Phil Hogan, the “Minister for Water Charges”, really cared about women’s rights, he’d implement huge state investment in public services, a significant increase in the minimum wage, the right to a living wage, paid maternity and paternity leave, not gender quotas. Sexism is also a barrier to women in politics. Even right-wing career politicians whom working class women and men feel little sympathy for can suffer from the prevailing ideology of the day that the capitalist political parties and their system perpetuate, and that ideology is sexist. Witness the
sexist undertones in the treatment of Hillary Clinton (a distinctly vile and war-mongering capitalist politician but no more or less so than her male counterparts) in the media during primaries against Obama. Or Kevin Myers’s despicable attack on Mary Lou McDonald that made derogatory remarks about her weight and appearance after childbirth. The Left must actively campaign on issues that affect women like low pay, as well as the class issues like water charges that will attract the best female working class fighters. The Left must also actively oppose and tackle sexism. However, in terms of fundamentally addressing issues of women and equality, it must be pointed out that the oppression of women, whereby women are used as a source of free and cheap labour, and whereby the ruling elite fosters sexism, inequality and division between men and women in order to cut across class struggle and solidarity that threatens their rule, is an integral part of capitalism. Therefore, it’s vital to maximise the size, influence and power of the socialist left to fight capitalism, in the interests of women’s rights. Furthermore, in the context of the ULA’s role in building a new working class party, the crucial questions are orientation and political programme. How orientated to the struggles of the working class is the candidate and how much does she/he embody and advocate the left and socialist alternative to the capitalist crisis, are more important considerations for candidacy than his or her gender.
when Lurgan and Portadown were the epicentre of the developing sectarian polarisation in the North, with the annual Drumcree standoff sparking an upsurge in rioting, sectarian street clashes, hijacking, arson attacks and shootings. During the first Drumcree standoff in 1996, the Mid-Ulster UVF, led by Billy Wright, broke ceasefire and split to form the LVF, launching a brutal campaign of sectarian killings throughout the late 90’s. Given that McKenna and Duffy were then, as today, hate figures to loyalists, she was an obvious target and the report finds that RUC members contributed to her vilification with one incident on the Garvaghy Road "having the effect of legitimising her as a target." The report also states that “there was a corporate failure by the RUC to warn Rosemary Nelson of her vulnerability and offer her security advice." The Enquiry doesn’t, however, in any way attempt to explain how senior RUC Special Branch or British intelligence agency personnel could not have at least known about such a high profile opera-
tion. It is widely known that by the time of the killing, many informers were in place within the LVF, an organisation heavily involved in the drug trade and other such activities. The report simply states that RUC Special Branch “failed to take into account all the intelligence and the open information available to them” and that it "cannot exclude the possibility" a rogue member or element of the security forces in some way assisted the LVF. Under capitalism, the whole process of the law and justice is incapable of being truly independent of ruling class interests, particularly so when the activities of state forces themselves are in question. The inquiry team itself consisted of individuals such as retired judge, Sir Michael Morland, Dame Valerie Strachan and former Chief Constable of South Wales police Sir Anthony Burden - all establishment figures. In the context of the state’s “dirty war” in Northern Ireland, many questions about Rosemary Nelson, Pat Finucane and countless other killings remain unanswered.
FIFA corruption
The beautiful shame
Sepp Blatter presides over a corrupt FIFA
By Paddy Delaney HIS YEARS’ Champions League final produced deserving winners in the sublime FC Barcelona but as FIFA President Sepp Blatter subsequently found out, not even invoking the memory of that bewitching finals display could distract from the corruption allegations surrounding soccer's world governing body. Blatter may have been cleared of bribery by FIFA's in-house ethics committee but allegations that he gave unauthorised “gifts” of $1 million to CONCACAF in the run up to the recent FIFA presidential elections still linger and hark back to his coming to power in 1998 which was also mired in accusations of bribery. In all, ten of the 24-man executive committee have been accused of corruption. FIFA Vice-President ,Jack Warner and President of the Asian Football Confederation, Mohamed Bin Hammam, are currently suspended from the organisation on charges of bribing 25 Caribbean football associations to
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the tune of $1 million in return for votes for Bin Hammam in the presidential election. With Bin Hammam suspended from the organisation Blatter seized the opportunity, pressed ahead with the election and was “re-elected” to the $10 million a year presidential position unopposed! Images released of the ballot paper, which listed the single candidate Blatter illustrate perfectly the rotteness and undemocratic nature of FIFA. In his victory speech, Blatter triumphantly declared that “Our pyramid is intact”! FIFA is a monolithic bureacracy, increasingly removed from the millions throughout the world who love football. Through its lucrative sponsorship deals – often with big companies who are involved in the super exploitation and oppression of workers and trade union activists (Adidas, Coca Cola etc) – it has become awash with vast sums of money and has attracted and rewarded the corrupt. The fans need to reclaim it, break the links with big business and bring democracy – and football – to the heart of the organisation.
opinion & news
Rosemary Nelson -
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The most important aspect however, is the mobilisation of workers’ economic power, which the young students and unemployed don’t have. With this tool, the movement would have a far larger impact and could, for example, bring down the hated current Spanish government in a short period of time. Of course, this would immediately raise the question of a political alternative for young people and workers, which shows the need for the movement to build such an alternative. Lessons from past movements, notably in France in 1968, are valuable in this case. Here it was with the spreading of the movement to include workers that its real force was unleashed.
Spain 15–M “es la revolucion!”
SPANISH YOUTH REVOLT
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INCE 15 May, Spain has been shaken by a mass movement of hundreds of thousands of young people. This 15-M movement has since inspired demonstrations and solidarity actions as well as the development of groups fighting for similar change in other countries. Here, ANN ORR looks at the development of this movement, it’s features and how the movement can develop further. HIS MOVEMENT started when a small group of around 30 people, from “Democracia Real, YA” (Real democracy, NOW), decided to camp out on Madrid’s main square, the Puerto del Sol, which has been continuously occupied at the time of writing. Other cities such as Barcelona have seen similar developments. At the beginning, the local elections held at the end of May were the focus but the movement has developed further since then, with many calling it the “Spanish Revolution”. In their own words, they are “Juventud sin future: Sin casa. Sin curro. Sin pensión. Sin miedo. – Youth without a future: Without homes. Without work. Without pensions. Without fear.” John Hird, writing for Socialismo Revolutionario, the sister organisation of the Socialist Party in Spain, has explained why people are out on the streets: “Spain has 4.9 million unemployed. 43% of young people cannot find a job. The TV constantly talked about the “NI NI Generation” who neither study nor work. They were more interested in Big Brother and botellónes (drinking parties on the street). This crisis has had a devastating and shocking effect in Spain. Pensions have been reduced, services cut and most of all,
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the feeling has spread that there is no future for this generation of young people. Banks have started repossessing homes as people cannot afford their mortgages. The anger at the system and especially the banks has been bubbling away under the surface for a long time. “There is also widespread contempt for and anger at the politicians of PSOE for their corruption and a lack of confidence in the electoral system. Elections are choreographed, sterile affairs with a lot of slick advertising but little substance. [...] It is politics without any actual politics and shows the contempt the politicians have for the people.”
International fightback IN TUNISIA, Egypt and in other countries in North Africa and the Middle East, dictatorships have been overthrown by mass movements of ordinary people. These events, together with the struggle of ordinary people in Iceland against the plan to make them pay for the banking debts, have been hugely inspirational for the young people in Spain. In turn, the 15-M movement has led to movements and protests in the UK, Ireland, Germany as well as Tokyo, Buenos Aires, Boston, Sao Paulo and a long list of other places across the world and most signifi-
tem which is denying them their rights to work, a home and a decent future. There are committees of people involved in cooking and managing the donations of food and drink from supporters. There are crèches, so parents can drop off their kids and fully participate in the demonstrations and discussions in the squares. There are even reports of libraries. On top of that, cleaning of the squares has been well organised. Even though the occupation of Puerto del Sol was declared illegal, the establishment didn’t enforce that decision because they knew the protesters had the backing of the majority of people. After some initial arrests, there was no major reaction from the police until on 27 May when up to 100 protesters were wounded when the police cleared the Plaza de Catalunya in Barcelona. YouTube videos of the incident have spread around the world and caused shock and outrage. They show images of police beating protesters with batons, grabbing protesters to push them to the ground and beat them further as they are running away, as well as the use of rubber bullets. However, even with these heavyhanded tactics, the state was unable to cut across the movement and thousands of protesters gathered and were able to re-take the square after a few hours, forcing the police to retreat.
cantly in Italy and Greece. The use of social networking sites, such as facebook and twitter have been an assistance in the rapid spread of information and the mobilisation of hundreds of thousands of people, especially as the capitalist media in Spain and internationally has done its best to ignore these developments.
Demands and aims of 15-M 15-M HAS drawn up and democratically agreed a manifesto. A list of demands was also published from Puerto del Sol, although it is yet unclear if they have been adopted elsewhere. In particular, the list of demands includes points that fundamentally oppose how the capitalist system operates. These include the demand to share out work, for public ownership of banks that have been bailed out and the need for a public bank under social control, as well as the demand for the state to take over empty houses to put them on the social housing market. There are also demands for higher taxes on the rich and the elimination of privileges for the political class. However, the movement shies away from declaring itself as anticapitalist, stressing in its manifesto that anybody, whether political or apolitical, conservative or progressive is included in the movement as long as they are united by concern and anger “about the political, economic and social outlook we see around us”. This is a weakness of the movement as it prevents them from putting forward a clear alternative to the current crisis of capitalism. They have shown their ability to reach out to the mass of disillusioned and outraged people, but in order to take the movement forward a clear direction and an alternative that they can present to young people and workers must be formulated. The list of demands from Puerto del Sol are an important step in that direction.
“¡Esto no es botellón, es la revolucion!” “THIS IS not a piss up, it’s the rev-
Need to fight capitalism
Ireland and elsewhere should not have illusions in these people being able to lead a fight for decent wages, against austerity and for a better life for all. It would, however, be a grave mistake for this movement to turn its back on any form of political or trade union organisation. In some instances, this is even taken so far that an argument is put forward against the circulation of political material on demonstrations and meetings. This is an attack on the free and democratic exchange of ideas, which is fundamentally necessary within the movement in order to come up with the best way forward for achieving its aims. In Greece, where the movement has already linked in with workers in building for a general strike on 15 June, these attitudes haven’t won much ground.
Need to link with workers’ movement WHAT SHOULD instead be discussed is how the movement can reach out to assist workers in overcoming the obstacle of a conservative trade union leadership and how a political alternative for workers and young people can be built. Linking in with the workers’ movement is essential in developing the struggle and will also help protect the protests from future police attacks.
THIS MOVEMENT is a taste of what is to come as more and more people are pushed into struggle against the capitalist system. In Ireland, we are faced with the same problems young people in Spain are fighting against, and when people in Ireland move to fight for decent jobs, the right to education and decent wages as well as for political representation, we will draw inspiration and valuable lessons from the Spanish youth movement. Already the demands put forward by 15-M touch on the key issue - the capitalist system is not providing for ordinary people. Instead, it is creating a situation where wealth and power are concentrated in the hands of a few at the detriment of the majority. However, socialists go further than this and point out that capitalism can’t provide for ordinary people, not in Spain, not in Ireland nor internationally. We need complete, system change. The way forward is to unite young people and workers in this struggle for a socialist society. This will mean an end to profit being the sole motivating force and instead, ordinary people will democratically control what is done with the massive wealth that exists and is created in society and a democratic planning of the economy. n
Online: For more analysis from the CWI: www.socialistworld.net/view/52 Website of Socialismo Revolucionario: www.srev.blogspot.com/ Facebook group of real democracy now group in Ireland: “ Por una democracia real Ya!. Dublin se une. For a true democracy now Dublin”
Anti-political and anti-trade union mood
olution!” This slogan encapsulates the atmosphere on Puerto del Sol and other places. Far from following the stereo-type of young people, not interested in politics or what is going on but instead only focused on parties and drugs, young people in Spain have shown how determined they are in fighting the injustices of the sys-
A STRIKING feature of the mood of many protesters is an opposition to political parties and trade unions. This flows from the concrete experiences people have of these organisations. The so-called Socialist Party (PSOE) in Spain is no such thing in reality, but has completely bought into the capitalist system and believes in the supremacy of the free market. In fact, it is the PSOE government in Spain under Zapatero that has been implementing massive austerity as well as bank bailouts. The leaderships of the trade unions have also sold out the people they are supposed to represent. Workers and young people in Spain,
Movements in Europe have been inspired by the revolutions in the Arab World
Tunisia: Eyewitness of a revolution By Paul Murphy MEP, Socialist Party AT THE end of May, I had the privilege of visiting Tunisia as part of a delegation of four European United Left MEPs. There I saw a revolutionary process in motion, meeting with militant trade union activists, revolutionary socialists and having the opportunity to address a meeting of hundreds of primarily young people. Our four day visit took us all over this relatively small country to meet with some of the key activists of the revolutionary process. The most striking feature, which is symptomatic of the revolution that is taking place, is the mass politicisation and mass political discussion right across society. Young people who I spoke to did not consider themselves to be political six months ago and now were active revolutionaries considering how best to take the movement forward. On 14 January, a mass movement of workers and young people succeeded in ousting Ben Ali and opening up a revolutionary process in Tunisia. This dictatorship was a brutal one with a strong political police force that crushed any opposition movement, with all oppositional political parties banned. This revolutionary process that has already seen the fall of two transitional governments, the break-up of the old ruling party (the RCD), important social gains like wage rises and an end to the outsourcing from the public sector. The revolutionary movement demonstrated massive power against intense repression. We visited Kasserine, a relatively small town which saw some of the first major demonstrations at the start of the revolution. A demonstration of 10,000 people was met by brutal repression from the state, with 60 people being killed. We walked beside the square in front of the governor’s office, where these events took place. The central monument in the square has been turned into a monument dedicated to the martyrs who died. The ubiquitous coils of barbed wire blocking off streets and the heavy presence of the army stood testament to the continued repression and fear of further uprisings by the regime. The widespread hatred of the dictatorship was reflected in the anti-regime graffiti, “RCD mort” (RCD die), “RCD degage” (RCD resign) and “Warning: Yes we can!” which covered many walls. In the initial stages, revolutionary committees were set up which began to organise transport and food distribution as well as discussing the way forward for the revolution. On our second day in Tunisia, we visited the heart of this militant workers’ movement, a town called Redeyef, a phosphate mining town in the environs of Gafsa. This region is where a major strike movement and uprising broke out in 2008, which was in many ways a precursor of the current revolution. We met with a number of leading trade union activists with the major union, the UGTT, who proudly showed us the sights of the revolution. The local party headquarters of the RCD had been taken over. We were brought inside and there were pictures on the wall of four young men who had been killed by the regime in 2008. Posters of various trade union activists, together with a picture of Che Guevara adorned the walls, while a picture of Ben Ali lay on the floor for people to wipe their feet on! We had a discussion with the activists in their local union office. At the top of the UGTT sits a very corrupt bureaucracy who had supported the Ben Ali dictatorship and still tries to prevent strike movements developing. However, there are also very genuine union activists like those we met. An important task is the ousting of the old leadership, for which an extraordinary Congress needs to be campaigned for so they can be challenged. However, in the discussion we had with these activists and the others we met in our stay, it was clear that while they were proud of the achievements of the revolution, they were acutely aware of the fact
that the tasks of the revolution was far from finished. In fact, they described how what had been achieved was only the start and that in many ways while Ben Ali was gone, the power of the old regime remained. Recently, there was a public statement by Farhat Rajhi, a judge who was briefly Interior Minister in a transitional government, that if the elections were to go against the interests of the regime, the military would organise a coup. He also detailed the influential role still played in the shadows by Ben Ali’s old supporters. This provoked a new movement, which was again repressed. This reflects the reality that the old regime still retains its control over the state apparatus, and that the forces of counter-revolution are reorganising. They have postponed the elections to the Constituent Assembly that were due in June, until October. The extent of state repression is clear. Very significant army forces, with water cannons and tanks, guard the major government buildings in Tunis and the French embassy. Army checkpoints exist going in and out of all the towns around Gafsa. This is an indication of the nervousness of the regime, but also illustrates the fact that the old elements of the regime retain the key powers. Crucially, economic power still rests in the same hands too. In particular, there is a domination by major multinationals and imperialism. I spoke at a major meeting of Attac in Tunisia calling for the repudiation of the debt. This massive debt of €20 billion, which was amassed to personally enrich Ben Ali and the ruling clique as well as being invested in tools of repression of the people, is now a noose around the necks of the Tunisian people. It was graphically explained at the meeting how this debt (the interest payments in 2011 amount to six times the health budget) serves to tie Tunisia to the major imperialist powers.
Revolution in the balance ALTHOUGH MANY of the major powers now pretend to be “friends” of the revolution and support “democracy” in Tunisia, the reality is the opposite. The French government was a supporter of the Ben Ali dictatorship. All of these major powers want to see “stability”, i.e. an end to the revolutionary process, so that their corporations can continue to massively profit from the cheap labour of Tunisian workers. A major feature and a common discussion amongst the Left is the rise of the Islamic party, Ennahda. It has significant resources, is well organised and seems to be growing in support. Some are suggesting that it could receive 25-30% in the upcoming elections. From the discussions we had, it seems clear that one of the reasons for its growth is that is taking up the social and economic questions, such as unemployment, whereas an important part of the left (reflecting the influence of Stalinism) purely focus on the political questions, the so-called “democratic transition”, leaving social and economic questions to a later stage. In Tunisia, the Committee for a Workers’ International (to which the Socialist Party is affiliated) is raising that the revolutionary movement needs to be redeveloped. The revolutionary committees should be redeveloped as a vital arena for discussion and to lead the movement. A revolutionary constituent assembly should be convened with elections organised by the forces of the revolution. A key task is to dismantle the state apparatus and replace it with a genuinely democratic state, potentially based on the redeveloped revolutionary committees. In addition, the economic power of the old regime and its allies in the form of multinational capitalism must be broken. The debt must be repudiated and the key sectors of the economy should be taken into democratic public ownership. In that way, the economy could be planned and the resources in Tunisian society used to raise the living standards of all.
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THE SOCIALIST
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socialist youth
THE SOCIALIST
State repression across Europe
The Socialist spoke to Marika rueda, a young woman from Spain living in ireland, about her thoughts on the youth uprising in Spain:
By Conor Payne HE YOUTH protesters in Spain have inspired many with the stand they have taken against austerity policies and the political establishment. However, they have also faced brutal state repression. In order to clear the Plaza de Catalunya, the central square of Barcelona, of protesters, hundreds of police surrounded and waded into the crowd in an unprovoked attack on peaceful protesters. The youth have since regrouped and retaken the Plaza. However, these events show the danger the state poses to movements which challenge the current system. This kind of repression will also be used against movements of young people and workers in Ireland. We have already seen the willingness of the state to shut down the centres of Dublin and Cork to facilitate the Queen's visit. Brutal police violence has been used against the Shell to Sea campaigners in Rossport and against the student protests in Dublin last year. Meanwhile, the criminals in the banks whose greed helped bring the country to economic ruin have been left untouched by the forces of “law and order”. The fact that state repression is used consistently against movements which oppose the status quo is no coincidence. Under capitalism, the police and other forces of the state are not democratically accountable to working class peo-
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Police repression of peacful protesters in Spain
ple. The state is a reflection of a society run in the interests of a super-rich minority. It ultimately serves to defend these interests and the capitalist system itself. This is a reality for which the Left and the workers movement must prepare, both politically and by being organised to deal with state repression. Where the police are used to break up protests or workers actions, as happened during
aS THe current government attempts to cut the pay of the lowest paid workers through the scrapping of reas in many sectors, The Socialist spoke to Joanne, a 19 year old Co kildare student who is currently experiencing illegal wage exploitation in a well known bar / restaurant in naas. TS: How long have you worked in this job? Nearly two months. TS: What was your starting pay and your current pay? €3 per-hour “training wages” for three weeks and now €5 per hour from 7pm to 3am or 4am. It is often €30 / 40 per night and depends on how the boss is feeling. TS: Do you receive overtime or Sunday pay? No, nothing like that. TS: Are there other staff in your situation? Yes, all of us except the non students who get €8 I think TS: How does earning so little impact on your life? It means I can’t afford a driving lesson, save
for car insurance to get to university, or pay back the money I owe my parents. TS: Are other staff angry over this? Has anyone challenged the boss? Yes, we're all angry, but too afraid because he will either ignore us completely, reduce our pay or fire us. Joanne’s story shows that even before the government tries to slash the wages of the lowest paid in society through the scrapping of REAs, many young people and ordinary workers in the hospitality sector are already being illegally exploited. The government’s proposals will only legalise this exploitation.
the Thomas Cook workers occupation, the workers movement should be prepared to organise a democratic defence of these movements. While being ready to oppose all attempts at state repression, the socialist movement should also recognise that there are real divisions at the heart of the state, and rank-and-file police will also be affected by the capitalist crisis. This can have a political impact.
Part of the role of the workers’ movement must also be to attempt to exploit these divisions to split the state along class lines. Socialist Youth calls for a genuinely accountable police force under the total democratic control of communities. This can only be achieved on the basis of a socialist society where wealth and power is taken into the hands of working class people.
“I came to Ireland six months ago for work as I had a job to go into. Unfortunately I couldn’t continue in that job because of difficulties with my employer’s treatment of me. I am now looking for work along with everybody else. Even though unemployment is really bad in Ireland, I still think it is much worse in Spain, especially in the part of Spain that I am from and for young people. “This is what most young people in Spain are thinking right now and this is why the movement is so important. Everybody is frustrated with the system, we feel like there’s nothing for us, no future. I was really happy to see the young people of Spain taking over the squares in the cities and showing their anger at the political parties, because they do not represent us. Lots of people are now talking about the Spanish Revolution! It gives me hope. My friends back home, they tell me that it’s not going to stop. “It’s really good to see Spanish people come together in Ireland to show support for the movement and getting support from Irish, Greek, Italian, French people too. We all know that the same problems exist in Ireland and most other countries, hopefully the fight can spread, because even though the movement is starting in Spain the fight is Europe-wide and worldwide.
Demos challenge attitudes to sexual violence By Aine NicLiam HE “SLUTWALK” phenomenon began in Toronto in January, in response to what should have been a routine talk on personal safety given by a police officer at a local university. The officer, Micheal Sanguinetti, told the assembled women that “We’re beating around the bush here. I’ve been told that I’m not supposed to say thishowever, women should avoid dressing like sluts in order to not be victimised.” Staff and students immediately demanded an apology and called a “slutwalk” demonstration of a thousand people against the disgraceful idea that women should take responsibility for the abuse perpetrated against them. Since then, similar demonstrations have spread across Canada and the U.S and about a hundred have taken place across the world with more planned. Thousands of people, mainly young women, have come out to voice their disgust and anger at the regressive attitudes towards rape that are still prevalent in our society. According to a report commis-
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“Slutwalk” protester
sioned by the Dublin Rape Crisis Centre in 2002, 42% of women and 28% of men have experienced some form of sexual abuse in their lifetime. Despite this, only 7.8% of women and 1% of men report these experiences to the Gardai. Comments such as those made by the Toronto police officer promote a culture of victim-blaming which makes it even more difficult for people to report these crimes so that the perpetrators can be held to account. Unfortunately these sorts of comments and attitudes are not unique. Recently a tape emerged which recorded Gardai in Corrib, Co. Mayo making jokes about rape and in Britain, the Justice Secretary, Kenneth Clarke unleashed a furore
after he tried to draw a distinction between “serious rapes” and “date rapes”. Sanguinetti’s comments clearly hit a nerve with young women rightly furious and exasperated with this culture of victim-blaming that engenders the trivialisation of these serious crimes. However, the use of the term “slutwalk” has drawn much criticism even from veterans of the women’s rights movement. The Toronto website says: “Historically, the term 'slut' has carried a predominantly negative connotation... the intent behind the word is always to wound, so we're taking it back. ‘Slut’ is being reappropriated.” While there is no doubt that it is extremely positive that young women are taking to the streets to challenge this culture, it is worrying that these women think that this can be achieved by labelling themselves “sluts”. The word is so saturated with negative connotations about women and their sexuality it is beyond redemption. It should be confined to the dustbin of history, not reclaimed. Women should be out on the streets demanding respect and equality, they should not settle for making a nasty label nicer.
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September conference to set up
By Terry Kelleher, CPSU Executive (personal capacity) N OPEN forum called under the title “Reclaim the Unions” attracted seventy activists from a wide variety of unions. This gathering discussed two key issues facing the trade union movement: the continual sell out by the right wing leaders, and the onslaught on workers jobs, wages and conditions. There was a real sense of purpose as many who attended were seasoned activists who understand the working class face big battles ahead and the unions will play a key role in these struggles. Also attending were newer activists involved in the recent struggles, particularly in the public sector. What united all was the collective understanding that the government and employers’ austerity plans have been implemented so far, not because workers weren't prepared to struggle, but due to continuous
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sell outs by many of the trade union leaderships. Activists had more than one story to tell about how union members are being treated with disdain by their leaderships or officials. Representatives from the construction unions were particularly bitter regarding the acceptance of a 7.5% pay cut by the unions leaders, without even a members’ ballot. These stories painted a common picture of union leaders unwilling to defend the interests of their members. Contributions from ASTI and CPSU members explained how they were building an oppostion within their unions. In the CPSU, the Activist Group has played a crucial role in keeping the union out of the Croke Park deal, and campaign for a democratic fighting union. Activists from the teachers’ union, ASTI, reported on the successful launch of an activist group called “Fightback” in their ranks. The Forum agreed that a national network of trade union activists should be built and formally
SNAP to fight cruel cuts By Councillor Mick Barry INE GAEL and Labour have decided to maintain the cuts in the SNA sector that were initiated by Fianna Fail and the Greens. The allocation of SNAs to primary schools around the country for the school year 2011 / 2012 are expected to be made on the week beginning 20 June and it is likely that many schools will have their allocations severely cut. Fine Gael and Labour have maintained a "cap" of 10,575 on the number of SNAs, irrespective of childrens' needs. They have also maintained criteria rules which rule out automatic entitlement to an SNA for children with needs as glaringly obvious as Downs Syndrome, spina bifida, autism and ADHD. Instead, special needs children are to have their cases reviewed by a team of SENOs ( S p e c i a l Education Needs Organisers) who are being dubbed "SAY NOs" by many SNAs as speculation mounts that hundreds of SNAs will lose their jobs this summer. A public meeting was held in Cork on 19 May to estab-
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lish the Special Needs Assistants and Parents (SNAP) campaign whose policies aim to fight the cuts, defend SNA jobs, overturn the "cap" and reverse the tightening of the criteria. Although the meeting was relatively small (20), SNAs from three schools were in attendance, a committee was formed, links were made with the Special Needs Parents Association and initiatives were discussed for the period immediately following the announcement of the cuts. This campaign needs to be built into a national campaign and similar meetings should be held in towns and cities around the country. The Socialist spoke to campaign organiser Roisin O'Mahony: "People are losing their jobs and the most vulnerable children are losing their supports at school, be it a special needs assistant or resource time. These children can't speak for themselves. It is up to SNAs and parents to speak up and campaign for justice on this issue."
launched at a conference in September. There was a general agreement that this network would encourage the development of broad left activist groups in each trade union. Importantly, the meeting also agreed that that this group must offer an alternative to the IMF / EU bailout and fight in each union
for democratically accountable leaderships based on struggle to defend their members. The Socialist Party believes that a trade union activists network can play a vital role in the next period in organising solidarity action in support of workers in struggle. As well as campaigning for struggles
and strikes to oppose the bosses’ and the government's attacks. If a network can be successfully built, it can challenge the pro-market concensus that dominates the leading bodies of the ICTU and give a credible alternative to the thousands of union members seeking a way to fight back.
ASTI activists establish Fightback By Andrew Phelan HE ASTI Fightback activist group has been established amidst a backdrop of growing frustration amongst teachers faced with growing attacks from the government. The ASTI has done nothing to stop the education cuts or the attacks on teaching jobs, wages and conditions. Morale is at an all time low. Attendance at branch meetings is getting lower all the time as members are tired of raising issue after issue at branch meetings to no avail. Some members out of frustration talk of leaving the union. The Croke Park deal imposes drastic deterioration in working conditions for teachers with terrible
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consequences for students. A group of us decided to set up the activist group “ASTI Fightback” to do something about the situation, to try to reclaim the union and transform it into an organisation that stands up for the members rights. We met every week in the run up to our convention with the aim of launching the group at convention. We also decided to point out that most of the motions that were being voted on at convention were contained within the Croke Park deal, which the union leadership constantly failed to point out. Thirty five attended the first meeting of the ASTI Fightback and the group has grown steadily since. Since then, a Google group has been set up so members of ASTI Fighback can share emails and info
easier enabling us to become much organised. There is also a facebook page, ASTI Fightback, and friends are growing every day. We also intend to hold meetings very regularly with activists and larger meetings on issues affecting teachers and the wider issues. For example, it is our intention to hold a series of meetings on the new FAS work placement scheme and the new entry level pay for teachers in June for all teachers across all unions and decide what action can be taken to challenge such measures. We have also joined with other trade unionists to establish a national activist network with the hope of linking action with other activist groups across all public and private sector unions.
Waterworks and Bins up for sale! RIVATISATION OF Cork City's waterworks was put on the agenda in May. Privatisation of the City Councils’ bin service is now likely to be put on the agenda in June. In May, the Department of the Environment indicated that their "preferred option" for building a new upgraded water treatment plant at the Lee Road was for the project to be "designed, built an doperated" by the private sector and threatened to withhold €18 million in funding unless the Council concurs. Such a project would eventually be funded by a new water tax. In June, City Manager, Tim Lucey, will present the results of
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his "review" on the future of the city's council bin service but it is an open secret that he will decide on privatisation. Privatisation will result in jobs being lost forever from the council and replaced by non-union, more lowly-paid employment. It will represent a real blow for ordinary householders facilitating water taxes on the one hand and hikes in bin prices (perhaps after a period of time) on the other. In particular, it will represent a savage blow for low income households who currently rely on the Council's waiver system. Five thousand six hundred households currently receive a full bin waiver and a further 7,000 households receive a partial waiver. Privatisation will
mean either the immediate end or the phased ending of the waiver system with the poorest households thrown to the wolves. SIPTU leaders have turned their back on campaigning to keep the service in public ownership and are focussed on negotiating the best possible "package". This is a mistake. Trade unions have a responsibility to defend public sector jobs and the interests of the poor and should be put under pressure to fight both privatisation plans. Socialist Party councillor, Mick Barry and Workers' Party councillor, Ted Tynan, have jointly called an anti-privatisation protest at City Hall to coincide with a Council meeting in June or July, details to be announced shortly.
workplace news
Trade union activist network
10
June 2011
special feature
THE SOCIALIST
STRUGGLING TO SAVE THE EUROZONE Governments have no mechanism for dealing with the crisis By Lynn Walsh, Editor of Socialism Today, magazine of the Socialist Party (England & Wales) EFORE THE global crisis that began in 2007, the eurozone leaders, particularly the leaders of the Franco-German alliance that dominate the project, trumpeted the success of the euro. The common currency, together with the European Union-wide single market, undoubtedly helped to increase intra-EU trade. However, there was no acceleration of the growth rate of the eurozone, which was no better than the overall EU growth rate. Inflation was low, but this was mainly due to international factors – global over-capacity and intense competition among low-cost producers – rather than the policy of the European Central Bank (ECB). The common, multi-national currency did not facilitate increased political and institutional integration between the national states sharing the euro. Even with banking, there was increased integration of investment banking (including London-based banks outside the eurozone), but there was no comparable integration of high-street, retail banking. There was no harmonisation of legal systems and financial regulatory structures. Claims that a common currency would lead to greater “convergence” and steps towards a political confederation were not borne out. The ECB set a common interest rate and regulated the money supply. It pumped credit into the European economy during the credit crunch which gripped the world economy in 2008, resorting to quantitative easing, like the US Federal Reserve and the Bank of England. However, national governments within the eurozone continued to issue their own bonds to finance their budget deficits. This complication (in contrast to the US with its vast fund of federal Treasury bonds) limited the development of the euro as an international reserve currency. The weaker eurozone economies with trade deficits, like Greece and Portugal, may have been adversely affected by the strengthening of the euro against the US dollar and other major currencies (making it hard for them to increase their exports). This trend reflected the
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strength of the major eurozone economies with big trade surpluses, like Germany and Netherlands. Instead of the convergence envisaged by the 1992 Maastricht treaty, there was a widening of the gap between surplus and deficit countries within the eurozone. The weaker, “peripheral” countries took advantage of low eurozone interest rates. Governments and banks could borrow money from the ECB (using government bonds as security) almost as cheaply as the stronger countries with budget and trade surpluses. Cheap euro credit fuelled property booms (especially in Ireland, Greece and Spain), bank-lending bubbles (particularly in Ireland), and public-spending booms (notably in Greece and Portugal). As a result, the ECB holds billions of euros worth of dodgy government bonds. At the same time, foreign banks have outstanding loans of $1.7 trillion to banks in Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain. There are also $756 billion of derivatives linked to these loans. This exposure to potential bad loans does not include the bond holdings or loans of domestic banks within these four countries. This situation arises from the contradiction in the Maastricht project. The Treaty established a monetary union without a political union. No doubt some EU leaders believed that a common currency would prepare the way for piecemeal progress towards political integration. But despite a limited surrender of economic sovereignty, both the EU and the eurozone remained associations of nation states which refused to surrender their fundamental sovereign powers. Thus the euro was launched in 1999 without a eurozone finance authority that could impose fiscal policy on the countries sharing the euro or in any way curb the credit-driven property bubbles that developed.
The EU’s muddled response THE EUROZONE was inevitably hit by the global financial and economic crisis that started with the US subprime crisis in 2007. The downturn exposed the extent of the sovereign debt crisis facing the eurozone, with a potentially explosive situation for the banks that
Teachers carrying banners against the IMF / EU bailout deal at February’s general strike in Greece
had financed the spending spree. The emergence of the sovereign debt issue in 2010 was a factor in stalling the very feeble “recovery”in the world economy. It was clear from the start that eurozone governments had no mechanism for dealing with the cris i s . Maastricht ruled out bailouts. EU leaders were in complete disarray,
fearing a nationalistic electoral backlash against bailing out “profligate” foreigners. EU leaders held a series of inconclusive meetings in the early part of 2010, while financial markets were in turmoil. They promised that the EU would support Greece, Ireland and Portugal and not allow defaults, but were slow in coming up with concrete measures. The suggestion by German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, that bondholders should be forced to take a “haircut” (that is, accept losses on the bonds they held) caused a furore among finance capitalists, and EU leaders were forced to announce that there were no immediate proposals for such writed o w n s (which w o u l d h a v e amounted to a partial default). In an admission of weakness, eurozone leaders were forced to rely on the IMF as a kind of surrogate
treasury to sponsor a bailout. Through a hastily improvised European Financial Stability Fund (EFSF), on 9 May 2010, they came up with an aid package of €750 billion (€500 billion from the eurozone countries and €250 billion from the IMF). The EFSF will issue bonds to finance the loans. This rescue is hardly a model of collective action. To avoid accusations that it is effectively organising bailouts, it has been structured as a package of bilateral loans, with each contributor (including the loan recipients) being liable for their share of the fund (proportionate to GDP)! The EFSF has provided massive loans to Ireland and Greece, and more recently Portugal, on the basis of savage austerity measures. The EFSF will be supplemented from 2013 by a new body, the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism (EFSM). This body will be able to provide emergency funding to any EU state on the basis of loans guaranteed by all 27 EU members. However, so far it is authorised to raise only €60 billion (compared with the €440 billion for the EFSF), which is likely to be a drop in the bucket as further financial crises unfold. At the same time, the European Commission (EC) is pushing proposals to strengthen its surveillance of the fiscal performance and economic policies of member states.
Strained relations IN AN outburst last year, Merkel even demanded that countries that
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June 2011
THE SOCIALIST
Strengthening nationalism THE EUROGROUP, economics and finance ministers of the 17 eurozone countries, meets monthly, but they are informal meetings. There is no decision-making body responsible for steering the eurozone’s economic policy. Once again, it highlights the contradiction between a common currency and the lack of an economic power. This is particularly true given the increased interdependence of financial markets, when problems in one state rapidly spill over into the others. But this is utopian. Even in a period of economic upswing, the EU leaders were unable to centralise EU institutions with real power, even in the economic sphere, let alone foreign policy and military forces. Enlargement to 27 members has made further integration even more problematic. The kind of changes envisaged by Barroso, for instance, would require treaty changes which, in turn, would require referenda in a number of states. Given the strengthening of nationalist feeling throughout Europe, together with the appearance of xenophobic trends (for instance, the True Finns, Danish People’s Party and Sweden Democrats, and renewed support for the Front National in France and Northern League in Italy), who believes that pro-Europe leaders could secure majorities for the further surrender of national sovereignty to a more integrated, federal Europe?
The obstacles in the way of federal schemes reflect more than passing political difficulties. Despite the tremendous growth of the world market, with the interdependence of trade and finance, the capitalist system is still anchored in the national-territorial state. While capitalists operate far beyond their national borders, the wealth and power of each capitalist class is rooted within its frontiers, based on its property and defended by its state apparatus. Moreover, capitalism has for centuries fostered national consciousness to legitimise and reinforce its rule, and that national consciousness cannot simply be brushed aside because sections of capitalist leaders now favour pooling some of the power with European partners. On the contrary, the organic crisis of capitalism, with deepening social tensions, is strengthening reactionary nationalist and xenophobic forces which make it even more difficult for capitalist leaders to strengthen the EU’s embryonic federal features. From the beginning, we rejected the idea (accepted by some on the Marxist left) that the EU would step-by-step lead to a federal European state, or even a looser confederation. We did not accept that sections of the national capitalists could develop into a unified, transnational euro-capitalist class. We predicted that, while it could go forward during periods of economic upswing, the EU would face growing internal tensions in times of crisis. We also rejected the idea that the euro, launched in 1999, would become a permanent currency union, embracing more and more European states. We predicted that, in the event of deep economic crisis, the eurozone would inevitably be thrown into crisis – and at some point break up into two or more currency areas or disintegrate entirely.
No capitalist solution THE PRESENT crisis confirms our prognosis. Far from cushioning the eurozone countries from the global crisis, the common currency has exacerbated the situation. Whether key economic powers manage to save the euro this time remains to be seen. But the euro
can only survive on the basis of transferring a huge share of the existing debts from the private banks to public authorities, like the EU and IMF (ultimately piling the cost of the bailout onto the working people of Europe). A “solution” to the current euro crisis will weigh like a crippling burden on the European economy, sapping the reserves available for another round of bailouts. If it survives this round, it is unlikely to survive the next time. One or more of the weaker economies may break with the euro – or be pushed out – at least being able to take advantage of a devaluation of a new national currency to stimulate growth through exports. Alternatively, Germany, together with its main trading partners (Netherlands, Denmark, Belgium, Luxembourg), might initiate a rupture, abandoning the euro to form a new Deutschmark bloc. We do not oppose the EU or the euro from a narrow, nationalist standpoint. The unification of the whole of Europe would be an enormous step forward. But this cannot be achieved on a capitalist basis. The existing EU institutions, like the EC, the ECB and so on, are clearly agencies of the capitalist ruling class, incapable of surmounting capitalist limitations. The European Parliament has very limited oversight over the EC and no control at all over the national states that, through the Council of Ministers, take all the key decisions. We stand for the unification of Europe on a socialist basis. This would take the form of a voluntary socialist confederation of states, based on a planned economy and workers’ democracy. Economic growth would provide the basis for real “convergence” through levelling up living standards, in contrast to the current neo-liberal “race to the bottom”. The integration of finance and trade into a common plan would allow the development of a durable common currency. The “social Europe” falsely promised by EU leaders in the past could be achieved, with the generous provision of public education, health and welfare services. Instead of being locked into a crisis-ridden “fortress Europe, the workers of the continent would reach out to collaborate with the workers of the world. n
ICELAND PAUL MURPHY MEP, visited Iceland as part of a delegation of European United Left (GUE / NGL) MEPs. Iceland has recently rejected in a referendum the so called “Ice save” deal. This deal proposed to make ordinary Icelandic workers, pensioners and the unemployed pay for the gambles made by large EU based banks in Icelandic banks. Paul met with trade unionists and workers who have been faced with massive austerity since the crash. The ruling Social Democrat / Green-Left government has been implementing huge cuts in welfare and cuts of 20% in public spending. Workers have also suffered with massive inflation. Paul also took the opportunity to discuss with ex Left Green party MPs who left the party due to the partie’s support for the icesave deal.
PORTUGAL Paul spoke at the Portuguese Left Bloc’s pre-election congress in Lisbon. Paul brought solidarity and greetings from Ireland to Portuguese workers and youth who have been under attack with massive austerity programmes. These attacks will step up once the new government sign off on the EU / IMF deal. Paul also took time to discuss with many Left Bloc activists about how they could
unite with other workers parties and trade unions and play a role in organising an opposition to the austerity in Portugal and also how these actions can become part of an EU wide opposition to austerity.
SRI LANKA To mark the second anniversary of the end of the civil war in Sri Lanka, which saw the massacre of at least 40,000 Tamil people, Paul Murphy, in conjunction with the Tamil Solidarity campaign, hosted a large meeting in the European Parliament which discussed the situation in Sri Lanka. The meeting was attended by over 150 people, from 14 different countries, the majority of whom were from the Tamil diaspora. Paul Murphy called for justice through a genuinely independent inquiry which would be made up of democratically elected workers and poor and for a solution to the conflict on the basis of bringing Tamil and Sinhala workers and poor together in a united struggle for a better future. The meeting passed a resolution calling on MEPs to visit Sri Lanka to visit the refugee camps and those areas worst affected by the war. To contact Paul Murphy: info@paulmurphymep.eu
Paul Murphy MEP recently travelled to Tunisia, see p. 6-7 for more detail
Socialist MEP joins “Gaza Freedom Flotilla II” T THE end of June, Paul Murphy MEP will attempt to sail to Gaza as part of the “Freedom Flotilla II” to bring humanitarian aid. The Socialist spoke to Paul about the trip. What is the purpose of the Freedom Flotilla? The purpose of the flotilla is to break the blockade of Gaza which is imposed by the Israeli state. The situation there is really desperate, akin to a densely packed open-air prison camp with over 40% unemploy-
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ment and massive poverty. We aim to bring necessary humanitarian aid, such as medicine, to the people. Why did you decide to join the Flotilla? I think much of the world watched in horror last year when the Mavi Marmara boat was boarded and nine activists were killed and dozens were injured. When I heard that the Flotilla was sailing again and that they were looking for public representatives to travel, I felt it would be a very good opportunity to express my
solidarity with the Palestinian people as well as hopefully give some level of protection to the other activists on the ship. What will happen when you get to Gaza? It’s not clear what will happen. Unfortunately, I think it’s most likely that the Israeli state will once again try to prevent the ships getting to Gaza with the same brutal tactics that they used last time. However, I hope that we will be able to land in Gaza, deliver the aid and meet with civil society representatives and activists.
How do you think the Flotilla can contribute to building lasting peace in the Middle East? The Flotilla can bring the world’s attention to what is happening in Gaza and give confidence to the Palestinian people that they have friends and supporters around the world. The revolutions against corrupt dictatorships across the Arab world demonstrate the major movements that can develop and these movements have had a real impact in both the Occupied
Territories and in Israel. What needs to be built in my opinion, is a mass revolutionary movement encompassing the Palestinian masses and the Israeli working class, together with the risen masses of the Arab world. Such a movement could complete the overthrow of the corrupt elites in the Arab world as well as kick out the right-wing Israeli establishment and fight to create a socialist Palestine alongside a socialist Israel as part of a socialist confederation of the Middle East.
special feature
break EU budget discipline should be liable to expulsion from the eurozone. (EurActiv, 18 March 2010) Yet during the global economic downturn in 2008-09, all the major EU powers, including Germany, broke the stability pact guidelines on budget deficits and national debt. In reality, the EU has no power to enforce economic policy without unanimous agreement of all 27 members, which is unachievable in practice. Unilateral action by Germany to employ some kind of sanctions against “delinquent” countries, however, would threaten the very existence of the eurozone.
PAUL MURPHY MEP ROUND-UP
WHAT WE STAND FOR Workers’ rights
PAPER OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY
ISSUE 62
JUNE 2011
FIGHT FOR YOUR FUTURE Real jobs, not slave labour schemes By Councillor Matt Waine HE “NEW” government, in collusion with the EU-IMF, has declared war on the working class and young people. The publication of the socalled “Jobs Initiative” exposes the government’s promises to focus on job creation as a lie. Instead, the intent behind these proposals is to create a vast reservoir of cheap labour for businesses to exploit. Contained in the “Jobs Initiative” was a significant cut in employers‘ PRSI obligations, cuts in VAT and the implementation of a graduate internship programme. So, while employers get tax cuts, young unemployed people are to be corralled into a slave labour scheme where, for an extra €50 a week top-up on their dole, they will be obliged to work full-time for an employer. But if employers can “employ” workers through this cheap-labour scheme, what incentive is there to create any real permanent jobs? The effect of this will be to turn young people into slave labour. Furthermore, the cut to employers’ PRSI will actually cost the exchequer over €300 million, money which will have to be covered by the taxpayer. Effectively, this is a subsidy to employers.
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JOIN
Come to your local meeting l 8pm, Friday 10 June, St. John Vianney Hall, Ardlea Rd, Artane
l 8pm, Monday 13 June, the Village Inn, (formerly the Jolly Toper), Finglas
l 8pm, Thursday 16 June, Doyle’ s Pub, l 8pm, Monday Doyle’ s Corner, 20 June, Phibsboro Donaghmede Inn
Get involved: Text 087 6684616 Alongside the government’s plan to slash Sunday pay rates and local wage agreements, this proposal exposes the government’s talk of creating jobs and building a sustainable economy. Their agenda is to drive down workers’ wages and conditions in order to maintain the profit levels of businesses. This is economic madness. Three years of aus-
terity, cutbacks and cuts to wages and living standards have not solved the economic crisis. In fact, the figures in terms of tax intake show that these measures have had the opposite effect – making the crisis worse. And how could it be any different? If you take money out of people’s pockets, they spend less, therefore depressing the economy further and
jeopardising more jobs. Hundreds of thousands working class people are struggling to keep their head above water. Thousands of young people are now left facing their last option – emigration. One in three men under 25 is unemployed and 55 per cent of all job losses were among those aged 25 and under. And what do the government plan to do about it? Nothing! There is no future in this country for young people but a life of poverty on the dole or poverty in a slave labour internship scheme. But there is an alternative. Socialist Party MEP for Dublin, Paul Murphy, is organising a series of meetings around Dublin to discuss building an active campaign that fights for real jobs with decent wages and conditions. In the first five months of the year, the government have paid €2.6 billion to service the interest of the EU / IMF bailout. What an incredible waste of money! If that money was instead spent on creating real jobs, delivering the services and infrastructure we need, 36,000 people would be taken off the dole immediately. Likewise, the bailout of Anglo Irish Bank which cost €35 billion would create 350,000 jobs. Your future has been sacrificed in order to pay the gambling debts of rich people. But we believe young people should fight back and demand a real future.
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n A guaranteed right to a job or training with decent wages and full workers’ rights. n For a minimum wage of €12 an hour tax free with no exemptions. n For a 35 hour week without loss of pay. n For a decent social welfare payment, linked to average earnings. n Free childcare for all.
Reclaim the trade unions n For democratic trade unions to fight in the interests of their members on pay, conditions and job security. n Full time union officials should be regularly elected and receive the average wage of those they represent. n Scrap the anti-union laws. An end to "social partnership".
Health n For a free public national health service. No to private health care.
Education n Free, quality education for all from primary to university, with a living grant.
Housing n Nationalise the developers’ empty residential properties and use them to eliminate the housing waiting lists.
Privatisation n No to privatisation, public private partnerships and private finance initiatives. n All publicly owned services and companies to be run under democratic working class control.
Equality n An end to discrimination on the grounds of race, religion, sex, sexual orientation, disability and to all forms of prejudice. n For the right to asylum and the scrapping of racist anti-asylum and immigration laws. For the right to work, with full protection, for immigrant workers.
Local taxation n Scrap the bin charges - no to double taxation in any form. Local authorities to receive proper funding from central government funds.
Waste management n For major investment into a publicly owned recycling service to combat the waste crisis. No to waste incinerators.
International n Oppose the big business dominated European Union. No to the militarisation of Europe and to a European Army. n For solidarity of the European working class. For a socialist Europe. n No to imperialist wars. End the occupation of Iraq. For a socialist Iraq.
Northern Ireland n Build a real peace process based on uniting the working class communities, not on bringing discredited sectarian politicians together. n Joint trade union and community action to counter all forms of sectarianism. n An end to all activity by all paramilitaries, loyalist and republican. Complete demilitarisation.
Socialism n Capitalism is the cause of poverty, inequality, environmental destruction and war. We need an international struggle against this system and its effects. The working class can build a socialist world in which the resources of the planet are used to satisfy the needs of the mass of the people not the thirst for profit of a tiny minority of super rich. n Take all major industry, banks and financial institutions into public ownership and place them under the democratic control and management of working class people. n For the working class to democratically plan the economy to provide for the needs of all, and to protect our environment. n For the building of a mass political party capable of uniting the working class in the struggle for socialism in Ireland. n For a socialist Ireland as part of a free and voluntary socialist federation of England and Wales, Scotland and Ireland.