Alfred, Edition 9, Volume 1, 2020

ALFRED EDITION 9 | VOLUME 1 | SUMMER 2020

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| SUMMER 2020

Contents Page 4

Welcome from the Editors Cassie Shaw, Juliet Winter & Matt Elphick

Page 6-18

The causation and treatment of abnormal behaviour in captive animal welfare Sarah Buck BA Animal Welfare and Society

Page 20-26

To what extent were the witch panics in Europe and America motivated by gender ideologies?

Lydia Ackrell BA History

Page 49-57

Can depictions of animals harm real animals?

Evanna Greene MSc Animal Welfare Science, Ethics and Law

Page 59-66

What features of the world economy led up to the 2007-8 crisis? Are there currently any vulnerabilities that would make the world economy crisis prone?

Lauren Wildman BA Philosophy, Politics and Economics

Page 68-75

To what extent did suburban Americans lead lives of ‘quiet desperation’ in the 1950s?

Freya Peters MA History

Page 28-32

Sacrifice Carrie Hardman MA Creative Writing

Page 77-87

Page 34-40

Assessing the significance of The First Battle of St Albans Oliver Curant BA History and the Medieval World

Uncanny Murders: Victorian Murder and Diabolic Possession Emily Griffiths BA English Literature

Page 89-97

Perceived and Performed: Stereotypes and Constructed Masculinity in Ballet Amy Funnell BA Musical Theatre

Page 99-106

How Workload is Contributing to the Attrition of Teachers Constance Killick BA Primary Education

Page 42-47

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Puppet Strings Gemma Saunders BA Creative and Professional Writing

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| SUMMER 2020

Page 109-119

An Analysis of the Key Sources of Income Used For the 2012 London Olympic Games Phoebe Meades BA Event Management

Page 121-129

The Apple of her Eye Rosanna Foster BA Creative Writing

Page 131-140

Examine the Factors Behind the Prevalence of Hate Crime Experienced by Many Disabled People Liam McLoughlin BA Sociology

Page 142-155

Looking Good! What Impact Do Messages About Functionality and Aesthetics Have On Engagement in Sport and Exercise Jake Line Primary PGCE

Page 157-166

Discuss the Significance of the Representation of the Obamas in relation to debates about African American Identity ChloĂŤ Jones BA English Literature

Page 168-174

Compare and Contrast Commemorative Naming Practices in Xhosa and Shona Cultures Phoebe Morley BA English Language Studies

Page 176-179

The Representation of Desire in Ode on a Grecian Urn Jess Zahra BA English Literature

Page 181-192

The Relationship Between Money and Debt Lukas Holub BA Politics and International Relations

Page 194-203

Re-thinking the influence of the Aqedah (Genesis 22:1-19) for Judaism and Christianity: an inevitable source of rupture, or a possible source of common ground?

Caroline Smith BA Theology, Religion & Ethics

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| SUMMER 2020

Welcome from the editors Hello and welcome to the ninth Edition of Alfred, Winchester’s student journal. Alfred exists to showcase the exceptional work of students from all disciplines and levels of the university. We hope you find the contents as fascinating and engaging as we have.

We received a record number of submissions to the journal this year, an impressive total of 80 submissions were individually reviewed by two of our editorial panel members to ensure the high standard of the journal is maintained.

As with each year the quality and the diversity of the work has increased and the articles featured in this edition have proven to be exceptionally strong. As ever, reading the submissions has been insightful, informative and a privilege for all involved and we would like to thank everyone who submitted articles, thought pieces, essays and creative works.

This edition of the journal features papers on uncanny murders, the construct of masculinity in ballet, teacher workload and the attrition of teachers, and interesting research on whether the depiction of animals could be harming real animals. In addition, it features a number of moving and powerful creative works. The intellectual and creative diversity of this year’s journal reflects our desire to continue to showcase the variety and scope of academic

inquiry and excellence here at the University of Winchester. We hope that the featured works will offer insight and inspire discussion among our readership.

This year is the fifth year in which the journal has been overseen by a staff-student editorial panel. We would like to thank Lynne Frost, Izzy Mraz, Annabelle Fox, Alice Cumming, Amy Humphries, Angel Himpson, Inghild Lea, Céline Walser, Lily Taylor, Aaron Sheldrake, Milan Vu, Victoria Adams, Tom Dowthwaite, Beth Sennett, Claire O’Brien, Jacqueline Barlow, James Vaughan and Lewis Jones for all their hard work, reviewing a record number of submissions in order to help form this year’s journal.

We are excited to announce that to celebrate Alfred’s tenth birthday we will be dedicating the 2021 journal to the university’s commitment to exploring topics relating to sustainability and social justice. For those interested in publishing your work, or seeing your student’s work, published in the 2021 edition of Alfred, please get in touch at Alfred@winchester.ac.uk

We hope you enjoy the journal.

Cassie Shaw, Juliet Winter and Matt Elphick Co-editors of the Alfred Journal

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The causation and treatment of abnormal behaviour in captive animal welfare Sarah Buck BA Animal Welfare and Society Abnormal Behaviour (AB) describes behaviour which deviates in nature from the norm, rarely occurring within the wild reference population (Olsson et al., 2011).

Seasonal, hormonal or developmental changes cause normal behavioural variation (Martin and Bateson, 2007). However, AB may indicate that an animal is unable to perform their full natural behavioural repertoire, which may result in a detrimental impact on their welfare (Thorpe, 1967; Broom, 1986; Mason, 1991).

Stereotypies, or repetitive abnormal behaviours, are present in an estimated 85 million captive animals worldwide, a widespread animal welfare concern in husbandry conditions where AB’s are now more common than not (Mason and Latham, 2004). Stereotypies such as self-mutilation or rocking seem functionless to the animal (Waters et al., 2002). However, with prevalence high, it has been argued that the performance of AB, including stereotypy, could improve animal welfare (Mason, 1991; Rushen, 1993). Arguably AB allows the individual to cope with aversive environments (Broom, 1986; Broom, 1996) and maintain an internal equilibrium or homeostasis (Moberg, 2005). This view is highly contentious (Cooper and Mason, 1998), as AB has a detrimental effect on the health of individuals who perform AB instead

of life-sustaining behaviours such as eating or resting.

There are a few examples of pathological AB, whereby the behaviour result is caused by damage or illness (Mason, 1991), e.g. waltzing in mice induced by genetic inner ear damage (Lee et al.

2002) or limping in cattle caused by lesions (Weary et al. 2006). Generally, AB’s demonstrate an adaptive modification to conditions which differ from the species’ natural environment which in turn leaves the animal unable to fulfil their behavioural needs (Olsson et al., 2011), e.g. wheelrunning in rodents (Latham and Würbel, 2006) or calves suckling on rubber teats (Passille, 2001). As pathological stereotypies are not performed in the wild (Philbin, 1998), this reflection acts as a synopsis of AB causation and treatments by considering a range of species and contexts of captive animals.

Behavioural needs and motivation A behavioural need is a strong predisposition or motivation to perform an innate behaviour of evolutionary importance, regardless of the degree of deprivation in the current environment (Broom, 1996).

Animals are motivated by an internal drive which is affected by endogenous factors (internal, e.g. hormonal changes) or exogenous factors (environmental, e.g. lack of food) (Tinbergen, 1963; Day et al., 1995). In captivity, animals may be prevented from performing highly motivated behaviours in inadequate environments, but due to the

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evolutionary legacy, an innate motivation persists (Nesse, 2013; Dawkins, 1983).

Figure 1: Motivation and behavioural needs

*(Adapted from Day et al., 1995; Hinde, 1953).

An animal who is thwarted from performing a highly motivated behaviour in the consummatory phase is impaired in their ability to fulfil their behavioural needs.

(Hinde, 1953). An interruption to the feedback loop alters the regulation of the internal mechanism of motivation; modifying the behaviour, physiology and the animal’s ability to cope (Broom, 2018). The inability to complete behaviours may lead to frustration (Breed and Moore, 2011) and AB development (Rose et al., 2017). It is, therefore, the performance of the behaviour and as well as the functional consequence, which is important to the animal (Hinde, 1953; Lutz and Novak, 2005; Rozek et al., 2010).

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Causation of abnormal animal behaviour Debatably AB’s are attempts to counteract a lack of control or choice in response to a stressor (Ross, 2006; Hughes and Duncan, 1988) originating from an immediate or historical factor. Domesticated or trained animals may cope better than nondomesticated or wild-caught animals (Cooper and Nicol, 1996; Coleman and Maier, 2010); however, some genetically selected species experience higher rates of AB (Fox, 1968).

Arguably AB prevalence is greater in captive animals due to a lack or excess of species-specific, biologically relevant stimulation in their current environment (Keeling and Jensen, 2009). Environmental predictability can reduce stress-related AB’s (Gottlieb et al., 2013); however, an excess of predictability may result in boredom. In barren conditions, animals seek stimulation, even aversive stimulation, by performing stereotypy or AB (Burn, 2017).

Figure 2: Examples of current causes of abnormal behaviour in captive animals

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Aversive condition

Example

Reference

Lack of critical resources

Licking or crib-whetting in horses due to a lack of feed available.

(Houpt, 2012)

Lack of stimulation

Somersaulting in bank voles in confined and barren conditions.

(Ă–dberg, 1987)

Proximity to natural predators

Pacing in leopards caused by fear from being housed near natural predators.

(Carlstead, et al., 1993)

Inappropriate social groups

Toe pecking in chickens due to overcrowding in intensive farming conditions.

(Broom and Fraser, 2015)

Frustration

Tail chasing in dogs due to a lack of control over when they will receive a walk.

(Burn, 2011)

Fear

Vomiting and swaying of a female sloth bear near an aggressive male.

(Meyer-Holzapfel,

Physical confinement

Rocking side to side in bears.

(Shih et al., 2016)

1968)

Some animals perform AB when no stressor is apparent (Mason, 2010). This renders the abnormality challenging to identify and treat.

Long-term trauma triggered by a historical stimuli (Dantzer, 1986), such as barren rearing environments or isolation (Broom, 1991; Clegg, 2018) can result in chronic negative impacts on the animal’s motivational and emotional or affective state (Broom, 2018). A negative affective state can incite the performance of AB, reinforcing a pessimistic cognitive bias (Bateson, 2016; Fureix et al., 2012). Pessimistic animals tend to be lethargic and may exhibit symptoms similar to those observed in depressed humans, in addition to learned helplessness ascribable to repeated exposure to aversive stimuli (Seligman, 1972; Cabib et al., 2012).

The development stage or age of the individual may influence the onset of AB. For example, advancing age in elephants affects a predisposition to perform AB (Haspeslagh et al. 2013) which may be contributable to a cumulative effect of exposure to risk factors and the continual reinforcement of the behaviour over a

lifetime. Similarly, the complexity of mink stereotypies has been found to increase with age (de Jonge et al. 1986). Juvenile captive animals are unable to learn the life skills from unnatural environments or from parents who are consumed by stereotypic behaviour and may mimic AB, e.g. weaving in horses (Cooper and McGreevy, 2007).

In group observation, only some individuals may display AB despite living through the same historical conditions.

Individuals responses may be due to personality (Olsson et al., 2011) or individual genetic predispositions (Boissy, 1995). It has also been suggested that genetic markers are activated depending on the stressors that their parents were exposed to, creating a less flexible captive-born offspring (Mason et al., 2013).

Figure 3: Abnormal behaviours, causation and recommendations.

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Abnormal Behaviour and Species

Possible cause (historical, current, could be both.)

Reference

Suggested Solution

Reference

Selfinjurious behaviour in Rhesus macaques

Increased time spent in social isolation.

(Novak et al., 2006)

Provision of appropriate social groups.

(Lutz and Novak, 2005)

(Macaca mulatta)

Being raised indoors or in a nursery as an infant.

(Rommeck et al., 2006)

Placement into isolation from an early age.

Routetracing in tigers (Panthera tigris)

Inadequate enclosure size and complexity.

There is evidence to suggest that enrichment such as toys, opportunities to forage and objects to encourage the engagement of social play reduce AB.

(Lutz et al., 2003)

Positive reinforcement training.

(Mellor et al., 2017)

Abstain and phase out management tigers (and other wideranging carnivores) in captivity.

Increasing complexity of the enclosure with the provision of freshwater pool.

Weaving in horses (Equus ferus caballus)

Lack of variety and complexity in the environment.

(Broom and Fraser, 2015)

Mimicry.

Increased foraging opportunities and access to high fibre diets, to increase the amount of time spent feeding.

Inadequate amount of time budget spent foraging.

Boredom due to idleness from longterm stabling.

Sham chewing in sows (Sus scrofa domesticus)

Enforced exercise, by lunging or mechanical exerciser.

Social contact or visual contact when stabled.

(Lutz et al., 2003; Rommeck et al., 2006)

(Coleman and Maier, 2010) (Clubb and Mason, 2003)

(Biolatti et al., 2016; Pitsko, 2003)

(McGreevy et al., 1995; Broom and Fraser, 2015) (Willard et al., 1977; Houpt, 2012)

(Redbo et al., 1998; Houpt, 1981)

Lack of social contact with other horses.

(KileyWorthington, 1987)

Ideally the horse should be turned out to pasture.

(Cooper et al., 2000)

Lack of straw or other manipulatable material to build a nest.

(Fraser, 1975; Cronin, 1985)

Providing or increasing the amount and availability to straw or other fibrous material to chew and root.

(Broom and Potter, 1984; Broom and Fraser, 2015)

(Bergeron et al., 2006).

Housing pigs in group housing systems,

(Broom, 1986; Salak-

Species who spend a large proportion of their activity budget foraging are more

Treatment of abnormal behaviour Targeted treatment strategies and the enrichment of the captive animal’s environment may reduce the occurrence of ABs and therefore improve animal welfare (Chamove, 1989). Figure 3. shows the importance of creating housing systems to

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facilitate coping behaviour (Wechsler, 1995).

However, environmental enrichment reduces the occurrence of AB’s in just 53% of cases (Swaisgood & Shepherdson, 2005).

Furthermore, Garner (2005) disputes the empiricism of evidence in successful enrichment studies previously.

Fundamentally issues with enrichment occur due to a lack of biological relevance and complexity (Maple and Perdue, 2013). For example, the provision of appropriate opportunities to forage in a species-appropriate enclosure, with outdoor access, was found to reduce oral stereotypy in captive okapi, a specialised understory vegetation browser (Bashaw et al., 2001).

Additionally, Ross and Mason (2018) found that animals, like humans, prefer naturerelated environments. Interestingly, positive effects on the well-being of animals in naturalistic environments do not depend on early experiences or culture. Therefore, persistent historical AB may be treated by incorporating natural stimuli into man-made environments.

In humans, the perception of control has psychological benefits, in the absence of actual control (Perlmuter & Monty, 1977).

Animals, too, benefit from the ability to make choices and have some control within their captive environment (Rose et al., 2017). The provision of access to indoor and outdoor areas can decrease the occurrence of stereotypy in polar bears (Ross, 2006) and pandas (Owen et al., 2005). Nevertheless, experiments in rodents have shown that rodents living in enriched laboratory conditions experience in a delay in the onset

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| SUMMER 2020

of AB when compared with barren enclosures, but ultimately AB still develops (Balcombe, 2010). This may suggest that enrichment attempts are biologically irrelevant (Swaisgood and Shepherdson, 2005) or indicate that management of animals generally is the main underlying causal factor of AB, as enrichment rarely supports naturalistic behaviours and should, therefore, be avoided where possible (Clubb and Mason, 2003).

Recommendations Ultimately to reduce AB and improve animal welfare, the management of animals should correspond strongly to the wild state of the species (Rose et al., 2017; Ross and Mason, 2018) or be avoided entirely (Clubb and Mason, 2003). Where management is unavoidable, the education of keepers to understand how best to interpret and facilitate the behavioural needs of captive species is crucial (Hoy et al., 2009; Rose and Riley, 2019). Furthermore, rigorous testing of enrichment attempts is necessary to ascertain whether adjustments objectively reduce AB prevalence and therefore, improve animal welfare (Appleby and Sandøe, 2002). Further research is also required into understudied species or where the prevalence of suffering is great (Sollund, 2013), e.g. in reptiles (Warwick et al., 2013) or at fisheries (Braithwaite and Huntingford, 2004).

Final conclusions The performance of highly motivated behaviours to satisfy innate behavioural

needs are of evolutionary importance to the individual. AB occurs when the performance of these behaviours are thwarted, although AB may have historical origins. Biologically relevant treatment and enrichment may be effective to alleviate some ABs. However, management in general fundamentally impairs the animal’s ability to cope with their environment, which may impact their welfare.

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Mason, G. J. (2010). Species differences in responses to captivity: stress, welfare and the comparative method. Trends in Ecology & Evolution, 25, (12), 713-721.

Mason, G. J., Burn, C. C., Dallaire, J. A. and Kroshko, J. (2013). Plastic Animals in Plastic Cages. Animal Behaviour, 85, (5), 1113-1126.

McGreevy, P. D., Cripps, P. J., French, N. P., Green, L. E. and Nicol, C. J. (1995).

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Mellor, E., Mendl, M., Bandeli, M. W., Cuthill, I. and Mason, G. J. (2017). Abnormal repetitive route-tracing in captive Carnivora: is natural foraging niche a risk factor? Behaviour Conference, Estoril, Portugal, August 17 2017.

Meyer-Holzapfel, M. (1968). Abnormal behaviour in zoo animals. In: Abnormal Behavior in Animals (Ed. Fox, M.W.) London: Saunders.

Moberg, G. P. (2000). Biological response to stress: Implications for animal welfare. In: The Biology of Animal Stress: Basic Principles and Implications for Animal

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Novak, M. A., Meyer, J. S., Lutz, C. and Tiefenbacher, S. (2006). Social deprivation and social separation: developmental insights from primatology. In: Mason, G. J. and Rushen, J. (eds) Stereotypic Behaviour in Captive Animals: Fundamentals and Applications to Welfare, 2nd edn.

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Owen, M.A., Swaisgood, R.R., Czekala, N.M. & Lindburg, D.G. (2005). Enclosure choice and well-being in giant pandas: Is it all about control?. Zoo Biology, 24, (5), 475–481. Ödberg, (1987). The influence of cage size and environmental enrichment on the development of stereotypies in bank voles (Clethrionomys glareolus). Behavioural Processes, 14, (2), 155-173.

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To what extent were the witch panics in Europe and America motivated by gender ideologies?

Lydia Ackrell BA History During the 16th century the existence of magic and witchcraft was unquestionable,1 only challenged by the development of science and the philosophical pursuit of reason during the 17th and 18th centuries.2 It is important to understand that this was a genuine belief within European society which holds significance when considering why witch panics emerged and their relation to gender. Stuart Clark argues that this belief was significant because it was the motivating factor surrounding witch panics.3 Therefore factors such as gender stereotypes and confessional conflicts during the early modern period are factors which heightened this belief surrounding witchcraft, raising tension and anxiety and encouraging witch panics to emerge. This essay will consider these factors and how far they were responsible for raising the feeling of fear which motivated witch panics.

It will argue that although gender is linked to the motivations behind witch panics, it is only responsible to a small extent. Instead,

this essay will argue, confessional conflicts following the Reformation hold more responsibility. It will do this by discussing witch panics within Europe only.

Firstly, this essay will consider why witch panics have been frequently described as women hunts.4 Historiography surrounding witchcraft in Europe is dominated by feminist historians from the 1970s Second Wave of Feminism movement, documenting the history of oppressed women.5 Historians such as Sara Apps and Andrew Gow argue that this approach limits the study of witchcraft because it fails to recognise men6. Joan Kelly argues that this ignores the most significant aspect of the movement, that being the male and female relationship. 7 Without this, the historian cannot understand why women were mainly convicted in comparison to men. This approach largely documents women’s involvements, altering our understanding of men’s and women’s experiences of witchcraft, explaining why it is viewed as predominantly a woman’s act.

Although, that said, the context of the early modern period can also be used to understand why gender heightened fear surrounding the belief of witchcraft,

1

4

Lyndal Roper, Oedipus and the Devil: Witchcraft, Sexuality and Religion in Early Modern Europe (London: Routledge, 1994), 2.

2 Marianne Hester, Lewd Women and Wicked Witches: A Study of the Dynamics of Male Domination (London: Routledge, 1992), 156.

3 Sara Apps and Andrew Gow, Male Witches in Early Modern Europe (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), 2.

Carol F. Karlsen, The Devil in the Shape of a Woman: Witchcraft in Colonial New England (London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1987), xii.

5 James Sharpe, Witchcraft in Early Modern England (London: Pearson Education, 2001), 9-10.

6 Apps and Gow, Male, 98.

7 Hester, Lewd, 110.

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increasing the motivation behind witch panics. Women comprised between 75 and 80 per cent of those tried and executed for witchcraft.8 Patrick Collinson argues that the Reformation reinforced the idea that women belonged in the home,9 fulfilling their role as a maid or wife.10 This role prescribed to women following the Reformation is important when understanding why gender raised fears surrounding the belief of witchcraft. Robin Briggs argues that typically a witch was classed as a bad mother.11 As the role of motherhood fell upon a woman, naturally more women than men were accused of witchcraft, especially when the cultural expectations of her nurturing role were not fulfilled.12 The amalgamation of these beliefs formed a strong link between the ideas of women and witchcraft which Apps and Gow argue; show that gender and religion were responsible for creating the witch stereotype, which, when interrogated, can be seen to be the dominant justification for accusing females as witches13.

Another prominent belief within society was that a woman was defined by her relationship with a man and if this

relationship was non-existent; she consequently became a societal cause for concern14 and accusations of witchcraft against her increased by both men and women.15 The increase in population between 1560 and 163016 resulted in the decline of living standards which, as Briggs argues, increased pauperism and competition for work.17 Thus, as highlighted

by Marianne Hester, less of Europe’s population could afford to marry resulting in more single women in society without the guidance of a man.18 In 17th century England this number increased from five to 20 per cent.19 These conditions explain why gender heightened fears surrounding the belief of witchcraft. Single women not fulfilling their role as a wife and mother matched the stereotype of a witch. Julian Goodare argues that in Germany, wealthy married women surrounded by their families, were often viewed as victims rather than as witches. 20 Therefore, the image of the fertile woman within a stable family was significant within early modern society, the breakdown of this causing panic.

8

15

9

16

Apps and Gow, Male, 25.

Patrick Collinson, The Reformation (London: Phoenix, 2005), 153.

10 Sara Mendelson and Patricia Crawford, Women in Early Modern England 1550-1720 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 66.

11 Robin Briggs, Witches and Neighbours: The Social and Cultural Context of European Witchcraft (London: HarperCollins Publishers, 1996), 241.

12 Apps and Gow, Male, 69.

13 Apps and Gow, Male, 27.

14 Mendelson and Crawford, Women, 66.

21

Apps and Gow, Male, 34.

Hester, Lewd, 136.

17 Briggs, Witches, 289.

18 Hester, Lewd, 137.

19 Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe, 4th ed. (Abingdon: Routledge, 2016), 142.

20 Julian Goodare, ‘Women and the Witch-Hunt in Scotland’. Social History 23 (1998): 298, accessed 7 December 2019, https://www.jstor.org/stable/4286516

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Aristotle’s Binary Theory, prominent throughout this period, stated that males expressed positive characteristics whilst women expressed the opposite, negative and irrational.21 Following the breakdown of patriarchy these translated into witchcraft, fears festered and resulted in the witch panics of 1597, 1629 and 1649, all periods with high living costs.22 Widows raised the same fears as they shared the lack of male control. Essex’s Assize Court records show that 90 per cent of those accused of witchcraft were women, 40 per cent being widows,23 showing that gender was responsible for heightening the belief surrounding witchcraft. Social constructs of gender roles were challenged by periods of economic and social instability. Chaos emerged and fears surrounding witchcraft intensified because during these periods the woman’s position within society broke down.

Witches held responsibility for this social unrest because they fit the criteria of this new type of woman the unstable environment created, motivating witch panics.

The Reformation was just as, if not more significant than gender in raising fears surrounding the belief of witchcraft, causing panics to emerge. Christian doctrine defined witches as heretics, only to increase throughout the later medieval period, 24 as they tended to be intellectually weak individuals in relations with the Devil.25 As Eve was tempted by the Devil26 and Aristotle’s Binary Theory held prominence,27 this inevitably made women the subject which raised witchcraft panics. These fears emerged with the creation of the Malleus Maleficarum, around 1485-86. This Catholic judicial manual28 aided the persecution of female witches as it defined witches29 using the feminine plural, suggesting that all witches were female.30 Although the significance of this document has been debated by Hans Peter Broedel, who argues that in Catholic countries such as Italy, Spain and France this document was not used as often as originally thought. 31 This shows that gender ideologies were responsible for heightening the fear surrounding witchcraft, yet only to a small extent, because religious attitudes held greater significance. Religious

21

accessed 15 November 2019, https://www.jstor.org/stable/650567 28 Hans Peter Broedel, The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), 10.

29 Broedel, Malleus,20.

30 Apps and Gow, Male, 4.

31 Broedel, Malleus,10.

Todd W. Reeser, Moderating Masculinity in Early Modern Culture (North Carolina: The University Of North Carolina Press, 2006), 76.

22 Goodare, Scotland, 298.

23 Hester, Lewd, 161.

24 Karlsen, Devil, 4.

25 Apps and Gow, Male, 132.

26 Stephen A. Mitchell, Witchcraft and Magic in the Nordic Middle Ages (Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 179-180.

27 Stuart Clark, ‘Inversion, Misrule and the Meaning of Witchcraft’. The Past and Present Society 87 (1980): 105,

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doctrine and classical philosophy in this text was responsible for linking the idea of the woman and the witch, as shown in the Malleus Maleficarum, which was challenged by a woman’s place within society as the context of the period changed this.

Historians such as Keith Thomas and Hugh Trevor-Roper argue that these factors and the confessional conflicts witnessed after the Reformation created instability within society. These heightened the fear surrounding witches motivating widespread panics32 between 1450 and 1750 when around 40,000 people were persecuted for witchcraft.33 Briggs argues that the 1562 French religious wars created an environment similar to that explained in the Book of Revelations with the Devil and AntiChrist. Thus, those in alliance with the Devil, female witches, were to be removed from society.34 Trevor-Roper argues that the 1563 Scottish Calvinist Revolution led to the creation of a law, in response to the fears surrounding witchcraft, bringing death to all witches regardless of their motive. 35 These confessional conflicts, whereby new religious doctrines tried to establish themselves, created an environment questioning some women’s role within society. Their traditional role as religious

mothers in the home was challenged and their new position uncertain.36 Due to this, Hester argues that witch panics, following these conflicts were an attempt to reestablish male dominance and social order within the unstable religious climate. 37 These conflicts were also used to justify further panics that emerged.38 James Sharpe highlights that Matthew Hopkins’ trials of the 1640s were linked to religion because from the 110 witchcraft accusations, 63 referenced the Devil.39 The 1645 trial during the English Civil War holding particular significance as 35 women, with no reference of men, appeared in court with the majority persecuted and the rest imprisoned. 40 Therefore, this shows that gender was only responsible for raising fears surrounding witchcraft which motivated the panics across Europe to a small extent, because confessional conflicts held greater responsibility as they created a far more intense environment. This in turn generated instability, challenging traditional roles.

Historians such as Apps and Gow have identified that men consisted of 25 per cent of those executed for witchcraft, 41 largely forgotten due to feminist historiography.42 Goodare argues that men accused of witchcraft were linked to women

32

38

33

39

Hester, Lewd, 109.

Sharpe, Witchcraft, 6.

34 Briggs, Witches, 193.

35 H.R. Trevor-Roper, The European Witch-Craze of the Sixteenth and the Seventeenth Centuries (London: Penguin Books, 1990), 65-68.

36 Hester, Lewd, 111-113.

37 Hester, Lewd, 107.

23

Hester, Lewd, 129-130.

Sharpe, Witchcraft, 59.

40 Hester, Lewd, 187-188.

41 Apps and Gow, Male, 26.

42 Apps and Gow, Male, 2.

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through marriage or motherhood, still placing the responsibility of the man’s irrationality upon women,43 as Binary Theory made it almost impossible to conceptualise male witchcraft.44 Although few in number, male cases still existed, for example the 1617 New Romney Case45 and the 1628 case of Johannes Junius,46 these numbers heavily influenced by the effects of the Reformation.

Mary Wiesner highlights that males consisted of half of those persecuted for witchcraft in Iceland, Estonia and Russia, areas which did not experience the Western Reformation.47 Therefore the effects that this and its conflicting ideologies had on heightening fears in relation to women, were not shared within these countries and instead males were mainly persecuted.

Within these shamanic cultures the healer was a man. Thus, when used maliciously, suspicions immediately turned towards men as their actions caused panics to emerge.

Arthur Howland notes that decrees in Catholic Italy in 1487, 1494 and 1743 did not mention witchcraft as a crime.48 This supports Thomas’ argument that beliefs were socially constructed and changed accordingly with environments.49 He uses miracles to showcase this as they remained

crucial within Catholicism, yet were described as a form of witchcraft within Protestant countries.50 Therefore, although gender was linked to the motivations behind witch panics, the Reformation was more important in heightening the belief surrounding witchcraft, motivating panics.

Those countries without the Reformation did not experience the heightening of fears surrounding women emerging within Protestant Europe.

In conclusion, this essay has agreed with Clark’s argument that the belief surrounding witchcraft was significant because it was the motivating factor surrounding witch panics. It has argued that gender was only responsible to a small extent, for heightening fears surrounding the belief of witchcraft, motivating witch panics across Europe. Instead the Reformation and the confessional conflicts that followed hold more responsibility. It has acknowledged that factors including the feminist approach, stereotypes assigned to women and the religious linking of witchcraft and the Devil during the early modern period, justify why the majority of those persecuted for witchcraft were women. That said it has also acknowledged Apps and Gow’s argument

43

46

44

47

Goodare, Scotland, 308.

Apps and Gow, Male, 36-37.

45 Malcolm Gaskill, ‘The Devil in the Shape of a Man: Witchcraft, Conflict and Belief in Jacobean England’.

Historical Research, 71 (1998): 147. Accessed 10 November 2019. Available at: https://onlinelibrary-wileycom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/doi/epdf/10.1111/14682281.00058

Apps and Gow, Male, 31-32.

Mary E. Wiesner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe, 2nd ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 275.

48 Arthur C. Howland, ed, Materials Toward a History of Witchcraft, Volume 3 (Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1939), 1069-1070.

49 Gaskill, ‘Shape’, 169.

50 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (London: Penguin Books, 1991), 78.

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that in some countries more men were convicted for witchcraft because these did not experience the Protestant Reformation.

Thus, when considering what factors hold responsibility for heightening the fears surrounding the belief of witchcraft motivating panics across Europe, the Reformation is responsible to a greater extent. If gender, specifically fears surrounding women, held a greater responsibility for raising fears, the number of women accused and persecuted for witchcraft would have mirrored the trend present within Protestant countries rather than fluctuating across Europe in cohesion with religious changes as it did. Therefore, the Reformation was responsible to a greater extent.

References Apps, Sara and Andrew Gow. Male Witches in Early Modern Europe. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003.

Briggs, Robin. Withes and Neighbours: The Social and Cultural Context of European Witchcraft. London: Harper Collins Publishers, 1996.

Broedel, Hans Peter. The Malleus Maleficarum and the Construction of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular belief.

Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003.

Clark, Stuart. ‘Inversion, Misrule and the Meaning of Witchcraft’. The Past and Present Society 87 (1980): 98-127. Accessed 15

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November 2019. https://www.jstor.org/stable/650567 Collinson, Patrick. The Reformation. London: Phoenix, 2005.

Gaskill, Malcolm. ‘The Devil in the Shape of a Man: Witchcraft, Conflict and Belief in Jacobean England’. Historical Research, 71 (1998), 142-171. Accessed 10 November 2019.

Available at: https://onlinelibrary-wileycom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/doi/epdf/10.11 11/1468-2281.00058 Goodare, Julian. ‘Women and the WitchHunt in Scotland’. Social History 23 (1998): 288-308.

Hester, Marianne. Lewd Women and Wicked Witches: A Study of the Dynamics of Male Domination. London: Routledge, 1992.

Howland, Arthur C, ed. Materials Toward a History of Witchcraft, Volume 3. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1939.

Karlsen, Carol F. The Devil in the Shape of a Woman: Witchcraft in Colonial New England.

London: W.W. Norton and Company, 1987.

Levack, Brian P. The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe. 4th ed. Abingdon: Routledge, 2016.

Mendelson, Sara and Patricia Crawford, Women in Early Modern England 1550-1720.

Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998.

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Mitchell, Stephen A. Witchcraft and Magic in the Nordic Middle Ages. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011.

Reeser, Todd W. Moderating Masculinity in Early Modern Culture. North Carolina: The University Of North Carolina Press, 2006.

Roper, Lyndal. Oedipus and the Devil: Witchcraft, Sexuality and Religion in Early Modern Europe. London: Routledge, 1994.

Sharpe, James. Witchcraft in Early Modern England. London: Pearson Education, 2001.

Thomas, Keith. Religion and the Decline of Magic. London: Penguin Books, 1991.

Trevor-Roper, H.R. The European WitchCraze of the Sixteenth and the Seventeenth Centuries. London: Penguin Books, 1990.

Wiesner, Mary E. Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.

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Sacrifice Carrie Hardman MA Creative Writing 1. Alice “No, I can’t be.”

The doctor’s smile slowly falls from her face as she registers the tone of my denial. “Mrs Asher, it –” “– Miss.”

“Sorry. Miss Asher, the test is correct.

The next step is to book in a scan, where we will be able to figure out the dates if you are unsure…”

I gaze blankly in her direction, not really seeing her, but staring straight through her. I see through the wall behind her too, through the reception area and out into the open air of the carpark behind the doctor’s surgery. It’s something I’ve always been able to do, seeing beyond what’s in front of me. As a small child my mother always commented on my vague expression when I would tune out those around me and let my imagination take me elsewhere. Now, breathing deep I imagine the fresh air filling my lungs. Instead I am greeted by the stale taste of this morning’s coffee and the monotonous tone of the doctor, the four white walls of her office. “… I can arrange for someone to talk with you, discuss what you’re feeling?”

“I’m sorry, what?”

“Miss Asher, this seems to have come as a bit of a shock to you. Have you been sexually active, or has something else…?” She didn’t complete her sentence,

but the furrowing of her brow and the tilt of her head told me what she was inferring.

“Yes. I mean, no, nothing like that.

I’ve been… active. But I’m always careful and…” Tears well in my eyes as the words catch in my throat and mingle with the coffee that threatens a return.

“It’s okay. I know this might seem a little scary, but motherhood isn’t –” “– You don’t understand. I can’t have a baby. I don’t have anyone, any family. It’s just me and…” The tears stream down my face now, the droplets dripping from my chin onto my balled-up hands in my lap. “I can’t have a baby. I don’t have a sacrifice.”

2. Bree “Okay, and what about the mother?” Bree’s voice shook more than she intended it to.

Until now, the focus had been on her and Cameron, the new Mummy and Daddy just finalising the details before they would receive their own little bundle of joy. There had been no mention of the other woman, the mother, who would actually bring the child into this world. Bree wasn’t sure how much she actually wanted to know. This was going to be her child, she its only mother.

“There is only so much information I can give you in a closed adoption such as this. But I can tell you the mother is healthy, free of drugs and alcohol. As I said before, the baby has reached twenty-six weeks gestation and all tests show a healthy foetus. We aren’t able to manipulate the genes at this late stage, but I can tell you the child will be of mixed raced, with hazel eyes. Am I right in

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thinking you don’t want to know the gender?”

“No, we want the surprise. But I actually meant, why doesn’t she want it?” It’s something that had been niggling at the back of her mind for a while now. When the doctors had declared her womb ‘uninhabitable’ she was broken. They’d considered a transplant, but the waiting list was long. Longer than she was willing to wait. When adoption had been offered, she immediately wondered what would bring a mother to abandon her baby.

“The reason for adoption has been listed as ‘no sacrifice available.’ Which actually brings me neatly on to the final section of our forms today.” Doctor Mackintosh shuffled in his seat and returned his grey gaze to the screen in front of him. His back stiffened as his voice dropped a decibel or two; he was clearly as uncomfortable with asking the final questions as Bree was about answering them. After all, it wasn’t her family that would be making the sacrifice, it was Cameron’s.

“Who is going to be making the sacrifice?”

The doctors’ hands ran deftly over the screen, opening the correct box and waiting, poised to tap in the answer. He didn’t lift his eyes to meet theirs.

“I am. Well,” Cameron’s uncomfortable shuffle matched the doctors, “it’s my Grandfather who will… who is…” He looked at Bree, wide eyed, a gesture for her to save him from having to actually say it.

“Cameron’s Grandfather – Joseph Cameron Benson – is our sacrifice.”

29

“Okay. Now I need you to listen carefully as I read this to you, and only answer ‘yes’ if you fully understand what you’re agreeing to, alright?” They both nod so the doctor continues. “In accordance with Section 17 of the Futures Act, passed in 2039 by the People’s Parliament, you are hereby agreeing that Joseph Cameron Benson will be sacrificed before the birth of the child, sex as yet unknown, due date: 25/09/2051.”

“Yes,” they answer in cracked unison.

“You understand that Joseph Cameron Benson must be declared as deceased, as recognised by a medical professional governed by the People’s Parliament, before this date, or else the child will be terminated upon birth?”

“Yes.” “In the event of the child arriving before the due date, a twenty-four-hour grace period will be granted. You understand that if the sacrifice is not made within this grace period, the child will be terminated in accordance with Section 23 of the Futures Act?” “Yes.” “Okay, great. Just one final question: is the sacrifice aware of this arrangement today?”

Bree looked to Cameron; it was his turn to answer this time.

“No. Not yet.”

3. Alice “Why don’t you ever use the auto-drive?

Please don’t tell me you’re one of those ‘my parents coped without it, so can I’ lot?” Dani’s tone is mocking, but I can sense the serious note underlying her words. She’s one of

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those ‘new age techno’s’, those who wonder why humans do anything when a machine can do it for you, especially when the machines can do it better.

“No,” I laugh, “it just takes the corners harder than my morning sickness can handle.” It isn’t a complete lie; the sickness does seem to have gotten worse as the due date approaches. Less than two weeks now.

But I also don’t trust when something is described as ‘un’ something. One hundred and forty years ago they called the Titanic ‘unsinkable’, and look what happened to that. So, no, I don’t trust the ‘unhackable’ auto-drive tech, no matter how much better it drives than me.

“Are you sure you should even be doing this,” she motions to the poster rolled up on her lap, ready to be held high above the marching crowd, then strung over the bridge to New Westminster, “especially when you’re… you know? In your condition?”

“I’m pregnant, Dani. You can say the word. It won’t kill me.”

“I know. I just mean –” “– and this baby is exactly why I should be doing this. For over ten years now women have been forced to give up or terminate their babies because they have no one to sacrifice, or aren’t willing to kill to bring another life in to this fucked up world.

It’s barbaric! The People’s Parliament got this law in through lies and deceit. I’m doing it for this baby. It shouldn’t have to grow up in a world where having a child is dependent on who you are willing to sacrifice.” I’m not sure when I started crying, but Dani isn’t looking

at me anymore, her uncomfortable gaze now focused out of the window.

“I know” is all she says in response.

We don’t talk for the rest of the drive to the capital.

4. Bree “It’s less than two weeks, Cameron. Can’t you just speak to him again?” She touched her hand to his arm and inwardly cringed as he flinched at the gesture.

“He said he’ll do it. He still has time.”

His voice was barely a whisper, but his annoyance seeped through in waves.

“I know, but –” “– but nothing, Bree. It’s not like I can just walk up to him and say ‘oh, Grandad, I can see you’re still alive. Ready to off yourself yet so I can have a baby?’ He said he’ll do it, so back off.” His tone matched the deep pain set in his eyes.

Bree hadn’t seen him like this before.

She knew this wasn’t easy, none of this was easy for any of them. But it wasn’t like they hadn’t discussed it before they got married, and regularly since they found out there was an unborn baby they could adopt. They’d talked endlessly about what was ‘fair’ and ‘right’. Bree’s grandparents had already passed, sacrifices for her two nieces’ respectively. As an only child, no one in Cameron’s family had needed to be a sacrifice since the new law came in. As the oldest, Grandad Joe seemed like the fairest option. In fact, Joe had offered before they’d even fully finished asking him.

His only request had been that he could take his own life when the time came.

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“But what if he doesn’t? What if he can’t go through with it? Cam, I know this is difficult. I just need to know that if he can’t, if he doesn’t, that you are going to… step up?

Time is running out. We still need to register the death and… are you even listening to me?”

Pain wiped across his face, mixed with another emotion she couldn’t read – sickness, maybe disgust – and he replied, “He’ll do it.”

5. Alice My feet already ache less than a mile into the march, not even close to the half way point where Dani has offered to rent me an electric cycle. Not that I think sitting on one of those awful bike seats would be any more comfortable right now.

The crowds are enormous. I can’t even guess as to how many hundreds of thousands of people are here. Swarms of bodies marked with sporadic placards and pickets march on the People’s Parliament.

Some of the posters are trying to be witty, others blunter, getting straight to the point.

Dani is a few people in front of me with our hand-drawn offering, paled in comparison to the hologram up ahead of her. It shows an actor I’m not aware of, reeling off lines of old laws that are still in place that make no sense: it is illegal to hold a salmon in suspicious circumstances, it is an offence punishable by a prison sentence to be in charge of a cow whilst intoxicated. After a few lines sections of the Futures Act are interjected, showing its stupidity amongst the rest.

31

Though dark clouds gloom above us, the air is sticky with the heat of the masses of people around me and I start to feel faint. Looking for a place I might be able to slip through, a gap to give me a quick reprieve, I find myself completely trapped. I call for Dani, but she can’t hear me above the roar and chants of the crowd. Panic begins to wrap itself around me. I try to ground myself, imagine a space beyond the crowds, with fresh air and water and a seat.

But I can’t focus with the noise.

I push past a few people ahead to try to reach Dani, offering ‘excuse me’s as I go, but find myself just as quickly pushed back and shoved from side to side by the jostling hordes. Pain rockets through my side and back as an elbow collides with my stomach. I cry out and cradle my protruding belly, try to breathe through the pain. Wet warmth trickles its way down my thighs. I reach down to wipe at whatever it is, anger burning at the back of my throat. I look down to my hands, to the red smeared across them. I scream for Dani.

6. Bree She’d let herself in with the guest code and watched him sleep for a while before she had made up her mind. His ageing chest rose and fell in inconsistent garbles, his lips murmuring inaudibly to the dream which tied him in slumber. He looked peaceful, Bree decided. Rested. It hadn’t been a quick decision, not really. She’d figured some time ago that she’d have to do this, that she would have to be the one to take charge and make stuff happen. When they’d argued

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earlier that day, she’d seen it in Cameron’s eyes that he wasn’t strong enough to go through with it. She didn’t blame him; it was his Grandfather after all. But she pitied him, wondered if this meant she would love the baby more than him, if he was even still the same man she’d married.

But Bree knew nothing was going to stop her being a mother.

Joseph didn’t struggle too much, his weak body barely moved beneath hers as she straddled him and placed the soft pillow over his face. Though his hands pulled at her arms, she knew this is what he would have wanted. He had smiled when they asked him to be the sacrifice, signed the forms without a tremble in his hand. She was just making this easier for him, easier for all of them.

As his hands fell motionless to his side, Bree sighed.

“Thank you, Joseph.” She stood from him, removed the pillow and placed a kiss upon his forehead. “Your grandchild will know of the sacrifice you have made today.”

are just never happy. The People’s Parliament came up with a solution to deal with the population problem and stop women like her just popping out sprogs as and when they feel like it. And what’s their argument: ‘oh, it’s not fair, I don’t want to sacrifice, blah, blah, blah.’ Some people don’t deserve children.”

I try to open my eyes to see them, or open my mouth to fight back, but I’m stuck still. Even the angry tears that threaten to fall can’t escape me.

“Was she going to keep it?”

“No, it was being adopted.” The woman’s words sting as I try to come to terms with what she is saying.

“Shit. It’s them I feel sorry for, you know, the other family. I just hope the sacrifice hadn’t been made yet.”

7. Alice I don’t recognise the voices around me, their words coming through in inconsistent waves, separated by the whirl and beeps of machines.

“She was at that rally. You know, the one to stop the Futures Act.” The male voice scoffs as he says this, the distain clear to even my fuddled brain.

“Oh god, she’s one of those.” The female’s voice is softer, but her tone carries the same amount of disgust. “Some people

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Assessing the significance of the First Battle of St Albans Oliver Curant BA History and the Medieval World The First Battle of St Albans was fundamentally the first armed conflict of the Wars of the Roses between Richard, Duke of York and his allies, at this stage primarily members of the Neville family. Opposing them were Henry VI, King of England, and his advisors.1 Key to the understanding of the first battle of St Albans is why it occurred; the players involved; the events of the battle itself, and its outcome. The ramifications of the outcome of the conflict were widespread and contributed to outright civil war, P.A. Johnson discusses that the battle itself was not the first conflict of a civil war, but rather that of York attempting to be rid of Edmund Beaufort, Duke of Somerset. This was due to a rivalry that had built between the two throughout the previous decade and a half.2 York was a major political figure through the mid fifteenth century and of royal blood, greatgrandson of Edward III through the paternal line, and a large landholder with ties throughout England to many noble families.

Alongside this it can be argued that personal feuds contributed further to the events during the battle itself. The powerful 1

A.J. Pollard, The Wars of The Roses (London: Macmillan Education Ltd, 1988), 22-23.

2 P.A. Johnson, Duke Richard of York 1411-1460 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 156-158.

3 Martin, Cherry. "Courtenay, Thomas, thirteenth earl of Devon (1414–1458), magnate." Oxford Dictionary of

northern magnate families, the Neville’s of Middleham and the Percy’s of Northumberland, had an ongoing feud relating to land and offices along with allies such as the Clifford’s who supported the Percy’s. During the battle, opportunities were taken by the Neville’s to remove the heads of the Percy and Clifford families.

Events during the battle led to the deaths of Somerset; Henry Percy, 2nd Earl of Northumberland and Thomas Clifford, eighth Baron Clifford, all supporters of the king. Alongside this, Humphrey Stafford, 1st Duke of Buckingham, a neutral figure who had taken a conciliatory approach during the political too and throw between York and Somerset, was wounded and briefly taken prisoner; Thomas de Courtenay, 13th earl of Devon whom had been a supporter of York, but following a land dispute with the Bonville family whom York had no choice to favour due to the increase in their prominence in offices and lands according to Martin Cherry,3 acted as an intermediary in the negotiations at St Albans was also wounded. Furthermore, a major figure was wounded after Richard Neville, earl of Warwick ordered archers to fire on the king’s position, that of King Henry himself.

Why the First Battle of St Albans occurred is a complex question, but it is inextricably tied to those that were present National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 12 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9 780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-50218.

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during the conflict and when discussing one, the other must be included. England had in recent years lost its possessions in France, Normandy in 1450 following the Battle of Formigny and the Battle of Castillon in 1453, leaving only Calais in English possession.

Somerset was acting as lieutenant and governor-general at the time, and it is these losses and Somerset’s conduct throughout this period of loss that pushed the rivalry between York and Somerset into open conflict, Colin Richmond discusses.4 Watts agrees with this in his article on York, stating that York sent a number of open letters and bills addressed to Henry, stating that justice was not being done to those who broke the king’s law, particularly traitors close to the king, i.e. Somerset.5 Alongside this, York “signed and sealed” a declaration of support and loyalty to Henry,6 he was not asserting his dynastic claim to the throne as the traditional view holds, but by sending such letters, was making Henry aware of the unrest of the commons and that of members of the nobility such as himself. 7 Henry agreed to remove Somerset from his position in the king’s council at an armed confrontation in Dartford, Kent. Richard at

this point only had the support of two of the nobility, that of the Earl of Devon, Thomas de Courtenay and Lord Cobham. Richard stood down his army upon reaching an agreement with Henry, only to find Somerset with the king.8 This must have led York to believe that no matter what gains he made with Henry, Somerset was too ingrained as the kings favourite to be removed by Henry himself.

The Battle of Castillon and fall of Gascony in France in 1453 presented York with the chance to remove Somerset permanently. Henry fell into a catatonic state in August 1453 and a great council was called in which Somerset tried to exclude York, most likely fearing for his position and life. This was to no avail and the council summoned York despite the protestations of Somerset and Queen Margaret of Anjou. 9 York was made protector of the realm until Henry’s recovery and upon this event, imprisoned Somerset in the Tower of London in November of 1453. What needs to be considered is Henry’s activity in the lead up to this event, to explore why York went from very little support to being able to force a conflict at St Albans. Prior to Henry’s

4

com.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9 780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-23503.

6 Johnson, Duke Richard of York 1411-1460, 107.

7 Watts, “Richard of York, third Duke of York (1411-1460).”

8 Nathen Amin, The House of Beaufort, The Bastard Line that Captured the Crown (Stroud: Amberley Publishing, 2018) 225-227.

9 Amin, The House of Beaufort, The Bastard Line that Captured the Crown. 299-233.

Colin, Richmond. "Beaufort, Edmund, first duke of Somerset (c. 1406–1455), magnate and soldier." Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 12 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9 780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-1855.

5 John, Watts. "Richard of York, third duke of York (1411– 1460), magnate and claimant to the English throne." Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 19 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnb-

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catatonic state, Parliament had been summoned at Reading and it was during this parliament that Henry solidified himself dynastically. R.A. Griffiths discusses by making his half-brothers Edmund and Jasper Tudor Earls and granting the wardship of the Beaufort heir, Margaret Beaufort.10 This could only have solidified Henry’s involvement with Somerset, but by doing so Henry gained two steadfastly loyal Welsh landowners who would support him, indeed Jasper would go on to support Henry unconditionally along with Margaret of Anjou and eventually his nephew, Henry Tudor and Margaret Beaufort. It is during this parliament that Thomas Percy, Lord Egremont was recalled to answer for crimes of rioting and violence towards the Neville family and their allies, a call he never answered for and stood by Henry through the entirety of the conflict.11 Discussing the Neville’s and Percy’s has to be taken into consideration when discussing St Albans and by extension, York and Somerset due to the alliances that were made leading up to the conflict and the events of said conflict itself. Without the Neville’s presence on the

side of York, it is unlikely that York would have forced the issue against Somerset in the way that he did. A.J. Pollard discusses that it was remarkable that Richard Neville, fifth earl of Salisbury sided with York due to the Neville background as a loyal supporter of the Lancastrian dynasty and that at first glance, it would have been the Percy family of Northumberland whom it would have been seen to have sided with York due to their historic animosity towards the Lancastrian dynasty.12 York however had ties to Salisbury and the Neville’s, he was married to Cecily Neville, sister of Salisbury and had been a ward of Salisbury whom Pollard describes as a mentor to York during his youth.13 These factors, along with Somerset and Henry aligning themselves with the Percy’s would have drawn the Neville’s further into York’s sphere of influence, so much so, York made Salisbury his chancellor during this first protectorate.

This aligned York with not only Salisbury, but with Salisbury’s sons, Richard Neville, earl of Warwick, John Neville and Thomas Neville, the last of whom was the centre of the Percy-Neville feud.14

10

http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/parliamentrolls-medieval/march-1453.

12 A.J. Pollard "Neville, Richard, fifth earl of Salisbury (1400–1460), magnate." Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 19 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9 780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-19954.

13 Ibid.

14 Horrox, Rosemary. "Neville, John, Marquess Montagu (c. 1431–1471), magnate." Oxford Dictionary of National

R, Griffiths. (2015, May 28). Henry VI (1421–1471), king of England and lord of Ireland, and duke of Aquitaine. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Retrieved 19 Nov. 2019, from https://wwwoxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9 780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-12953.

11 "Henry VI: March 1453," in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ed. Chris Given-Wilson, Paul Brand, Seymour Phillips, Mark Ormrod, Geoffrey Martin, Anne Curry and Rosemary Horrox (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2005), British History Online, accessed November 19, 2019,

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At this stage, it should be noted that York and his supporters were often ordered to come with him arrayed as for war McFarlane discusses and it was not a surprise that York decided to fight at St Albans.15 The events of the First Battle of St Albans itself certainly give rise to the theory that because of personal feuds, it was an action to permanently remove Somerset, members of the Percy family and their immediate supporters from existence, let alone their favoured status with Henry. York had placed Somerset under arrest in the Tower of London during his protectorate but on Henry’s revival, was freed by Henry and found himself again as the king’s favourite.

The king sought to hold a council at Leicester, it was thought by York and his Neville allies that Somerset and the king would bring charges against them here.

They attempted to stop the procession at St Albans, which culminated in the battle. Prior to the battle starting, Henry removed Somerset as Constable of England and replaced him with Humphrey Stafford, first duke of Buckingham as field commander. 16

This was an attempt to appease York as Buckingham had been an arbitrator of peace leading up to St Albans and known as a man of honour, something that York himself was known as and would have respected. 17 York used Devon as an intermediary between the king and York due to their previous relationship, this was a final effort to avoid bloodshed Martin Cherry discusses, but nothing came of the interactions and it was felt that the king was playing for time and building defences by York which prompted him to attack.18 It is St Albans that gave Warwick his reputation as a competent leader of men, the fighting between the roughly 2000 royalists and 700019 had stalled due to barricades that Buckingham had ordered built. Warwick led a reserve force through unguarded lanes and gardens and surprised the Lancastrians in the centre of town, the Lancastrians were ill prepared for such an attack and routed with the king’s banner being discarded. The king himself was wounded by an arrow alongside Buckingham who was also wounded by an

Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 19 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9 780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-19946.

15 K.B. McFarlane, “The Wars of the Roses,” in England in the Fifteenth Century, Collected Essays (London: The Hambledon Press, 1981.) 235.

16 K.L. Clark, The Nevills of Middleham (Stroud: The History Press, 2016), 131.

17 Carole, Rawcliffe. "Stafford, Humphrey, first duke of Buckingham (1402–1460), soldier and magnate." Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 19 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnb-

com.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9 780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-26207.

18 Martin, Cherry. "Courtenay, Thomas, thirteenth earl of Devon (1414–1458), magnate." Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 19 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ref:odnb/9 780198614128.001.0001/odnb-9780198614128-e-50218.

19 R.A. Griffiths, The Reign of King Henry VI (California: The California University Press, 1981) 742-744.

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arrow to the face. Henry was taken personally by York to be tended in the abbey as discussed by K.L. Clark in her book on the Neville’s.20 The fighting however continued, with notable members of the Somerset contingent being slain in the fighting, that of Somerset himself who sought refuge at the Castle Inn; Henry Percy, second earl of Northumberland was slain trying to reach the Castle Inn and Lord Clifford, a staunch ally of the Percy’s was slain in the fighting at the barricades. All three were targeted by York and his allies, removing their rivals completely as Hicks discusses.21 Alongside this, Devon was wounded in the fighting along with Buckingham, Henry Beaufort, son of Somerset and Jasper Tudor who was present with the king.

The ramifications of St Albans were to be huge. During the following parliament, summoned four days after the battle on 26 May 1455, York and his allies were exonerated of any traitorous actions against the king, the excuse being the same they used as justification for the attack, that of being defence against the “poisonous enemies within” who surrounded the king. 22 York finally had control of the king and had removed Somerset completely. Alongside

this, the Neville’s had removed their main rivals in the north, that of Northumberland and Clifford. The duke of Exeter was not present in either the battle or at the parliament that followed due to being held in custody for his violent actions against the Neville’s in the north and was another prominent supporter of Northumberland.

The parliament roll, recognises that York and the Neville’s acts were lawful due to their apparent loyalty to the crown. The roll turns the events on its head as we know it, to say that it was not an attack on the king by York but rather of one by Somerset on York.23 It is during this parliament that York was again appointed as protector on 15 November 1455 and a week later deprived the king of personal authority through this as discussed

by Watts.24 Although overtures of peace were made following St Albans, personal feelings fuelled events leading up to and during the battle itself, something that Charles Ross discusses regarding St Albans. 25 The main rivals of York and the Neville’s were removed seemingly completely from the politics of the time, this was however an illusion. The sons and heirs of each family took up the struggle against York and his Neville allies with a fervour that could be

20

http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/parliamentrolls-medieval/july-1455.

23 Ibid.

24 Watts, “Richard of York, third Duke of York (14111460).”

25 Charles Ross, The Wars of the Roses, A concise history (Norwich: Jarrold and Sons Ltd, 1976), 32.

Clark, The Nevills of Middleham. 132-133.

Michael Hicks, The Wars of the Roses (Hampshire: Yale University Press Ltd, 2010), 110.

22 "Henry VI: July 1455," in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ed. Chris Given-Wilson, Paul Brand, Seymour Phillips, Mark Ormrod, Geoffrey Martin, Anne Curry and Rosemary Horrox (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2005), British History Online, accessed November 19, 2019, 21

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described as greater than before, indeed the next Lord Clifford, John, caught York’s son Edmund, earl of Rutland and brutally murdered him in revenge for his father’s death at St Albans. This became a recurring theme throughout the Wars of the Roses with York and Salisbury’s sons continuing the conflict following their demise at the battle of Wakefield five years later.

Alongside this, through his position as protector, York was made heir apparent to Henry over Henry’s infant son, Edward. This would in turn cause Margaret of Anjou to continue hostilities against York to protect Edwards birth right as son of the king.

References Primary Sources "Henry VI: March 1453," in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ed. Chris Given-Wilson, Paul Brand, Seymour Phillips, Mark Ormrod, Geoffrey Martin, Anne Curry and Rosemary Horrox (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2005), British History Online, accessed November 19, 2019, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/noseries/parliament-rolls-medieval/march1453.

"Henry VI: July 1455," in Parliament Rolls of Medieval England, ed. Chris Given-Wilson, Paul Brand, Seymour Phillips, Mark Ormrod, Geoffrey Martin, Anne Curry and Rosemary Horrox (Woodbridge: Boydell, 2005), British History Online, accessed November 19, 2019, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/noseries/parliament-rolls-medieval/july-1455.

Secondary sources

39

Amin, Nathen. The House of Beaufort, The Bastard Line that Captured the Crown (Stroud: Amberley Publishing, 2018) 225-227.

Cherry, Martin. "Courtenay, Thomas, thirteenth earl of Devon (1414–1458), magnate." Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 12 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb9780198614128-e-50218.

Cherry, Martin. "Courtenay, Thomas, thirteenth earl of Devon (1414–1458), magnate." Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 19 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb9780198614128-e-50218.

Clark, K.L. The Nevills of Middleham, Stroud: The History Press, 2016, Griffiths, R. (2015, May 28). Henry VI (1421– 1471), king of England and lord of Ireland, and duke of Aquitaine. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Retrieved 19 Nov. 2019, from https://www-oxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb9780198614128-e-12953.

Griffiths, R.A. The Reign of King Henry VI. California: The California University Press, 1981.

Hicks, Michael. The Wars of the Roses.

Hampshire: Yale University Press Ltd, 2010.

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Horrox, Rosemary. "Neville, John, Marquess Montagu (c. 1431–1471), magnate." Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 19 Nov. 2019. https://wwwoxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb9780198614128-e-19946.

Johnson, P.A. Duke Richard of York 14111460 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988 McFarlane, K.B. “The Wars of the Roses,” in England in the Fifteenth Century, Collected Essays, London: The Hambledon Press, 1981.

Pollard, A. J. "Neville, Richard, fifth earl of Salisbury (1400–1460), magnate." Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 19 Nov. 2019. https://wwwoxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb9780198614128-e-19954.

Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 12 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb9780198614128-e-1855.

Ross, Charles. The Wars of the Roses, A concise history. Norwich: Jarrold and Sons Ltd, 1976.

Watts, John. "Richard of York, third duke of York (1411–1460), magnate and claimant to the English throne." Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 19 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb9780198614128-e-23503.

Pollard, A.J. The Wars of The Roses (London: Macmillan Education Ltd, 1988 Rawcliffe, Carole. "Stafford, Humphrey, first duke of Buckingham (1402–1460), soldier and magnate." Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. 23 Sep. 2004; Accessed 19 Nov. 2019. https://www-oxforddnbcom.winchester.idm.oclc.org/view/10.1093/ ref:odnb/9780198614128.001.0001/odnb9780198614128-e-26207.

Richmond, Colin. "Beaufort, Edmund, first duke of Somerset (c. 1406–1455), magnate and soldier." Oxford Dictionary of National

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Puppet Strings (Tell-Tale Heart Adaptation) Gemma Saunders BA Creative and Professional Writing Fingernails bit into her skin. One by one, like tiny knives, they punctured the nape of her perfumed neck.

Tap. Tap. Tap. Little pools of warm blood trickled from the crescent indents, carving a barcode at the base of her skull. She writhed and struggled to escape, but the grip was iron tight.

Tap. Tap. Tap. The fingers crept along her neck like keys of a piano, each one teasing a different whimper from her swollen vocal cords. She felt her body go limp. Five fingers became ten. One hand became two. The world popped in front of her, an explosion of colour prevailing in darkness. Her mouth gaped for air like a fish.

Tap. Tap. Tap. The shadowed figure released her.

She slumped forward, finally free of the puppet strings.

Thud. She swayed for a split second then toppled down to her knees.

Thud. Her hands flung out on instinct and buried into the mossy earth.

Thud. Energy escaped her completely and her chin collided with the ground. She bit her tongue and thick warmth filled her mouth.

Maybe it was the elixir of life, gushing from her.

She tried to fight her eyelids from shutting. But the lights had flickered out anyway. Her puppeteer had closed the lid to the piano. The encore was for their eyes only.

*** A muffled voice tugged at her closed eyelids. Melanie’s silver eyes flickered open, greeted by darkness. Clammy breath rustled her long hair and fanned her cheek. Her skin went cold at its warm touch.

He was close.

Her heart galloped in her chest. A drumming sound pulsated in her head. Tick. Tick. Tick.

She laid rigid and silently pleaded for her instincts to hush. To not give her away. Tick.

Tick. Tick. A firm, cool surface was pressed against her back and teased cold sweat from her spine. She could feel his eyes on her, viewing her spread out like a corpse at a morgue. He watched. And waited. She could feel how close he was; his presence loomed like a shadow in her world of darkness.

Tick, tick, tick, the desperate thoughts chimed in her head.

Had he come to finish her off? Fear bubbled in the pit of her stomach. Bile rose at the back of her throat. Her fingers dug into the solid surface beneath her and squeezed.

Tick. Tick. Tick.

Another feeling rippled through her veins.

Anger.

With a wild cry, she leapt up and dived for the faceless figure. The room was a blur of hazy outlines, but she somehow gaged the distance just right. She soared across the gap like a puma and crashed into him, her hands colliding with his chest. Her thin frame felt the brunt of the impact like she’d struck a wall. His body teetered for a split second then toppled backwards, landing with a crash. Melanie was upon him.

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Tick. Tick. Tick. Her hands were around his neck. The student had now become the master. Tick. Tick. Tick. She squeezed with all her strength. Visions flashed before her. Her mind was filling in the spaces her filmed eyes left blank.

“Jesus Christ, Mel,” a voice croaked amid the struggle, “let go!”

Hearing him made her muscles seize. Her fear, her anger, wavered. His words danced into her ears and pulled her back down to earth. She uncurled her fingers and slumped back onto her haunches.

The voice spluttered and coughed.

Melanie’s hands trembled. Tick. Tick. Tick.

She held them outstretched in front of her, refusing to believe they were her own. The blurry shadow of her friend sat up on the floor and rubbed his throat.

“Christ,” he spluttered, “I didn’t see that one coming.”

“Really? You’re going to make blind jokes to me?” Melanie snapped, “Insensitive prick.”

She spread her palms onto the laminated floor, searching for familiarity and grounding, and hoisted herself back onto the leather sofa. She perched on the edge of the seat.

Tick. Tick. Tick. She rubbed her temples, pushing her dark fringe away from her olive, heart-shaped face. She squeezed her eyes shut. For a moment, she had been back there. Reliving that night, exploring the blur on her brain.

“I thought you were him,” she whispered, “I’m so sorry.”

She heard Matt grunt and groan as he pulled himself back onto his chair, reshuffled his papers and flicked the voice recorder off. He

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dragged the seat closer to her. He placed a hand on her knee. Tick. Tick. Tick. She imagined the worried look that would be furrowed across his blonde brow. Her eyes had never had the chance to explore his face, but his kind voice and gentle touch bore his soul to her.

“Hey, don’t be sorry. Being strangled to death is all part of my job description.

Anything that helps.”

Mel’s shoulders slumped forward, buckled by the weight of the world. Tick. Tick. Tick.

She exhaled loudly.

“Is it helping, though?” she sighed, “We’ve been trying this for weeks and my memory’s still as shit as when we started. Maybe we should just stop. Every time we poke around in my brain, we prod a bear. I’m scared I’m starting to turn into that bear.”

She pulled her knees up to her chest and cradled them. Matt’s hand squeezed her thigh.

“Come on, you’re a teddy bear and you know it. We have to give this hypnotherapy a chance – give it time and it’ll work. This is already progress – you remembered something didn’t you?”

Melanie peered at him through thick, heavy lashes. A blank space stared back at her.

Tick. Tick. Tick. Her hand slipped from her knee to let her fingers brush against his. She pictured the defined arm that connected to it, the broad shoulders that led up to a sharp, unshaven jaw. Her hands - her lips - had become familiar with the forbidden territories that her eyes could not explore.

“I’m not sure I want to remember anymore,” she whispered.

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“Coming to terms with the past is the only way to move into the future,” Matt said softly, his fingers entwining with hers, “let me help you.”

TICK. TICK. TICK. Melanie shook her head and snapped herself out of her daze, the steel shutters crashing down around her story. Around her heart.

“Sorry, I’ve got to go. There’s somewhere I need to be. Sorry, I can’t do this right now.”

She bolted up and felt for the reassuring handle of her cane resting against the sofa.

She craved it’s lifeless, cool support. She snapped it down to full length and made her way to the door as fast as her dulled vision allowed.

“Wait, Mel, you can’t just leave! Christ, not after a session like that. Let me come with you?”

“I’m a big girl,” Melanie quipped from the doorway, “I mean, I nearly took you out after all.”

With that, she slunk out of the room. *** The rim of her cup tasted sweet. It made her lips tingle, turned her tongue into a knotted strawberry lace. Intoxicated by the music and her drink, she pushed her way through the crowded room. Red, blue, and purple lights flashed across her face, pierced her vision like shards of mosaic glass. She reached a hand to shelter her eyes. A face watched her from among the swaying bodies. ***

“Miss Myers?” a monotone voice called through the chorus of sneezes and coughs in the waiting room.

Melanie snapped out of her disturbed daydream. She pushed the blackened glasses further up her nose and rose from the worn chair. Tick. Tick. Tick. She moved toward the voice, scouting the floor with her cane like an ant with its antennae. Tick. Tick.

Tick. She heard feet shuffle and chairs scuff to clear a path for her. She injected as much confidence as she could into her long, slim legs, holding her head high against the whispers. She made her way toward the nasally voice and an arm reached out to link into her elbow. Tick. Tick. Tick. The touch was light and feminine. Like the guiding mother’s hand she’d never felt.

“This way.”

Their footsteps echoed down the hall, ringing in time with the tick, tick, tick.

Her guide led Melanie into an office, and she closed the door behind them. Melanie found her way to the hazy shape of a chair and sat down opposite the doctor. The room was small, she could feel the walls pressing in on her. The bitter smell of the woman’s perfume wafted over to her as the doctor’s wrists flicked across the keyboard. It smelled antique. Melanie wondered who was older – the woman or her fragrance.

“So, what can I do for you today?”

Melanie held her stick against her knees, like a defence barrier between her and the doctor.

Tick. Tick. Tick.

She kept her head high, chin set in defiance.

“I’ve got brain damage, haven’t I?”

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She heard the doctor sit back into her chair a little. She made an irritating clicking sound with her tongue.

Tick. Tick. Tick.

“What would make you think that?”

The woman’s voice was all Melanie had. She couldn’t read emotion behind the thick veil of professionalism and it threw her off guard.

Tears spiked Melanie’s eyes, but she held them back. She wouldn’t let her eyes always be her weakness.

Tick. Tick. Tick.

She hesitated before answering, her mouth locked shut from parting with any secrets to any more strangers.

“I can’t make it stop,” Melanie’s voice faltered but she composed herself, “this ticking in my head, all day every day. On and on. It drives me mad. Or maybe I am crazy. I can’t describe it. It’s like a sound - but at the same time, it’s not. It’s a feeling. A constant ringing, not in my ears, but in my head. In my brain.

Like a door I can never answer. Am I losing it?”

Tick. Tick. Tick. The sound was mocking her.

“Hmm,” the doctor’s voice was laced with the tapping of keys, “and when did these noises start?”

“About a month after I left the hospital. At first, I was grateful for it, it reminded me I was alive, you know? But now – not so much. It’s like it’s getting louder every day.”

Tick, tick, tick, it chuckled in the doctor’s heavy silence.

“I see. And do you get any dizziness or headaches? Have you had any changes in your sight - have you noticed your vision deteriorating further?”

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Melanie bit her tongue and forced down the angered lion that roared in her chest. She sucked in her cheeks and shook her head once.

“And have you been attending all your hospital check-ups?”

Melanie scratched her nose. “I might’ve missed a few.”

“Hmm. And your psychiatrist – have you been keeping those appointments?”

“Yes.” There wasn’t a single appointment with Matt that she’d missed. Guilt flooded her at the thought of what she’d been capable of earlier that day. Tick. Tick. Tick.

The doctor’s chair creaked as she turned to her monitor and the printer whirred into life.

“I’m going to send your notes off to the neurology department and get a priority head scan booked in for you – that should give us a better insight into what’s causing these problems.”

“That’s it? You don’t know what’s wrong with me?” The lion in her chest crumbled into a small, scared kitten. Her composure untangled like a yarn of wool.

Tick, tick, tick, the sound cackled.

“I wouldn’t like to make a guess at this early stage. But try not to worry – “ Melanie huffed and sharply drew up from her chair.

“Thanks a lot for your help.”

She snatched her cane from the floor, squeezing it like it was a baton.

“Melanie, it’s very important you make sure you attend any future hospital -” Melanie let the door slam swing shut on her nasally tones.

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*** Her mouth felt like sandpaper. There was nothing for a very long time, and then there was that. She had no body, no senses, just a throat. And it was hurting. Burning. It throbbed like it had a pulse of its own, like her Adam’s apple was its own heart – and it had gone into cardiac arrest. She raised a leaden hand in the darkness. And that’s when, piece by piece, her body returned to her. She felt her feet, rested on cushioned underlay. Her legs and hips came back, wrapped in a thin, fleecy blanket. Her torso, her arms, her head were there too – they felt like they were in bandages, wired to some sort of machines.

But her eyes. Where were her eyes? They were open but the world was in night-time, a distortion of blurry outlines and darkness. She heard a scream. Good. Someone else was scared too. But as hazy figures rushed to her bedside, held her flailing arms, she realised. It was her mouth that was open. *** Cold water splashed her face. Tick. Tick. Tick.

Melanie hung her head over the basin, letting droplets trickle from her cheeks to splash against the ceramic. Tick. Tick. Tick.

She could hear her sister through the paperthin walls, the jingle of her car keys as she tossed them on the bedside and the creak of the mattress as she slumped on the bed.

The mattress sighed, the same sound her sister had made half-hour ago when she’d come to pick her up from the doctors.

Sam had left work in the middle of a twentyfour-hour shift to collect her. She pulled Melanie into a hug to greet her, but her

embrace was loose. Tick. Tick. Tick. Her sister released her after a brief second.

Not like two months ago, at the foot of her hospital bed. Back then, her grip had been suffocating. The bag containing Melanie’s belongings stuffed between them, the promises to look after her were thick and fast in her ear. Her sister’s hair had smelt like strawberries when she drove her back to her place. It would be their home together now, she had said.

There was no fruity shampoo in the bathroom now. The only strawberries were their red cheeks as they danced around each other, not knowing what to say and letting the silence speak instead.

Melanie let the tap run. The sound awoke her, calmed her.

“Pull yourself together, idiot,” Melanie muttered to herself and twisted the tap.

She rubbed at her damp cheeks with her fingers. She counted two steps back and one small turn to the left and opened the cupboard there. She pulled a towel out. The threadbare material snagged on something and sent it cluttering to the floor. Melanie cussed. She got down on her knees, spreading open her palms on the tiles to retrieve the mysterious object. Cardboard brushed against her fingertips. The box had popped open and its contents were sprawled everywhere. Melanie grabbed a handful at her feet and passed the short, sealed items through her fingers. Curious, she ripped open the wrapper of one. She took the spongey thing out, passed its little cotton length through her hands. She paused when she felt the string at one end.

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Melanie’s heart erupted with lava and ice at the same time.

The doctor’s voice rang in her ears.

“Have you had any other symptoms?”

Melanie dropped the tampon to the floor.

Her bottom of her world fell with it.

Her hand went to her stomach.

“No.” She groaned.

Tick. Tick. Tick.

She didn’t need to sleep or to hear Matt’s hypotonic voice. She was back there, to that awful night, all by herself.

Tick. Tick. Tick.

It wasn’t a ticking sound.

Tick. Tick. Tick.

It was a heartbeat.

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Can depictions of animals harm real animals?

Evanna Greene MSc Animal Welfare Science, Ethics and Law As far as the records of human culture can attest, animals have always been objects of our interest. Palaeolithic cave painters created naturalistic depictions of animals while humans were drawn as faceless stick figures. Archaeologists note that in those times humans were not at the centre of the stage (Ehrenreich, 2019). While much has changed since then, animals still play a significant role in our culture, and their depictions consistently appear across every area of popular media and art. Viral “funny animal� videos attract millions of views on social networking sites and animal characters are widely used in advertising and marketing, while box office returns reflect the enduring popularity of animal stories in cinema (Molloy, 2011; Stone, 2014).

Animals populate our screens, brand logos and shelves in toy stores, yet in the meantime millions of pets are abandoned or euthanized and populations of wild animals are unceasingly declining (RSPCA, 2018; WWF, 2018; ASPCA, 2020). This paper investigates how animal representation in our culture may, in fact, contribute to the issues we are facing today.

1

A reptile of the order Testudines (formerly Chelonia); a turtle, terrapin, or tortoise (Collins, 2020).

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It is hard to deny the profitability of animal stories (Molloy, 2011). The film industry is one of many that reaps profits from this phenomenon. Plots of numerous high-grossing, award-winning films incorporate animal narratives (Table 1).

Unfortunately, the appearance of animals on the silver screen can have inadvertent effects on the global pet industry, biodiversity and conservation. For instance, animal welfare and conservation groups noticed a trend following the release of the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles film in 1990 with some viewers getting terrapins and turtles as pets (Milmo, 2010; Bekhechi, 2014; Child, 2014). John Baker of the Amphibian and Reptile Conservation Trust noted that chelonians1 were bought as babies barely bigger than a 50p coin, but after they reached a significant size or proved to be hard to care for they were dumped in the wild, despite it being illegal to release nonnative animals under the Wildlife and Countryside Act 1981. This probably had negative welfare implications for released animals as well as causing damage to nature. Experts reported ponds across the UK being stripped of wildlife by small populations of released terrapins (Milmo, 2010).

Table 1: High-grossing films about animals (IMDb, 2020)

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Film title

The Lion King

Year of Estimated release worldwide gross (in USD) 1994 968,511,805

Babe

1995

254,134,910

101 Dalmatian Finding Nemo Madagascar Happy Feet

1996 2003 2005 2006

320,689,294 940,343,261 542,063,846 384,335,608

Ratatouille

2007

623,722,818

Rio Finding Dory The Jungle Book

2011 2016 2016

Zootopia

2016

The Lion King

2019

483,866,518 1,028,570,889 966,550,600 BAFTA Film Award for Best Achievement in Special Visual Effects Academy Award for Best Achievement in Visual Effects 1,023,784,195 Academy Award for Best Animated Feature Film Golden Globe Award for Best Motion Picture – Animated 1,656,943,394

Received awards

Academy Award for Best Music - Original Score Golden Globe Award for Best Motion Picture Comedy or Musical Golden Globe Award for Best Motion Picture Comedy or Musical Academy Award for Best Animated Feature Film Academy Award for Best Animated Feature Film BAFTA Film Award for Best Animated Film Academy Award for Best Animated Feature Film Golden Globe Award for Best Animated Film BAFTA Film Award for Best Animated Film

Similar issues of pet abandonment arose in the year following the release of the liveaction film 101 Dalmatians (1996) after breeders saturated the market with spotted puppies. In 1997, Dalmatians outnumbered every other breed relinquished at animal shelters after they grew up to be, unsurprisingly, nothing like the lead dog character Pongo in the movie – many owners found Dalmatians to be destructive, temperamental and even dangerous. Rose Channer, vice president of outreach for the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, criticized Disney for the inaccurate portrayal of Dalmatians in the film resulting in thousands of dogs being abandoned and euthanized (Nissen, 2000). Many more animals have faced similar fates after real or animated members of their ilk appeared on the big screen (Bekhechi, 2014).

That said, some believe that cinema holds considerable potential to be used as an effective biodiversity and conservation

education outreach tool. Films are made to evoke emotions and this, coupled with the global reach of cinema, could be used to promote greater awareness and encourage engagement from the audience (Yong et al., 2011; Silk et al., 2018). However, films also have the ability to drive market demand which can lead to more problems, as the aforementioned stories demonstrate.

Filmmakers are already exploring the idea of bringing attention to important conservation issues. For example, the film Happy Feet (2006) sends a message about overfishing and plastic pollution, while the film Rio (2011) tells a story about the desperate attempts of conservationists to save a species of blue parrot, Spix’s macaw, by mating the last living pair in captivity (Silk et al., 2018). Sadly, like its fictional counterpart, this species is now considered to be extinct in the wild (Hauser, 2018). The film Finding Nemo (2003) illustrates the tragedy of taking wild fish from their homes and keeping them as pets. Although a clear message of the film was to leave fish in the ocean, a notable surge in market demand for common clownfish was observed following the release of Finding Nemo. After studying the clownfish for five years from 2003, Dr Billy Sinclair reported a dramatic decrease in the wild population of this fish which, the researcher believes, is partly caused by the release of the film. Sinclair’s opinion is shared by Karen Burke da Silva, a director of the Saving Nemo Conservation Fund. It seems that captive breeding facilities could not meet the demand for the clownfish boosted by its appearance in the

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film which resulted in more than 1 million clownfish being taken from reefs for the pet trade (Strange, 2008, Andrews, 2016, Saving Nemo, n.d.).

Another possible victim of unwanted fame is the ring-tailed lemur. Research suggests that there are fewer than 3,000 individuals left in the wild – a 95% decrease in population since the year 2000 (Reuter, 2017). While experts acknowledge that the main cause of lemur decline is habitat loss and hunting, these animals are also captured and sold for an illegal pet trade.

Tara Clarke of Duke University and Lemur Love says that there are several intact forests without any lemurs which, according to the local communities and park rangers, had been captured for the pet trade or hunted. Some conservationists believe that the popularity of keeping ring-tailed lemurs as pets was boosted by the animated film Madagascar (2005) (Johnston, 2016; Reuter, 2017). It is reasonable to suggest this since even a minute-long viral video of a ringtailed lemur receiving back scratches (Fig.1) has caused a spike in Google and YouTube searches for the phrase "pet lemur" as well as hundreds of tweets indicating an interest in owning a pet lemur (Clarke, 2019). While it is unknown whether anyone in fact bought a pet lemur after watching the viral video, there are concerns that films and videos portraying endangered lemurs as adorable, friendly creatures could exacerbate the issue of the illegal pet trade in these animals. Still, some are assured that the film Madagascar was ‘the best thing to happen to lemur education efforts in this generation’

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due to increased interest in lemurs after their appearance on the screen (Romberg, 2015, [online]). The enthusiasm of the viewers to learn more about King Julian, a character in the film, and his kind could have led to a potential positive contribution to the conservation of lemurs and other animals endemic to Madagascar.

Figure 1. A screenshot from the viral video showing a ring-tailed lemur receiving back scratches from two boys in Madagascar (DailyPicksandFlicks, 2016).

It is true that people are more willing to contribute financially to the conservation of the animals that they like more or are more familiar with. The research suggests that, when it comes to public support, the role of affective factors is much greater that the role of ecological-scientific considerations (Martín-López et al., 2007; Colléony et al., 2017). Perhaps that is why appealing and charismatic species are often used as flagship species to raise support and awareness for biodiversity conservation (Ducarme et al., 2013). In being at the forefront of conservation efforts, charismatic species are considered to receive a sizeable

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proportion of conservation efforts and resources, with this possibly leading to the neglect of other threatened animals (Brambilla et al., 2013; Ford et al., 2017).

However, that does not mean that animals who are favoured by the general public have better conservation status. Franck Courchamp along with his colleagues conducted a study to show that charismatic species are still at high risk of imminent extinction in the wild. Interestingly, their research showed that the use of animals in our culture could have unintended detrimental effects on conservation efforts (Courchamp et al., 2018).

Courchamp and other researchers (2018) used a combination of methods to identify the 10 most charismatic animals which, according to the results of their study, are: the tiger, the lion, the elephant, the giraffe, the leopard, the panda, the cheetah, the polar bear, the grey wolf and the gorilla. Except for the grey wolf, all charismatic species identified in this research are either vulnerable, endangered, or critically endangered as categorized by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (Fig. 2A). However, when the general public was asked whether they would associate each of the ten species with being ‘endangered’ or ‘threatened’, 40% of respondents were unable to correctly identify the conservation status of the species in question (Fig. 2B). It appears many people are ignorant of the endangerment that charismatic animals face.

Figure 2. (A) Recent, dramatic declines of the most charismatic animals. Time, but not date, is taken into account, explaining why all trajectories have the same origin. The

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grey wolf is not represented, and 4 subspecies of giraffes are represented separately. (B) Percentage of incorrect answers to the question “Is this species endangered”, reflecting biased knowledge of conservation status of the most charismatic species (Courchamp et al., 2018).

Considering that many charismatic species act as flagship species and receive the bulk of attention in the conservation field and popular media, public ignorance of their declining population numbers is especially concerning. The authors of this study suggest that this lack of conservation status awareness may arise from the misconception that charismatic animals are abundant due to their omnipresence in our culture. Depictions of animals are often used for product marketing purposes or general consumption. For instance, about half of non-teddy bear stuffed animal toys sold on Amazon (US) were one of the 10 charismatic animals (Courchamp et al., 2018).

Similarly, Ross et al. (2008) found that people were less likely to perceive chimpanzees as endangered compared to gorillas and orangutans. The results of a survey conducted at Lincoln Park Zoo showed that 95% and 91% of respondents thought of gorillas and orangutans as endangered, respectively. However, only 66% believed chimpanzees to be endangered. The most commonly given reason for not considering chimpanzees to be endangered was that these animals were often seen on television, in films or in print media, such as greeting cards and advertisements.

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To further explore the theory tying the popularity of certain animals in our culture and the lack of conservation status awareness, Courchamp et al. (2018) asked volunteers to take note of every image of the 10 charismatic species that they came across, be it on the internet, on TV, in books or as toys. The participants reported seeing on average up to 31 individual depictions of each of the 10 species. This amounts to each person encountering several hundreds of virtual charismatic animals per month.

Courchamp and his colleagues argue that a mismatch between the virtual presence and natural presence of charismatic species may be the reason for the poor awareness of conservation issues amongst the public. The authors of the study surmise that representations of these animals in commercial, artistic and cultural outlets act as virtual populations. These virtual populations in their abundance compete for public attention against real threatened populations, and consequently might harm conservation efforts.

The researchers also propose an idea which may to some extent counteract the unwanted subliminal effect virtual animal populations have on the public. They suggest that any entity using images of animals for profit, for example in advertisements, as mascots or when selling them as toys, should pay a fee for usage rights, with money going to conservation funds. This idea is already being implemented to some extent. In 2018, a voluntary programme, “The Lion’s Share”, was announced at the Cannes Lions

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International Festival of Creativity. The founders of The Lion’s Share Fund encourage advertisers to direct some of the money spent on advertisements that feature animals to protect them as well (UNDP, 2018).A similar campaign called "Save Your Logo" campaign was launched in 2009 which encouraged companies that use biodiversity symbols in their logos to contribute to the preservation of the species used in the marketing of their brands.

Unfortunately, the "Save Your Logo" project seems to have ceased since then, with no updates about it being published since 2016 (The Explorers Foundation, n.d.). Courchamp et al. (2018) believe that for such ideas to work they must be turned into a formal compulsory worldwide mechanism.

Just as in Palaeolithic times, we surround ourselves with depictions of animals. Film, advertising, toy and other industries capitalize on our fascination with animals and nature. However, the use of animals in culture affects both humans and non-humans. Cinematic representations could raise awareness of conservation issues and species of concern, but at the same time lead to even more problems. The unrealistic depiction of an animal can lead to the public’s misunderstanding of the depicted animal, poor animal welfare, lack of conservation status awareness and increased demand in the pet trade. In addition, how an animal is portrayed can influence individuals’ attitudes towards this animal and, consequently, their willingness to support its conservation. Some even suggest that the mere cultural abundance of

certain animals creates popular impressions of their wild abundance, which undermines conservation goals. More research is required to study further how the representation of animals in culture creates biased perceptions amongst the public and impacts their awareness of conservation and biodiversity issues. The corporate world also needs to step up and share the profits it makes from using animals and their depictions with those who protect the animal world.

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Brambilla, M., Gustin, M. and Celada, C. (2013). Species appeal predicts conservation status. Biological Conservation, 160, 209-213.

Child, B. (2014). Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles prompt RSPCA warning. The Guardian. Available at : https://www.theguardian.com/film/2014/n ov/04/teenage-mutant-ninja-turtles-rspcaabandoned-terrapins [Accessed 14 January 2020].

Clarke, T., Reuter, K., LaFleur, M. and Schaefer, M. (2019). A viral video and pet lemurs on Twitter. PLOS ONE, 14(1), p.e0208577.

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Colléony, A., Clayton, S., Couvet, D., Saint Jalme, M. and Prévot, A. (2017). Human preferences for species conservation: Animal charisma trumps endangered status. Biological Conservation, 206, 263-269.

Collins (2020). Definition of 'chelonian'.

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DailyPicksandFlicks (2016). Kids Pet and Communicate with Lemur. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_con tinue=20&v=WXM8tUnSJ3o&feature=emb_lo go [Accessed 15 January 2020].

Ducarme, F., Luque, G. and Courchamp, F. (2013). What are “charismatic species” for conservation biologists? BioSciences Master Reviews, 1, 1-8.

Ehrenreich, B. (2019). Humans were not centre stage’: how ancient cave art puts us in our place. The Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesig n/2019/dec/12/humans-were-not-centrestage-ancient-cave-art-painting-lascauxchauvet-altamira [Accessed 14 January 2020].

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Hauser, J. (2018). Blue bird from 'Rio' movie now extinct in the wild. Cable News Network.

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IMDb (2020). Ratings, reviews, and where to watch the best movies & TV shows.

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Johnston, I. (2016). Ring-tailed lemurs face extinction amid sapphire-mining rush in Madagascar. The Independent. Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/environme nt/lemurs-ring-tailed-extinctionmadagascar-sapphire-mining-rush-planetearth-ii-a7488181.html [Accessed 16 January 2020].

Martín-López, B., Montes, C. and Benayas, J. (2007). The non-economic motives behind the willingness to pay for biodiversity conservation. Biological Conservation, 139(12), 67-82.

Milmo, C. (2010). Look out! Abandoned terrapins about. The Independent. Available at: https://www.independent.co.uk/environme nt/nature/look-out-abandoned-terrapinsabout-1863903.html [Accessed 16 January 2020].

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Molloy, C. (2011). ‘Animals Sell Papers’: The Value of Animal Stories. In: Popular Media and Animals. The Palgrave Macmillan Animal Ethics Series. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Nissen, B. (2000). A Dalmatian pup under the Christmas tree? Cable News Network.

Available at: http://edition.cnn.com/2000/SHOWBIZ/M ovies/11/27/dalmations/index.html [Accessed 16 January 2020].

Reuter, K. (2017). Wild ring-tailed lemur population has plummeted 95% since 2000.

Conservation International. Available at: https://www.conservation.org/blog/wildring-tailed-lemur-population-hasplummeted-95-since-2000 [Accessed 16 January 2020].

Ripple, W., Chapron, G., López-Bao, J., Durant, S., Macdonald, D., Lindsey, P., Bennett, E., Beschta, R., Bruskotter, J., Campos-Arceiz, A., Corlett, R., Darimont, C., Dickman, A., Dirzo, R., Dublin, H., Estes, J., Everatt, K., Galetti, M., Goswami, V., Hayward, M., Hedges, S., Hoffmann, M., Hunter, L., Kerley, G., Letnic, M., Levi, T., Maisels, F., Morrison, J., Nelson, M., Newsome, T., Painter, L., Pringle, R., Sandom, C., Terborgh, J., Treves, A., Van Valkenburgh, B., Vucetich, J., Wirsing, A., Wallach, A., Wolf, C., Woodroffe, R., Young, H. and Zhang, L. (2016). Saving the world's terrestrial megafauna. BioScience, 66(10), 807-812.

Romberg, C. (2015). Madagascar: A guide to using the film as an educational tool for

lemur conservation. The Lemur Conservation Network Blog. October 27. Available at: https://www.lemurconservationnetwork.org /madagascar-a-guide-to-using-the-film-asan-educational-tool-for-lemurconservation-education/ [Accessed 16 January 2020].

Ross, S., Lukas, K., Lonsdorf, E., Stoinski, T., Hare, B., Shumaker, R. and Goodall, J. (2008).

Inappropriate use and portrayal of chimpanzees. Science, 319(5869), 1487-1487.

Saving Nemo (n.d.) Breeding. Available at: https://www.savingnemo.org/copy-of-ourwork-1 [Accessed 16 January 2020].

Silk, M., Crowley, S., Woodhead, A. and Nuno, A. (2018). Considering connections between Hollywood and biodiversity conservation. Conservation Biology, 32(3), 597-606.

Stone, S. (2014). The psychology of using animals in advertising. Proceedings of Hawaii University International Conferences - Arts, Humanities & Social Sciences, Honolulu, January 4–6 2014. Available at: http://www.huichawaii.org/assets/stone_s herril_the_psychology_of_using_animals_in_ advertising_ahs2014.pdf [Accessed 17 January 2020].

Strange, H. (2008). I can’t find Nemo! Pet trade threatens clownfish. The Times.

Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/i-cantfind-nemo-pet-trade-threatens-clownfish7qhwxm8ctn6 [Accessed 16 January 2020].

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The American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (ASPCA) (2020). Pet Statistics. Available at: https://www.aspca.org/animalhomelessness/shelter-intake-andsurrender/pet-statistics [Accessed 14 January 2020].

The Explorers Foundation (n.d.). Save Your Logo. Available at: http://www.saveyourlogo.org/ [Accessed 20 January 2020].

The Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA) (2018). Cat crisis! Figures reveal cats as most rescued animal.

Available at: https://www.rspca.org.uk/whatwedo/latest /details//articleName/2019_02_26_cat_crisis_figure s_reveal_cats_as_most_rescued_animal [Accessed 14 January 2020].

UNDP (2018). UNDP announces The Lion's Share fund with founder FINCH and founding partner Mars to tackle crisis in wildlife conservation and animal welfare.

Available at: http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/h ome/news-centre/news/2018/undpannounces-the-lion-s-share-fund-withfounder-finch-and-foun1.html [Accessed 20 January 2020].

Wildlife and Countryside Act 1981, Chapter 14.

Available at:

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http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1981/ 69/section/14 [Accessed 14 January 2020].

WWF (2018). Living Planet Report - 2018: Aiming Higher. Grooten, M. and Almond, R.E.A.(Eds). WWF, Gland, Switzerland.

Yong, D., Fam, S. and Lum, S. (2011). Reel conservation: can big screen animations save tropical biodiversity? Tropical Conservation Science, 4(3), 244-253.

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What features of the world economy led up to the 2007-8 crisis? Are there currently any vulnerabilities that would make the world economy crisis prone?

Lauren Wildman BA Philosophy, Politics and Economics Introduction The implosion of the 2007-8 crisis has been described as “breath-taking” and was the “most severe synchronised contraction” ever recorded in international trade (Tooze, 2018:199). The severity of the collapse has led to much analysis by academics into what facilitated the crisis. This essay will argue that the 2007-8 crisis was a result of a culmination of economic features. This essay will support Roubini and Mihm’s argument that “the trigger is almost irrelevant”, arguing that it is a combination of vulnerable features in the economy which resulted in the 2007-8 crash and continue to make the economy vulnerable to future crises (Roubini and Mihm, 2010). This paper will examine the specific features of the crash in relation to three broader categories which they fall under; neoliberalism, globalisation and financialisation. This essay will begin by analysing the role of neoliberal policy in enabling financialisaton and assess to what extent it played a role in the 2007-8 crash before analysing whether current neoliberal policy exposes any vulnerabilities to the world economy. Neoliberalism can be understood as a form of liberalism which favours the free-market and capitalism. This paper will then analyse the role of globalisation in facilitating the global scope

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of the crisis and evaluate whether globalisation still presents any vulnerabilities. Globalisation is the process in which businesses and economies have become more and more linked internationally. This essay will then examine features of financialisation which had a role in the 2007-8 crisis, evaluate their role in the crisis and assess whether these features still exist in today’s economy, and if so whether they create vulnerabilities. Financialisation can be broadly understood as the increasing importance and size of the financial sector relative to a country’s economy. Lastly, this paper will conclude that it was a culmination of factors which resulted in the 2007-8 financial crisis.

Neoliberalism Neoliberal policy can be seen to have been influential in both the lead up to the crisis, and to have played an important role in shaping policy response to the crisis.

Neoliberalism is an ideology and set of policies which prioritises the market over the state, advocating for free market policy.

There is much debate over defining features of neoliberalism, but it can be characterised by its confidence in free markets to allocate resources most efficiently. In the lead up to the crisis, neoliberal policy enabled financialisation through financial deregulation which occurred since the 1970s (Evans, 2011:24). For example, regulatory change in US policy resulted in allowing banks to merge and allowing institutions to choose the interest rate they charge.

Neoliberal approach to policy can be

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understood as the reasoning behind such deregulation of finance, allowing finance to function more freely.

Neoliberal policy in response to the crisis has been criticised. Akyüz and Paolo identify two major shortcomings of crisis management policy; first being the reluctance to remove debt overhang; second being fiscal orthodoxy (Akyüz and Paolo, 2017:1). Debt overhang is when organisations’ burden of debt is so large, they cannot take any additional debt. By fiscal orthodoxy, Akyüz and Paolo argue that reluctance from government’ to adjust levels of taxation has resulted in an overreliance on monetary policy, causing interest rates being cut to historic lows in many advanced economies (Akyüz and Paolo, 2017:1). This ‘ultra-easy’ monetary policy failed to reignite economies and can be seen as a fault of neoliberal policy in response to the crisis (Akyüz and Paolo, 2017:1). Furthermore, there has been growing agreement that to exit from such a long spell of ultra-easy monetary policy without disrupting global financial stability would be difficult, with steps that have been taken so far heightening the instability in global asset markets (Akyüz and Paolo, 2017:12). Therefore, it can be seen that neoliberal policy helped to facilitate the crisis through financial deregulation, and further to this, policy response did not go far enough to recover from the damaging effects of the crisis. Reluctance to use fiscal policy has led to reliance on policies of low interest rates. This exposes vulnerability to future crisis because exiting ‘ultra-easy’

monetary policy would be disruptive, exacerbating instabilities.

Globalisation The spread of neoliberal policy can be seen to have aided globalisation. Growing interdependence of the world both contributed to the cause of the crash, as well as the spread of the crisis. Globalisation is fundamental to understanding the scope of the crisis. Much like neoliberalism, definitions of globalisation are widely disputed, but it can be characterised as “the acceptance of a set of economic rules for the entire world designed to maximise profits and productivity by universalising markets and production” (UNESCO, 2017).

Krippner raises how the structural shift of the US economy, and other advanced economies, intersects with the global reorganisation of production. He argues that the production of goods, which are increasingly occurring offshore, resulted in the financialisation of the US and other economies (Krippner, 2005:193). In this way, globalisation contributed to the crash, because it created space for financialisation in the US and other economies, and subsequently aided the features of financialisation that contributed to the crash.

This reorganisation of production largely occurred due to business’ strive for efficiency, with labour representing a large proportion of production costs, to offshore production and use of low wage workers in the developing world became a tactic for companies in developed countries (Roach, 2003:5-6). When the crisis broke, this

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outsourcing of production caused the crisis to spread from the US to the developing world as global demand slumped. In this way it can be seen how globalisation transmitted the crisis around the world, and thus can be used to help understand and explain the scope of the crisis.

In response to the crisis, the world economy has witnessed a slowdown of world trade (Akyüz and Paolo, 2017:29).

Akyüz and Paolo cite that the global crisis led to a loss of momentum in emerging and developing economies, with these economies never regaining their pre-crisis momentum of growth (Akyüz and Paolo, 2017:13). This highlights the effects seen by the crisis on developing countries as a result of slowdown in world trade. This idea is supported by Tooze, who states that “2008 can be viewed as a moment of transition”, 2008 both marks the twenty-first century global crisis, but it also marks the management of the crisis as dependent on networks of interdependence, “networks which leaders now seem eager to leave behind” (Tooze, 2018:6). This contraction of globalisation can be seen as a direct response to the global scope of the crisis, as a way to protect against such vulnerabilities through deglobalising. Tooze argues that this can already be seen by the “unwinding of tight connections between US and European finance” (Tooze, 2018:7). This argument would suggest that economies have identified and responded to the vulnerability exposed by globalisation, to multiply the impact of a crisis by increasing its scope globally. Although we are still in an

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age of outsourcing production, which still retains the vulnerability of turning a crisis of one country’s economy into a global crisis, such contractions of globalisation are a way of attempting to minimise and mitigate against potential future crisis.

Financialisation The financialisation of the economy had a huge impact upon the way that the economy functions. Financialisation has many definitions, but this essay will use Krippner’s understanding of the term, as “a pattern of accumulation in which profits accrue primarily through financial channels rather than through trade and commodity production” (Krippner, 2005:174). Although one element of financialisation is the growth of the financial sector, financialisation of the economy is also reflected in other sectors.

For examples, the growth of financial markets makes it easier for firms in other sectors to find investment, as well as protect purchases and investments through insurance. This section of the paper will begin with a brief overview of financialisation, and then identify specific features and mechanisms of financialisation which contributed to the financial crash of 2007-8. This will include the wholesale banking model, the subprime sector, securitisation, and interbank lending. This section will also evaluate the extent to which these features and mechanisms still exist in today’s economy, and consequently to what extent they present vulnerabilities in the world economy.

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Evans identified that three main developments occurred in the process of financialisation. The first step to enable financialisation was innovation and deregulation to encourage growth in the finance sector. This resulted in the second development, that the strengthening finance sector put pressure on non-financial firms to prioritise achieving the highest possible returns for shareholders. The third development identified by Evans was that non-financial firms began to engage in financial investments because they offered higher returns than their previous lines of business (Evans, 2011:13). Furthermore, Evans points out that the financialisation of the economy has happened in small increments since the 1970s (Evans, 2011:24).

This relatively slow development occurred over decades and facilitated huge expansion of the financial sector in the economy. The effects of financialisation and the growing weight of finance in the global economy can be seen not only through the expansion of banks and financial services, but also through the behaviour of nonfinancial firms. Krippner states that one of the indicators of financialisation is the extent to which non-financial firms derive revenue through financial channels (Krippner, 2005: 181-182). To understand the importance and impact of features such as the wholesale banking market and securitisation, the first trigger of the 2007-8 crash, the subprime sector should be explained and assessed.

Evans indicated that as a result of financial deregulation, mortgages were subjected to looser conditions than they had

been traditionally (Evans, 2011:13). This loosening of conditions led to an expansion of subprime lending. Subprime lending can be summarised as lending given to customers with lower than average credit rating, low incomes and insecure jobs. These loans are given with unfavourable interest rates for borrowers (This American Life, 2008). Concrete examples of such subprime lending include the existence of NINA loans, these are no income no asset loans in which the bank or mortgage lender would not check the income of the customer wishing to receive the loan. In the lead up to the 2007-8 crisis financial institutions aggressively expanded mortgage lending by lending in the subprime market (Evans, 2011:13). This era of lending has been described as a new era, this is because banks did not have to hold onto mortgages for their lifespan, instead banks held mortgages for a month or two before selling them on, which facilitate the huge expansion into subprime lending (This American Life, 2008). This increased mortgage lending also increased demand for housing, which pushed house prices up. Furthermore, many households borrowed against increased prices of their homes to finance consumption. This not only drove economic growth for many years, but also created a housing bubble (Evans, 2011:14). This housing bubble burst when the Federal Funds rate rose to about 5% in 2006-7 (Lapavitsas, 2009:1). The subprime lending market can be seen as the trigger of the crisis, the global expansion of the crisis came from features and characteristics of the global economy.

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This can be seen by Gorton and Metrick’s statement that “the crisis expanded from a relatively narrow slice of financial markets focused on subprime mortgages into a broad-based run on many types of shortterm debt” (Gorton and Metrick, 2012).

Tooze outlines that there was a new business model for banks with a movement from retail banking, which he describes as banks funding coming from consumers in the forms of deposits, to wholesale banking, in which funding comes from large shortterm loans from other financial institutions (Tooze, 2018:3-4). This movement from retail to wholesale markets for the banking model is crucial to the 2007-8 crisis. The malfunctioning of the wholesale banking market has been described as being at the ‘epicentre’ when the crisis hit (Gertler et al, 2005:3). The reason that the wholesale banking model had such a large impact was because after the crisis started it caused inter-bank lending to dry up. This was because banks were unaware to what extent other banks had occurred losses, thus, to avoid not being repaid, they stopped loaning to each other. Inter-bank lending is a fundamental element of the wholesale banking system, which exposes a vulnerability of the wholesale banking model. This vulnerability in regard to the 2007-8 crisis was exposed, and still remains a vulnerability because of the extent to which inter-bank lending remains key to the wholesale banking model. The collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008 set off a chain of other major financial failures which resulted in an almost complete collapse of inter-bank

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lending (Evans, 2011:16). This chain of failures can be seen globally, for example impact was seen in British banks due to their wholesale borrowing. Lehman Brothers had been viewed as a firm which was ‘too big to fail’, and so its collapse in 2008 sent shockwaves throughout the world economy, by shaking market confidence and causing distrust in the banking system. The collapse of Lehman Brothers reshaped the landscape of finance in the world economy. In the case of Northern Rock, although it had no direct exposure to the US subprime mortgage market, its wholesale model over-relied on wholesale borrowing, therefore when interbank lending dried up it was hugely affected (Tooze, 2018:4). In September 2007 Northern Rock became the first British bank in over 150 year to experience a bank run, and it became the first major casualty of the crisis, becoming acquired by the government in 2008 (Dunkley, 2017).

In regard to whether the wholesale banking model is a current vulnerability to the global economy, Gertler, Kiyotaki and Prestipino argued that “in ‘normal’ times, the growth of the wholesale banking sector improves efficiency and stability”, but that “the growth of wholesale banking system makes the economy more vulnerable to crisis” (Gertler et al, 2005:57). They argue this because the high leverage of wholesale banks makes the banking sector more susceptible to bank runs, which have highly disruptive effects on the economy (Gertler et al, 2005:57). The disruptive effect of bank runs was clearly seen in the 2007-8 crisis, and remain a threat to the current global

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economy, thus exposing the wholesale banking sectors vulnerability to crises.

Furthermore, this argument can be seen to support the idea that “the trigger is almost irrelevant” (Roubini and Mihm, 2010), this is because it highlights vulnerabilities of the wholesale banking sector that are not reliant on a specific trigger, such as the subprime market. The bank runs highlighted by Gertler, Kiyotaki and Prestipino could occur due to a variety of triggers, and thus present an extensive vulnerability in the current global economy.

The creation of financial instruments such as securities were key developments in the world economy in the lead up to the 2007-8 crash. The proliferation in financial engineering led to financial instruments that made assets more liquid and dispersed risk.

The process where banks bundle together a large number of loans to create a security, which can be sold on the capital market to financial investors is what Evans defines as the process of securitisation (Evans, 2011:6).

Securitisation was thought of by many economists to have helped to create a more stable system, because the risk of losses was dispersed among a large number of investors through the economy, as stability was thought to have been created by spreading risk (Evans, 2011:15). Gertler, Kiyotaki and Prestipino argued that “by constructing assets that appeared safe and liquid, securitisation permitted wholesale banks to fund these assets by issuing debt” (Gertler et al, 2005:9). Evans furthers his argument by outlining that large investment banks developed a highly lucrative business,

to further gain from securities, they took the initial securities, known as collateral debt obligations (CDOs), and sliced up the rights to repayments into tranches, resulting in a further obscuration of risk involved (Evans, 2011:14). Arguably it was the growth in use of such financial instruments that put pressure on the mortgage market to expand. This led to the expansion into the subprime mortgage sector and aided the financial crash of 2007-8. The ultimate failure of these instruments was detrimental to the world economy. Their damaging impact was unknown because of the fact that they were new financial instruments. This exposes the ongoing vulnerability associated with using new financial instruments, and in part serves as a warning, as their failure could trigger or culminate in a crisis.

Conclusion To conclude, the 2007-8 crisis was a result of a culmination of factors, and was triggered by the subprime mortgage crisis.

Specific factors of financialisation, namely the wholesale banking model and the rise of financial instruments such as securitisation largely contributed to the crash. It is also evident that neoliberalism enabled financialisation, and so the role of neoliberal policy in deregulating financial markets is a characteristic which contributed to the crash. Furthermore, globalisation also played a role in facilitating financialisation, and can be seen as responsible for the enormous scope of the crisis. This thus supports Roubini and Mihm’s argument that “the trigger is almost irrelevant” (Roubini and

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Mihm, 2010). The features and characteristics of the economy in the lead up to the crash created conditions which exacerbated and spread the subprime crisis.

Arguably this condition largely existed as separate from the subprime mortgage sector, with the exception of subprime mortgage-backed securities, and so although the trigger of the 2007-8 crash was the subprime mortgage crisis, another trigger could have caused a similar crisis due to the conditions of the economy.

In respect to current vulnerabilities of the world economy, some vulnerabilities still remain, one being the wholesale banking system, which makes the sector more susceptible to bank runs, and can have a hugely disruptive effect. Further to this, ongoing financial innovation in regard to financial instruments will continue to provide risk of vulnerabilities, because the effects of new financial instruments are not always known or fully understood, so if they were to fail they could have catastrophic effects as seen with the securitisation of the economy in the lead up to the 2007-8 crash. The spreading of risk through securitisation did not provide stability, but rather obscured the risk involved. Additionally, global policy can still be largely characterised as neoliberal.

With neoliberalism paving the way for financialisation, to some extent it subsequently paved the way for the crisis.

The continuing use of such policy is thus vulnerable to future crises, as summed up

by Evans, who suggested that governments essentially reverted back to the same

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polices that failed so dramatically (Evans, 2011:27).

References Akyüz, Y. and Paolo, V. (2017) The Financial Crisis and the Global South: Impact and Prospects. Available at: https://www.southcentre.int/wpcontent/uploads/2017/05/RP76_TheFinancial-Crisis-and-the-Global-SouthImpact-and-Prospects_EN-2.pdf [Accessed 29/11/19].

Dunkley, E. (2017) Northern Rock’s Collapse: a victim’s tale. Financial Times. Available at: https://www.ft.com/content/ffa46f408d0d-11e7-a352-e46f43c5825d [Accessed 26/11/19].

Evans, T. (2011) Five Explanations for the International Financial Crisis. The Perspective of the World Review, 3, (1) 9-28.

Federal Reserve History. (2013) Depository Institutions Deregulation and Monetary Control Act of 1980. Available at: https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essa ys/monetary_control_act_of_1980 [Accessed 10/12/19].

Gertler, M., Kiyotaki, N. and Prestipino, A. (2015) Wholesale Banking and Bank Runs in Macroeconomic Modeling of Financial Crises. International Finance Discussion Papers, 1156, 1-91. Available at: https://www.princeton.edu/~kiyotaki/pape rs/GKP11092015_.pdf [Accessed 26/11/19].

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Gorton, G. and Metrick, A. (2012) Getting Up to Speed on the Financial Crisis: A OneWeekend-Reader's Guide. Journal of Economic Literature, 50, (1), 128-50. Available at: www.jstor.org/stable/23269974 [Accessed 26/11/19].

and-humansciences/themes/internationalmigration/glossary/globalisation/ [Accessed 29/11/19].

Krippner, G. R. (2005) The financialization of the American economy. Socio-Economic Review, 3, 173-208.

Lapavitsas, C. (2009) The Roots Of The Financial Crisis. Development Viewpoint, 28, 1-2. Available at: https://eprints.soas.ac.uk/7325/1/TheRoots OfTheGlobalFinancialCrisis.pdf [Accessed 26/11/19].

Roach, S. (2003) Outsourcing, Protectionism, and the Global Labour Arbitrage. Morgan Stanley Special Economic Study 11th November 2003.

Roubini, N. and Mihm,S. (2010) Crisis Economics. New York: The Penguin Press.

This American Life. (2008) The Giant Pool of Money [Podcast]. 9th May. Available at: https://www.thisamericanlife.org/355/thegiant-pool-of-money [Accessed 26/11/19].

Tooze, A. (2018) The Forgotten History of the Financial Crisis: What the World Should Have Learned in 2008. Foreign Affairs, 97 (5) 199-210.

UNESCO. (2017) Globalisation. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/new/en/social-

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To what extent did suburban Americans lead lives of ‘quiet desperation’ in the 1950s?

Freya Peters MA History In the 1850s, Thoreau wrote of a ‘quiet desperation’.1 In the 1950s, this ‘desperation’ materialised in the American suburbs. The Cold War was in the background of this period, when America was dedicated to simultaneously fighting communism internationally and preserving American values domestically. Different aspects of American life during this era, such as postwar affluence, gender norms and ideals, and advertising, placed certain expectations on suburbanites. It was these aspects that made Thoreau’s ‘quiet desperation’ relative to this era as they subsequently burdened suburban American’s lives with dissatisfaction and guilt.

Contextualising American suburbia in the 1950s is crucial to understanding the concept of ‘quiet desperation’. Friedman argues that suburbia was a natural choice, materialising the desires of the American family pent up by the depression and the 1

H. D. Thoreau, Walden. (Cambridge: University Press: Welch, Bigelow & Co, 1854), 10 2 A. Friedman, “The Fabric of Spying: Double Agents and the Suburban Cold War”. In Making Suburbia: New Histories of Everyday America, edited by John Archer, Paul J. P. Sandul and Katherine Solomonson, 261-280.

(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015), 261 3 B. Nicolaides, and A. Wiese, “Suburbanisation in the United States after 1945”, 3. Accessed 6th March via

Second World War.2 This shows that American suburbs were a perfect conception of American ideals and standards from previous experiences of hardship, were lived in voluntarily, and were not strictly disliked simply because they were suburbs. By the 1950s there was an average of 1.5 million housing starts per year in suburban communities, compared to 142,000 in 1944, proving that there was a high demand for new suburban homes from Americans.3 Increased consumer spending and the ever-growing defence budgets provided jobs and rising incomes for many Americans and pushed many families into the middle-class.4 Because the 1950s presented more prosperous opportunities in terms of housing, consumerism and employment that produced a new suburban middle-class, it can be easily argued that this era was an embodiment of American ideals of affluence and prosperity. These ideals were used to prove ideological superiority over the communist Soviet Union, America’s ideological adversary. To put this into perspective, during the 1959 ‘Kitchen Debate’ between President Nixon and Premier Khrushchev, Nixon boasted that

http://oxfordre.com/americanhistory/view/10.1093/ac refore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore9780199329175-e-64?print=pdf 4 M. Brennan, Wives, Mothers and the Red Menace: Conservative Women and the Crusade against Communism. (Chicago: University Press of Colorado, 2008), 14

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30 million families owned homes, 44 million owned 56 million cars and 50 million TV sets.5 This contextualises how essential and seriously American affluence was considered at this time. It was not just considered by suburban citizens, it was an ideal that embodied American values and was a legitimate example of American superiority over the Soviets. In this sense, mass consumerism and materialism were highly regarded as an embodiment of Americanism. The consumer culture boom specific to suburban Americans was highly regarded at an international level, so contextualises the significance of the extent to which many American suburbanites lived in ‘quiet desperation’.

Women were arguably the most quietly desperate suburban Americans of the 1950s. During this time, women were expected to find ‘ultimate fulfilment’ as wives and mothers.6 Already, this is setting up the burdening but typical expectations placed on American women from gendered norms. In this decade, the median age for women getting married was around 19-21 years old.7 According to American ideals, women had already found their fulfilment in the first few years of adulthood, which introduced the problem of American women being unable to find fulfilment after getting

married and having children at such a young age. If some suburban women were unable to sustain this fulfilment for the rest of their lives, it shows the huge extent of female ‘quiet desperation’, as women sought to find fulfilment in a culture where their perceived needs had already been met at a very young age only by their personal family lives. The female consumer demographic also had consequential effects on the extent of their ‘quiet desperation’. Market researchers found that women wanted to feel useful, so urged producers to leave out essential ingredients in packaged mixes so wives would feel like they were adding something of themselves to their family’s lives when cooking and baking.8 This contextualises that women were being urged to produce and provide for their families and to expect ultimate fulfilment from it, which put women at risk of being burdened with guilt if she did not feel fulfilled. Because of this, the extent of a ‘quiet desperation’ on female suburbanites increased as it became twofold; the pressure of the expectation of ultimate fulfilment and the burden of guilt in the case of dissatisfaction.

Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique argues that if a woman had a problem in the 1950s and 60s, she knew that something

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University of Minnesota. Accessed online via http://users.hist.umn.edu/~ruggles/Articles/Fitch_and _Ruggles.pdf, 10 8 E. Kaledin, Daily Life in the United States, 1940-1959 Shifting Worlds. (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2000), 123

E. Kaledin, Daily Life in the United States, 1940-1959 Shifting Worlds. (Westport: Greenwood Press, 2000), 121-122 6 Brennan, Wives, Mothers and the Red Menace, 14 7 C. A. Fitch, and S. Ruggles, “Historical Trends in Marriage Formation, United States 1850-1990”.

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must be wrong with herself.9 Friedan crucially highlighted that because of American expectation on women to find ‘ultimate fulfilment’, if they were not fulfilled or satisfied with their lives, the problem was an unspecified aspect of herself she was uncomfortable sharing because of this expectation. Friedan dedicated an entire chapter to describing this problem suburban women experienced that had ‘no name’, explaining that the feeling was so strange and desperate because it was not defined by women who attempted to rid themselves of their problem and even tried to vocalise and define it without success.10 The Feminine Mystique was enormously popular, the original version selling over a million copies.11 The popularity of the novel shows that suburban women lived lives of ‘quiet desperation’ to a large extent because it was a profound work that resonated with many readers, because it successfully articulated the problem many American women in the suburbs faced. It should be noted that Friedan was not a pioneer in discovering suburban women’s desperation, as she mentions psychiatrists recognised and studied married women’s unhappiness.12 Instead, Friedan popularised and normalised suburban women’s experiences and

received a large reception for doing so, which is arguably more important because it ultimately shows that a large extent of women certainly experienced ‘quiet desperation’. However, not all married women were full-time homemakers. The post-war years brought more women into the paid labour force than ever before.13 This negates the assumption that all suburban women were completely bound to strict gender roles, and ‘quiet desperation’ was not experienced to a total extent than could be previously assumed. Despite this, women were largely in non-career jobs, with as much as 94% were stenographers, typists or secretaries during the 1950s. Although there was an increase in working women during this time, these roles were not fulfilling as they could not progress to more responsibilities. Therefore, the experiences of American women in the suburbs was increased, because they faced a double burden of gender roles at home and at work.

Further, women’s burden of ‘quiet desperation’ was unique to them, that spanned dissatisfaction and guilt, as well as private and public sectors in 1950s America.

‘Quiet desperation’ is a term relative to American suburban men of this era too.

From the perspective of American affluence,

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https://newrepublic.com/article/128873/femininemystique-tenth-anniversary-edition 12 Friedan, The Feminine Mystique, 23 13 E. T. May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era. (New York: Basic Books, 1988), 167

B. Friedan, The Feminine Mystique. (New York City: W. W. Norton, 1963), 17 10 B. Friedan, “The Problem That Has No Name”. In The Feminine Mystique (New York City: W. W. Norton, 1963), 13-30 11 J. Howard, “The Feminine Mystique, Tenth Anniversary Edition”. The New Republic, 1974. Accessed 6th March 2019 via

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young American adults who could work to afford whatever they wanted, including their own home in the suburbs, can be regarded as a largely positive aspect of the 1950s. As one male Levittown resident (one of the first mass-produced American suburbs) explained: “I had to work overtime to help pay for [a brand new house], but how wonderful it was”.14 Read in isolation, it is presumable that suburban men who were hardworking were able to afford homes for themselves and their families, and it was a worthwhile and enjoyable payoff. Compared to 1945-1947, where one third of Second World War veterans were still living with families, friends and strangers, the affordability of housing in the 1950s differed admirably compared to the immediate postwar years when many American men struggled.15 Overall, this contradicts the argument that men experienced a ‘quiet desperation’ at all. However, like women, this set up masculine norms and expectations of male fulfilment in the 1950s.

The male experience of ‘quiet desperation’ stemmed from the phenomena of romanticised nostalgia of male wartime experiences and how they differed to the 1950s. Wilson’s novel The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit from 1955 charters some of the

male feelings of unease and anxiety as the suburbanite protagonist Tom Rath questions “Why the hell should I get scared in peacetime?”, which exemplifies male confusion over their anxieties in the 1950s.16 The novel also charters Rath’s memories and romances he experienced during the war he struggles to share with his wife. Like women, men were burdened with feelings of anxiety combined with confusion and nostalgia for more exhilarating and heroiclike involvements of the war, showing that suburban Americans lived lives of ‘quiet desperation’ to a large extent as it effected women and men alike. Like The Feminine Mystique, Wilson’s novel seemed to be able to pinpoint the reasons for men feeling unhappy the same way Friedman had done for women, when it was expected that everyone had every reason to be because of the affluence and expectations of fulfilment of the 1950s. In particular, shame in disclosing wartime nostalgia was permeant in the expectation that hardworking men could afford what they wanted and so would be happy, hence their desperation was ‘quiet’. Further, this was a very damaging narrative of the 1950s because if men felt unfulfilled in their jobs (a prominent theme in The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit), they then

14

16

G. A. Campbell, The Home Front. (San Diego: Lucent Books, 2003), 23 15 Nicolaides, and Wiese, “Suburbanisation”, 2. Accessed 6th March via http://oxfordre.com/americanhistory/view/10.1093/ac refore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore9780199329175-e-64?print=pdf

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D. Castronovo, Beyond the Gray Flannel Suit: Books from the 1950s that Made American Culture. (New York: Continuum, 2004), 25

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felt the burden of the happiness expectation in the same way women did. Wilson’s novel was also one of the top-selling books in 1955, mirroring Friedan’s popularity.17 Moreover, it can be seen that the experiences of men was not a smaller or larger extent of ‘quiet desperation’ compared to women’s experiences, more so that they differed to those of women during this era, but were highlighted in a similar way through popular novels. Mostly, the different gendered experiences of American suburbanites during this decade which proved to be subsequently burdening is evidence that the extent of ‘quiet desperation’ was overwhelming.

The most prominent argument for a large existence of ‘quiet desperation’ amongst suburban Americans in the 1950s is that there was an expectation that did not align with reality. After the poverty of the 1930s and the austerity of the 1940s the pursuit of happiness in material goods in the 1950s made many forget the Cold War.18 However, this emphasis on materialism and consumerism that perpetrated through suburban culture and society was neither tangible nor satisfying for many suburban Americans, but it was expected to be. The role of consumer products in bringing ease and happiness to suburban Americans, like cleaning products, television and radio sets, and cars was certainly over-emphasised, particularly through the use of advertising.

Degler points out that appliances became so important to a consumer-oriented public that one suspected they were bought for their novelty as much as for the help they provided.19 This demonstrates the vast consumerism of material goods regardless of their necessity. This should not be underestimated as it created a reliance on consumer products to provide happiness, and so increased the extent of which there was a ‘quiet desperation’ because of so much emphasis on expendable products that were designed to bring happiness everyone at the risk of not achieving this expected purpose. For women in particular, the emphasis on ease would have been particularly damaging to their ‘desperation’.

As gender roles placed female fulfilment on their home and family life, the enforcement of products that reduced their workload so much removed their outlet of fulfilment without providing an alternative. This led consumerism to be particularly responsible for worsening ‘quiet desperation’ in women, as these products were expected to provide happiness through ease, and if they did not it was not easily discussed without fear of shame and guilt. In terms of ‘quiet desperation’, advertising in particular raised suburban American’s expectations in the 1950s, particularly to find happiness in consumer products, and so burdened Americans with guilt when material goods and consumerism did not provide them with

17

18

E. Bier, A Novel Marketplace: Mass Culture, the Book Trade and Postwar American Fiction. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), 84

Kaledin, Daily Life in the United States, 125 C. Degler, Affluence and Anxiety: America since 1945.

2nd edition. (Glenview: Scott Foresman, 1975), 181 19

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happiness in reality. Figure 1 from General Electric, show the amazement and joy from a new television set that would have been expected as a consumer, whilst the Hotpoint advertisement in Figure 2 demonstrates the ease of a pushbutton washing machine that can be used for all washing needs which would have been expected to make women happier whilst simultaneously replacing her fulfilment outlet. As a consumer product for all, the General Electric advertisement is directed at men and women, whilst the Hotpoint washing machine is gendered for women, reinforcing their roles.

Figure 1. “G.E TV”, General Electric, 1953.

Accessed via https://www.alamy.com/stock-photooriginal-1950s-advert-in-americanmagazine-advertising-general-electric37808117.html

Figure 2. “Hotpoint Washing Machine”, Hotpoint, 1955. Accessed via https://i.pinimg.com/originals/63/ce/08/6 3ce08fe6476b6e679dd981cd9cbd755.jpg During the 1950s a large number of suburban Americans led lives of ‘quiet desperation’ in different ways, but all to a damaging extent. For men and women, their experiences of unhappiness were in an era

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where ultimate fulfilment burdened them with the pressures and anxieties of being unhappy. There was certainly an expectation to be content perpetrated through ideals and norms. Advertising was also the main perpetrator of this expectation, with an emphasis on happiness coming from buying consumer products. At the time, Galbraith emphasised that the pursuit of happiness was admirable, but lacked philosophical exactitude.20 Thoreau originally theorised that monopolising a man’s time with material pursuits meant he was held back from his connection to nature and the divine and so would lead a life of ‘quiet desperation’.21 These two ideas put into perspective the subjectivity of happiness itself being difficult, and the emphases on ideals, norms and material goods led to a crisis of ‘quiet desperation’. Some American citizens living in suburban communities suffered in surroundings they expected to be the perfect environment. The embodiment of the American ideal standard of living available to American people hardworking enough to achieve it after poverty and austerity of the preceding half of the twentieth century. This is why the term ‘quiet desperation’ is so quintessential as a term, because it encapsulates a combination of expectations and reality without being able to easily vocalise it, leading to a burden of guilt. This burden was exacerbated by the

widespread absence of acknowledgement that unhappiness was a possibility, and without any tools to overcome this very real issue. In this way, ‘quiet desperation’ was such a significant phenomenon because of the widely-shared experiences of suburban Americans with no vocalised outlet for sharing. The combination of expectations with the burden of guilt, non-fulfilment, and unhappiness many suburban Americans experienced in this era is crucial to understanding that they experienced ‘quiet desperation’ to such a staggering extent.

20

Accessed 18th February 2019 via https://www-jstororg.winchester.idm.oclc.org/stable/23402794

J. K. Galbraith, The Affluent Society. (Bristol: Hamish Hamilton, 1958), 272 21 C. McIntyre, “The Politics of Thoreau: A Spiritual Intent”, The Thoreau Society Bulletin, 262 (2008): 7.

References Primary Friedan, B. The Feminine Mystique. New York City: W. W. Norton, 1963 Friedan, B. “The Problem That Has No Name”. In The Feminine Mystique New York City: W. W. Norton, 1963 Galbraith, J. K. The Affluent Society. Bristol: Hamish Hamilton, 1958 Thoreau, H. D. Walden. Cambridge: University Press: Welch, Bigelow & Co, 1854 “G.E TV” General Electric, 1953. Accessed via https://www.alamy.com/stock-photooriginal-1950s-advert-in-american-

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magazine-advertising-general-electric37808117.html “Hotpoint Washing Machine”, Hotpoint, 1955.

Accessed via https://i.pinimg.com/originals/63/ce/08/6 3ce08fe6476b6e679dd981cd9cbd755.jpg Secondary Bier, E. A Novel Marketplace: Mass Culture, the Book Trade and Postwar American Fiction. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010 Brennan, M. Wives, Mothers and the Red Menace: Conservative Women and the Crusade against Communism. Chicago: University Press of Colorado, 2008 Campbell, G. A. The Home Front. San Diego: Lucent Books, 2003 Castronovo, D. Beyond the Gray Flannel Suit: Books from the 1950s that Made American Culture. New York: Continuum, 2004 Degler, C. Affluence and Anxiety: America since 1945. 2nd edition. Glenview: Scott Foresman, 1975 Fitch, C. A and Ruggles, S. “Historical Trends in Marriage Formation, United States 18501990”. University of Minnesota. Accessed online via http://users.hist.umn.edu/~ruggles/Articles /Fitch_and_Ruggles.pdf Friedman, A. “The Fabric of Spying: Double Agents and the Suburban Cold War”. In

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Making Suburbia: New Histories of Everyday America, edited by John Archer, Paul J. P. Sandul and Katherine Solomonson, 261-280.

Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015 Howard, J. “The Feminine Mystique, Tenth Anniversary Edition”. The New Republic, 1974. Accessed 6th March 2019 via https://newrepublic.com/article/128873/fe minine-mystique-tenth-anniversary-edition Kaledin, E. Daily Life in the United States, 1940-1959 Shifting Worlds. Westport: Greenwood Press, 2000 May, E. T. Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era. New York: Basic Books, 1988 McIntyre, C. “The Politics of Thoreau: A Spiritual Intent”, The Thoreau Society Bulletin, 262 (2008): 7-9. Accessed 18th February 2019 via https://www-jstororg.winchester.idm.oclc.org/stable/2340279 4 Nicolaides, and Wiese, “Suburbanisation in the United States after 1945”. Accessed 6th March via http://oxfordre.com/americanhistory/view /10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001 /acrefore-9780199329175-e-64?print=pdf

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Uncanny Murderers: Victorian Murder and Diabolic Possession Emily Griffiths BA English Literature In his 1874 treatise Responsibility in Mental Disease, Henry Maudsley posited that during the middle-ages, the conception of madness as a disease ‘was impossible: it was ascribed to a supernatural operation, divine or diabolical, as the case might be – was a real possession of the individual by some extrinsic superior power. 1 The insane, he argued, were treated ‘like the devil – witches, or in league with Satan himself, executed like heretics, incarcerated or physically abused.2 Maudsley argued that theological and metaphysical notions of the relation between mind and body resulting in the equation between madness and diabolical possession were still prevalent and underpinned contemporary understandings of mental illness in the nineteenth-century.3 Consequently, Maudsley endorsed a ‘more enlightened’ Greek model that considered ‘madness as a disease, which was to be cured by appropriate medical and moral treatment’ to bring Victorian notions of madness in line with ‘modern’ scientific enquiry and a more

sympathetic treatment in ‘civilised’ society.

Maudsley advocated a ‘liberal education’ and ‘The full development of the mental faculties as a protection against insanity.’ 4 However, this ‘more enlightened’ approach to psychiatry eventually combined biology, medicine, and social theory culminating in scientific materialism and biological determinism that increasingly attributed degeneracy and atavism as the origins of both crime and lunacy.

Degeneracy popularised the idea that ‘lower’ social classes and races were predisposed to mental illnesses due to bad heredity, resulting in social degradation. However, degeneracy theory also attributed mental instability to having an ‘immoral lifestyle.’

Implicit in this notion of hereditary moral pathology was that certain social groups like criminals and the insane, were morally defective and represented a regression in human evolution.5 According to Lucia Zedner, ‘The heyday of this ‘negative eugenics’ coincided with the rise of late nineteenth-century criminology6, epitomised by early criminologists Lombroso and Galton who pioneered scientific methods to study crime, focusing on the physical appearance of the criminal, positing a ‘criminal look’ caused by an ‘atavistic,’ or ‘primitive’ gene.

1

5

Henry Maudsley, Responsibility in Mental Disease (New York: Appleton & Company, 1874), 9, https://archive.org/details/responsibilityi04maudgoog /page/n10.

2

Maudsley, Responsibility in Mental Disease, 10-11.

Ibid, 13.

4 Ibid, x.

3

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Michael Billinger, “Degeneracy,” Eugenics Archive, accessed December 19, 2019, http://eugenicsarchive.ca/discover/tree/535eeb0d70 95aa0000000218.

6 Lucia Zedner, Women, Crime, and Custody in Victorian England. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991, 266-267.

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In moral-cultural discourse, thinkers such as Matthew Arnold and Schiller promulgated the notion that an aesthetic education could be a means of moral character improvement. Schiller suggested that ‘it is through an aesthetic education that we become unified selves or beautiful souls’. 7 Arnold’s Culture and Anarchy similarly endorsed the role of culture as the study and pursuit of perfection; conversely implying that murderers are uncivilized barbarians.

I argue that unresolved tensions between moral voluntarism8 and biological determinism spanning the course of the nineteenth-century resulted in legal and psychiatric ambiguities about the culpability and detection of murderers ensuing from an obfuscate mind-body distinction. These ‘anomalous’ cases - I will here explore the examples of Mary-Ann Cotton, Lady Audley, Dr. Jekyll and Mrs. Lovett - defied detection as they did not conform to anthropometric classifications of a murderer yet also defy contemporary psychiatric notions of criminal insanity because they demonstrate a capacity for moral voluntarism and the civilising improvements of culture. I argue that such cases elicited a specific type of anxiety in the Victorian imagination that Freud identified as the uncanny, associated

with the gothic genre. Such cases defy the most sophisticated psychiatric, legal and cultural discourses prevailing in Victorian England, signalling the limits of civilisation to represent understanding in these areas. The gothic, with its concern for the limits of civilisation, facilitates their representation.

The representations of these uncanny murderers cohere with middle-age discourses concerning diabolic possession, as Maudsley argued, revealing a regression to Pre-Enlightenment thinking. This is an important area of enquiry because it reveals the latent thinking that informed attitudes and behaviour towards such criminals in Victorian society.

Sweeney Todd – barber of Fleet Street who murders his clients in order to rob them and serve their corpses in Mrs. Lovett’s pies - strikingly foreshadows Lombroso’s notions of the physical appearance of a criminal, outlined in his 1876 book, Criminal Man: ‘an atavistic being who reproduces in his person the ferocious instincts of primitive humanity and the inferior animals.’ According to Lombroso, ‘Thus were explained anatomically the enormous jaws, high cheek bones’ and other features ‘found in criminals, savages and apes’.9 Sweeney is described as ‘a long, lowjointed, ill-put-together sort of fellow, with

7

anchor morality in freedom and Jeremy Bentham and Cesare Beccaria’s ideas that as we were all rational beings, criminals voluntarily chose to offend by weighing up the costs and benefits.

9 Becky Little, “What Type of Criminal Are you?” accessed December 17, 2019,

Paul Katsafanas, “Ethical thought in the nineteenth century,” forthcoming in The Oxford Handbook of Nineteenth-Century German Philosophy, eds. Kristin Gjesdal and Michael Forster, 7, http://people.bu.edu/pkatsa/19thcenturyethics.pdf.

8 Here deployed as the idea that we are responsible for our moral choices, stemming from Kant’s attempt to

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an immense mouth, and such huge hands and feet’10, markedly ‘odd’ and surrounded by ‘ill-odour’.11 These features lend him an ostensibly sinister character.

However, Sweeney’s accomplice Mrs Lovett, defies such overt characterisation. The reader is told that ‘Mrs. Lovett was a woman of judgement’ 12 revealing her capacity for moral discernment; she is not feeble-minded, a discourse circulating towards latter end of nineteenth-century that suggested that ‘hazy constructs like ‘moral insensibility’ were better understood as indicators of mental incapacity’.13 Mrs. Lovett is never characterised as mad. When her culpability is revealed, the reader is informed, The poison which Sweeney Todd had put into the brandy she was accustomed to solace herself with when the pangs of conscience troubled her, and of which she always took some before the evening batch of pies came up, had done its work.14 That Mrs. Lovett experiences ‘pangs of conscience’ reveals her capacity for moral sensibility yet her choice to supress this indicates her sinister character, exploited by the influence of ‘demon-barber’, Sweeney Todd.

Disconcertingly, Mrs. Lovett is described as a ‘female buxom, young and good-looking’.15 The young lawyers are ‘enamoured’16 with her and ‘Keen to seek her approval by consuming the most pies.’17 Mrs. Lovett is capitalising on her resemblance to the idea of the Angel in the House, appealing to those displaced by the Industrial Revolution and deprived of this idealised woman. In Victorian middle-class ideology, The Angel in the House was a paragon of moral virtue, exerting her influence on her family and through them, society at large. This aspect of Mrs. Lovett’s character suggestively conforms with influential eighteenth-century moral theorist, the Third Earl of Shaftesbury’s exposition of moral virtue as inward anatomy, implying that Mrs. Lovett has a beautiful soul exemplifying her moral character. These discourses came to inform early-nineteenth century debates concerning the role of character in moral conduct.

Shaftesbury’s characterisations are pertinent when considering the description of the novel’s heroine, Johanna Oakley.

Implicit in her depiction as a ‘bright and

https://www.history.com/news/born-criminal-theorycriminology.

10 James Rymer or Thomas Peckett Prest, Sweeney Todd. The String of Pearls, introduction by Rohan McWilliam (New York: Dover Publications, Inc), 2015, 2.

11 Rymer, Sweeney Todd, 3.

12 Ibid, 270.

13

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Zedner, Women, Crime, and Custody in Victorian England, 46.

14 Rymer, Sweeney Todd, 285.

15 Ibid, 28.

16 Ibid.

17 Ibid, 29.

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beautiful being’18, ‘being so full of all those holy and gentle emotions which should constitute the truest felicity’19, is her inner moral beauty, which indeed, is corroborated by her conduct; demonstrated through her consistent loyalty, integrity and courage as she determines to discover the mystery surrounding her lover’s disappearance.

In contrast, Mrs. Lovett affectations to such a role come to characterise her diabolic portrayal. Not all characters in the novel are seduced by Mrs. Lovett’s physical appearance, noting, her smile was cold and uncomfortable – that it was upon her lips, but had no place in her heart – that it was the set smile of a ballet-dancer, which is about one of the most unmirthful things in existence.20 This passage marks an unsettling disconnect between Mrs. Lovett’s inward and external anatomy, unlike that of Sweeney Todd – who’s ‘immense jaws’, wild hair and simian characteristics mark him as primitive, atavistic being with implied criminal impulses. In this sense, Mrs. Lovett conforms with Sigmund Freud’s notion of the uncanny.

Freud argues that what is ‘uncanny’ is frightening precisely because it is both unknown and familiar, eliciting a dislocating

sense of threat within the domestic, undermining Victorian faith in civilisation to contain this ‘barbarian’, ‘demonic’ threat.21 Pertinently, Freud notes, ‘In Arabic and Hebrew “uncanny” means the same as “daemonic,” “gruesome.”’ 22 Indeed, consider the following description of Mrs. Lovett:

18

http://seas3.elte.hu/coursematerial/GardosBalint/Psy choanalysis_reading.pdf.

Rymer, Sweeney Todd, 35.

Ibid.

20 Ibid, 29.

21 Suzanne Daly, “The Imperial Gothic,” accessed December 27, 2019, https://www.bl.uk/romantics-andvictorians/articles/the-imperial-gothic.

22 Sigmund Freud, “The Uncanny,” 1919, accessed 25 November, 2019, 155, 19

‘Then there were some who…swore that Mrs. Lovett had quite a sinister aspect, and that they could see what a merely superficial affair her blandishments were, and that there was “a lurking devil in her eye” that, if once roused, would be capable of achieving some serious things’.23 In this sense, Mrs. Lovett is a demonic woman and comes to be represented by the gothic, tapping into the trope of the uncanny as she is able to maintain an outward appearance of moral virtue whilst concealing her murderous intentions.

Whereas, Sweeney is characteristically offensive, being a ‘dreadful and dreaded man’24 and ‘so ugly a specimen of humanity’25 so conforming to physical characteristics Lombroso and Galton would argue identified the atavistic, barbarian

23 24 25

Rymer, Sweeney Todd, 29.

Ibid, 260.

Ibid, 261.

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murderer, Mrs. Lovett represents a sense of hidden danger, an imposter undermining from within, the feminine ideal of domestic virtue. It is also notable that Mrs. Lovett is associated with poison (being poisoned by Sweeney and poisoning the pies with human meat) – a new form of often undetectable danger. According to Ian Burney, Newspaper accounts of the Victorian courtroom reinforced this idea of the inscrutable poisoner, readers typically learning that the external appearances of suspects were unreliable guides to their true actions.26 One particularly high-profile Victorian murder case was that of Mary Ann Cotton, charged with the ‘secret poisoning’ of ‘twenty-free human beings’ including her three bigamous husbands and several of her own children27 for pecuniary advantage.

Newspapers detailing the ‘wild, fiendish career of Mary Ann Cotton’28 focused mainly on the ambiguity surrounding her culpability and liberal details of her execution in 1873 for this ‘strangest and blackest crime’.29 One newspaper reported: On the scaffold, indeed, she presented all the coolness and hardness of

heart which she had displayed on the stage of life and which had thrown so many off their guard in estimating her true character.

She died as she had lived – a taciturn, fairfaced, clever hypocrite.30 Pertinently, she is not feebleminded, being ‘a woman of good natural ability and intelligence, but not devoid of cunning or talent’31 implying moral sensibility which pertains to her distinctively diabolic characterisation. That she was a ‘fair-faced’ ‘hypocrite’ signals her uncanny ability to conceal her ‘hardness of heart’, calculatedly electing murder for pecuniary advantage.

Another newspaper documented, ‘She also resorted to a cruel and diabolical device which she had no doubt thought would assist in prolonging her life; this was giving her infant soap to suck, in order that she might make it ill’, secreting it in her breast. 32 That Cotton is described as ‘fiendish’ and ‘diabolic’ suggest that such a woman is beyond comprehension. She is neither mad nor externally atavistic indeed, she was described as ‘strikingly beautiful’.33 Her exterior enabled her to disguise both her crimes and ‘true character’. Cotton thus comes to be characterised as diabolic,

26

30

Ian Burney, Poison, Detection and the Victorian Imagination, (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2012), 16.

27 “The Wholesale Female Poisoner,” The Royal Cornwall Gazette, Falmouth Packet, and General Advertiser, March 29, 1873, British Library Newspapers.

28 “London Gossip,” Freeman's Journal and Daily Commercial Advertiser, October 17, 1872, British Library Newspapers.

29 The Newcastle Courant, March 28, 1873, British Library Newspapers

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Ibid.

“Mary Anne Cotton in Durham Gaol,” Northern Echo, March 15, 1873, British Library Newspapers.

32 The Dundee Courier & Argus and Northern Warder, March 25, 1873, British Library Newspapers.

33 David Morton, “Who was Mary Ann Cotton?” accessed December 31, 2019, https://www.chroniclelive.co.uk/news/history/whowas-mary-ann-cotton-11503447.

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revealing the limits of Victorian discourse to comprehend such uncanny murderers.

Failing to extort a satisfactory confession from her, newspapers documented her execution with liberal detail.

Similarly, bigamist and attempted murderess Lady Audley of Mary Elizabeth Braddon’s Lady Audley’s Secret is notable for her striking, Pre-Raphaelite beauty. The novel was immensely popular and has been characterised as a pivotal part of the 1860s craze for sensation fiction. According to Laurence Talairach-Vielmas, ‘sensation novels reworked the Gothic, resurrecting the past through plays between surfaces…and depths.’34 Sensation fiction dramatized mystery, elicited thrills and invited the reader to uncover the shocking secrets behind the facades.

Lucy Graham, later to become Lady Audley, is celebrated for her ‘pretty looks’ 35 and exemplary moral character: ‘Her accomplishments were so brilliant and numerous…she taught the girls to play sonatas by Beethoven, and to paint from Nature after Creswick’.36 She frequents the poor and the Church and indeed, ‘everybody, high and low, united in declaring that Lucy Graham was the sweetest girl that ever lived.’37 These descriptions cohere with

Shaftesbury’s account of inner moral beauty and Lucy is exalted as the epitome of the Angel in the House. There appears nothing to differentiate Lucy from Sweeney Todd’s heroine, Johanna. Sir Michael, Lucy’s husband, describes her as ‘lovely and innocent’.38 Yet his daughter, Alicia, declares;

34

36

Laurence Talairach-Vielmas, "Sensation Fiction: A Peep Behind the Veil," The Victorian Gothic: An Edinburgh Companion, edited by Smith Andrew and Hughes William, 30, www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctt3fgt3w.6.

35 Mary Elizabeth Braddon, Lady Audley’s Secret, edited with an introduction and notes by David Skilton, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 6.

‘She is a vain, frivolous, heartless little coquette,’… ‘she is a practiced and consummate flirt, Caesar; and not contented with setting her yellow ringlets and her silly giggle at half the men in Essex, she must needs make that stupid cousin of mine dance attendance upon her.’39 Convinced Lady Audley has bewitched ‘every man in Essex,’40 Alicia accuses her father of being seduced by Lucy’s beauty and misreading her true character, asserting; You think her sensitive because she has soft little white hands, and big blue eyes with long lashes, and all manner of affected, fantastical ways, which you stupid men call fascinating. Sensitive! Why, I’ve seen her do cruel things with those

Braddon, Lady Audley’s Secret, 6.

Ibid.

38 Ibid, 7.

39 Ibid, 102.

40 Ibid, 103.

37

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slender white fingers, and laugh at the pain she inflicted.41 Here, Alicia is protesting against Lucy’s affectations to the Angel in the House and ability to conceal her true, ‘cruel’ character.

Rebecca Kling argues that Lady Audley’s use of cosmetics contributes to a powerful sense of the uncanny that later becomes ‘sensationalised as a motif of Gothic horror.’

Indeed, Lady Audley conceals her past marriage to George Talbott, allowing her to commit bigamy, attempt murder and ensconce herself as Lady of Audley Court.

Kling also argues that Lady Audley’s Secret explores patriarchal fears about artifice, particularly the notion that cosmetics could enable social mobility, allowing degenerate, immoral social classes to infiltrate and corrupt from within, the ranks of the aristocracy, chivalric beacons of moral virtue.

Determined to uncover the secret of his friend George Talbot’s disappearance, Robert Audley discovers Lady Audley’s bigamy and attempted murder of her first husband. However, Lady Audley declares, ‘I killed him because I AM MAD!’42 protesting that her ‘secret’ is hereditary madness. A complex legal and psychiatric debate ensues.

41

Ibid, 306.

Ibid, 346.

43 Ibid, 379.

44 “Wrongful Confinement,” bbk, accessed 29 December, 2019, 42

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Dr. Mosgrave diagnoses, latent insanity!

Insanity which might never appear; or which might appear only once or twice in a lifetime. It would be dementia in its worst phase perhaps: acute mania; but its duration would be very brief, and it would not only arise under extreme mental pressure. The lady is not mad; but she has the hereditary taint in her blood. She has the cunning of madness, with the prudence of intelligence…She is dangerous!43 Here, Dr. Mosgrave appeals to newly expanded psychiatric classifications of partial forms of insanity, that included monomania and moral insanity, both forms of lunacy in which the intellect remained unimpaired.44 However, unlike Zedner’s distinction that ‘hazy constructs like ‘moral insensibility’ were better understood as indicators of mental incapacity’,45 Dr. Mosgrave verifies both Lucy’s sanity and intelligence and it is the appeals to biological determinism manifesting as temporary moral insanity that saves Lucy from the gallows, excusing her conduct despite her verified moral sensibility.

However, Lucy attempts to conceal her bigamy and attempted murder for the duration of the novel, problematising this diagnosis; her immorality is sustained and not transitory. Lucy also problematises Arnold and Schiller’s notions of the perfecting qualities of an aesthetic http://www.bbk.ac.uk/deviance/wrongconfine/intro.ht m.

45 Zedner, Women, Crime, and Custody in Victorian England, 46.

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education, equally endorsed by Maudsley.

Her education is superficial and applied in affecting virtue rather than ‘improving’ her moral character and latent lunacy, facilitating social climbing, much like her covert use of cosmetics. Psychiatric discourses are able to give only a partial account of her criminality, revealing the deficiencies in legality and criminology to characterise Lucy. The gothic fills in the gaps.

Consider the alternative; before Lucy’s appeals to madness, Robert Audley declares; Henceforth you must seem to me no longer a woman; a guilty woman with a heart which in its worst wickedness has yet some latent power to suffer and feel; I look upon you henceforth as the demonic incarnation of some evil principle.46 Without a satisfactory confession and account of her character, being baffled by her ‘heartlessness’, Robert cannot characterise this beautiful criminal without diabolic representation; she must be possessed ‘by some evil principle’. In this way, sensation fiction dramatises the anomalous criminals that defy the most sophisticated discourses in Victorian

46

Braddon, Lady Audley’s Secret, 345.

Ibid, 446.

48 Ibid, 446-447.

49 Robert Louis Stevenson, Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde and Other Tales, edited with an 47

criminology: the gothic both facilitates their representation and adds to the thrills.

However, a conviction of lunacy prevails and concludes the novel. Audley Court is shut up and ‘A curtain hangs before the pre-Raphaelite portrait’47 of Lucy, her seductive beauty and criminality cloaked beneath a more palatable veil of madness.

Narrator Robert Audley by way of apology adds, ‘I hope no one will take objection to my story because the end of it leaves the good people all happy and at peace.’ 48 And the novel concludes with an uneasy sense of a threat contained.

Robert Louis Stevenson’s Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde dramatises the horror elicited by the uncanny even further. The sinister Mr. Hyde is connected with a series of violent crimes in London and is suspected by Utterson for the murder of Dr. Jekyll. Described as a ‘masked thing like a monkey’,49 Mr. Hyde typifies Lombroso’s notions of the atavistic criminal; apelike and ‘primitive’. Dr. Jekyll on the other hand represents Mr. Hyde’s opposite pole in social, moral and intellectual esteem.

The novel’s sense of horror is elicited by the revelation that Mr. Hyde and Dr. Jekyll are doubles; two facets of the same soul. Jekyll notes, ‘I was once more Edward Hyde. A moment before I had been safe of all men’s respect, wealthy, beloved…now I was the common quarry of mankind…a known Introduction and notes by Robert Luckhurst (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 39.

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murderer, thrall to the gallows.’50 Mr. Hyde personifies Dr. Jekyll’s degenerate, inward character: ‘the animal within me’51 concealed within the garb of a respected and ‘beloved’ doctor. Jekyll notes, ‘Even as good shone upon the countenance of the one, evil was written broadly and plainly on the face of the other. Evil…had left on that body an imprint of deformity and decay.’52 That that two such incommensurate ‘virtues’, good and ‘pure evil’53 could co-exist in the same soul dramatises a sinister parody of Shaftesbury’s moral theory. Shaftesbury’s theories are implicitly corroborated by Stevenson’s descriptions of the outward appearance of this inward anatomy, good shines through Jekyll’s countenance and evil leaves its atavistic imprint on Mr. Hyde’s body. That such degenerate evil resides within the ‘respectable’ Dr. Jekyll elicits a vastly dislocating sense of threat within the familiar, increasing the uncanny tension between safety and danger, known and unknown.

That Jekyll delivers his testament at the end of the novel demonstrates his moral sagacity. He confesses ‘devilish fury’ 54 and explains, ‘this brief condescension to my evil finally destroyed the balance of my soul.’55 Pertinently, the discourses surrounding Jekyll’s covert crimes fall neither into psychiatry nor criminology but the gothic.

The phenomenon whereby Jekyll is able to sustain his split moral self is partially

explained by toxicology; Jekyll notes, ‘The drug…was neither diabolical nor divine; it but shook the doors of my prisonhouse of my disposition’.56 However, Jekyll is represented almost exclusively in terms of the diabolic: sin, Satan and evil. The tale concludes with his suicide, implying he is lost to the devil.

To conclude, perpetrators of Victorian murder who eluded detection and classification elicited an anxiety explored through the uncanny. The challenge they posed to the most sophisticated nineteenthcentury discourses was such that they could only be represented by the gothic, as if they were diabolically possessed, revealing the latent, medieval thinking informing their representation and the enormity of the threat they posed to individuals and Victorian civilisation itself.

50

54

51

55

Stevenson, Jekyll and Hyde, 63.

Ibid, 63.

52 Ibid, 55.

53 Ibid.

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References Arnold, Matthew. Culture and Anarchy and Other Writings. Edited by Stefan Collini.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

Bbk. “Wrongful Confinement.” Accessed 29 December, 2019. http://www.bbk.ac.uk/deviance/wrongconf ine/intro.htm.

Billinger, Michael, “Degeneracy,” Eugenics Archive. Accessed December 19, 2019. http://eugenicsarchive.ca/discover/tree/5 35eeb0d7095aa0000000218.

Ibid, 64.

Ibid, 63.

56 Ibid, 56.

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Braddon, Mary Elizabeth. Lady Audley’s Secret. Edited with an introduction and notes

by David Skilton. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998.

Burney, Ian. Poison, detection, and the Victorian imagination. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2012.

Daly, Suzanne. “The Imperial Gothic.”

Accessed December 27, 2019, https://www.bl.uk/romantics-andvictorians/articles/the-imperial-gothic.

Freeman's Journal and Daily Commercial Advertiser. “London Gossip.” October 17, 1872. British Library Newspapers.

Freud, Sigmund. “The Uncanny.” 1919.

Accessed 25 November, 2019. http://seas3.elte.hu/coursematerial/Gardos Balint/Psychoanalysis_reading.pdf.

Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. “The Third Earl of Shaftesbury (1671-1713).

Accessed November 8, 2019. https://www.iep.utm.edu/shaftes/#SH4b.

Katsafanas, Paul. “Ethical thought in the nineteenth century.” Forthcoming in The Oxford Handbook of Nineteenth-Century German Philosophy. Edited by Kristin Gjesdal and Michael Forster. http://people.bu.edu/pkatsa/19thcenturyet hics.pdf.

Kling, Rebecca. “It is only colour that you want": Lady Audley's Secret and Cosmetics as Discursive Fantasy.” Victorian Periodicals

Review 50, no. 3, (2017): 560-584. https://doi.org/10.1353/vpr.2017.0041.

Little, Becky. “What Type of Criminal Are you?” Published August 8, 2019. Accessed December 17, 2019. https://www.history.com/news/borncriminal-theory-criminology.

Maudsley, Henry. Responsibility in Mental Disease. New York: Appleton & Company, 1874. https://archive.org/details/responsibilityi04 maudgoog/page/n10.

Morton, David. “Who was Mary Ann Cotton?”

Accessed December 31, 2019. https://www.chroniclelive.co.uk/news/hist ory/who-was-mary-ann-cotton-11503447.

Northern Echo. “Mary Anne Cotton in Durham Gaol.” March 15, 1873. British Library Newspapers.

Rymer, James, Malcolm or Prest, Thomas, Peckett. Sweeney Todd. The String of Pearls.

Introduction by Rohan McWilliam. New York: Dover Publications, Inc, 2015.

Stevenson, Robert Louis. Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde and Other Tales. Edited with an introduction and notes by Robert Luckhurst. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.

Talairach-Vielmas, Laurence. "Sensation Fiction: A Peep Behind the Veil." The Victorian Gothic: An Edinburgh Companion, edited by Smith Andrew and Hughes

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William, 29-42. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2012. www.jstor.org/stable/10.3366/j.ctt3fgt3w.6.

The Dundee Courier & Argus and Northern Warder. March 25, 1873. British Library Newspapers.

The Newcastle Courant. March 28, 1873.

British Library Newspapers.

“The Wholesale Female Poisoner.” The Royal Cornwall Gazette, Falmouth Packet, and General Advertiser. March 29, 1873.

British Library Newspapers.

Zedner, Lucia. Women, Crime, and Custody in Victorian England. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991.

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Perceived and Performed: Stereotypes and Constructed Masculinity in Ballet Amy Funnell BA Musical Theatre Introduction Throughout the twentieth and twenty-first century, boys and men who participate in dance, both professionally and recreationally, have found themselves subject to negative stereotyping. In a video produced by DanceLifeTV teenagers described the reactions they received from others when disclosing that they dance.

Almost all of them share that both their masculinity and sexual orientation are called into question. One teen dancer recalls being told that dance was “gay” and that “dancing’s for girls” while another states that he feels judged by others because dance is “not the normal thing for a boy to be doing” (DanceLifeTV, 2011). While this does not necessarily indicate that all people believe that dance, especially ballet, is feminine and that men who dance are gay, it does provide evidence of a withstanding stereotype and stigmatisation of boys who dance. These stereotypes can be traced back to the culture’s construction of masculinity and how boys and men perform in conjunction with the hegemonic system. The establishment of gendered behaviour has consequences for those who behave outside of the socio-cultural expectations.

Through positioning men who dance as estranged from how ‘normal’ men behave they are stigmatised, stereotyped and ridiculed for their interests. This debate will

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interrogate common perceptions of masculinity and ballet dancing, deconstruct these stereotypes and glean an understanding of the ballet industry’s reinforcement of male gender performance.

Historical Perspectives of Boys and Men who Dance Ballet’s origins can be traced back to court dancing in the 15th century. Beginning as a way for noblemen to assert their social status through the physical embodiment of elegance and poise through ballet (Clarke and Crisp, 1984: 16). Not only does this indicate that dance was a tool to reinforce a social hierarchy but it was also a way to create coded behaviour to legitimise ideas of a ‘superior’ form of masculinity.

Challenging Hegemonic Masculinity author, Richard Howson, uses the notion of a masculine ideology to establish how broader notions of gender adheres to sociocultural standards (2006: 3). It is this expectation of a superior form of gender and its performance that has resulted in contemporary stereotypes of masculinity and men who dance.

Contemporary Perspectives and What Causes Stigmatisation

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Gender theorist, Judith Butler suggests that gender1 is constructed by a culture through labelling actions as masculine or feminine (1990: 140). Through repetition, acting as reinforcement, individuals are conditioned to perceive certain behaviours as a representation of gender. Through the use of Butler’s concept of reinforced gendered behaviour and R.W. Connell’s observation that gender is defined by what the other is not (1987: 70), how and why society reaches the conclusions that dance is feminine can be understood. By ascribing women traits of grace and elegance, the overt (perceived) ‘softness’ of ballet leads to assumptions of femininity.

Hegemonic masculinity is positing as a benchmark for masculinity and is, therefore, socially acknowledged as an ideal set of traits that ‘men’ should replicate.

Howson defines hegemonic masculinity with a list of traits that include strength, aggression, power, heterosexuality, toughness and competitiveness (2006: 60).Toughness and aggression seemingly juxtapose the elegance and grace required of practitioners during ballet performance. It is the expectation that someone who adheres to the ideals of hegemonic masculinity cannot also replicate feminine traits associated with ballet performance that causes negative social stigma developing around men who take part in dance and labels them as effeminate.

Where the system of hegemonic masculinity maintains expectations of heterosexuality, an assumption is often made denoting that, due to the feminised nature of ballet (leading to presumed ‘femininity’ of men who dance), men who dance are homosexual. Academics referenced in this debate, as well as first-hand accounts, highlight that men who dance often experience verbal critiques from others deeming them to be a “fairy” or a “faggot” (DanceLifeTV, 2011: [online]) due to their participation in dance. Whether this stems from the notion that presentation of feminine traits equates to overt displays of sexual orientation or whether the notion of dance causes homosexuality, assumptions of men who dance being gay is commonly perceived in Western society. Furthermore, the socio-cultural reinforcement of the ideas that a man who dances is feminine acts as a deterrent for male enrolment in ballet from a young age due to the fear of being identified as feminine and/or gay in a society that reaps negative attitudes for those considered as ‘other’.2 Through assessment of masculinity and sexuality in ballet practice and performance there will be an ability to discern whether the dance industry reinforces or refutes these popular social perceptions.

1

2

The traits and behaviour that come together to create a ‘masculine’ or ‘feminine’ identity.

A theoretical term that is used to label individuals or groups who do not adhere to the societal norms.

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Contemporary Perspectives Across Cultures Gender stigma and stereotypes surrounding participation in ballet are not universally accepted ideologies. Cross-culturally, dance does not hold the same semiotic connections to femininity as a Western understanding of ballet. An example of differing perceptions in the masculine tropes attached to male dancers can be seen in Russia “where ballet is considered a noble profession and the male dancer is honoured and respected” (Christiansen, 2011). Jackson confirms this assertion, he states that ballet in Russia is acknowledged to be “as macho as the army” (Jackson, 2019). Clarke and Crisp explain that ballet is identified as a masculine activity through a socio-cultural perception of “muscular bravura and virility” (1984: 52) within the practice of dance, however this does not defer from the femininity and grace of the ballerina. This suggests that focus is drawn more to how ballet is masculine in contrast to the way that the West establishes ballet as feminine (and thus, cannot be masculine). As a result of the difference in cultural understandings of ballet, gender and sexuality this debate is only an assessment of dance practice in the West. Through focusing on dance practice in the US and UK, the stereotype of effeminacy and homosexuality that have developed in these locations can be pulled into focus.

‘Men who Dance are an Example of Failed Masculinity’ Ballet in Western society is seen as a feminine activity thus rendering the man

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who dances as effeminate. Not only does this discourage men who want to fit in to society from taking part but it also creates a representation of ballet as as a femalecentric art.

In an article from The Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth, Melissa Klapper researches the links between ballet and girlhood. She writes that "idealised elements of ballet such as tutus and pointe shoes… came to stand in for larger notions of girlhood itself a cultural, elision most recently evident in the proliferation of princess culture” (2019: 414). Where this is indicative of ballet becoming a feminised activity, it also approaches the idea that female participation in ballet is acknowledged as a ‘staple’ of childhood experience. Klapper’s research highlights that ballet becomes a ‘normal’ extracurricular activity for girls at a young age, supported by dance schools offering classes for those as young as 18-months. On the other hand, the ‘staple’ activity of boyhood is often participation in team sports, that encourages development of competitiveness and controlled aggression, cultivating behaviour that pertains to a hegemonic masculinity. While it can be observed that girls are encouraged to participate in ballet, boys are more likely to be drawn away from dance and towards ‘masculine’ activities. However, Clarke and Crisp explain that; “The demands upon the dancer’s body and the athlete’s are exactly the same, in that both require

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muscles to be trained and exceptional skill to be used in the acquisition of strength, stamina and speed. The difference comes in the visual expression of these qualities, for the dancer’s body has in the main always to appear aesthetically pleasing.” (1984: 60) This illustrates that, where boys are encouraged to take part in sport and adhere to the physical expectations of an athletic training regime, ballet (ironically presented as feminine) requires the same strength and skill. However, there are examples online of men, who train as competitive athletes, attempting to execute basic ballet steps.

While this often has a comedic effect, videos like this operate to emphasise the physical demands of ballet as a discipline (on both men and women). SELF once produced such a video, taking male CrossFit athletes and filming them being taught ballet steps (2017: [online]). CrossFit is a competitive form of sport that employs elements of multiple forms of fitness training and typically requires individuals to push their body to the ‘limit’. Thus, the men appearing in the video adhere to an archetype of masculine physique; visible muscularity that eludes to strength and gives an impression of ‘toughness’. When those who are seen, by society, as an example of masculinity are unable to execute simple ballet steps the difficultly of the genre is reinforced.

Positioning the typified ‘man’ in the context of ballet does not operate to question the masculinity of those who are trying ballet for

the first time. Instead it operates to establish that just because ballet, stylistically, presents itself as graceful and effortless (therefore ‘feminine’), the skill and strength required to create this illusion are just as challenging as any other ‘masculine’ physical training.

Ballet Technique, Marketing and Masculinity In addition to a presentation of masculine strength through body type, classical ballet technique reinforces traits of the hegemonic masculinity. Male and female ballet dancers are required to have the same basic training and technical skills, but more complex steps begin to differ between men and women.

While the expectation of women to dance en pointe, men are given jumps, turns and travelling steps that aim to promote development and present an overt demonstration of power and strength.

Through an understanding of male ballet technical steps there will be an ability to observe how or if ballet training for men adheres to a system of masculine traits.

One such example is the saut de basque, a movement used in both French and Russian ballet technique and, typically, performed by men. It is a turning jump that requires the dancer to take off from one foot and perform a single rotation with one foot raised to the other knee before landing.

While this is the basic step, it is common to see performers execute a double or even triple saut de basque where they turn 2-3 times before landing. In order to achieve a triple rotation and land successfully,

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performers must gain enough height and momentum upon take-off. This requires a very direct and controlled burst of power.

The required strength and power demanded of male ballet dancers adheres to notions of a hegemonic masculinity where overt demonstrations of male traits are encouraged through physical exertion during dance performance.

The ballet industry, in an attempt to encourage male enrolment, has been known to employ marketing strategies that enforces the idea that ballet meets the standards of a hegemonic masculine ideology. These include advertising scholarships for boys that are “designed to enhance athletic skills, flexibility, and strength” (Klapper, 2017: 259) which stresses the similarities between ballet (typically seen as feminine) and competitive sport (typically seen as masculine) and emphasise the desire for men within society to be strong. ‘The Billy Elliot Effect’ is a term coined to explain the swift increase in ballet school applications from boys and men after the release of the film Billy Elliot (2000). The film follows the titular character as he finds his love of dance and shows his peers and community that ballet is more than what it is stereotyped to be. This both promoted ballet to wider society and encouraged male participation through the demonstration of a character that adhered to cultural perceptions of masculinity. By 2002 The Royal Ballet School (London) had admitted more boys than girls to its programmes for the first time in history (Fisher, 2009: 52).

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Dance ‘Like a Man’ Moving away from the power and strength that is required of performers in order to successfully perform technically complex movements in class and on stage leads to the demands of choreographers who reinforce desires to make performances look masculine (Klapper, 2017: 254). Trenton Haltom and Meredith Worthen conducted a study of five male ballet dancers focusing on their perceptions and performances of heteromasculinity. In their study participants discussed how male ballet dancers could jump higher and were stronger than their female counterparts (2014: 765) emphasising the perception of a masculine ideal within dance practice. One continued with the explanation that male dancers “can’t be too meagre, they can’t be too soft; it looks easy, but it can’t look too wishy-washy” and a number of them established that it was important to dance “like a man” (2014: 766).

This operates as a demonstration of ingroup reinforcement of a masculine ideology where male dancers, despite perceptions of femininity from the outside, are taught to legitimise their masculinity through the desire to dance like a man. Even within the dance industry there is a demand for performers to adhere to a masculine aesthetic. Where this reinforces the presentation of a male identity, repetition of performing like a man operates to reflect the men’s participation in wider society where they legitimise a ‘superior’ form of gender identity.

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It is possible to observe the desire for dancers to move in a masculine way through the consideration of reality TV shows like So You Think You Can Dance (2005-) which conducts open auditions for solo artists offering the opportunity to progress to the next level ‘Bootcamp’ before selecting a ‘Top 20’ who perform on live broadcasts.

Jennifer Fisher writes on the topic outlining how female competitors can “display both softness and strength” but their male counterparts are held to a different standard where movements that are “too soft or vulnerable” can lead to their masculinity being questioned (2009: 31). Through using media, like reality TV, as a tool, the dance industry can transmit alternative ideologies (to the norm) and present both masculine and feminine identities on screen as they perform for wider society. The introduction of a competition (itself an iteration of masculinity) encourages public interaction and motivates viewers to support contestants who may present a different identity to common stereotypes, therefore altering social perceptions.

The reinforcement that ‘men should dance like men’ suggests that the dance industry is aiming to overcome stereotypes of dance as feminine by attempting to reinforce a masculine aesthetic. However, much like the way in which gender is a performance created by individuals choosing to recreate acts seen to be masculine/feminine (Butler, 1990: 140), making moves appear ‘masculine’ in dance is another version of aesthetic performance (especially when placed on stage for an

audience). This leads to a representation of ballet as masculine more than positioning the men who dance as masculine because they are only adhering to standards of performance.

Traditional Ballet and Heteronormativity Research conducted suggests that one half of US male dancers identify as homosexual or bisexual, five to ten times the 4-10% of men who identify as homosexual or bisexual in the general population (Risner, 2009: 42).

While this statistic indicates a large ratio difference in sexual orientation of those in dance in comparison to wider society, men in ballet often perform and participate in overt displays of heteronormativity; a mutual expectation of a heterosexual society (Anderson, 2005: 22).

The ballets Don Quixote, Swan Lake (Tchaikovsky) and Giselle, first staged in 1869, 1877 and 1841 (respectively), are all popular choices for ballet companies to stage for contemporary audiences. While plot and choreography across each vary, all feature a section of ballet called a pas de deux. Literally translating to ‘dance of two’, a pas de deux involves performers dancing together, typically featuring a male and female character who have some form of romantic relationship. Clarke and Crisp illustrate the role of the male dancer during a pas de deux as the “princely, noble cavalier” that supports his female partner and ensures the audience’s focus is drawn to her (1984: 86). While the male ballet dancer executes technical steps that showcase strength and power (as explored

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previously) he also performs lifts with his partner and acts as a ‘base’ in order to showcase her technique. By presenting male/female characters on stage and teaching partner work that relies on the technique of different genders and interactions between the two, the ballet industry reinforces heteronormative standards in society. By placing expectations upon dancers to negate their actual sexual orientation and present heterosexual desires in front of audiences promotes the transmission of a hegemonic, heterosexual ideology and dissuades from the representation of LGBTQ+ relationships on stage.

Exception: Matthew Bourne’s Swan Lake While, on the whole, traditional ballets reinforce heteronormativity and presents audiences with male/female couples, Matthew Bourne’s iteration of Swan Lake (2012) provides an exception to this.

In more traditional versions of Swan Lake, the principle dual-role of the white swan and the black swan (Odette and Odile, respectively) are performed by a ballerina and the other swans are danced by women en pointe. First staged in London in 1995, Bourne’s Swan Lake features men portraying the roles of the swans. This meant that the Prince, instead of falling in love with the swan princess, Odette, falls in love with the male equivalent.

Kent Drummond suggests that regendering the swans has “queered” the ballet (2003: 235) through the romantic plot and pas de deux being performed by a

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male/male pair. To some degree this is true as the characters choreography is representative of a romantic connection.

However, the ballet depicts swans as opposed to people which is indicative of an imagined story. If taken at face value, Bourne’s Swan Lake does not necessarily present a queer relationship nor does it present a heteronormative ideology on stage. However, Bourne’s choreography adheres to more masculine expectations of ballet technique with the powerful execution of movements (Swan Lake, 2012) and places ‘swans’ on stage, bare-chested in shorts and ballet shoes, revealing muscular torsos. As the performance progresses, audiences are able to observe the way in which dancers manipulate their muscles in order to execute complex steps that appear effortless. This reinforces the notion of masculine strength and power by drawing attention to a stereotypical masculine physique, almost appearing to ‘compensate’ for the ‘loss’ of masculinity that occurs by having men dance a romantic pas de deux.

Broader Considerations and Effects Male participation is ballet is often incentives due to attempts to change negative stereotypes in wider society and encourage more boys to attend ballet classes. Being offered more opportunities than their female counterparts (Risner, 2009: 59) results in there being a higher percentage of male choreographers, teachers and company directors than female. This operates to legitimise a patriarchal system within the ballet industry as men are held in positions

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of power over women in both ballet companies and classes.

Conclusion Despite these issues ballet itself, while acknowledged as feminine and/or ‘gay’, perpetuates the creation and reinforcement of hegemonic gender performance through demanding that men should dance like men and provide for their female dance partners.

While ballet establishes itself through the demonstration of both masculine and feminine traits, it must be remembered that ballet, just like gender, equates to a performance (whether on stage or to peers) that is defined by what the culture it exists in deems ‘gender-appropriate’. If meaning was not ascribed to traits and behaviours, ‘gender’ would not exist (Butler, 1990: 140) and ballet would be neither masculine nor feminine, it would only exist as visual performance and entertainment through visual storytelling.

References Anderson, E. (2005). In the Game: Gay Athletes and the Cult of Masculinity. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Butler, J. (1990). Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. London: Routledge.

Carman, J. (2006). Gay Men & Dance. [online] Dance Magazine. Available at: https:// www.dancemagazine.com/gay_men__danc e-2306861099.html [Accessed 23 Nov. 2019].

Christiansen, R. (2011). Why Nobody is Sniggering at Russia's Men in Tights. [online] www.telegraph.co.uk/. Available at: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/theat re/dance/8644763/Why-nobody-issniggering-at-Russias-men-in-tights.html [Accessed 11 Nov. 2019].

Clarke, M. and Crisp, C. (1984). Dancer: Men in Dance. London: British Broadcasting Corporation.

Connell, R. W. (1987). Gender and Power: Society, the Person and Sexual Politics.

Cambridge: Blackwell.

DanceLifeTV (2011). Male Voices, featuring the boys of the Gold School by DanceLifeTV. [video] Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fOIWk 46L2w8 [Accessed 22 Nov. 2019].

Drummond, K. G. (2003). “The Queering of Swan Lake: A New Male Gaze for the Performance of Sexual Desire.” Journal of Homosexuality, 45(4), pp.235-255.

Fisher, J. (2009). Maverick Men in Ballet: Rethinking the “Making It Macho” Strategy.

In: J. Fisher and A. Shay, ed., When Men Dance: Choreographing Masculinities Across Borders. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Haltom, T, M. and Worthen, M, G, F. (2014).

“Male Ballet Dancers and Their Performances of Heteromasculinity”. Journal of College Student Development, 55(8), pp.757-778.

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Howson, R. (2006). Challenging Hegemonic Masculinity. Bodmin: Routledge.

Jackson, T. (2019). Backstage at the Bolshoi with Russia’s Ballet Boys. [online] www.thetimes.co.uk/. Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/backst age-at-the-bolshoi-with-russias-balletboys-x7zvldskn# [Accessed 11. Nov. 2019].

Klapper, M. (2017). “You Shouldn’t Tell Boys They Can’t Dance: Boys and Ballet in America”. The Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth, 10(2), pp.248-267.

Klapper, M. (2019). “Discipline and the Art of Dancing in the Twentieth-Century: British and American Ballet Books for Girls”. The Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth, 12(3), pp.413-433.

Risner, D. (2009). Stigma and Perseverance in the Lives of Boys Who Dance: An Empirical Study of Male Identities in Western Theatrical Dance Training. Wales: The Edwin Mellen Press Ltd. Risner, D. (2009). What We Know About Boys Who Dance: The Limitations of Contemporary Masculinity and Dance Education. In: J. Fisher and A. Shay, ed., When Men Dance: Choreographing Masculinities Across Borders. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

SELF (2017). CrossFit Athletes Try to Keep Up with a Professional Ballerina | SELF. [video]

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Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v2YHN lMSxwE [Accessed 22 Nov. 2019].

Swan Lake. (2012). [DVD] Directed by M. Bourne. Sadler's Wells Theatre: Leopard Films.

Taylor Brandt Photography. (2017). YAGP 2017 - Men Turning and Jumping. [video] Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PK6ue fZXQRw [Accessed 22. Nov. 2019].

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How Workload is Contributing to the Attrition of Teachers Constance Killick BA Primary Education As a teacher, every effort should be made to engage with current educational issues to understand the implications to the teaching profession and the wider community (Bartlett and Burton, 2016). This essay will define and identify the current issue of teacher attrition, discuss how teacher attrition may be caused by teacher’ workload, critically analyse three possible reasons which may affect teacher’s workload, discuss the impact teacher attrition and workload has in wider society.

The conclusion aims to consider the implications teacher attrition and workload will have on my future practice. Throughout this essay, key policies, academic texts, news articles and links to my personal practice will be used to support my discussion.

Teacher attrition is currently a vast contemporary discussion in education, as a considerable number of teachers leave the profession within five years of qualifying (Allen et al., 2017; Burghes et al., 2009; House of Commons Education Committee, 2017; Lynch et al., 2016; Sims and Allen, 2018; Weale, 2019). The attrition of teachers is defined as the percentage of teachers who are leaving the field of education (Schaefer, 2013). In comparison to teacher attrition, the retention of teachers is the proportion of teachers who remain working in educational establishments after graduation (Perryman

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and Calvert, 2019). The House of Commons Education Committee (2017) advocate that although recruiting new teachers is necessary, the government should continue to research into the causes of teacher attrition. Thus, the government have developed a comprehensive programme (DfE, 2015; DfE, 2019a; DfE, 2018; DfE, 2019b) to develop an in-depth understanding into the causes of teacher attrition.

The most frequent justification for teacher attrition in the profession is an overwhelming workload (Perryman and Calvert, 2019). Teacher workload is characterised as the number of tasks and obligations which teachers need to complete in a specific amount of time (Richardson et al., 2018). On average, primary teachers work 55 hours per week to: teach, mark work, plan lessons, input data, assess pupils progress, organise and run extracurricular activities and take on wider-school roles and responsibilities (DfE, 2019b).

Nevertheless, Kell’s (2018) research suggests 53% of primary teachers work more than 16 hours outside their contracted hours to complete tasks for school, which is having a detrimental impact on teachers’ physical and mental well-being. Therefore, while numerous teachers are previously aware of the challenges of their workload before entering the vocation, the contradiction between the expectation and the reality of teacher’s workload is causing them to leave (DfE, 2019c).

A key challenge in England’s education system is accountability (DfE, 2019a). Accountability describes how

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schools have a responsibility for ensuring that children’s academic achievements meet government standards (Ehren and Perryman, 2018). The responsibility of ensuring all children get an outstanding education falls on all staff in schools and the Department for Education (Sallis, 2019).

Although, some researchers (Altrichter and Kemethofer, 2015; Ehren, 2018) argue links to accountability and the perceived pressures of Ofsted are causing teachers to undertake needless tasks. The DfE (2015) suggests everyday tasks such as marking, planning and tracking pupil progress were essential parts of the teacher’s role, but the extent of these tasks was found to be ‘unnecessary and unproductive’. Holme et al. (2018) shares this view by suggesting teachers feel they must spend hours on tasks to be a good teacher which is simply misplaced.

Therefore, to provide clarity to the education system, school leaders and teachers, the Department for Education (DfE, 2016a; DfE, 2016b; DfE, 2016c) produced three independent reports to tackle the unnecessary and unproductive workload within marking, planning and data management.

One of the biggest contributors to an unsustainable workload is written feedback (DfE, 2016a). Marking is a form of written feedback used to provide clear and specific information relating to a pupil’s work (Brookhart, 2017). Elliott et al. (2016) suggest the regularity and degree of marking requirements in school is a significant driver of large teacher workloads. DfE (2016a) shares this view by highlighting marking

pupils work has become unreasonably valued by schools as the quality of feedback has regularly become confused with the quantity of feedback. Hattie and Clarke (2018) propose the accountability culture within schools is to blame for the quantity of marking teachers produce. Within my personal practice, the headteacher presented the expectation that each teacher provides written feedback on every piece of work a child produced, to provide Ofsted with enough evidence of pupil’s progress and attainment. However, in 2015, Ofsted confirmed that an assessment of marking would be included in inspections, but that the decisions about the type, amount and frequency of marking completed would be at the discretion of individual schools (Ofsted, 2015). Ewens (2014) supports Ofsted (2015) by establishing not all feedback should be eliminated, but must be proportioned effectively to stop unnecessary amounts of workload.

Many researchers (Coe et al., 2014; Elliott et al., 2016; Hattie and Clarke, 2018) value the use of effective feedback to support pupils progress and attainment. Coe et al. (2014) research suggests high-quality feedback in schools can ‘close the gap’ and lead to the improvement of eight additional months progress over the course of a year.

Carroll and Alexander’s (2016) research shows effective feedback is one of the most cost-effective ways to improve pupils learning. However, Coe et al. (2014) and Carroll and Alexander (2016) provide a limited amount of research within how teachers should produce effective feedback.

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Furthermore, many schools have differing marking policies which use various methods (Hattie and Clarke, 2019; Kell, 2018). For example, in maths, School A assess children’s learning in the lesson, using a verbal feedback approach. Hardman (2008) describes how verbal feedback can reduce excessive written feedback on work.

Additionally, Kell (2018) recognises how verbal feedback can be used to assess and support children’s understanding in the moment through effective pupil-teacher dialogue and questioning. However, in maths, School B use written feedback after the lesson is complete. This highlights how effective written feedback can be used to assess children’s work to see what the child’s next steps are (Coe et al., 2014).

Ewens (2014) recommend the use of both effective written and verbal feedback to gain an overall view of children’s progress and attainment. Furthermore, both School A and School B use a range of different methods in various subjects. Elliott et al. (2016) argues methods to marking differ extensively in terms of their content, frequency and intensity. It is not the time that each method takes up, but the increasing obligation of combining serval diverse methods, thoroughly, across numerous subjects each week, which can generate a heavy workload (Galton and MacBeath, 2008; Ewens, 2014).

Therefore, school marking policies need a balance between a central and consistent planned approach but also trust teachers to concentrate on what is best for their pupils and circumstances; to make feedback

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‘meaningful, manageable and motivating’ (DfE, 2016a).

Planning lessons significantly increases teacher’s workload (DfE, 2016b).

Lesson planning is central within education, as it allows teachers to provide a step-bystep guide, to outline: the learning objectives for the lesson, what the children will accomplish during the lesson and how it will be taught (Cohen et al., 2010). DfE (2016b) highlight lesson planning as an important process which underpins effective teaching, and plays a critical role within shaping children’s understanding and progression.

Nevertheless, many teachers often spend a substantial amount of time writing daily detailed lesson plans (Gutierez, 2015).

Gutierez (2015) argues that teachers use detailed daily planning to provide accountable evidence for governing bodies, rather than for the development of effective planning for learners’ progress and attainment. Savage and Fautley (2013) support this view by establishing how daily detailed planning has become an unnecessary ‘box ticking’ exercise, which is taking time away from the purpose of planning. However, Sellars (2017) claims newly qualified teachers need to use daily detailed planning to support professional development. Within my personal practice, detailed daily planning supported my professional development as I was able to engage with the national curriculum and develop my subject knowledge. Cohen et al.

(2010) shares this view by identifying how many newly qualified teachers find using detailed daily planning supports the

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development of an in-depth understanding of the curriculum areas. Therefore, to reduce teacher workload when planning lessons, school leaders and teachers need to address how to react to the real and the perceived demands which are made by the Government and Ofsted to provide clarity (DfE, 2016b).

Many researchers (Gutierez, 2015; DfE; 2016b; Hargreaves and O’Conner, 2018) value the use of collaborative lesson planning to reduce teacher’s workload.

Collaborative lesson planning refers to teaching professionals discussing and writing lesson plans together, which can later be adapted to meet the needs of learners within each class (Savage and Fautley, 2013) Hargreaves and O’Conner (2018) argues collaborative planning offers the opportunity for teachers to share various perspective’s and ideas and to develop creative and engaging lessons.

Collaboration within lesson planning and resourcing lessons produced higher quality planning and a reduction in teachers’ workload (Gutierez, 2015). Nevertheless, Kell (2018) argues teachers have various responsibilities in and outside school, which can make it quite difficult to arrange a time which works for each teacher. Savage and Fautley (2013) suggest within some schools, collaborative planning with other professionals may be unlikely. For example, my teacher tutor did not have the opportunity to collaboratively plan with other teaching professionals within school, but could use previous planning from former class teachers which could be adapted.

Aberson and Light (2015) suggests school leaders should provide teachers with accesses to previous planning, with the intention teachers should adapt planning to meet the progression and attainment needs of the class’s learners. Therefore, school leaders need to provide opportunities for teachers to collaborate as well as supplying previous lesson plans, to reduce teacher’s workload (Gutierez, 2015; Hargreaves and O’Conner, 2018).

56% of primary teachers said data management caused unnecessary workload (DfE, 2015). Data is collected by the class teacher for each child to assess their progress and attainment within all areas of the curriculum (Rowntree, 2015). It is important to note, that school leaders and teachers need to be aware of the Data Protection Act (2018), as this legislation provides rules and regulations regarding how to safely process, input, store and use individual’s data. The education system has developed a culture of disproportionate data collection (Barnes et al., 2015). The DfE (2016c) explain regularly in schools, excessive amounts of data are collected to be ready for Ofsted, which is otherwise referred to as ‘gold plating’, rather than for the central purpose of improving outcomes for learners. Ewens (2014) reiterates this view by highlighting how ‘gold plating’ is a timeconsuming exercise for teachers and school leaders which increases workload, with little benefit. Nevertheless, Kell (2018) suggests when data collection is well-organized and has a clear purpose, data can have a profound and positive impact within the

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education system. Effective data collection can support; teachers to teach, school leaders to focus on the right matters; Ofsted and the government to understand how the education system is operating within England (DfE, 2016c). Within my placement school, data within maths and English was assessed and collected using a spreadsheet which incorporated the Hampshire Assessment Model; which provided a clear and meaningful record of children’s progress and attainment. Rowntree (2015) supports this view by suggesting every data collection should have a clear purpose and provide a process which is as efficient as possible to decrease teacher’s workload.

Therefore, the DfE (2019c) suggest the government, school leaders and teachers need to have a clear purpose to every data collection to reduce the amount of excessive data collected; which will support a reduction within workload.

Teacher attrition and workload could have a dramatic impact on schools, teachers in practice and the wider society (Perryman and Calvert, 2019). One implication of teacher attrition and workload is the impact it has on teachers overall physical and mental well-being (Elliott et al., 2016). Kell’s (2018) research suggests 34 out of 100 teachers in the UK have had to take time off due to stress or poor mental health directly related to the job. Within my placement school, one teacher left the profession during the school year, due to stress related to the job, meaning the headteacher and a high-level teaching assistant (HLTA) needed to cover the class until a replacement

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teacher could be found. However, the headteacher and HLTA found it difficult to manage their work/life balance and felt guilty about the lack of time they had for their loved ones. Galton and Macbeath (2008) highlight how teachers find it hard to balance work and personal lives, which can lead to dissatisfaction within their personal relationships. Furthermore, Kell (2018) identifies how teacher attrition could lead to gaps within children’s knowledge, as parts of the curriculum may not have been cover by the original teacher or the replacement teacher. For example, due to the change of teacher within my placement, the headteacher and HLTA did not know what national curriculum areas had been covered, which made planning challenging.

Therefore, teacher attrition and workload can have an impact on: the physical and mental well-being of teachers; add responsibilities to school staff; teachers work/life balance and gaps within children’s knowledge (Perryman and Calvert, 2019; Kell, 2018; Galton and Macbeath, 2008).

In conclusion, through exploring the current contemporary issue of workload affecting teacher attrition, it is clear workload is a contributing factor to teacher attrition (Allen et al., 2017; Sims and Allen, 2018;). Teachers need to be able to: seek support from school leaders regarding workload; have a clear objectives when collecting data, to lessen workload; collaboratively plan and look at previous planning, to reduce workload; follow the school marking policy with guidance from school leaders; seek

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support for physical and mental well-being; to try main an appropriate work/life balance.

However, an implication of this is the continuing accountability culture within schools, which may impact workload (DfE, 2019b). Furthermore, it is important to address that although reducing workload could support the retention of teachers, other cultural issues are continuing to effect teacher attrition (Perryman and Calvert, 2019).

References Aberson, M. and Light, D. (2015) Lesson Planning Tweaks for Teachers: Small Changes That Make a Big Difference. London: Bloomsbury Publishing.

Allen, R., Burgess, S. and Mayo, J. (2017) The teacher labour market, teacher turnover and disadvantaged schools: new evidence for England, Education Economics, 26, (1), 1–20.

Altrichter, H. and Kemethofer, D. (2015) Does accountability pressure through school inspections promote school improvement?.

School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 26, (1), 32-56.

Brookhart, S.M. (2017) How to give effective feedback to your students. London: ASCD. Burghes, D., Howson, J., Marenbon., J., O’Leary, J. and Woodhead, C. (2009) Teachers Matter: Recruitment, Employment and Retention at Home and Abroad. The Report of the Politeia Education Commission.

London: Politeia.

Carroll, J. and Alexander, G.N. (2016). The teachers’ standards in primary schools: Understanding and evidencing effective practice. London: SAGE. Coe, R., Aloisi, C., Higgins, S. and Major, L.E. (2014) What makes great teaching. Review of the underpinning research, 1, 1-57.

Cohen, L., Manion, L., Morrison, K., Wyse, D. (2010) A Guide to Teaching Practice. 5th Edn. London: Routledge.

Barnes, N., Fives, H. and Dacey, C. (2015) Teachers' Beliefs About Assessment. In: Fives, H. and Gill, M. (eds.) International Handbook of Research on Teachers' Beliefs.

Oxon: Routledge, 249-266.

Data Protection Act 2018, Part 1. Available at: http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2018 /12/contents/enacted. [Accessed 14 October 2019].

Department for Education (DfE) (2015) Workload challenge: analysis of responses.

Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/publicati ons/workload-challenge-analysis-ofteacher-responses. [Accessed 14 October 2019].

Bartlett, S. and Burton, D. (2016) Introduction to education studies. 5th edn. London: Sage.

Department for Education (DfE) (2016a) Reducing teacher workload: Data

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Management Review Group report. London: Department for Education.

Department for Education (DfE) (2016b) Reducing teacher workload: Planning and Resources Group report. London: Department for Education.

Department for Education (DfE) (2016c) Reducing teacher workload: Marking Policy Review Group Report. London: Department for Education.

Department for Education (DfE) (2018) Addressing workload in initial teacher education (ITE). London: Department for Education.

Department for Education (DfE) (2019a) Reducing school workload. Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/collectio ns/reducing-school-workload. [Accessed 14 October 2019].

Department for Education (DfE) (2019b) Teacher recruitment and retention strategy.

London: Department for Education.

Department for Education (DfE) (2019c) Teacher Workload Survey 2019. London: Social Science in Government.

Ehren, M. and Perryman, J. (2018) Accountability of school networks: Who is accountable to whom and for what?.

Educational Management Administration & Leadership, 46, (6), 942-959.

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Elliott, V., Baird, J., Hopfenbeck, T., Ingram, J., Thompson, I., Usher, N., Zanout, M. Richardson, J. and Coleman, R. (2016) A marked improvement? A review of the evidence on written marking. Oxford: Education Endowment Foundation.

Ewens, T. (2014) Reflective Primary Teaching.

London: Critical Publishing.

Galton, M. and MacBeath, J. (2008) Teachers under pressure. Oxon: Sage.

Gutierez, S.B. (2015) Collaborative professional learning through lesson study: Identifying the challenges of inquiry-based teaching. Issues in Educational Research, 25, (2), 118.

Hardman, F. (2008) Teachers' Use of Feedback in Whole-class and Group-based talk. In: Mercer, N. and Hodgkinson, S. (eds.)

Exploring talk in school. Oxon: Sage, 131-151.

Hargreaves, A. and O'Connor, M.T. (2018) Collaborative professionalism: When teaching together means learning for all. London: Corwin Press.

Hattie, J. and Clarke, S. (2018) Visible Learning: Feedback. London: Routledge.

Holme, J.J., Jabbar, H., Germain, E. and Dinning, J. (2018) Rethinking teacher turnover: Longitudinal measures of instability in schools. Educational Researcher, 47, (1), 62-75.

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House of Commons Education Committee.

(2017) Recruitment and Retention of Teachers (London, House of Commons).

Schaefer, L. (2013). Beginning teacher attrition: A question of identity making and identity shifting. Teachers and Teaching, 19, (3), 260-274.

Kell, E. (2018) How to Survive in Teaching: Without imploding, exploding or walking away. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc.

Sellars, M. (2017) Reflective practice for teachers. 2nd edn. Los Angeles: Sage.

Lynch, S., Worth, J., Bamford, S. and Wespieser, K. (2016) Engaging Teachers: NFER Analysis of Teacher Retention (Slough.

NFER).

Sims, S. and Allen, R. (2018) Identifying schools with high usage and high loss of newly qualified teachers, National Institute Economic Review, 243, (1), 27–36.

Ofsted (2015) Withdrawn: School inspection handbook. London: Ofsted.

Weale, S. (2019) Fifth of teachers plan to leave profession within two years. The Guardian. Available: https://www.theguardian.com/education/2 019/apr/16/fifth-of-teachers-plan-to-leaveprofession-within-two-years. [Accessed 14 October 2019].

Perryman, J. and Calvert, G. (2019) What motivates people to teach, and why do they leave? Accountability, performativity and teacher retention. British Journal of Educational Studies, 1, 1-21.

Richardson, R., Goodman, P., Flight, S., & Richards, G. (2018). Reducing teacher workload. London: High Flying Partnership.

Rowntree, D. (2015). Assessing students: How shall we know them?. London: Routledge.

Sallis, J. (2019) Schools, parents and governors: A new approach to accountability.

London: Routledge.

Savage, J. & Fautley, M. (2013) Lesson planning for effective learning. Maidenhead, Berkshire: Open University Press.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 An Analysis of the Key Sources of Income Used for the 2012 London Olympic Games Phoebe Meades BA Event Management 1.0 An Introduction to Mega Events Bladen et al (2012) defines a mega event as an event that is displayed to an international audience and creates a legacy that leaves an impression on economies and society. The Olympics Games can be defined as a mega event as it fulfils this definition. Organised sport and competition has been a part of many people’s culture for centuries now, as Masterman (2010) explains, from the Ancient Greeks and Chinese to what we know as modern-day sport. It can also vary in levels, from local events such as weekly Parkrun (Parkrun, 2018) to the Summer Olympic Games held every four years (Olympics, 2018).

As mega events such as the Olympics are produced for an international audience, the matter of revenue generation and maximisation is an issue that organisers and committees must carefully consider. For such events to be successful, the key objective must be to obtain income in the form of external financing, as Masterman (2010) suggests. Such methods can include sponsorship, selling media rights and ticket sales.

The goal of the London 2012 Summer Olympics Games was to ultimately benefit the country through its

revenue generation: “the Olympics games in London could be worth more than £2bn in tourism revenue for the country” (Guardian, 2005 [Online]). A reported figure of £11 billion was raised from different sources of revenue including ticket sales, sponsorship and media rights (The Guardian, 2016).

2.0 Revenue Generating Methods 2.1 Ticketing Ticket sales are of high importance when aiming to increase revenue for a mega event because, as Masterman (2010) asserts, many events can be heavily reliant on the revenue stimulated from ticket sales. Masterman (2010) further addresses the issue of ticketing stating that high promotion of ticket purchases in advance of the event can be crucial in the success of sales. This is evidenced by the fact that the original target set for the London 2012 Olympics ticket revenue was exceeded by 31%, in total generating £659 million, and over 97% of tickets for the Games were sold (Economy Committee, 2013). This is nearly five times more than the 2008 Beijing Olympics earnt from ticket sales, with just over £140 million coming from ticketing, as shown in figure one (IOC, 2018a). The graph here demonstrates how London Organising Committee for the Olympic Games’ (LOCOG) ticketing activities can be deemed successful as, compared to previous Olympic Games, it produced a vast amount of income for

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 the organising committee, thus ensuring its feasibility.

Figure one – Revenue generated from tickets sales 1984 to 2016 – (IOC, 2018).

A common ticketing strategy to aid the maximisation of revenue is to “vary the pricing according to seat position, number of tickets sold and time of sale” (Bowdin et al 2011:315). This relates to the pledge LOCOG made before tickets were released. The pledge stated that 90% of the ticket prices would be below £100 and 2.5 million would be £20 or less (Economy Committee, 2013). This guarantee was made to help promote the Games within the United Kingdom and to allow more people the opportunity to see live sport within their home country. By utilising ticket scaling as a strategy, it assisted in generating revenue by making the Games more accessible to a greater percentage of the population. This can be compared to the 2002 Salt Lake City Olympic Games where over 95% of tickets available were sold (1.5 million in total) and exceeded the target revenue of $83 million by 120% (IOC Marketing Commission, 2002).

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The 2002 Salt Lake Olympics operated a similar strategy regarding ticket scaling as 50% of the tickets available cost less than $60 and more tickets were made accessible for public purchase than ever before (ibid). It can be argued that this aided the maximisation of revenue generation as this allowed the Games to be more open to more of the population and would therefore contribute towards the total revenue generated from the Games.

The 2015 Rugby World Cup experienced similar success concerning generating revenue from ticket sales.

Over £250 million was created from ticketing exclusively which allowed England Rugby the opportunity to invest the surplus into the development of rugby around the world (Rugby World Cup, 2015). This demonstrates how ticket sales can greatly contribute to creating a positive legacy after an event whilst supporting local, national and international development through reinvestments.

Whilst tickets sales can vastly support revenue generation both prior to an event and occasionally during, they can also be sensitive to political, social or environmental changes which can ultimately be detrimental to the potential overall income produced through this source. A key example of this occurring is the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics. In the lead up to the Games, ticket sales remained low as many potential visitors to the country were

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 concerned over their safety after the recent political upset and growing tensions between North Korea (Calfas, 2017). This demonstrates the issue that, whilst ticket sales can be a strong source of revenue for many mega events as evidenced in figure one, if the event is not promoted sufficiently or there are external factors negatively influencing the level of demand for tickets, the overall revenue can be significantly lower than expected.

2.2 Sponsorship Lagae (2005) determines sponsorship as a contract between two parties where the sponsor will provide money, goods or services in return for advertising rights used for commercial advantage. The key motives for businesses to sponsor mega events are: image enhancement, opportunity for increased sales, increased awareness of the brand itself (Crompton, 1995). Sponsorship can be huge opportunity for mega events to maximise their revenue as many brands would be willing to contribute income, goods or services to gain increased marketing on a global stage. The Olympic Games and sponsorship have always been linked since the Games’ inception in Ancient Greece where CityStates and merchants would support athletes (Stotlar, 2009). Furthermore, “revenue generated by commercial partnerships account for more than 40% of Olympic revenues” (Olympics, 2018 [Online]), therefore making it a principle

source of income when hosting mega events.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) established the Olympic Partnership Programme (TOP) in 1985 with the intention of creating a diverse source of revenue for the Games and to ascertain long-term corporate partnerships (International Olympic Committee, 2018). In the London 2012 Olympics, 42 partners participated in the Organising Committees for the Olympic Games (OCOG) sponsorship programme which included brands such as CocaCola, Samsung and Toyota (International Olympic Committee, 2016a). This then allowed the programme to generate $1,150 million for the London Olympics (ibid). The TOP programme is highly beneficial to organising committees of the Olympics, and ultimately was for LOCOG, as it allows for an estimated figure of revenue generated from sponsorship to aid with facilitating their budget (Parent and Smith-Swan, 2013).

This is key because an important factor which determines the feasibility of a mega event is the consideration of potential sponsors and setting revenue targets (Masterman, 2013).

One of the London Olympic Games’ top sponsor was the global brand P&G which contributed a total of £64 million in sponsorship deals as part of the IOC TOP programme, as seen in figure two (Sportcal, 2012). The company experienced success through its sponsorship of the London 2012 Games

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 by utilising Olympic athletes as brand ambassadors in the lead up to, and duration, of the Games (P&G Newsroom, 2011). By sponsoring the London Games and utilising athletes as brand ambassadors, it offered P&G a platform to increase sales and promote their brand through their campaign. As Lee and Park (2014) examine, there is a belief in marketing that promotional messages delivered by celebrities are often better remembered and generate more recognition than those that are not. This is evidenced through P&G’s claims of an increase in trust with UK consumers and a 20% lift in familiarity with the brand (Powell, 2012).

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Figure two – IOC TOP Programme Sponsors (Sportscal, 2012) The Olympics Games’ TOP programme was fully implemented after the success of the 1984 Los Angeles Games which established that “having fewer sponsors who paid more money was better for organisers and sponsors” (Stotlar, 2009:52). This pattern was demonstrated in the 2000 Sydney Olympics where 93 sponsorship partners contributed money, goods or services towards the success of the Games (International Olympic Committee, 2016).

The Sydney Olympics was used as a catalyst for many worldwide brands to enter the Australian market. This was demonstrated with Xerox announcing a 20% growth in their Australian market in 2000 after sponsoring the Olympics.

Whilst sponsorship can assist in generating vast amounts of income for mega events, there are some ethical and moral issues surrounding some sponsors. For example, Guinness is an official sponsor of the Six Nations tournament (Six Nations, 2018). This is similar to McDonald’s previously being an important partner in the IOC’s TOP programme which only last year came to an end (Olympics, 2017). These sponsorships can be seen as controversial as these brands can be linked with poor health whilst they continue to sponsor sports events which could potentially lead to the decline in popularity for the brand or even the event being sponsored.

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2.3 Media Rights and Broadcasting The Olympic Games were first broadcast when they were last held in London in 1948, reaching approximately 500,000 viewers (IOC, 2012). The London 2012 Games broadcasted approximately 100,000 hours of coverage to over 3.6 billion people in 220 countries and territories (ibid). Shani and Sandler are cited by Amis (2005) as discussing how event organisers are able to raise considerable income through the acceptance of bids for broadcasting rights, therefore making it a key source of potential revenue that organisers must consider.

Figure three – Revenue generated from broadcasting (IOC, 2018) As the table in figure three demonstrates, broadcasting partnerships have been the largest source of income for the Games and ensures the financial feasibility and continuation of each event (IOC, 2012).

This is evidenced by the amount of money the BBC paid to the IOC to maintain broadcasting rights for the Olympics up to, and including, the 2020 Tokyo Games, which reportedly totalled more than ÂŁ60 million (Magnay, 2012).

This example is similar to the American broadcaster NBC paying the sum of $7.65 billion to the IOC for the right to broadcast the Games from 2021 to 2032 (Settimi, 2016). Cases such as these demonstrate how selling broadcasting rights can be hugely beneficial to generating revenue for the Games because, as the IOC states, 90% of the revenue generated from agreements such as these is distributed to NOCs, Organising Committees and their Olympic teams (IOC, 2014). Furthermore, as figure four displays, the revenue generated from broadcasting the Olympics has grown considerably from 1993 to 2016, with an increase of nearly $3,000 million in this period (IOC, 2018).

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Figure four - Olympic Games broadcasting revenue from 1993 to 2016 in US million dollars (IOC, 2018).

Kariyawasam and Tsai (2017) examine how development and advancements in technology has provided an increase in access to live sporting events and flexibility in ways to view events, consequently allowing a greater audience to become involved in viewing sports events, thus making media rights a lucrative market. This is evident through the use of technology throughout the duration of the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games.

For the first time, the Olympic Broadcasting Service (OBS) were able to offer more than 55 hours of virtual reality video content, 4k viewing and free-toview access to over 5 billion people globally (IOC Marketing Commission, 2018b).

As Parent and Smith-Swan (2013) examine, broadcasting rights can commonly contribute around 45% of total revenue generated, thus making it

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of high importance when determining how to maximise the total income from this source. The media surrounding the broadcasting of football events is a key example of the vast amounts of revenue potentially generated from selling media rights. This is substantiated by the deals made by FIFA regarding the rights to broadcast the 2018 and 2022 World Cups. Here, FIFA completed deals worth a total of ÂŁ1.15 billion, thus ensuring the feasibility of the event and allowing it to remain a free-to-view event (Associated Press, 2011). Furthermore, the media rights revenue for the 2014 FIFA World Cup hosted in Brazil totalled $2.428 billion coming from television, radio and internet platforms (Global Sports Impact, 2015). This demonstrates how utilising the media as a source of income, it can be greatly beneficial to the mega event as it allows the event to be displayed to a greater and international audience whilst stimulating substantial revenue for the event.

2.4 Merchandising and Licensing As Parent and Smith-Swan (2013) discuss, organising committees can enter into contracts with businesses and suppliers to produce and sell a wide range of goods relating to the event, typically known as the official merchandise. The London 2012 licensing programme included as vast range of products, including clothing and stationery, which facilitated in generating ÂŁ1 billion in retail sales with a total ÂŁ80

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 million used to sustain the production of the Games (International Olympic Committee, 2012). An example of the products introduced included the official mascots which were sold as soft toys.

These appeared to increase emotional engagement and appealed to younger consumers. Overall, the awareness of the mascots lifted by 30% consequently because of the campaign (ibid). Getz (2005) justifies how merchandising can benefit the organising committee in gaining further revenue whilst creating a positive image for the host destination.

This image was assisted with London 2012 retail stores positioned at key travel destinations such as Heathrow airport and St Pancras International Station (IOC, 2012). These operations would have supported revenue generation during the Games as it allowed visitors to London in the lead up to, and duration of, the Games to obtain official merchandise and feel part of the event.

The 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympics experienced similar success with their licensing programme, generating a total of CAN$54.6 million (Olympics Canada, 2010). The Games’ licensing programme was a success because the merchandise sold was in keeping with the host destination. For example, the licensed products included ice hockey pucks, snowboards, maple syrup and red mittens (Parent and Smith-Swan, 2013). This assisted the maximisation of the organising committee’s revenue generation as the

products sold reflected Canadian culture and were relevant to the Games.

Whilst merchandise and licensing can positively contribute towards the maximisation of revenue for mega events, as figure five shows, it can potentially be the smallest source of income for organising committees (Deloitte, 2014).

Figure 5 – Host City Revenues from the Winter Olympic Games 2002 to 2014 – (Deloitte, 2014).

This demonstrates how licensing activities can potentially be overlooked due to it becoming overshadowed by larger sources of income. Furthermore, this method of revenue generation can be potentially hindered by the availability of counterfeit goods as this could detract from the possible overall revenue created from this source. This occurred prior to the London Games (BBC, 2012), however the total revenue from merchandising still amounted to £80 million.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 3.0 Conclusion Overall, it is evident that mega events such as the Olympic Games have a variety of sources of income that can support the management and operation of the event and ensure the feasibility and continuation of the event. From this report, it is clear the 2012 London Olympics utilised a range of income generating methods including ticketing, licensing and selling media rights in order to maximise the funds available to LOCOG and ensure the Games remain feasible and leave a positive legacy on the local and national economy. This is evident through its licensing, ticketing and broadcasting activities as well as its sponsorship deals which utilised the TOP programme and guaranteed a total £1,404 million for LOCOG alone (The Guardian, 2012). By exploiting these sources of income, it allowed the Games to generate an estimated total figure of £11 billion (IOC, 2013).

Looking forward to Tokyo 2020 Olympic Games, it is most likely these sources of income will be utilised again in order to successfully generate sufficient revenue to organise and deliver the Olympic Games. However, we will not know the total amount of income generated from each source until after the Games after finished during the post-event analysis.

Nevertheless, it is likely to follow a similar pattern set by London due to its proven success. These are typical sources of income employed by

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organising committees when developing and delivering a mega event, however LOCOG’s use of these sources were more successful and better organised than previous Games due to its total revenue created and ultimately leaving a positive legacy and impact on the surrounding environment, society and economy.

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Bladen, C., Kennell, J., Abson, E., Wilde, N., (2012), Mega Events, In: Events Management: An Introduction, Oxon: Routledge, 242-275.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Bowdin, G., Allen, J., O’Toole, W., Harris, R., McDonnell, I., (2011), Events Management, 3rd edition, Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann .

Calfas, J., (2017), Winter Olympics Tickets Aren’t Selling: Here’s Why: Time, Available at: http://time.com/5064263/winterolympics-2018-pyeonchang-ticketsales/, [Accessed 22 October 2018].

Crompton, J., (1995), Factors that have stimulated the growth of sponsorship of major events, Festival Management and Event Tourism, Volume 3, 97-101, Available at: http://agrilifecdn.tamu.edu/cromptonrp ts/files/2011/06/513_15.pdf, [Accessed 8 November 2018] Deloitte, (2014), Host City Revenues from the Winter Olympic Games from 2002 to 2014, Available at: https://www.statista.com/statistics/265 032/host-city-revenue-from-the-winterolympic-games/, [Accessed 28 October 2018].

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International Olympic Committee, (2018b), Olympic Marketing Fact File: 2018 Edition, Available at: https://stillmed.olympic.org/media/Do cument%20Library/OlympicOrg/Docum ents/IOC-Marketing-and-BroadcastingGeneral-Files/Olympic-Marketing-FactFile2018.pdf#_ga=2.174320994.1705453654.1 540642601-175248323.1538821715, [Accessed 27 October 2018].

International Olympic Committee, (2016a), Number of partners in the domestic sponsorship programs of the Organising Committee of the Summer Olympic Games from 1996 to 2016, Statista, Available from https://www.statista.com/statistics/199 435/number-of-partners-in-the-ocogssponsorship-programme-since-1996/, [Accessed 27 October 2018].

International Olympic Committee, (2016b), Olympic Summer Games revenue from ticket sales to OCOG from 1984 to 2016, Statista, Available at: https://www.statista.com/statistics/274 827/revenue-to-ocog-at-the-olympicsummer-games/, [Accessed 14 October 2018].

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London Assembly Economy Committee, (2013), The Price of Gold: Lessons from London 2012 Ticket Sales, Available at: https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/defau lt/files/gla_migrate_files_destination/E conomy%20Committee%20%20The%20Price%20of%20Gold.pdf, [Accessed 13 October 2018].

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Powell, E., (2012), P&G launches London 2012 Olympics campaign, Campaign, Available at: https://www.campaignlive.co.uk/article /p-g-launches-london-2012-olympicscampaign/1127453, [Accessed 27 October 2018].

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 The Apple of her Eye Rosanna Foster BA Creative Writing Rationale Preface This story was inspired by the themes of ‘enlightenment, transformation, ...and rebirth’1 found in the Celtic myth, The Tale of Taliesin. These themes compliment Maureen Murdock’s text, The Heroine’s Journey, which is described as ‘a continuous cycle of development, growth, and learning’2. Murdock’s fascinating template of women’s psychological quests, and subsequently the morals of The Tale of Taliesin, are illuminated in the realist genre of ‘Apple of Her Eye’.

In Celtic mythology, it’s said that ‘when we know something’s true name... we have a power over it’3. This Celtic belief forms the basis of the story, which is rooted in the exploitation of the identity of suffering heroine, Hazel. The suffering heroine can be identified as an archetype, so it’s important to define what this is. Carl Jung claims that archetypes are ‘images and thoughts which have universal meanings across cultures which show up in dreams, literature, art or religion’4.

A motif featured throughout the narrative is also the apple, which is the ‘Celtic symbol of regeneration and eternal life’5. To represent this belief, the story refers to the company, ‘Apple’, whose products are revived and renewed frequently. Like the suffering heroine, the apple is also a familiar symbol. Whether it’s interpreted in its contemporary or mythological sense, there’s an acknowledgement of the archetype that food acts as power/knowledge.

Moreover, earth-spirits were significant characters within Celtic mythology: ‘When they are treated respectfully, they will bring prosperity to the farmer... But if they should be ignored or insulted, they will play tricks on us...’6. Hazel must learn to use ‘Apple’ wisely and holding a basket of real fruit at the end gives her a symbolic opportunity to do so.

To prompt her transformation, the archetype of the Dark Mother, ‘Kali Ma, the Hindu Triple Goddess of creation, preservation, and destruction’ is presented, who acts as the ‘birth-anddeath Mother, simultaneously womb and tomb, both giving life to her children and taking it away’7. Murdock’s first stage,

1

4

Nigel Pennick, The Sacred World of the Celts: An Illustrated Guide to Celtic Spirituality and Mythology (Rochester, Vt.: Inner Traditions, 1997), pg.63 2 Maureen Murdock, The Heroine’s Journey (Boston, Mass.: Shambhala, 1990), pg.4 3 Op. cit. no.1, pg.57

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‘Carl Jung’ on Simple Psychology, https://www.simplypsychology.org/carljung.html, accessed 10/12/19 5 Op. cit. no.1, pg.65 6 Op. cit. no.1, pg.58 7 Op. cit. no.2, pg.20

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 ‘Separation from the Feminine’, is explicitly conveyed in ‘Apple of Her Eye’, when ‘trapped within burnt, fleshy walls, Hazel lay beside her mother. But her mother was being raped, and Hazel couldn’t move’8. This dream works as motivation for Hazel to distance herself from her life-giving, but soul-destroying parent.

Following similar Dark Mother traits, the witch, Cerridwen, in The Tale of Taliesin seeks to destroy Gwion Bach, who stole the knowledge she had been brewing for her son. Yet, when she consumes Gwion Bach as a seed, ultimately destroying his life, nine months later she births him, illustrating a motherly progression from the ‘vengeful, possessive, and devouring female’9 to ultimate caregiver. In 'Apple of Her Eye’, Hazel’s negative associations similarly transform during her life drawing class when ’she felt the pride of her mother; she felt reborn’10.

Harriet Lerner in Women in Therapy suggests, with regards to female passivity, that: ‘Underlying the passive-dependent stance of many women is the unconscious motivation to bolster and protect another person as well as the unconscious conviction that we must remain in a position of relative

weakness for one’s most important relationships to survive’11.

Lerner’s point is furthered by a suggestion from Murdock that ‘women are trained into a state of expectancy’12.

Indeed, in Stage 2 of The Heroine’s Journey, it is written that it is ‘damaging... if a woman believes that she does not exist except in the mirror of male attention or male definition’13. Hazel identifies her online community as ‘my place’14, but she’s mistaken to thinking her important relationships are found here.

In Celtic belief, ‘sensual emotion was considered to be the wisdom of the body’15, and the end of the story is poignant to both this, and The Heroine’s Journey structure. In Stage 10, ‘Beyond Duality’, Murdock writes of ‘Oshun, the West African goddess of love, art, and sensuality, [who] teaches us’ how ‘some of the energy that has been outerdirected [can be] slowly redirected to [give] birth to creative projects’16. Hazel’s new creative project becomes her investment in life-modeling; she can appreciate her raw beauty through this activity, and it‘s void of patriarchal validation.

In ‘Apple of Her Eye’, when Hazel learns to love herself, she not only

8

14

9

15

Anonymous, ‘Apple of Her Eye’ (2019) Op. cit. no.2, pg.18 10 Op. cit. no.8 11 Op. cit. no.2, pg.50 12 Op. cit. no.2, pg.57 13 Op. cit. no.2, pg.37

Op. cit. no.8 Op. cit. no.2, pg.178 16 Ibid., pg.9

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 demonstrates her own growth and development, but then has the power to transform others through her own enlightenment. Indeed, ‘it is the job of the heroine to enlighten the world by loving it – starting with herself’17.

The Apple of her Eye 18th September 2019 Hazel Murdock HMAugustUpload.mp4 12,000 views The notification popped up on the screen and was immediately shut down by its recipient.

Oh God. No. The figures were high. It wasn’t those that she feared.

Undo, undo, undo. 12,000? No, please. I didn’t think- Come on. Shit.

She fumbled her fingers across the keyboard.

Idiot. Are you being serious? Fuck.

The cursor kept jolting, hovering reluctantly, tempting her with progress through productive moments, but then

17

Ibid., pg.159

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denying her as she clicked the left-hand button.

Useless!

Every incorrect tap infuriated her, as onscreen her body pulsated on repeat in a loop of video she would have once deemed satisfying to watch. It was the source of her success, but now it was haunting. Now the body she saw wasn’t just a figure, it was hers. It had a name.

I selected anonymous, I’m sure.

Account settings? No. Website fault?

Glitch. Yes? No. Yes. Hazel. Fuck.

She screamed; slammed her laptop shut; and kneed her desk so hard that pens toppled down from the very top shelf onto the floor. One cap opened and ink drooled out. Her carpet was white, and her mother had just cleaned.

She bent down from her desk chair to pick up the pens. Noticing the stain, she smirked; pressed her foot down onto it; smudged it in further; then reopened the laptop.

Fuck!

Bold, curvaceous, wild, her body was still there, a pale figure, now stretched and poised in a frame titled with her identity. As an untamed flame

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 on the screen, she danced, silent, but captivating as she allured more attention minute by minute.

Oh no you don’t.

Stretching out to cover her name with her hand, she hoped this would dissipate her terror, but the force of her fingertips on the screen just caused ripples of over-exposed colours to spread.

She traced herself in these colours, winding along her trail of shapes, sparking droplets and distorting the image at every point of pressure. She imagined she was conjuring a great potion, stirring and surveying until its prime moment.

She wondered how her name could be printed there so bold, so aggravating and proud. She couldn’t find a way to retract it from public view; anger and alarm consumed her.

It was shouting; the five letters of her first name were making such exuberant noise, as though they’d reached the summit of the tallest mountain and felt no other urge than to alert every one of their presence. The world was watching, and her name was screaming.

Breathe, Hazel. Breathe.

Quick, empty gasps of air shot into her lungs.

It’ll be fine.

But she’d relinquished her body without thinking. Now that it had a name, she’d lost all possession of it. Thousands upon thousands of two-dimensional replicas of herself had in the last ten minutes been sent across the internet in a dark whirlpool of poisonous juices contaminated with her identity, and her poor powerless hands weren’t ladle-like enough to scoop them all out of the toxic mixture.

The internet had taken an element of herself she never considered had such worth and value. She damned whoever had hacked into her account.

Shutting her laptop lid for the final time, she slid the technology under her pillow, away. Grabbing her keys, she threw herself down the stairs; took a hold of the front door handle, swung it open; then marched down the pathway, out.

This torment couldn’t continue.

Her name was out there, but she had to get her body back. *** Just a week earlier she’d marveled at the success of her published pieces; she’d been posting

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 recordings like this for some time. All was well, and even better things were coming.

They love me.

This is my place.

As her laptop lid opened each evening, so too, did another dimension, a corrupted dimension. A dirty cocktail, thriving from Apple produce, shone like the sun does in one’s eyes.

Consumerism, lust, complete dependency on the most unfruitful yet alluring act she knew of, reflected here, as each night she indulged in her addictions. Sex was her mum’s nemesis, and thus was hers too, and yet her laptop provided an endless supper of visual reminders, every time the lights went off and the Apple shone awake.

The internet had been a blessing since Mum’s thing.

Mum’s ‘thing’ was what Hazel called it. She didn’t know how else to describe it, the reason for the bodily adversary. How does anyone possibly announce the rape of their parent?

Disgusting and brutal; Mum had been raped. It was hard to process that kind of information.

Filth.

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Her laptop had blessed her with such escapism. There was truth, accessible and all-inspiring; there was understanding; there were people who showed Hazel her worth and told her that despite her perverse past, she was beautiful.

It was here on the internet and amongst the male voices that provided such glorious support, that she discovered images of the body far cleaner and fresher than those that had featured in the dream she experienced every night after the rape.

In it, trapped within burnt, fleshy walls, Hazel lay beside her mother.

But her mother was being raped, and Hazel couldn’t move.

There was something holding them together which Hazel couldn’t see or feel, but she could feel everything her mother felt and saw. It was a stained image, and so very impure. The walls were scratched; no light shone. As the process went on, and oh, how it went on for hours, her mother gripped tightly to Hazel’s wrist, as the rapist’s shape cast a long, dark shadow over the cursed union of bodies below.

She had to get that image out of her head somehow, else she knew her own reality would become fatal. Her mother loomed over her life, an ominous

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 creature, maternal, but all-obstructing and cruel.

That’s why Hazel turned to pornography.

Gorgeous.

Fit tits, babe.

She felt empowered when they said things like that. They convinced her to post content herself.

You’ve got potential.

You can get big cash for this kind of thing, you know.

You’ll love what I can do for you.

Ever watched this?

Touch yourself, baby. Do it for me.

She liked to please. Every night, lights off, headphones in, and her Apple logo illuminated the dark despair of her room. She wanted to perform, show off to impress the ones who made her feel alive; for this, she needed inspiration.

But oh, the danger she put herself in.

Mum hated sex; Hazel hated that she loved it.

Do this, one guy had suggested.

You’ll enjoy it, I’m certain.

And oh, she did.

Until that morning when her name was exposed, and the power was sucked from her spirit; and alone she began to ache in the dark; and so, the dark and the voices did devour her last drop of femme and masc. soul alike.

11th October 2019 Her skin patterned with dots as early constellations in the misty haze of oncoming sunset, goosebumps alive with energy and sensitive to touch. Eyes loitered on her body, analysing, appreciating, inspecting every curve, proportion, detail. They searched for imperfections.

Her thighs were clammy as they cushioned against one another upon the velvet chair.

Not warm - what you get with Autumn.

On her lap perched a large woven basket, within which were compiled a selection of fruits. Like herself, still. Life. They gleamed; their polished skins shining in the sunlight.

She was afraid the apples might topple to the ground; they were piled precariously above the strawberries, mangos, pears. But they kept their balance. Her fingertips clung to the basket, a necessity. Oh, the dismay she

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 would cause if she misused her prop and the fruit fell.

The breeze caressed her skin, a touch like no other. Foreign, but somehow calming, it was like a fingertip trailing along gently with ease; it was the touch of a friend, a good friend.

Oh God, not a hair in the mouth, not a hair in the mouth.

the focus of her eager observers. There had to be consideration. She had to respect their art. She had to respect herself.

Her body was being used, but not taken advantage of now. It had purpose; it sang; she had been redefined.

Wait. What was that?

The good friend had been momentarily cruel. She yearned to reach up and pull the strand out, but she was committed to her task. She was frozen, but not vulnerable nor weak.

Head cocked to the left; she saw another woman come into the orchard.

In the orchard, leaves blanketed the ground in a crisp array that flickered and then settled in a circle around her platform. She breathed in a full gasp.

Raised a little higher than those admiring her in their semi-circular set-up, she had power; it was new, and it was liberating.

Dressed all in black, a scarf was wrapped round the woman’s face and neck, leaving a horizontal slither of pale skin, where her eyes shone through in the yellow glimmer of fading sunlight.

As paint fell to paper, she became immersed in the influence she presented to her audience of easelbound strangers. She could see they had little name-label stickers stuck like stamps on the front of their seasonally appropriate jackets and jumpers. She’d get acquainted later.

Stroke after stroke, she felt the need to arch her back and whine, but she’d learnt the ways of the model. She knew sudden movement would interrupt

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She broke away from stagnancy.

There’s always one.

Hazel saw in those eyes a familiarity.

And the woman noticed Hazel’s recognition; how could she not, as Hazel’s mouth was agape at her presence? And so, the woman began to remove the garment from her face. And suddenly there, in the clearing of the orchard, amongst all the artists, and stood just metres from the platform, was Hazel’s mother.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 A bird could be heard singing, as the parent Hazel had fought long and hard to dismiss, went and sat amongst the easels on a spare stool; withdrew a notebook from her handbag; and plucked a small paintbrush from her pocket.

transformed, and the various versions of herself and the fruit, in acrylic, oil paint, pencil, were all pure and beautiful.

She admired her daughter, poised so grandly on the stage.

‘You’re everything we could have hoped for in a life model. Well done, you.’

Surely not.

How could she have known?

But Hazel didn’t turn her body away, nor did she panic, or let go of the fruit basket she had been clinging to.

Each of the artists applauded one another. Then joint praise was given to Hazel.

But Hazel had learnt; she didn’t want access to everything anymore, and she certainly didn’t want to be everything either.

No. I’m not everything-

In fact, she raised her chin ever so slightly upwards, and the folds of her lips took a small turn to the sky. She felt the pride of her mother; she felt reborn, just weeks after having her spirit drained from the very same body.

She pulled up her robe that laid around her feet and secured the lace around her waist.

Like in her dream, mother and daughter were one, but not an entity bound together, instead they were in pleasant concurrence with one another, sharing their sexualities. Content, Hazel understood that descending into darkness was a requirement, for to feel such an upliftment as this, she had to have known depression first.

References Anonymous. ‘Apple of Her Eye’. 2019.

As the end of the session drew near, she was given the opportunity to view the paintings. She had been

But my body is my own, and I am enough.

Campbell, Joseph. The Hero with a Thousand Faces. Novato, Calif.: New World Library, c2008.

Cunliffe, Barry. ‘In Search of the Celts’ in The Celts. Nora Chadwick.

Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971.

Accessed 10 December 2019. https://books.google.co.uk/books?hl=e n&lr=&id=3kvKQSINPG8C&oi=fnd&pg=PT

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 3&dq=romans+and+celts&ots=H0JKo2_sd 1&sig=IeFL8pes8crZRGXRsPNnTyFqIps& redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=romans%20a nd%20celts&f=false Lerner, Harriet. Women in Therapy. U.S.: William Morrow Paperbacks, 1988.

Murdock, Maureen. The Heroine’s Journey. Boston, Mass.: Shambhala, 1990.

Pennick, Nigel. The Sacred World of the Celts: An Illustrated Guide to Celtic Spirituality and Mythology. Rochester, Vt.: Inner Traditions, 1997.

Simple Psychology. ‘Carl Jung’. https://www.simplypsychology.org/carl -jung.html. Accessed 10/12/19.

Rowan, Arthur. The Lore of the Bard: A Guide to the Celtic and Druid Mysteries.

Minnesota: Llewellyn Publications, 2003.

Accessed 9 December 2019. https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=6 gzD2DLyrG8C&pg=PA243&dq=the+dagd a%27s+cauldron&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahU KEwjD0ojHsqnmAhUqQxUIHQmgDosQ6 AEIMTAB#v=onepage&q=the%20dagda's %20cauldron&f=false

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Examine the Factors Behind the Prevalence of Hate Crime Experienced

by Many Disabled People Liam McLoughlin BA Sociology Introduction According to Disability Rights UK (2017), disability hate crime is defined as ‘any criminal offence that is motivated by hostility or prejudice based upon the victim's disability or perceived disability’.

In the United Kingdom, such hate crime is regarded as unlawful by the Equality Act 2010. This report will predominately explore hate crime against disabled people (hereafter ‘disability hate crime’) in the United Kingdom, it will do this by considering historical and current legislation and the effect that this has had on disability hate crime. It will investigate the most recent hate crime statistics, released by the Home Office in 2019, the factors behind the current trends, and contrast the prevalence of disability hate crime with other types of hate crimes, such as race. It will examine the contribution of stigma as an underlying factor of disability hate crime by using the following theoretical perspectives: firstly, through interactionist theory, namely that outlined by Erving Goffman (1963), which examines the differences between people and how discriminating attitudes and behaviours come about. This will be contrasted with a feminist perspective, namely through the work of Rosemarie

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Garland-Thompson. This report will also consider other motivating factors for which disability hate crime is committed.

Howard Becker’s labelling theory and Edwin Lemert’s concepts of primary and secondary deviance theory will be used to explore the possible implications for disabled people on being labelled. The final section of this report will examine the terminology used by media outlets to label disabled people and the associated consequences. This will be exemplified in the case study of Brent Martin’s murder. This section will also consider the influence that media outlets have on current societal attitudes in the United Kingdom.

1. Legislation 1.1 Historical Laws and Disability Hate Crime Historically, disabled people have been ostracised in society and this is reflected in historical legislation. For example, socalled ‘Ugly Laws’ in the United States, which ‘outlawed the appearance in public’ of disabled people (Schweik and Wilson, 2016:1). The first such law was introduced on 9 July, 1867 in San Francisco and there were similar laws in the United Kingdom and in the Philippines. Such ‘Ugly Laws’ were in force from 1860s to 1970s and were introduced to ‘discourage people with visible disabilities from “hanging out” in public urban spaces’ (Schweik and Wilson, 2016:2), furthermore, these laws

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 mirrored attitudes in society and facilitated hate towards disabled people.

Consequently, this meant that disabled people were either excluded from fully participating in society or were subjected to hate if they were to go outside. Thus, ‘Ugly Laws’ encouraged disability hate crime in the United States.

More recently in the United States, the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990 was introduced to protect disabled people from facing discrimination.

Following that, in the United Kingdom, the Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) of 1995 was introduced. The law was passed after campaigns and public demonstrations, wherein disabled people chained themselves to public transport and wheelchair users blocked streets to symbolise how they were treated in society. The DDA represented some progress to improving disabled people’s rights insofar that it protected disabled people from direct discrimination – which the DDA outline as being ‘…on the ground of the disabled person’s ability, he treats the disabled person less favourably than he treats or would treat a person not having that particular disability…’ (Disability Discrimination Act, 1995) – victimisation and harassment. However, they were limited in the sense that they did not recognise disability hate crime directly, which suggested that disability hate crime was not a problem.

1.2 Current Legislation on Disability Disability is one of the protected characteristics recognised by the Equality Act 2010, which followed the aforementioned Disability Discrimination Act of 1995, and helps protect other characteristics including age, race and sex. It recognises the distinction between ‘substantial’ conditions, affecting everyday activities, and ‘longterm’ conditions, lasting for 12 months or longer, in its definition of disability. This states: ‘if you have a physical or mental impairment that has a ‘substantial’ and ‘long-term’ negative effect on your ability to do normal daily activities’ (Equality Act, 2010). The Equality Act 2010 ‘compels agencies to consider issues such as hate crime’ (Giannasi, 2015:113), which shows that the Equality Act 2010 is more comprehensive than the Disability Discrimination Act 1995 (given that it recognises hate crime as well as other factors, including promoting equality of opportunities).

2. Disability Hate Crime 2.1 The Prevalence of Disability Hate Crime

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 recognised, and therefore reported, more. The Home Office (2019) note that improvements in identification and recording of hate crime offences by the police, and more people coming forward in reporting disability hate crimes are two potential factors for this increase.

Table 1: Recorded Hate Crimes from 2011/12 to 2018/19.

Legislation, such as the Equality Act 2010, shows provisions in place to limit the number disability hate crime offences. However, Table 1 – the most recent statistics released by the Home Office in 2019 – shows an annual increase in disability hate crime offences in England and Wales. Moreover, figures from a Freedom of Information Act in October 2019, reveal a forty-one per cent rise in violent hate crimes against disabled people between 2017/18 and 2018/19 (Sky News, 2019). This would signify that the problem is becoming ever more exacerbated and would suggest that the Equality Act 2010 has been somewhat ineffective in reducing the number of disability hate crime offences. However, Table 1 displays only an increase in the number of disability hate crimes reported, as opposed to the actual number of disability hate crimes that occurred. Thus, disability hate crime may not be any more pervasive in society than in the past, rather it is simply

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2.2 Disability Hate Crime in Relation to Other Hate Crimes Table 1 shows four other social locations that are protected characteristics under the Equality Act 2010. The total number of hate crimes, for each social location, continues to rise, which suggests an attitudinal problem in society. Disability hate crime accounts for eight per cent of the total number of hate crime offences, which is a similar percentage to the other social locations in the table (with the exception of race, which accounts for seventy-six per cent of the total). This demonstrates that race hate crime is more commonplace in society than disability and other forms of hate crime.

Moreover, it may also suggest that more resources are invested in tackling race hate crime. Consequently, this could indicate that disability hate crimes get overlooked because there is less awareness of such hate crimes by the authorities, including the government and other institutions such as the police, which would perpetuate the problem.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 2.3 Interactionist and Feminist Perspectives on Stigma Another factor that contributes to disability hate crime is social stigma.

Disability continues to hold a stigma within contemporary societies, including the United Kingdom, owing to historical attitudes that resulted from substandard legislation, such as ‘Ugly Laws’ in the United States. In addition, and also resulting from historical social stigma, negative representations of disabled people in media often depict them as inferior to able-bodied people. Erving Goffman examined the relationship between stigmatised people’s feelings about themselves and their relationship to the ‘normal’. Goffman suggested that disabled people are seen as abnormal, stating ‘the person with a stigma is not quite human’ (Goffman, 1963:15). This infers that the belief that stigmatised individuals are fundamentally different to the rest of society creates the illusion that those individuals should be subjected to a different form of treatment. Such stigma and its attachment to marginalised social groups, including disabled people, disqualified them from full social acceptance and has created a societal attitude that it is acceptable to abuse disabled people.

Rosemarie Garland-Thompson considers this from a feminist perspective and compares the oppression experienced by women and young girls, and disabled people. She

states: ‘both the female and the disabled body are cast within a cultural discourse as deviant and inferior’ (1997:279). This implies that disabled people and women are treated differently, which (like Goffman’s interactionist perspective) indicates that disabled people and women are viewed as the ‘other’ and experience maltreatment from the established male-centric, able-bodied ‘us’ group who perceive disabled people as subordinate. This is significant as it demonstrates the dominant social structures that need to be addressed to create a wholly inclusive society.

2.4 Motivating Factors Behind Disability Hate Crime Clement et al. (2011:221) present three motivating factors for which disability hate crime is committed. The first is ‘perpetrators thinking that they could get away with it’. They propose that this is caused by the inaction of other parties, including the police. The second motivating factor they suggest is that disabled people are perceived to be an ‘easy target’ and ‘vulnerable’. They argue that this perception of disabled people results from isolation ‘wrought by social discrimination’. The third motivating factor presented is ‘an unbalanced power relation between the perpetrator and the victim’ (Clement et al., 2011:221).

This indicates that the perpetrator, or perpetrators, who are typically ablebodied, exploit their position in society and feel entitled to abuse disabled

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 people, illustrating the notion of social injustice. Furthermore, it is important to recognise this, as it shows the ostensible inherent stigma that underlines these crimes, which was discussed above.

2.5 Labelling Theory and the Implications of Being Labelled Similarly, the interactionist Howard Becker (1963:9) stated that ‘deviance is not a quality of the act the person commits but rather a consequence of the application by others of rules and sanctions to an “offender”. Therefore, a person or act only becomes deviant when the label is applied by society, who created the rules of labelling ‘outsiders’ in the first place. A similar interactionist perspective by Edwin Lemert (1951) examined primary deviance, an act has not been labelled as deviant, and secondary deviance, an act that has been publicly labelled as deviant. A ramification of being labelled as a result of secondary deviance is that the ‘deviant’ is stigmatised and excluded from society. Lemert (1995:112) also emphasises the ‘reciprocal relationship between the deviation of the individual and the societal reaction’. This leads to obvious in-grouping and out-grouping owing to stigmatising and labelling; which mirrors the marginalisation that some disabled people face in the United Kingdom and poor treatment resulting from such marginalisation. One implication for the person who has been labelled is that they would view

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themselves as deviant. This can lead to a self-fulfilling prophesy, which would encourage them to behave in a way to live up to this label and could lead to further deviance.

Research into the usefulness of labelling theory is somewhat equivocal.

For example, Davis (1972) ‘recognises the potential value of labelling theory for other forms of deviant behaviour, as a component of a more comprehensive theory’. However, Wellford (1975:343) concludes that while labels may affect attitudes, there is a lack of empirical evidence that labelling affects the way in which someone behaves; this raises uncertainty regarding the usefulness of labelling theory and its application in society.

3. Media 3.1 The Consequences for Disabled People That Are Labelled by Media Outlets The type of language used by media outlets can have damaging effects for disabled people. For instance, disabled people are frequently labelled as ‘vulnerable’. Roulstone, Thomas and Balderston (2010:351) acknowledge the implications of this, stating: ‘this construction has arguably weakened the impetus to introducing hate crime provisions and legal justice for disabled people’. This shows that labelling disabled people as ‘vulnerable’ minimises the urgency to improve legal

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 provisions to protect disabled people from experiencing hate crime and thus perpetuates the prevalence of disability hate crime.

3.2 The Consequences of the Terminology Used by Newspapers in the Murder of Brent Martin The murder of Brent Martin exemplifies the harmful effects that media outlets can produce through the type of language that they use. For instance, BBC News (2008) report that the murder was ‘aggravated by hatred towards his impairment’. Conversely, Quarmby (2013:68) conducted a content analysis of British tabloids and broadsheets to examine the type of language used. She found that four of the newspapers, including tabloid newspapers such as The Sun, and broadsheet newspapers, for instance The Telegraph, used the term ‘vulnerable’ which – in-line with what is outlined above – can be understood to trivialise disability hate crime. Moreover, using this terminology leads to such offences not being labelled as hate crimes and, consequently, society remaining unaware of the pervasiveness of disability hate crimes. As a result, the problem continues to get overlooked.

3.3 The Influence of the Media on Contemporary Attitudes in Society in the United Kingdom The influence that the media has on societal attitudes is emphasised by

Quarmby (2013:65), who states: ‘they shape public opinion and can put pressure on those in positions of power to bring about reform’. What is more, Quarmby (2013:76) also states ‘journalism holds up a mirror to attitudes in society’, which suggests that the influence of the media that one consumes affects their societal views. Moreover, until current insular societal attitudes change, discrimination and prejudice will remain rife in society and ‘crimes of hate will not be eradicated’ (Quarmby, 2013:76).

The medical model of disability, also known as the individual model of disability, views the individual as the problem and thus suggests that society should not have to change to accommodate disabled people. That the media often depict disabled people as abnormal and represent them as pitiful, a burden and even ‘sexually perverse’ (Reinhardt, Pennycott and Fellinghauer, 2013:2), fits within this model. Reinhardt, Pennycott and Fellinghauer (2013:2) state that ‘these unrealistic images can lead to greater social distance between disabled and non-disabled groups and marginalise disabled people in the community’; this implies that the negative portrayals of disabled people in the media contribute to intransigent prejudice of disabled people in society.

On the other hand, the social model of disability views society as disabling the individual. Twenty-two per cent of people in the United Kingdom have a disability (Family Resources Survey,

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 2017). Nonetheless, disabled people are underrepresented or portrayed as the ‘other’ in newspapers, television and film.

As a result, this could make people with disabilities susceptible to experience a different form of treatment than that of an able-bodied person.

Furthermore, Albert Bandura’s (2001) social cognitive theory recognises the influence of the mass media and the effects it has on a person’s milieu and societal attitudes. Bandura emphasises this through his dual paths of influence, which consists of media influence, a connection to social system and a behaviour change, and the effect each element has on one another. Bandura states that ‘in the direct pathway, communication media promote changes by informing, enabling and guiding audience individuals’ (Bandura 2004:76).

This shows the factors behind someone’s thought process that influence their perception. For instance, if the media promoted positive representations of disabled people, this could lead to a positive change in behaviour, either directly or through a social system. In turn, insular attitudes would change and this could improve the treatment of disabled people in society. Consequently, this might result in a reduction in the number of disability hate crimes committed.

Conclusion As this report has explored, there are many and varied factors behind the

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prevalence of disability hate crime in the United Kingdom. Motivating factors include stigma resulting from labelling, disabled people being perceived as an easy target, an unequal power relation between victim and perpetrator, and perpetrators believing that they can escape punishment. When examining these factors, it is clear that the prevalence of such hate crime must be better understood, and must not continue going ‘under the radar’. Rather, one must investigate and openly discuss it in order to engender social change.

Subsequently, this should lead to a reduction in the number of disability hate crime offences being committed. This report has highlighted the importance of tackling disability discrimination and hate crime, and explored and identified the complex and varied ways through which public bodies, legislation, and the media should continue to approach doing so.

For instance, current legislation, namely the Equality Act 2010, has been successful to some extent in protecting disabled people from experiencing hate crime. The media has a great influence on societal attitudes, for example the type of language that media outlets use to describe disabled people affects the way in which disability hate crime is perceived. This is particularly pertinent when disabled people are portrayed negatively and the urgency to reform provisions in place to protect disabled people from experiencing hate crimes is minimised. Disabled people remain

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 severely underrepresented in the media and when they do appear, they are portrayed differently to able-bodied people which could subject them to a different form of treatment.

References Bandura, A. (2004) Social cognitive theory for personal and social change by enabling media. In: Singhal, A., Cody, M. J., Rogers, E. M. and Sabido, M. (eds) Entertainment-Education and Social Change: History, Research, and Practice.

Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers, 75-96.

Davis, N. J. (1972) Labelling theory in deviance research: a critique and reconsideration. The Sociological Quaterly, 13 (4), 447-474. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/1 0.1111/j.1533-8525.1972.tb00828.x [Accessed 29 October 2019].

Department for Work & Pensions (2017) Family Resources Survey. Available at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/g overnment/uploads/system/uploads/att achment_data/file/692771/familyresources-survey-2016-17.pdf [Accessed 28 October 2019].

BBC News (2008) Gang get life for ‘£5 bet’ murder. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/england/we ar/7270808.stm [Accessed 29 October 2019].

Disability Discrimination Act 1995, Chapter 50. Available at: http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/19 95/50/section/3A [Accessed 8 March 2020].

Becker, H. (1963) Outsiders: Studies in the Sociology of Deviance. London: Free Press Glencoe.

Disability Rights UK (2017) Stop disability hate crime. Available at: https://www.disabilityrightsuk.org/howwe-can-help/independent-living/stopdisability-hate-crime [Accessed 21 October 2019].

Clement, S., Brohan, E., Sayce, L., Pool, J. and Thornicroft, G. (2011) Disability hate crime and targeted violence and hostility: a mental health and discrimination perspective. Journal of Mental Health, 20 (3) 219-225. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/1 0.3109/09638237.2011.579645?fbclid=IwA R0b2yqebapE3RKf9S8yNFtyxroHbJePW7tbdR0Li1nkjMl20E9zI-LSy8& [Accessed 22 October 2019].

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 In: Davis, L. J. (ed.) The Disability Studies Reader. New York: Routledge.

Goffman, E. (1963) Stigma. London: Penguin.

Hall, N., Corb, A., Giannasi, P. and Grieve, J. G. D. (2015) The Routledge International Handbook on Hate Crime. 1st Edn. Available at: https://www.book2look.com/embed/978 1136684432 [Accessed 21 October 2019].

Home Office (2019) Hate crime. Available at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/g overnment/uploads/system/uploads/att achment_data/file/839172/hate-crime1819-hosb2419.pdf?fbclid=IwAR1J3u_09ucgVBfKx_cpbOUmK6RStsevBs15xAaCUD4 -KV9IP09IeAxxH4 [Accessed 22 October 2019].

Lemert, E. M. (1995) Secondary deviance and role conceptions. In: Herman, N. J. (ed.) Deviance: A Symbolic Interactionist Approach. Lanham: General Hall, 111-114.

Oliver, M. (1983) Social Work with Disabled People. Basingstoke: Macmillan.

Quarmby, K. (2013) Media reporting and disability hate crime. In Roulstone, A. and Mason-Bish, H. (eds) Disability, Hate Crime and Violence. London: Routledge, 64-80.

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Reinhardt, J. D., Pennycott, A. and Fellinghauer, B. A. G. (2013) Impact of a film portrayal of a police officer with spinal cord injury on attitudes towards disability: a media effects experiment.

Disability and Rehabilitation, 36 (4), 289294. Available at: http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/836780/ [Accessed 28 October 2019].

Roulstone, A., Thomas, P. and Balderston, S. (2010) Between hate and vulnerability: unpacking the British criminal justice system’s construction of disablist hate crime. Disability & Society, 26 (3), 351-364. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/1 0.1080/09687599.2011.560418 [Accessed 29 October 2019].

Sky News (2019) Violent hate crime against disabled people rose by 41% in last year, figures show. Available at: https://news.sky.com/story/violent-hatecrime-against-disabled-people-rose-by41-in-last-year-figures-show-11831105 [Accessed 22 October 2019].

Wellford, C. (1975) Labelling theory and criminology: an assessment. Social Problems, 22 (3) 332-345. Available at: https://academic.oup.com/socpro/articl e-abstract/22/3/332/1611930 [Accessed 24 October 2019].

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Looking Good! What Impact Do Messages About Functionality and Aesthetics Have On Engagement in Sport and Exercise?

Jake Line Primary Postgraduate Certificate in Education (PGCE) The focus of this paper is to provide a critical review of our current understanding of three key issues regarding the impact that messages around functionality and aesthetics have on engagement levels of adolescents in sport. The paper can be used as an informative piece by parents, coaches and educational practitioners to enhance teaching in ways which address key issues. Each of the sub-headings focusses on two key areas. Meaning that some issues impacting adolescent participation due to message about functionality and aesthetics will not be discussed.

Emerging issue one, Not participating due to perceived messages about functionality and aesthetics will focus on how Gender role expectations and Media shaping body ideas impact participation in sport. Emerging issue two, Psychological barriers stopping adolescents’ participation will focus on how Teasing and Competitive nature impact participation in sport. Emerging

issue three, are girls more vulnerable, the behavioural and emotional effects will focus on how Objectification theory and Perception impact participation in sport.

These topics are of significant importance in a global society. The everchanging and challenging world that adolescents are growing up in is filled with social pressures and expectations.

The impact that sport can have on these issues can positively influence the effects of these pressures. Therefore, presenting an informative paper which can look to identify some of the reasons why adolescents feel that they cannot participate in sports is of noteworthy importance. The benefits of this paper will not only look to identify the impact of message about functionality and aesthetics on engagement but identify methods to resolve them. Providing support to practitioners to enhance teaching and increase engagement in sport and exercise.

Not participating due to perceived messages about functionality and aesthetics Gender role expectations Whitley (2001; cited in Heinze et al., 2017) explains gender role beliefs1 as the expectations and behavioural norms for men and women within society. Bem and Mcvee et al., (1981; 2005; cited in

1 Gender role beliefs – defined as people’s ideas of the proper roles for men and women in society and of behavioural norms for men and women.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Heinze et al., 2017:635) refer to gender schema theory2 which suggests ‘that individuals attribute certain role expectations and behavioural norms to each sex’. The theory assumes that gender roles are created and sustained, through the way people associate information with attitudes and behaviours they experience in society.

The authors (217:636) explain how the theory expects social punishments for violating these traditional gender norms, stating that it can have significant implications for individuals who do not follow or conform to these gender role expectations. Regarding adolescents, this may involve limited opportunities for not conforming to parents views or bullying from peers for not behaving in the socially expected way.

Heinze et al., (2017) explain that male and female athletes tend to ‘exhibit more masculine roles’ when compared with their non-athlete counterparts.

Adding that at a young age, ‘boys achieve status through athletic ability’ however, show that this is not the case for girls. Highlighting a potentially significant factor that will impact the participation of young people, particularly girls. Heinze et al. (2017:636) show this stating that these expectations can ‘related negatively to participation 2 Gender schema theory – a cognitive theory to explain how individuals become gendered in society, and how sex-linked characteristics are maintained and shared to other members of a culture.

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and attitudes’ in sport. Imposing barriers to adolescents rather than encouraging them to enjoy sports and experience the benefits, young people are being perceived as a certain type of individual for participating.

A particular focus is upon parents when focusing on gender role expectations regarding adolescent participation, as they are providing the opportunities. Heinze et al. (2017:637) article found that children with parents who valued physical activity were more likely to have a positive experience in sport. Reynolds (2018) did however, find that girls receive less encouragement from parents and teachers to be active and participate in sports, suggesting that they are 19% less active than boys.

Bowker et al., and Kimmel’s (2003; 1996; cited in Heinze et al., 2017) research tends to support these gender biases, with parents valuing sports for boys as key in their development, but not necessarily for girls.

Parents gender role expectations leads to them categorising sports as appropriate for boys or girls, depending on their individual beliefs around the benefits (Heinze et al., 2017:637).

Research has shown that parents with more traditional beliefs of gender roles within sport may pressure their

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 daughters to take up more genderappropriate or feminine sports. This can ‘inadvertently hinder girl’s opportunities to participate in sport’ (2017). Reynolds (2018) states that although the sexual differences between boys and girls have yet to be eliminated, progression has been seen. He adds that “Fresh thinking about gender roles may be required from adults” helping to show that gender role expectations don’t have to affect what sports adolescents partake in.

Heinze et al. (2017:640) support this stating that “parents who are more progressive in their beliefs will be more likely to financially, emotionally, and socially support” participation in stereotypical masculine sports.

Media shaping body ideas Jones et al. (2004) describe how media is central to the creation of an ‘appearance culture’3, which has significantly impacted body image dissatisfaction.

Morin’s (2018) blog post highlights how adolescents are ‘bombarded with thousands of messages about the ideal body’. Schmeichel et al. (2018) article provides support to both sources, stating that the emergence of social media has simply happened and is an important part of adolescent’s lives, therefore it needs to be explored. The literature explores the significance of media

shaping body ideas, which can be impactful on the engagement of adolescents in sports and exercise.

Jones et al. (2004) show that in their research 69% of adolescents reported being influenced by magazine images regarding body ideas, 49% of which claimed they were influenced to diet because of them. Repeated images of thin females and muscular men are seen in the media affecting these ideas. The impacts on adolescent boys are rarer, but research has shown links between ‘internalisation of media appearance ideas’ and body dissatisfaction among young and adolescent boys (Cusumano & 2000; Smolak et al., 2001; cited in Jones et al., 2004). Cohane & Pope (2001; cited in Jones et al., 2004) explain the impact, stating that the development of muscularity has become an important issue among adolescent boys. Modern social media sites such as Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat have made it clear that for teenagers these platforms are main ways to make new friends and socialise, with the ‘drive to pursue likes’ becoming a metric for adolescents to assess themselves (Schmeichel et al., 2018:4).

In contemporary society, these media pressures have become more prevalent to adolescents, with consumption becoming more frequent.

3 Appearance culture – cultural norms for appearance present unrealistic standards of beauty which contribute to body dissatisfaction

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Teens are spending on average nine hours a day using social media platforms (Common Sense Media, 2019; cited in Morin, 2019). This potentially having either a positive or negative effect on adolescent participation in sport and exercise. The greater cultural pressure to conform to the presented body ideas could increase participation in these activities among adolescent boys and girls. However, this desire to look like an influencer or celebrity is not realistic and can cause young people to compulsively exercise or go on an extreme diet (Morin, 2019).

Adolescent’s need to be taught to be ‘media literate’ (Morin, 2019), Jones et al., (2004) explains that greater attention should be given to helping adolescents understand the ways in which beauty is discussed, creating realistic body image ideas. Morin (2019) discusses the need to show adolescents the drastic and unhealthy measures many people take to obtain these body types, despite the impact it has on their health. In turn, this could result in increased participation among adolescents, focusing on their physical capabilities. The focus on boys ‘obtaining six-pack abs’ or girls becoming ‘supermodel thin’ can increase the risk of developing eating disorders, depression and even suicide amongst adolescents (Morin, 2019). Further highlighting the importance of teaching adolescents about functionality and the benefits of a healthy body.

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The aesthetic focus which is portrayed in modern society can be frighteningly damaging to adolescent’s future. Directing the focus away from unrealistic aesthetic media ideas and instead highlighting the beauty of a healthy functional body when involved in sport and exercise can positively impact participation.

Psychological barriers stopping adolescents’ participation Teasing Slater and Tiggemann (2011) confirm that teasing is a key influencing factor in adolescent’s participation in physical activity. Teasing is often directed at physical appearance and weight status.

Resulting in increased body dissatisfaction amongst adolescents, making it a psychological barrier to participation.

This study helps to understand specific reasons why adolescents withdraw from sports, stating that ‘situations that are likely to attract such criticism’ (2011:456) for example regarding physical appearance are situational factors which see the greatest withdrawals. The article covers a vast geographical coverage of research, and emphasises the impact of teasing on organised sports, missing the impact on less structured sport and exercise, which is of growing interest to adolescents.

Slater and Tiggemann (2011) state that participation in ‘organised’ sports peaks at the age of 11 (Australian Bureau of

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Statistics, 2005; cited in Slater & Tiggemann, 2011), with girl’s participation rates decreasing at a far greater rate than boys. Sport England’s (2014:17) article focused on how to improve participation in youth’s discusses this drop out, explaining that ‘young people are acutely aware of wasting time on activities that either don’t benefit them as an individual, don’t reinforce their place within their social group or don’t help them develop themselves’. Further showing the need for research looking at teasing in less structured sport and exercise. Research may be beneficial to the individual, regarding improving their place within their social group and reducing the risk of teasing through participation in sports not socially approved. The organisation's article provides an informative view of the ‘rise of fitness sports’ and how they are now of importance to adolescents in ‘looking and feeling good’ (Sport England, 2014).

Showing that research in this area could provide an understanding of teasing in less structured sport and exercise, identifying the effects on functionality and aesthetics regarding adolescent participation levels.

Teasing is presented by Slater and Tiggemann (2011) as having a greater affect on adolescent girls, however contradictive to this Sport England (2014:15) state that it is ‘universal’. The heavy focus on girls being more effected is portrayed in the information shown by Slater and

Tiggemann, therefore a biased view tends to be offered and further research into the effects of teasing on boys’ participation may be needed. Over 50% of girls in the study reported teasing, which incidentally ‘hindered their ability to be active’ (2011). The focus group results presented that ‘teasing from peers and criticism from others’ were common barriers. However, the most common response was ‘boys’, Slater and Tiggemann confirming that boys agreed with this perception stating that they teased girls during participation. This evidence leads to questions regarding the validity of the focus groups as the adolescent boys may have been persuaded by leading questions or felt pressured to agree to the stated barriers.

Finally, Slater and Tiggemann show how messages about teasing impacted the opportunities parents provided to their children. They found that parental perceptions about teasing and their child’s exposure to these were linked to the child’s level of physical activity (2011).

Thus, showing that psychological barriers to adolescent participation not only effects the child but are influenced by the parent. Potentially resulting in decreased engagement levels with parents reluctant to put their child in a situation where they may be teased.

Competitive Nature Allender et al. (2006) provide a sound critique of 24 qualitative studies.

Selected from an initial search of more

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 than 1200 papers focused on gaining an understanding of participation in sport and physical activity.

The authors (2006) identified that adolescent participation was expressed as ‘more enjoyable when children were not being forced to compete and win’ (2006:829). Sport England’s youth insight pack (2014) stated that motivations for participation were for experiences to be fun, expressing that in primary school this was the case. Whereas when children reached secondary school ‘it starts to be perceived as a more serious pursuit for those who are “good” at it’, backing up Allender et al. (2006) views that an emphasis on enjoyment is key.

Significant however to this study, ‘As young people grow up their motivations for being active shift from having fun to looking and feeling good’ (Sport England, 2014). Highlighting the effect of body image for adolescents and the importance of understanding why competitive sports may not provide the best opportunities as adolescents mature.

Allender et al. (2006:830) emphasise that the reason for participation for girls was to try and ‘conform to popular ideas of beauty’ 4.

Burgess et al. (2006) also identify evidence that supports this idea stating that weight loss is a main reason for female adolescent participation.

4 Ideas of beauty – a quality that makes something especially good or attractive.

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Explaining that body image concerns could be used as predictors when selecting what physical activities adolescent females participate in.

Although these articles provide supportive evidence, a female focus is very common throughout. Burgess et al.

(2006) research does sympathise with this concern, stating that the small sample size of 50 and the selection of adolescent females may have influenced their results. Sport England (2014) however, examine the general population of adolescents and identified that they are interested in the functional benefits of participation. Thus, showing that the idea of being healthy and functional interests’ young people, adding there is little concern around the sport being delivered to them.

Negative experiences in physical education lessons were identified as one of the most prominent reasons for not participating (Allender et al., 2006). A lack of competence in being able to compete in the competitive nature was expressed, with ‘a lack of support from teachers’ being identified as a key issue.

Further supporting that it is less about the type of sport selected, but the ability to ‘demonstrate competency of a skill to peers in class’ (2006:831). Potentially showing the need for teachers to act as role models. Showing that sports and exercise can simply be about having fun.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Allowing adolescents to feel comfortable in front of peers and partake in the exercise, removing the fear of being the best or achieving perceived success in sports.

The selection of sport or activity selected for a given group needs to be consciously considered by the individual delivering. Burgess et al. (2006) study showed positive results over a six-week period regarding body attitudes and self-perceptions. This, however, may not have been the case with an adolescent group of boys who have never taken dance before. It is, however, appropriate to assess that physical activity participation can be associated with positive attitudes about the body (Furnham et al., 1994; cited in Burgess et al., 2006). The ‘pressure to conform to social stereotypes is a key motivator’ therefore, adolescents can be easily persuaded by friends not to view sports as cool. Sport England (2014) identify the impact of this, stating that caution needs to be used regarding language traditionally associated with sports.

Language which emphasises the competitive nature may lose the interest of some adolescents. Therefore, knowing your audience and using ‘words that give a sense of freedom, independence, less pressure and

personalisation’ (2014:37) can enhance engagement.

5 Objectification theory – a framework to understand the experience of being a

6 Self-objectification – when people view themselves as objects for use instead

female in a culture that sexually objectifies the female body. The theory proposes

of as human beings.

Are girls more vulnerable, the behavioural and emotional effects Objectification Theory Fredrickson and Roberts (1997; cited in Grabe et al., 2007) objectification theory5 provides a foundation to look at the consequences of living in a culture which sexually objectifies females. Each culture will, of course, be different, however, the cultural practices which girls learn from a young age can lead to self-objectification6. Grabe et al., highlight that the theory proposes girls experience the negative effects of objectification, but not boys.

Grabe et al., (2007) paper has been selected as it explores the impact on adolescent boys as well as girls. The sample size of 299 adolescents is not the most reliable which may not present the most conclusive results, however, the qualitative ‘self-surveillance’ method used by participants can provide a more personal set of results. Overall, the coverage of adolescent boys and girls made this a required source. The authors (2007) state that the theory has not been researched with a sample of both adolescent boys and girls before, therefore they look to fill this void in their research.

that girls and women are told by society to take an observer's view as their primary view of themselves.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Fredrickson and Roberts (1997; cited in Slater & Tiggemann, 2015) expected that when puberty began and bodies developed, girls would experience their bodies being looked at, commented on and evaluated by others.

However, Harrison and Fredrickson (2003; cited in Slater & Tiggemann, 2015) later acknowledged that selfobjectification is experienced more frequently by older female adolescents than younger female adolescents. Grabe et al. (2007:165) state that the cultural standards in society about girl’s attractiveness means that it is not out of ‘free choice; rather, constant selfsurveillance is an adaptive strategy to avoid negative judgement’. A concerning thought and one which can have significant emotional effects on adolescents.

Slater and Tiggemann (2015:386) expected participation in physical activities to serve as a ‘protective mechanism against self-objectification’ but this was not supported. The pair found that participation over a longer period of time (more than a year) had an impact on self-objectification. This suggesting protective barriers take time to develop and may result in the loss of adolescent participation if they cannot overcome a sustained period of objectification, allowing themselves to develop these coping mechanisms.

Grabe et al. (2007) highlight emotional and behavioural consequences of selfobjectification on adolescents, stating

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that objectification can lead to body anxiety and shame; lower awareness of bodies functionality; less motivation; decreased mental performance; depression and eating disorders.

The theory proposes that selfobjectification leads to shame about the body (2007, p. 166), Grabe et al.

(2007:170) results show that girls ‘reported higher levels of selfsurveillance, body shame, rumination, and depressive symptoms’ than boys the same age. The authors do however state that the gender differences in results ‘were not so large’. Therefore, showing that adolescent boys are not free from the risks, identifying that adolescent girls may not be more vulnerable.

Fredrickson and Roberts (1997; cited in Grabe et al., 2007, p.171) suggests “having a female body gives girls plenty to worry about and little to control”. The statement is supported as Grabe et al., explain how adolescent girls are taught through society to be observers and critics of their own bodies and appearance. In a society directing girls to scrutinise their bodies leading to disruptive emotional effects which do not appear to be as prevalent in boys (2007). The focus on girls meeting a body standard in societies eyes can be deeply damaging to an adolescent’s emotional and behavioural state, with failure to achieve body ideals meaning that girls have a further lack of control over their bodies. All of which culminating to put additional pressures

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 on adolescent girls, giving them more reason to believe they are not ‘good enough’ or adequate enough to meet societies perceived body ideal.

Slater and Tiggemann (2011) express that comments, whether positive or negative about girl’s appearance, increase their awareness and encourage an objectified perspective of themselves (2015, p. 386).

The impact on adolescent boys is present, however, Grabe et al. (2007:171) explain how boys tend to direct the attention in “gaining efficiency in social domains outside appearance” such as athletics, which could explain why adolescent boys seem to have higher participation in organised sports than girls.

Perception Slater and Tiggemann (2011) explain how very few qualitative studies at the time of publication had explored adolescent participation in relation to the impact of perception regarding body image. The perception of girls being more vulnerable to the emotional and behavioural impacts of body image concerns was highlighted early in the article. The authors stating that girls “raised the issue of it not being ‘cool’ or feminine for them to play sport” (2011:456).

The article (2011) provides conclusive data regarding the perceptions which adolescent girls experience in sports, importantly the article samples 714 adolescents (332 girls and 382 boys) allowing for the issue ‘Are girls more vulnerable’ to be addressed directly with the article providing a balanced gender sample.

The qualitative study allows the authors to gain a greater insight into the personal feelings of the participants, as opposed to a quantitative study which would be unable to gain such personal insight.

However, the qualitative methods used (interviews and questionnaires) may have led to leading or directing the participants in a certain direction. The article will be reinforced by contemporary figures acquired from a newspaper source. Importantly, the contemporary data it provides should not be considered as reliable as Slater and Tiggemann’s critiqued academic literature due to its lack of accreditation.

Slater and Tiggemann (2011) predicted that adolescent girls would experience more teasing than boys and that participation in aesthetic activities which focused on appearance would directly impact thoughts and feelings regarding the body. Supported by results with 66.1% of girls participating in organised sports7, compared to 78.5% of boys.

7 Organised sports – an activity involving physical excretion and skills that is governed by a set of rules and is usually competitive.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Organised sports such as football, netball and tennis require focus on skills and functionality rather than aesthetics.

Therefore, support information in previous sub-headings that skill-focused sports are not as popular amongst adolescent girls, due to the increased risk of teasing. Interestingly, 21.9% of girls and 15.4% of boys exercised at a gym, significantly less for both genders than participation in organised sports, challenging ideas that adolescents want to participate in less competitive sports (2011:458) due to the perceived nature of them. However, supporting predictions of perception being an influence on participation, 61.2% of girls participated in aerobic classes and 55.2% were using cardiovascular machines, potentially trying to achieve the thin ideal perceived from messages about the body ideal.

Slater and Tiggemann (2011:459) present that 87.5% of boys were doing weights, compared to a smaller number of 41.1% using cardiovascular machines.

Identifying that boys too are impacted by perceived messages about aesthetics trying to achieve a muscular body, possibly more so than adolescent girls with regards to these figures.

The perceived messages about body image are impactful on adolescents from a variety of extrinsic factors, the environment is one. Slater and Tiggemann (2011:461) address the 8 Teasing experiences – relate specifically to the physical activity domain, and the relationship between adolescent physical activity and body image.

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features of fitness centres, concluding that posters, full-length mirrors, tight and revealing clothing are all likely factors which increase body dissatisfaction and elevate perceived judgements about the gym. Perceived messages which in turn can result in lower participation for adolescents, although these factors can be impactful for adolescent boys and girls, previous research has presented that girls are more affected (2011:461).

Slater and Tiggemann conclude that girls felt “people were staring at them because of how they looked” and laughing at them for their size or appearance. In sport and exercise, it would appear that boys are more active.

This could be a result of girls experiencing more ‘teasing experiences8’ in both sport and fitness activities compared to boys.

Consequentially causing, “lower enjoyment and participation in physical activity” (Faith et al., 2002; O’Dea, 2003; Vu et al., 2006; cited in Slater & Tiggemann, 2011) from adolescent girls.

In Slater and Tiggemann’s (2011) study, girls reported higher scores in questions regarding teasing than boys whilst they were participating in sports and exercise.

The most frequent responses were being stared at for how they looked, being laughed at, teased for being uncoordinated and being called names relating to their size or weight. These

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 perceived judgments coming from same-sex peers, opposite-sex peers, coaches and family members. The Daily Mail (2019) express how 90% of adolescent girls stating they were unhappy with their appearance due to messages from their mothers regarding previously stated responses.

Interestingly, the literature presented fails to evaluate the impact of perceived messages on participation rates, rather it addresses how many adolescents have experienced an impact from perceived messages such as teasing and objectification. Therefore, future research could include looking into the effects on participation rates as opposed to how many participants have experienced these factors.

To conclude, it would appear that both adolescent boys and girls are affected by perceived messages about body image. However, it is evidenced that girls do experience more teasing than boys (2011). Girls being influenced by perceived pressures from a broader variety of groups, which historically seem to put more pressure on girls to meet body image ideas. Slater and Tiggemann (2011:462) conclude that the greater emotional effects on adolescent girls ‘may be contributing to the higher rates of withdrawal from physical activity’ although this is not supported by data in the study, which needs addressing in future research.

Conclusion The evidence discussed in three areas allowed for the following conclusion to be drawn in relation to the impact of messages about functionality and aesthetics on adolescent engagement in sport. Various limitations have not been addressed in this paper which may have had an impact. These areas include: a positive body mindset; race and ethnicity; geographical locations effect on messages about body image; and the impact parents have on messages about functionality and aesthetics.

Messages about functionality and aesthetics have a significant impact on both male and female adolescent engagement in sport. The first issue covered, Not participating due to perceived messages about functionality and aesthetics, highlighted how gender role expectations and media shaping body ideas impacts engagement. Heinz et al. (2017) supported that gender role put expectations on boys achieving their social status through their athletic ability, putting significant pressures on adolescents who are not the most technically gifted or have the functionality to perform to these ideas.

Schmeichel et al. (2018) discussed the impact of the media. In the current social culture, this is a key issue impacting adolescent’s participation. The authors (2018) state that adolescents are focused on a ‘drive to pursue likes’ assessing themselves on these likes, impacting not only engagement in sports but their

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 mental wellbeing. Potentially showing the need to gain acceptance for the way they present themselves aesthetically online.

The psychological barriers stopping adolescent’s participation raised some important issues which can impact the way which parents, coaches and teachers help develop adolescents.

Sport England (2014) explained how adolescents focus has shifted from having fun to looking and feeling good.

Portraying that functionality and aesthetics become more significant to adolescents as they get older and identifying a need for those around the adolescent to provide varying opportunities to meet their changing needs, which may potentially result in increased enjoyment and engagement of adolescents as they mature.

Finally, are girls more vulnerable the behavioural and emotional effects? Slater and Tiggemann (2011) state that girls do experience more teasing than boys.

Grabe et al. (2007) explain how girls consciously go out of their way to avoid negative judgement, decreasing their engagement levels in sport and exercise.

However, the research currently available doesn’t explore the impact on adolescent boys in great depth, therefore until further research is conducted it cannot be said whether adolescent girls are more vulnerable than boys.

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The research presented will have the following implication on practice: How coaches and teachers choose activities and sports for their participants.

Sports and exercise should be structured with the adolescents functional and aesthetic goals in mind.

Therefore, getting them involved in the planning process could improve engagement in sports, providing tools to stay involved in sport and exercise postadolescents.

Presented gaps in current research. Highlighting the need for further studies to be conducted looking at the impact of functionality and aesthetics on adolescent boy’s engagement. Focusing on the psychological barriers which create such a drop off in engagement as adolescents mature.

The need to show adolescents how being functional and healthy doesn’t need to be rewarded with likes and credit from social media followers. An ever-changing global issue which sport and exercise can drastically impact.

Educating adolescents to enjoy the functionality of their body rather than trying to meet aesthetic body ideas which the media portrays has the potential to significantly increase engagement of adolescents in sport and exercise.

Overall, the research presents that messages about functionality and aesthetics do have an impact on

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 adolescent engagement in sport. Further research is needed in this area to address the issues presented and provide a greater depth of information on a topic which is likely to evolve further due to the ever-growing messages about body image online.

References Allender, S., Cowburn, G., & Foster, C. (2006) ‘Understanding participation in sport and physical activity among children and adults: a review of qualitative studies’, Health Education Research, vol. 21, no.6, pp. 826-831.

Burgess G., Grogan, S., & Burwitz, L. (2006) ‘Effects of a 6-week aerobic dance intervention on body image and physical self-perceptions in adolescent girls’, Body Image, pp. 57- 65.

Daily Mail. (2019) Mail Online [Online].

Available at https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/artic le-205285/90-teens-unhappy-bodyshape.html (Accessed 21 May 2019).

Grabe, S., Hyde, J., & Lindberg, S. (2007) ‘Body Objectification and Depression in Adolescents: The Role of Gender, Shame, and Rumination’, Psychology of Women Quarterly, vol. 31, pp. 164-171.

Heinze, J., Heinze, K., Davis, M., Butchart, A., Singer, D., & Clark, S. (2017) ‘Gender Role Beliefs and Parents’ Support for

Athletic Participation’, Youth & Society, vol. 49, no. 5, pp. 634-640.

Jones, D., Vigfusdottir, T., & Lee, Y. (2004) ‘Body Image and the Appearance Culture Among Adolescent Girls and Boys: An Examination of Friend Conversations, Peer Criticism, Appearance Magazines, and the Internalization of Appearance Ideals’, Journal of Adolescent Research, vol. 19, no.3, pp. 323-337.

Morin, A. (2019) Very Well Family [Online]. Available at https://www.verywellfamily.com/media -and-teens-body-image-2611245 (Accessed 06 May 2019).

Reynolds, D. (2018) Healthline [Online].

Available at https://www.healthline.com/healthnews/gender-stereotypes-ruin-sportsfor-young-women#1 (Accessed 02 May 2019).

Schmeichel, M., Hughes, H., & Kutner, M. (2018) ‘Qualitative Research on Youths Social Media Use: A review of literature’, Middle Grades Review, vol. 4, no.2, pp. 1-4.

Slater, A., & Tiggemann, M. (2011) ‘Gender differences in adolescent participation, teasing, self-objectification and body image concerns’, Journal of Adolescence, vol.34, pp.455-462.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Slater, A., & Tiggemann, M. (2015) ‘Media Exposure, Extracurricular Activities, and Appearance-Related Comments as Predictors of Female Adolescents’ selfobjectification’, Psychology of Women Quarterly, vol.39, no.3, pp. 386.

Sport England (2014) Sport England [Online]. Available at https://www.sportengland.org/media/1 0113/youth-insight-pack.pdf (Accessed 08 May 2019).

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Discuss the Significance of the Representation of the Obamas in Relation to Debates About African American Identity.

Chloë Jones BA English Literature The significance of the representation of the Obamas in relation to debates about African American identity shall be examined in this essay through their representation and perception in society.

Firstly, the debates concerning the construction of the African American identity with be addressed. This includes those proposed by W. E. B. Du Bois, along with work of Sojourner Truth and the intersection between race and gender. Utilising this, the representation of Barack and Michelle will be analysed with regards to their appeal to the black and white communities, as well as the exclusion of the African American identity from the national narrative.

These issues are of upmost relevance in today’s society, as debates surrounding race and identity are evermore prominent in everyday discourse, particularly following the presidential term of the first African American president and the collective awareness of the Black Lives Matter movement. In advance of proceeding with these debates in more detail, it is important to

acknowledge my own distance from the lived experiences of both the Obamas and the wider African American community. This essay and the analysis within are therefore not to reinforce the limiting constructs of identity, but to explore them and their significance.

Before discussing the significance of the representation of Barack and Michelle Obama in relation to African American identity, it is important to address debates surrounding notions of racial identity. Du Bois’ conceptualisation of the notion of ‘double consciousness’, 1 proves an important framework through which to explore this debate. Du Bois identified that the African American identity is defined by ‘twoness’, 2 being of both Africa and America, two separate notions of identity that converge within one body. He states that African American identity therefore consists of ‘two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder’.3 Du Bois argues that these two identities are unable to coexist within this one body.

He further identified that double consciousness is defined by a ‘sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others’.4 This highlights the notion that the African American identity

1

3

W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Penguin Classics, 1989), 5.

2 Ibid.

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4

Ibid.

Ibid.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 is both constricted by and judged under the standards of white America, a society that is unable to accept the African American identity for what it is and instead inflicts its own ideals upon them.

This is significant in relation to the representation of the Obamas, as this concept of double consciousness can be applied to both Barack and Michelle, although their specific heritages differ from each other. Michelle Obama’s identity is perhaps more closely linked with Du Bois’ observations, as she ‘can trace her family roots to enslaved African ancestors’5 of the southern states, as Antoinette T. Jackson notes.

Despite this, the concept proposed by Du Bois is limited to solely considering the experience of the African American male and lacks an insight into the female African American experience. This intersection between race and womanhood is addressed by Sojourner Truth, a woman born into slavery who later escaped to freedom to become an abolitionist and advocator of women’s rights. She highlights the discrimination based upon both race and gender faced

by African American women, therefore posing as a useful figure through which to explore the representation of Michelle Obama, an idea that shall be returned to

further on in the essay. However, the identity of Barack Obama is shaped by his mixed heritage, of a white American mother and a black African father. This is not to say that his identity does not experience the concept of double consciousness but that it is experienced differently from Du Bois’ initial ideas.

Together, the Obamas highlight the complexity of the African American identity and are both subjected to the ideals of white society, especially in relation to their position as both public and political figures.

Firstly, the representation of Barack Obama is significant in relation to debates about African American identity particularly with regards to his perception by American society. The election of Obama to President of the United States elevated the African American identity to the centre of the national identity of America. As Melissa Harris-Perry observed, ‘a president is not a country, but he embodies the national identity’.6 The very election of Obama attests to the evolving nature of the American national identity and the diversity of the country. However, although Obama has been celebrated as a symbol of change within America, he has also been subjected to many criticisms, including in relation to his

5

accessed 19 October 2019 https://www.thenation.com/article/im-dreamingblack-christmas/.

Antoinette T. Jackson, Speaking for the Enslaved: Heritage Interpretation at Antebellum Plantation Sites (New York: Routledge, 2016), 31.

6 Melissa Harris-Perry, “I’m Dreaming of a Black Christmas,” The Notion, 14 December 2009,

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 identity. As a result of Barack’s mixed heritage, of an African father and a white American mother the latter of whom raised him, he has been positioned as an outsider to the African American community. His ‘links to a postcolonial as opposed to a post-slavery black identity rendered him at a distance from the African American experience’,7 as Anna Hartnell argues. Obama’s heritage does not consist of enslaved ancestors, which is generally considered to be a construct of the African American identity. Richard H. King raises a similar argument, highlighting that his lack of southern roots does not align him with the African American identity but alienate him from it instead.8 This demonstrates that despite being the first African American president, his identity has been criticised for not conforming to a particular notion of what the African American identity consists of. This is significant, as it suggests that the African American identity must be represented in a particular way in order for it to be truly recognised and accepted within society.

To oppose this exclusion from what is largely regarded as the crux of the African American identity, Zebulon Vance Miletsky argues that ‘Obama has largely constructed an African American identity for himself’.9 This is evident in events such as his participation in the reenactment of the Selma march to commemorate its 50th anniversary. This implies that the Civil Rights struggles, both past and present, are also struggles faced by Obama despite the differences in heritage. In regards to this, Obama ‘chose to identify with the African American experience,’10 as Michael P. Jeffries observes, possibly as a way of appealing to some members of the black community who were perhaps less accepting of his mixed heritage.

Although distanced from the African American identity by some, Niambi M. Carter and Pearl Ford Dowe argue that this separation from his black heritage resulted in his appeal to potential white voters, referring to him as the ‘racial exception’.11 While some white voters struggled with Obama’s

7

battle for a new American majority, ed. by Andrew J. Jolivette (Bristol University Press, 2012): 142 accessed 11 October 2019, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qgxwf.13.

10 Michael P. Jeffries, Paint the White House Black: Barack Obama and the Meaning of Race in America (California: Stanford University Press, 2013), 8.

11 Niambi M. Carter and Pearl Ford Dowe, “The Racial Exceptionalism of Barack Obama.” Journal of African American Studies 19.2 (2015): 105, accessed

Anna Hartnell, “Re-reading America: Barack Obama,” in Rewriting Exodus: American Futures from Du Bois to Obama. Pluto Press (2011): 21, accessed 16 October 2019, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt183pdn4.6.

8 Richard H. King, “Becoming black, becoming president,” in Obama and Race: History, Culture, Politics, ed. Richard H. King (Oxon: Routledge, 2012), 61-84.

9 Zebulon Vance Miletsky, “Mutt like me: Barack Obama and the mixed race experience in historical perspective,” in Obama and the biracial factor: The

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 blackness, his mixed heritage did enable his appeal to many members of the white community. Jeffries identifies that ‘Obama’s broad appeal to different races may be related to the perception by many whites that Obama is not fully black’.12 Raised in a white household and educated at Harvard Law School, a white majority university, it is easy to see how some voters could associate Obama’s identity with his white heritage. As Paul Street argues while previous black presidential candidates, such as Jesse Jackson, ‘behave[d] in ways that many whites find too African American, [white voters were] calmed and ‘impressed’ by the cool, underplayed blackness and ponderous, quasi-academic tone of the half-white, Harvard-educated Obama’.13 This suggests that Obama’s personality reflects the white side of his family, which is what aids his appeal to potential white voters. This reiterates Du Bois’ concept of the ‘two warring ideals’14 in the African American identity, as to be recognised by some in the white community, representations of Obama require the understating of his black identity and the emphasis on his white heritage, rather than an acceptance and

understanding of both. Furthermore, this also reinforces Du Bois’ concept of the African American identity as ‘looking at one’s self through the eyes of others,’ 15 as Barack must be seen as adhering to the white dominated national narrative to be viewed as a credible candidate by some. Obama is therefore not characterised by what white American society stereotypes as part of the African American identity. Street adds that Obama ‘doesn’t rail against injustice,’16 actions that would be most closely associated with the leaders of the Civil Rights era, and neither does he ‘threaten delicate white suburban and middleclass sensibilities’.17 This suggests that for the African American identity of Obama to be recognised, it must be represented in relation to white identity and made familiar for potential white voters to accept him. This demonstrates the significance of identity, as the emphasis or underplaying in the representation of his African American identity influences how he is received by society.

While it appears that some white voters want to separate him from his black identity, the controversy

14 October 2019, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qgxwf.13.

12 Jeffries, Paint the White House Black, 106.

13 Paul Street, Barack Obama and the Future of American Politics (Oxon: Routledge, 2016), accessed 28 November 2019, https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=ep5ACwAA QBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=Paul+Street,+Barack +Obama+and+the+Future+of+American+Politics&hl=

en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjLkILIpZfmAhUyShUIHaxz CXEQ6AEIKTAA#v=onepage&q&f=false.

14 Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk, 5.

15 Ibid.

16 Street, Barack Obama and the Future of American Politics.

17 Ibid.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 surrounding Barack’s birth certificate attempts to separate him from his American identity as well. Some claimed that Obama could not campaign for presidency for he was supposedly not born within the United States, a requirement for being president as stated in Article Two of the Constitution.

This reinforces the idea that Barack’s ‘identity [is] being thrust upon him through the power of looking’, 18 as Robert E. Terrill observes, for the assumption that he was not born in America is based upon his appearance and the idea that he does not fit the image of a white president that the American national narrative has constructed.

Therefore, the representation of Barack Obama is significant in relation to the debates surrounding African American identity because of his ability to appeal to different members of society, despite the criticisms he has faced. Obama himself has commented that his identity acts ‘as a blank screen on which people of vastly different

political stripes project their own views’,19 and see in his image what they want. In regards to this, Gary Younge refers to Obama as a ‘Rorschach President’,20 in reference to the psychological inkblot test, arguing that a wide range of people from varying backgrounds are able to see different things in what he represents. This highlights the complexity of the African American identity and the importance of the way in which it is portrayed.

Furthermore, the representation of Michelle Obama is also significant in relation to debates surrounding African American identity. As previously mentioned, the concept of double consciousness as outlined by Du Bois does not consider the African American experience of women, who suffer discrimination based on both race and gender. However, the double burden of being both black and female is addressed by Truth, particularly in her infamous ‘ain’t I a woman?’ 21 speech. She highlights the inequalities suffered by African American women, in relation to

18

0SBUIHdEUBnMQ6AEIKTAA#v=onepage&q&f=fals e.

20 Gary Younge, Rorschach President: How Barack Obama personifies the anxieties and aspirations of America (Britain: The British Library Board, 2012), 23.

21 “Modern History Sourcebook: Sojourner Truth: "Ain't I a Woman?", December 1851,” accessed 2 December 2019, https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/mod/sojtruthwoman.asp.

Robert E. Terrill, Double-Consciousness and the Rhetoric of Barack Obama: The Price and Promise of Citizenship (University of South Carolina Press, 2015): 27, accessed 20 October 2019, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv6wgg45.

19 Barack Obama, The Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream (Edinburgh: Canongate Books Ltd, 2007): 11, accessed 19 October 2019, https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=8zR1qOLq20C&printsec=frontcover&dq=the+audacity+o f+hope&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwj7qaLBsLXlAhX

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 both African American men and the white community, and the exclusion they face as a result. This includes the exclusion of African American women from ideologies of motherhood. The American ideals of motherhood are ideologically white and essential in the white dominated national identity, as identified by Jude Davies and Carol R. Smith.22 Truth also addressed this, identifying that ‘ain’t I a woman?’23 having had thirteen children, ‘most all sold off to slavery’.24 Truth’s own experiences demonstrate the exclusion of black women from notions of motherhood, as children born into slavery would often be separated from their mothers and sold, therefore not enabling the image of the black mother to be widely regarded.

However, this value of family was particularly emphasised by Michelle as she adopted the role of the First Lady.

She referred to herself as ‘Mom in chief,’25 highlighting how importantly she viewed her role within the family unit, alongside her position within the political sphere. This implies that through her

representation she is emphasising values that are traditionally seen as white, to not only appeal to the white community, but to align the notion of motherhood with the African American identity from which it has generally been excluded.

Not only must Michelle navigate the discrimination faced by African American women, she is also subjected to the standards of the white female identity associated with her position as First Lady. The First Lady is a construction of the pinnacle of white femininity, of which the African American identity does not easily conform to within public opinion. Brittney Cooper identifies that the ‘public attempted to reconcile historical expectations of first ladies with the life and politics of a woman who exceeded the paradigmatic frames of (white) ladyhood’.26 This highlights how Michelle stood out in a position historically held by a white women and how her African American identity did not conform to the expectations already held by society.

22

BAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=Becoming&hl=en&sa =X&ved=0ahUKEwiDzPv77bDmAhWvgVwKHaO7A XYQ6AEIKTAA#v=onepage&q&f=false.

26 Brittney Cooper, “A’n’t I a Lady?: Race Women, Michelle Obama, and the Ever-Expanding Democratic Imagination.” MELUS 35.4 (2010): 48, accessed 9 December 2019, https://www.jstor.org/stable/25759557?seq=1#m etadata_info_tab_contents.

Jude Davies and Carol R. Smith, “Race, Gender, and the American Mother: Political Speech and the Maternity Episodes of I Love Lucy and Murphy Brown.” American Studies 39.2 (1998): 33-63, accessed 20 January 2020, https://www.jstor.org/stable/40642967.

23 “Modern History Sourcebook: Sojourner Truth: "Ain't I a Woman?", December 1851”.

24 Ibid.

25 Michelle Obama, Becoming (London: Penguin Books Ltd, 2018), accessed 2 December 2019, https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=I3lNDwAAQ

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 This is particularly evident in the standards of beauty that the First Lady is subjected to. Michelle’s hair has often been the subject of debate and contention in relation to adhering to white beauty ideals, as in her time as First Lady, her hair was often straightened rather than wore naturally.

Michelle commented that she would ‘joke about how [she] often had to be roused hours earlier than Barack to have [her] hair done ahead of official events’. 27 Although she appears to approach this light-heartedly, it acts to demonstrate the lengths to which Michelle had to go in order to adhere to the white beauty standards applied to the position of the First Lady. In considering this, Kimberly Nichele Brown identifies that Michelle ‘made a deliberate choice to don a more acceptable hairdo’.28 This implies that Michelle was aware that her natural hair, as a characterisation of her African American identity, would not be easily accepted by the public in her role as First Lady and so decided to alter her hairstyle in order to conform to the expected image of the new position she

held. This highlights the significance of her representation in relation to identity, as she underemphasises her African American heritage in her appearance.

The representation of the Obamas as a couple is also significant, perhaps most famously in the controversial 2008 cartoon from The New Yorker depicting Barack and Michelle in the Oval office, published during the presidential election. The image depicts Barack in traditional middle-eastern clothing, Michelle with an afro and outfit recalling the Black Power movement with an American flag burning in the fireplace.29 Although the image was intended to be a satirical portrayal of potentially the next First Family, it heavily relies on the harmful stereotypes associated with the fears of black power. The depiction of Michelle is ‘a uniquely American construction of black women as militant troublemakers’,30 while the image of Barack ‘emphasizes his perceived foreignness’,31 as Lakesia D. Johnson identifies. Depicting the Obamas in this derogatory manner suggests that the

27

29

Obama, Becoming. 2018.

Kimberly Nichele Brown, Writing the Black Revolutionary Diva: Women’s Subjectivity and the Decolonizing Text (Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2010), 113, accessed 15 January 2020, https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=iwSjJwvtq8C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Writing+the+Black+Rev olutionary+Diva&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiasYXR xYvnAhX0VBUIHb1WA7MQ6AEIKTAA#v=onepage &q&f=false.

28

163

Barry Blitt, “The Politics of Fear.” The New Yorker, 21 July 2008, accessed 14 October 2019, https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2008/07 /21.

30 Lakesia D. Johnson, Iconic: Decoding Images of the Revolutionary Black Woman (Texas: Baylor University Press, 2012) 112.

31 Ibid.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 African American identity does not align with what is viewed as the national narrative of America. This is important in the consideration of the representation of the Obamas, as it implies a lack of acceptance on the part of society between the African American identity and the position of power that the President and First Lady of America represent.

In conclusion, the representation of the Obamas is significant in relation to debates about African American identity with regards to their perception in society. This is evident in the reception of Barack, positioned outside of the black community due to his heritage, yet often accepted by the white community when separated from his African American ancestry. Furthermore, Michelle’s identity is subjected to the double burden of race and gender discrimination, along with the idealistic white standards associated with the position of First Lady. The presentation of the Obamas as a couple is also significant, as their African American identities are emphasised and juxtaposed to the white national narrative of America. These observations concerning the identities of both Barack and Michelle Obama act to highlight the scrutiny and discrimination under which those of African American identity are subjected to.

References Blitt, Barry. “The Politics of Fear.” The New Yorker, 21 July 2008. Accessed 14 October 2019. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine /2008/07/21.

Brown, Kimberly Nichele. Writing the Black Revolutionary Diva: Women’s Subjectivity and the Decolonizing Text.

Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2010.

Accessed 15 January 2020. https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=iw SjJwvtq8C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Writing+the+ Black+Revolutionary+Diva&hl=en&sa=X&v ed=0ahUKEwiasYXRxYvnAhX0VBUIHb1 WA7MQ6AEIKTAA#v=onepage&q&f=fals e.

Carter, Niambi M. and Pearl Ford Dowe.

“The Racial Exceptionalism of Barack Obama.” Journal of African American Studies 19.2 (2015): 105-119. Accessed 14 October 2019. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43525584.

Cooper, Brittney. “A’n’t I a Lady?: Race Women, Michelle Obama, and the EverExpanding Democratic Imagination.”

MELUS 35.4 (2010): 39-57. Accessed 9 December 2019. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25759557 ?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents.

Davies, Jude and Carol R. Smith. “Race, Gender, and the American Mother: Political Speech and the Maternity

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Episodes of I Love Lucy and Murphy Brown.” American Studies 39.2 (1998): 3363. Accessed 20 January 2020. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40642967.

Johnson, Lakesia D. Iconic: Decoding Images of the Revolutionary Black Woman. Texas: Baylor University Press, 2012.

Du Bois, W. E. B. The Souls of Black Folk.

New York: Penguin Classics, 1989.

King, Richard H. “Becoming black, becoming president.” In Obama and Race: History, Culture, Politics, edited by Richard H. King, 61-84. Oxon: Routledge, 2012.

Harris-Perry, Melissa. “I’m Dreaming of a Black Christmas.” The Notion, 14 December 2009. Accessed 19 October 2019 https://www.thenation.com/article/imdreaming-black-christmas/.

Hartnell, Anna. “Re-reading America: Barack Obama.” In Rewriting Exodus: American Futures from Du Bois to Obama.

17-65. Pluto Press, 2011. Accessed 16 October 2019. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt183pd n4.6.

Jackson, Antoinette T. Speaking for the Enslaved: Heritage Interpretation at Antebellum Plantation Sites. New York: Routledge, 2016. Accessed 21 November 2019. https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=h LRmDAAAQBAJ&pg=PT113&dq=Speakin g+for+the+Enslaved&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0a hUKEwietLzlp43mAhWARBUIHXfVC3oQ 6AEIKTAA#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Jeffries, Michael P. Paint the White House Black: Barack Obama and the Meaning of Race in America. California: Stanford University Press, 2013.

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Miletsky, Zebulon Vance. “Mutt like me: Barack Obama and the mixed race experience in historical perspective.” In Obama and the biracial factor: The battle for a new American majority, edited by Andrew J. Jolivette, 141-166. Bristol University Press, 2012. Accessed 11 October 2019. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qgxw f.13.

“Modern History Sourcebook: Sojourner Truth: "Ain't I a Woman?", December 1851.” Accessed 2 December 2019. https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/mod /sojtruth-woman.asp.

Obama, Barack. The Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream. Edinburgh: Canongate Books Ltd, 2007. Accessed 19 October 2019, https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=8z R1qOLq20C&printsec=frontcover&dq=the+ audacity+of+hope&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ah UKEwj7qaLBsLXlAhX0SBUIHdEUBnMQ6 AEIKTAA#v=onepage&q&f=false.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Obama, Michelle. Becoming. London: Penguin Books Ltd, 2018. Accessed 2 December 2019. https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=I3l NDwAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq=B ecoming&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiDz Pv77bDmAhWvgVwKHaO7AXYQ6AEIKT AA#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Street, Paul. Barack Obama and the Future of American Politics. Oxon: Routledge, 2016. Accessed 28 November 2019. https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=e p5ACwAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&dq =Paul+Street,+Barack+Obama+and+the+F uture+of+American+Politics&hl=en&sa=X& ved=0ahUKEwjLkILIpZfmAhUyShUIHaxz CXEQ6AEIKTAA#v=onepage&q&f=false.

Terrill, Robert E. Double-Consciousness and the Rhetoric of Barack Obama: The Price and Promise of Citizenship.

University of South Carolina Press, 2015.

Accessed 20 October 2019, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv6wgg 45.

Younge, Gary. Rorschach President: How Barack Obama personifies the anxieties and aspirations of America. Britain: The British Library Board, 2012.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Comparing and Contrasting Commemorative Naming Practices in Xhosa and Shona Cultures Phoebe Morley BA English Language Studies Introduction Many, including Makondo (2010: 154-155), Neethling (2012: 164) and Nyamende (2015: 149), have argued the importance of community and cultural identity in African cultures and the impact that this has on naming practices. This essay will compare and contrast the naming practices of the South African Xhosa and the Shona of Zimbabwe. Xhosa and Shona are both Bantu languages1 with official language status in their relative countries, used by the government and on official documents (Government of South Africa 2020) (Makoni et al. 2007: 442). Given their similarity linguistically, geographically and in terms of official language status, it is unsurprising that a number of commemorative naming practices, celebrating and honouring people and events, are shared. This includes that of family through clan names2 and family relationships as well as commemorating events around the birth and events that are prevalent in the minds of the community. However, this essay draws attention to the differences 1

Xhosa and Shona are both members of the Bantu language family and therefore share linguistic similarities.

2 Clan names are the names of important ancestors who are celebrated for their contribution to the

in these commemorative naming practices highlighting the significance of family, both living and dead, the importance of commemorating events, good and bad, and what this could indicate about Xhosa and Shona cultures.

Commemorating Family Given the shared Bantu heritage of both Xhosa and Shona it is expected that both cultures feature close community and family bonds (Makondo 2010: 163-164, Makondo 2008: 10-17) often comprised of many family groups together (Nyamende 2015: 149). It is unsurprising, therefore, that commemoration of family members features in the naming practices of both cultures. Yet, despite these similarities, there are specific differences in the ways that family is commemorated. It is important to consider the commemoration of ancestors through naming as they share similar beliefs about the power of ancestors and their influence in everyday life.

In the case of the Xhosa, family members can be commemorated by bestowing the name of a family member. For example, parents may name a child after a family member such as a grandparent or another significant community because of this, using an individual’s clan name is a mark of great respect.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 family member (Neethling 2012: 164) with the aspiration that the child will replicate the favourable characteristics of that family member. Perhaps more significant in Xhosa, however, is the use of clan names. These are personal names that refer to a prominent male ancestor who is known for their contribution to the tribe. These names are typically used in formal contexts to ‘demonstrate the highest level of respect’ (Nyamende 2015: 149) to the addressee. For example, the clan name ‘Madiba’ bestowed to Nelson Mandela as a mark of respect (Nyamende 2015: 149), referring to him as the embodiment of a powerful ancestor.

This suggests that the named person reflects the admirable qualities of the ancestor in question. Nyamende argues the importance of ancestors in Xhosa culture and highlights that the spirits of ancestors are important to Xhosa spirituality, such as in rituals like birth rites (2015: 153). Additionally, ancestors are believed to influence events such as the weather and harvest as well as deaths (Makondo 2007: 103) and births (Neethling 2012: 164); therefore maintaining a close favourable relationship with them is considered highly important, which explains the cultural emphasis and significance placed on clan names. Furthermore, these clan names are important to the named person’s identity, as by using the clan name they aim to adopt the positive attributes of the ancestor, essentially embodying them and allowing their own

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identity to be shaped by that of the ancestor. When using a person’s clan name, the speaker acknowledges the positive connotations behind the name, as in ‘Zondwa ziintshaba zingasoze zemenza nto’ (Zondwa one who is hated by his enemies though they can never touch him) (Nyamende 2015: 150-151).

Thus, suggesting that the name-bearer embodies the qualities of the ancestor and that their contribution to society is equal to the ancestors, honouring the individual by recognising their work and raising their status in the community.

These clan names also serve to locate them within their family thus reinforcing ties within their immediate family, extended family (Nyamende 2015: 149) and the wider community. This demonstrates effectively the importance placed on family, both living and dead, and family identity in Xhosa culture.

As previously stated, Shona naming practices also feature commemoration of ancestors However, the commemorative names produced are significantly different. Unlike Xhosa names which directly call upon the ancestor in question, Shona names honour them through statements of appreciation such as ‘Rumbidzaishe’ (‘give praise’) (Makondo 2010: 157) and Tatendavadzimu (‘we have given thanks to the ancestors’) (Makondo 2013: 13) which suggest that the name-givers seek to praise the force behind the birth of the child or their own procreative powers. This reflects not only the

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 importance of ancestors but also the significance of children in Shona communities (Makondo 2010: 157).

Furthermore, commemoration of ancestors is also demonstrated in other ways. For example, ‘Tonderai’ (‘remember’) highlights the importance that Shona culture places on maintaining family values and remembering family members both living and deceased (Makondo 2010: 157) and maintaining the favour of the ancestors. This demonstrates a significant difference to the naming practices of the Xhosa, who adopt the identity of the ancestor through clan names. The Shona, on the other hand, praise ancestors rather than embodying them, which highlights the subtle differences between how the Shona and Xhosa people engage with and think about ancestors. The Shona seek to praise the ancestors whereas the Xhosa want their children to embody and be like them, indicating a slightly different relationship between ancestors and their descendants. Beyers supports this view arguing that there ‘is a close bond between ancestors and descendants… this sense of dependence on the permission and advice of the ancestors provides… comfort and security… [and] creates a sense of

belonging and identity.’ (2010: 5). This spiritual relationship with ancestors is evident in both Shona and Xhosa culture, although they are enacted differently through naming practices.

3

languages. He argues that Christian missionaries gave children Christian church or school names (2008: 33). The prestige associated with English meant that this ‘took root’ and became the norm

A word’s etymology is its history or roots; the name ‘Sabata’ comes from Latin.

4

Neethling explores the impact that Christianity has had on Xhosa and many other African

Commemorating events Likewise, both Xhosa and Shona naming practices feature the commemoration of events, usually of those around the time of the birth. However, the cultures do this in very different ways, demonstrating what is considered important in each culture.

Xhosa names commemorating events typically describe the events of the birth such as Ntombifikile (‘a girl has arrived’) (Neethling 2012: 165). These names largely have positive connotations, supporting Neethling who argues that ‘good’ names or those with positive connotations, are important and can be beneficial to the child in the future (2012: 166) This is further demonstrated in the name ‘Luyanda’ (‘it [family] is growing’) and ‘Sabata’ (‘the Sabbath...the day set aside for religious purposes’) (Neethling 2012: 165).

Although not a traditional name, ‘Sabata’, given its Latin etymology3 demonstrates the effect that colonisation of western Christians had on Xhosa culture, as discussed further in Neethling4 (2008:

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 32-38). Names related to family or events deemed significant by the namegivers further indicates the preference for names with positive connotations in Xhosa culture. Neethling supports this view further, proposing that ‘the meaningfulness of these names, carrying a positive message… adds to the image of self and hence self-esteem’ (2012: 165) as well as reaffirming the bearer’s position in the culture and community which Neethling also argues is beneficial in terms of identity and ‘cultural pride’ (2012: 165). This further suggests that Xhosa culture places significant importance on the role of positive names in personal and cultural identity. As shown in the above examples, Xhosa names can also reflect on how the birth has impacted the structure of the family such as in ‘Mziwandile’ (‘the house has expanded’) and ‘Mabhelandile’ (‘the Bhele clan has increased’) (Neethling 2012: 165). This highlights the importance of children and child-bearing in Xhosa culture– women are commended for giving birth to and raising children in the community (Nyamende 2015: 154), as Xhosa children are seen as important for continuing the clan name (Makondo 2010: 156).

Similar to Xhosa, names commemorating events often mark events around the birth and family relationships. However, in Shona naming

there is less importance placed on the positive connotations of names. Instead of positive connotations, Shona personal names are used to freeze significant events in the minds of the community (Makondo 2007: 106). One important aspect of this is that names are often chosen to reflect family relationships at the time of the birth. These can be descriptive of the parents such as in ‘Hatidane’ (‘we hate each other’) and ‘Machaneta’ (‘you shall tire’) (Makondo 2008: 13). These can also be used to address the wider family, for example in ‘Zezai’ (‘be afraid’) and ‘Muchatuta’ (‘you shall leave’) (Makondo 2008:13) which directly address family members who do not support the marriage or the wife.

Traditional Shona culture is highly patriarchal with strict social hierarchy and etiquette and therefore women are expected to be subservient.

Consequently, many women use names to indirectly share their concerns in a non-confrontational way (Makondo 2008: 12). This is further evident in the names ‘Musungwa’ (‘prisoner’) and ‘Chenhamu’ (‘one born to suffer’) (Makondo 2008: 15) that clearly demonstrate that the mother feels trapped because of how her husband’s family are treating her. Whilst being an indirect declaration of the woman’s concern these names also serve to create a permanent memory of the

(2008: 33) and this has remained a part of naming practices in many African societies (2008: 34). This

influence explains the presence of English, and particularly, Christian names among the Xhosa.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 treatment in the minds of the community. This further highlights the potential of naming as a social and cultural vehicle for discussion of taboo issues in Shona culture.

Furthermore, the use of these declarative statements in names also hold real significance to the health and wellbeing of the community. This is expressed by Neethling who argues that naming practices in Bantu cultures, like Shona, ‘reflect the socio-cultural circumstances of the group…’ (1995 quoted in Makondo 2013: 12). In 2018, 12.7% of adults in Zimbabwe aged 15 to 49 were HIV positive (UNAIDS 2019). This may be reflected in the naming practices for example, in Munoitei (‘what are you doing?’) and Muchadeyi (‘what else do you want?’). These names question the husband’s infidelity and express a desire that he stay loyal to protect his family from HIV (Makondo 2008: 15). Likewise, Shona also produces death-related personal names (Makondo 2007: 101).

This is evident in Tinongofa (‘we always die’) which is ‘suggestive of an unexplainable high mortality frequency, especially… with the HIV/AIDS epidemic…’ (Makondo 2007: 101). The influence of HIV on Shona personal names further supports Neethling (1995 quoted in Makondo 2013:12). The declarative nature of these names and their significance for the health of the

community further supports the view that community is highly important to the Shona. So much so, that it is deemed more important and meaningful to consolidate community memories and history by reliving the ‘frozen history’ when they call the name-bearers name, than endowing names with positive connotations.

5

associated characteristics. In this case, using the clan names ‘points to’ the ancestor.

Indexicality describes when a word is used to index, or ‘point to’, a person or community and its

Conclusion As previously stated, the proximity of Xhosa and Shona means that there are expected similarities in their commemorative naming practices.

However, the differences in these naming practices highlight the significant but subtle differences between the two cultures. Both Xhosa and Shona cultures commemorate family through names.

Xhosa uses clan names as a sign of respect (Nyamende 2015: 149), using indexicality5 to bestow the identity of an ancestor onto the name-bearer; whereas, the Shona use statements of praise. Both cultures share the view that ancestors are powerful spirits that govern everyday life (Beyers 2010: 5) highlighting the importance that both cultures place on family, living and dead.

Likewise, both cultures use commemorative naming of events.

Despite this, there are notable differences in how they use this naming practice. It is typical in Xhosa for names

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 to describe the events of the birth. In Xhosa these names largely feature positive connotations as this is seen to be beneficial for the name-bearer in the future in terms of self-esteem and cultural identity (Neethling 2012: 165).

Shona names, comparatively, often do not bear positive connotations, such as names relating to family disputes (Makondo 2008) and of events that affect the community such as the HIV epidemic. These names are used to undermine social etiquette and open up discussion of taboo issues whilst freezing the event in the minds of the community (Makondo 2007: 106). This demonstrates how Xhosa and Shona naming practices, whilst bearing many similarities, feature significant differences that reveal much about the importance of family, community and identity in their cultures.

References Beyers, Jaco. (2010) ‘What is religion? An African understanding.’ Theological Studies [online] 66 (1): 1-8. Available from: https://www.ajol.info/index.php/hts/art icle/view/56759/45178. [Accessed 26th October 2019].

Government of South Africa (2020) ‘South Africa at a glance.’ South African Government [online] Available from: https://www.gov.za/about-sa/southafrica-glance [Accessed 13th January 2020].

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Makondo, Livingstone. (2007) ‘Deathrelated Shona anthroponyms.’ NAWA Journal of Language and Communication 1 (2): 99-109.

Makondo, Livingstone. (2008) ‘Ethnicity and matriarchal protest: A case of dialoguing Shona personal names.’

Names: A Journal of Onomastics 56 (1): 10-18.

Makondo, Livingstone. (2010) ‘An exploration of the prerequisite Shona naming factors.’ South African Journal of African Languages 30 (2): 154-169.

Makondo, Livingstone. (2013) ‘The most popular Shona male anthroponyms.’

Studies of Tribes and Tribals 11 (1): 11-18.

Makoni, Busi, Makoni, Sinfree and Mashiri, Pedzisai (2007) ‘Naming practices and language planning in Zimbabwe: Current issues in language planning.’ Current Issues in Language Planning. 8 (3): 437-467.

Neethling, Bertie. (2008) ‘Xhosa first names: A dual identity in harmony or conflict?’ Names: A Journal of Onomastics 55 (1): 32-38.

Neethling, Bertie. (2012) ‘Naming in the Muslim and Xhosa communities: A comparative analysis.’ South African Journal of African Languages 32 (2): 161166.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Nyamende, Abner. (2015) ‘A clan name and what it means to a Xhosa man or woman.’ Bulletin of the National Library of South Africa 69 (2): 149-156.

UNAIDS. (2019) ‘UNAIDS Country Zimbabwe overview.’ UNAIDS. [online] Available from: https://www.unaids.org/en/regionscou ntries/countries/zimbabwe [Accessed 25th October 2019].

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 The Representation of Desire in Ode on a Grecian Urn Jess Zahra BA English Literature Ode on a Grecian Urn is at once the ‘most ambitious and the least successful of [Keats’s] five major odes’, argues Jones, because it seeks to articulate the inexpressible: the ambivalent relationship between the unchanging realm of art and the volatility of the human reality.1 The tone is indicative of the Romantic preoccupation with eternity and escape; the overwhelming sentiment is that of desire and yet the object of that desire is specious. The speaker scrutinises and meditates upon the Arcadian alternative depicted upon an urn and the paradoxes that are revealed therein. His desires grow progressively self-contradictory as it becomes apparent that even the idyll presented by the urn is imperfect. The power and drama of the ode reaches its climax when the speaker realises that his quest for what he believes to be ‘truth’ or ‘beauty’ is a chimera: the desire to escape the implications of time, but not to exist outside of it in a sinister world of stasis and unfulfillment. 2

Ode on a Grecian Urn is infused with a heightened consciousness of mortality and the desire to escape it. The very nature of the subject of the poem is inextricably linked to death; as Strachan notes, ‘Keats knew well that the first function of ancient urns was to preserve the ashes of the dead’.3 The speaker’s observations are cohered by the desperate desire to transcend time in the same way that the ‘happy’, ‘unwearied’ and ‘for ever young’ figures on the urn are able.4 Keats’s sustained use of the rhetoric devices of interrogatives and exclamatives are indicative of his strong emotional engagement with the concept. ‘Happy’ is repeated six times in the third stanza, conveying the speaker’s fervent wish to obtain the euphoria he imagines eternity to be: ‘More happy love! more happy, happy love!’.5 However, this frenzied repetition and variation of the traditional metrical frame of an ode, ‘ten line stanzas which begin with a Shakespearean quatrain (abab) and end with a Petrarchan sestet (cdecde)’, may indicate a loss of control, foreshadowing Keats’s dimming cognitive faculties as he approached his death of tuberculosis at the age of twenty-five.6 Indeed, there

1

4

John Jones, John Keats’s Dream of Truth, 2nd ed.

(London: Chatto & Windus Ltd, 1980), 221.

2 Mark Strand and Eavan Boland, eds., The Making of a Poem: A Norton Anthology of Poetic Forms (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001), 215.

3 John Jones, John Keats’s Dream of Truth, 2nd ed.

(London: Chatto & Windus Ltd, 1980), 224.

Mark Strand and Eavan Boland, eds., The Making of a Poem: A Norton Anthology of Poetic Forms (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001), 215.

5 Strand and Boland, The Making of a Poem, 215.

6 John Strachan, ed., The Poems of John Keats: A Sourcebook, 2nd ed. (Oxon: Routledge, 2003), 139.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 is an uncanny reference to tubercular symptoms at the end of this stanza: ‘a burning forehead, and a parching tongue’.7 Furthermore, this reading gains poignancy when informed by psychobiographical context. According to Stillinger, the death of Keats’s brother Tom in December 1819 ‘prompted him into the poetic triumphs of early to mid1819… [and] it is undeniable that Keats’s bereavement underpins to some extent the profound mediations upon death, sickness and sorrow in the great odes’. 8 The abundance of antithesis within the ode further accentuate the gulf that separates the speaker from the object of his desire. Stillinger asserts that ‘[t]here is a greater density of opposites in this poem than in perhaps any other of comparable length in all of English literature’, for example, ‘deities or mortals’, ‘men or gods’, the temporal and permanent and the static and kinetic. 9 It is a poem of fusions, with the most notable synthesis that of joy and pain; the speaker delights in interpreting the

artwork but his curiosity is undermined by the futility of his desire to join the figures in their ‘silence and slow time’. 10 The object of the speaker’s desire is the central paradox of the ode: ‘Cold Pastoral!’.11 ‘[T]he dales of Arcady’, a classical model of the pastoral, is depicted on the urn.12 It is in this setting the speaker believes the truth of eternity to reside, but there is an irony in that the subject of the ideal scene is that of nature (‘forest branches and trodden weeds’, ‘town by river or sea shore’ ‘leaffringed legend’) which in itself betokens mortality.13 Stillinger agrees that even ‘the art-world has its drawbacks as a hypothetical alternative to the human world’, and it is the speaker’s realisation of this that generates the drama of the ode.14 The unusual form is revealing; it is an ode ‘on’ an urn, as opposed to ‘to’. 15 This choice, in addition to the anthropomorphic ‘thou’, is indicative of the non-responsive nature of the urn and its figures; it is ironic and distressing that the idyll is compromised.16 The serene

7

12

Mark Strand and Eavan Boland, eds., The Making of a Poem: A Norton Anthology of Poetic Forms (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001), 215.

8 John Strachan, ed., The Poems of John Keats: A Sourcebook, 2nd ed. (Oxon: Routledge, 2003), 7.

9

Jack Stillinger, ‘The “story” of Keats’, in The Cambridge Companion to Keats, ed. Susan J. Wolfson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 255.

10 Strand and Boland, The Making of a Poem, 214.

11 Ibid, 215.

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Ibid, 214.

Ibid, 215.

14 Jack Stillinger, ‘The “story” of Keats’, in The Cambridge Companion to Keats, ed. Susan J. Wolfson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 256.

13

15

Mark Strand and Eavan Boland, eds., The Making of a Poem: A Norton Anthology of Poetic Forms (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001), 215.

16 Strand and Boland, The Making of a Poem, 214.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 scene turns suddenly bleak, depicting a sacrifice and a ‘desolate’ town ‘emptied of its folk’ whose ‘streets forever more/will silent be’.17 The speaker’s desire becomes flavoured with pity as he ‘seeks to console his marble counterpart’, the ‘Bold Lover’ who, like himself, can never consummate his desire; ‘never canst thou kiss’. 18 Stillinger notes that ‘some critics took these misgivings… to signify the poet’s rejection of the ideal’ , but rather than abandoning his desire, the speaker’s desperation is strained further because the ideal is unattainable: the cry of ‘Cold Pastoral!’ is one of frustration, confronted by the paradox of his desire.19 Although the idyll presented on the urn and the speaker’s poetry is warm and spontaneous, there is no escaping the fact that the ‘Sylvan historian’ operates only in cold, inanimate marble.20 It is arguable that the speaker has indeed fulfilled his desire to an extent by the conclusion; its ambiguity enables the reading of the speaker

‘gain[ing] imaginative entry into the urn’, as Sheats argues.21 This mystical absorption of the speaker’s self onto an external object is the ultimate fusion of the poem, so much so that it is unclear who it is speaking these notoriously contentious final lines: ‘“Beauty is truth, truth beauty,” – that is all/ Ye know on earth, and all ye need to know’. 22 Is it the urn itself, the figures or the speaker?

These lines are perhaps indicative of the poem itself in that they present a paradox because, as Strachan argues, ‘their aphoristic nature works against the ambiguity found elsewhere in the poem’.23 Stillinger asserts that the utterance is ‘not of much practical help’ because the aphorism sounds compelling but ultimately makes little sense; Keats bounces two abstract nouns off one another, so there is nothing to ground the concept.24 Austin reads that ‘[t]he Ode says that beauty is the truth of eternity’, but is there truth in the entrapment of the figures on the urn?25 This final impression of ambiguity

17

22

Ibid, 2015.

Jack Stillinger, ‘The “story” of Keats’, in The Cambridge Companion to Keats, ed. Susan J. Wolfson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 256.

19 Jack Stillinger, ‘The “story” of Keats’, in The Cambridge Companion to Keats, ed. Susan J. Wolfson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 256.

20 Strand and Boland, The Making of a Poem, 214.

21 Paul D Sheats, ‘Keats and the Ode’, in The Cambridge Companion to Keats, ed. Susan J. Wolfson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 94.

18

Mark Strand and Eavan Boland, eds., The Making of a Poem: A Norton Anthology of Poetic Forms (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001), 215.

23 John Strachan, ed., The Poems of John Keats: A Sourcebook, 2nd ed. (Oxon: Routledge, 2003), 153.

24 Jack Stillinger, ‘The “story” of Keats’, in The Cambridge Companion to Keats, ed. Susan J. Wolfson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 256.

25 Allen Austin, ‘Keats’s Grecian Urn and the Truth of Eternity’, College English 25.6 (1964): 434.

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 is perhaps fitting given Keats’s own belief in ‘negative capability’, defined by Hebron as ‘a concept which prizes intuition and uncertainty above reason and knowledge’.26 The imparting message of the ode may be read as the speaker’s conclusion that there is a falsehood in searching for truth as an object of desire because it inhibits imagination. Negative capability is the compromise.

Sheats, Paul D. ‘Keats and the Ode’. In The Cambridge Companion to Keats, edited by Susan J. Wolfson, 86-101.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

References Primary Strand, Mark and Eavan Boland, eds. The Making of a Poem: A Norton Anthology of Poetic Forms. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2001.

Strachan, John, ed. The Poems of John Keats: A Sourcebook, 2nd ed. Oxon: Routledge, 2003.

Stillinger, Jack. ‘The “story” of Keats’. In The Cambridge Companion to Keats, edited by Susan J. Wolfson, 246-260.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

Secondary Austin, Allen. ‘Keats’s Grecian Urn and the Truth of Eternity’. College English 25.6 (1964): 434-437.

Hebron, Stephen. ‘John Keats and ‘negative capability’’. Last modified May 15, 2014. https://www.bl.uk/romanticsand-victorians/articles/john-keats-andnegative-capability Jones, John. John Keats’s Dream of Truth.

2nd ed. London: Chatto & Windus Ltd, 1980.

26

Stephen Hebron, ‘John Keats and ‘negative capability’’, last modified May 15, 2014 https://www.bl.uk/romantics-and-

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victorians/articles/john-keats-and-negativecapability

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 The Relationship Between Money and Debt Lukas Holub BA Politics and International Relations 1. Introduction When analysing money and the role it plays on both economic and societal levels, often very little thought is given to the notion of debt and credit system as an extrinsic factor. In this essay, it is argued that the history of money is narrowly connected to the history of debt and its emergence in the human society. Money and debt have often been in a complex, complementary and intricate relationship with each other, and this has not changed in the 21st century; on the contrary, some of the major economic phenomena we are witnesses to in recent years suggest a tight relationship between the two.

Generally, it is safe to argue that the financial and social phenomena as defined by money are very different from the financial and social phenomena as defined by credit.

In section 2.1., I illustrate the way debt has been historically portrayed in mainstream economics for many years and explain why the idea of credit system only evolving after the introduction of coinage as part of the barter myth is inaccurate. In section 2.2., a detailed analysis of the various social implications of debt is presented, both from the creditors’ and debtors’ points of view. Special attention is then dedicated

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to the last century, which was a major turning point in regards to the societal perception of indebtedness. Followingly, I present an overview of the so-called financialization process in section 2.3., and the rise of household indebtedness connected to it. The way debt can function as a substitution for money as part of the securitization process is then displayed in section 2.4. Finally, in section 3, I present the conclusions drawn from the preceding analysis.

2.1. History of debt as part of the credit system Historically, debt has been treated as of secondary importance when it comes to explaining the origins and function of money. Graeber (2011) points to the fallacy in the historical assumption that the barter system emerged first in human society, only to be followed later by the introduction of money in the form of coinage and finally, the development of the credit system as known today.

There are several reasons why this “myth”, as Graeber calls it, survived for so long, such as the scarce historical evidence of debt records (contrasted with the ease with which coins are preserved) or the seemingly unsolvable dilemma of “the double coincidence of wants” of the barter system, where both participants of the trade operation must simultaneously possess and desire respective goods of each other, making the majority of trades difficult, if not impossible, to realize. With the latter, it

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 was thought that the difficulty, if not impossibility, with which the majority of trades must have occurred eventually caused people to stockpile on different commodities which served as a common medium of exchange, until the use of metals for such purposes was introduced (Smith and Dickey, 1993: 1718). It is only recently, then, that a further analysis of the connection between money and debt, and in particular the use of informal credit functioning as money substitute, has been conducted.

Generally, money is characterized as serving three main functions: it is the medium of exchange, the unit of account and the store of value. In many textbooks of economics, its purpose as the medium of exchange is given primary importance (Sloman et al. 2016: 261, McKenzie et al., 1978: 453).

However, it is possible to demonstrate that historically, this might not have been always the case. For illustration, Graeber presents an example of how a trade operation could have been handled using an informal credit system between two neighbours, namely Joshua and Henry. The latter, Henry, is in need of shoes, but he only possesses potatoes.

On the other hand, Joshua has a spare pair of shoes, but does not need anything that Henry has to offer. The example is as follows: SCENARIO 1

Henry walks up to Joshua and says, "Nice shoes!"

Joshua says, "Oh, they're not much, but since you seem to like them, by all means take them."

Henry takes the shoes.

Henry's potatoes are not at issue since both parties are perfectly well aware that if Joshua were ever short of potatoes, Henry would give him some (Graeber, 2011: 35).

Before further assessment, it is necessary to keep a broader context in mind. People lived in tight and small communities in the past where everyone knew each other. Trust was of paramount importance: whereas today it is based on computerized mathematical modelling of the rating agencies, it was the quality of information about the borrower that determined their creditworthiness and potentiality to incur debts in the past. As families within the households shared their reputation in the eyes of the rest of the public, trust became sort of a cultural currency; there was no tangible difference between social and economic credit (Muldrew 2012: 10). Unlike textbooks examples, where every participant of a transaction is placed somewhere on the neutral / friendly axis, the reality was usually different: people rarely travelled or moved away from their households and

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 families. This meant that any kind of anonymity was non-existent; there was an intricate web of interpersonal relations that influenced the specific conditions of debt-incurring, which affected everyone. Cash was usually only used in transactions between complete strangers or when travelling abroad: for example, the cash to informal credit ratio in medieval England was about 1:15 (Muldrew 2012).

Of course, this argument acknowledges that various forms of credit lending existed throughout the past, some better preserved than others; the practice of money-lending (moneylending and its social implications are further discussed in section 2.2.), various bills, bonds and bills of exchange are all documented. Nonetheless, no importance is given to informal debts, as can be inferred, for example, from the words of a Scottish economist James Mill, who in his 1821 publication Elements of Political Economy argues that “The only substitute for money, of sufficient importance to require explanation, in this epitome of the science, is that species of written obligation to pay a sum of money […]” (Mill, 1821: 146). However, as we see in Table 1, which highlights the situation in Hampshire, England, between the 17th and early 18th centuries, the frequency of the written obligations such as bills and bonds is minuscule compared to the estimated amount of informal credit transactions (Muldrew, 2012: 17).

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Table 1, source: Muldrew, 2012: 1 With the ubiquity of credit and the scarcity of hard metals, some way needed to be established to value what “owing one” precisely meant. Bearing in mind the three functions of money that were mentioned before, it is the unit of account purpose that plays a central dominance in this setting: the continual improvements of the credit system due to the vast and expanding web of debtors and creditors and the short supply of money. The ending result, then, is a society where everything is measured by monetary prices, but money is not the primary means of exchange: “Gold and silver were not the water upon which the vessel of the economy floated; they were the anchor that held the same ship in place upon a sea of credit” (Muldrew, 2012: 14).

This is not to say, of course, that such economic model was desirable; as everyone formed a part of a complex

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 web of credit relations, the risk of economic forfeit was very real for everyone involved in the supply-chain.

The poor, then, were often the ones who were hit the hardest in case of such an event; their inability to repay debts not only negatively impacted their “household credit” rating, it also caused entire families to be liable to the socalled desperate debt, where creditors had to acknowledge their money possibly never returning.

Nonetheless, despite its obvious shortcomings, the informal credit system has been always a part of the human societies: debt very often worked as a money substitute, especially in times when it was short in supply. The “older credit ratings”, based on the household creditworthiness information, only started to be slowly replaced with more calculated approach by the end of the 18th century (Muldrew 2012,). It is therefore reasonable to argue that the barter myth, which postulates that barter emerged as the first economic system among primitive societies, only to be later replaced by the introduction of coins out of necessity, is disproved: “In our view barter is an important phenomenon which has been both misunderstood and underestimated in anthropology. It has been misconstrued largely because of the persistence of the

creation-myth in classical and neoclassical economics that in barter lie the origins of money and hence of modern capitalism” (Humphrey, Hugh-Jones, 1992: 2). Instead, the informal credit system emerged as first, with money serving as a unit of account to measure for various debts incurred among the complex web of debtors and creditors. 1

1

theory of money is possibly preferable to a monetary theory of credit“ (Schumpeter, 1954: 717).

To substantiate upon this, Joseph Schumpeter writes about the dichotomy between money and debt that „[…] practically and analytically, a credit

2.2 Social implications of the moneydebt relationship “Money makes the world go round,” a time-old saying goes. While money and the essential role it plays in one’s life has been well documented, there has been a substantial failure to examine debt and its social consequences in our society (Sulivan, 2012: 44, Lapavitsas, 2003: 70).

This chapter aims to analyse the ways in which debt and indebtedness can influence traditional power relations usually reserved for money.

Historically, both debtors and creditors often found themselves as recipients of social stigmatization (Sousa, 2018: 965). In the case of the creditors, it was often a designated, socially excluded minority, since allowing the majoritarian population to engage in the money-lending occupation would result in frequent conflicts (Sulivan, 2012: 48).

This selection was primarily based on religious basis: In Christian Europe, it was the Jews who lent the money; in Muslim

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 countries, the Christians. This “taboo” allowed the majoritarian population to rationalize any backlash against their creditors on the basis of the latter’s perceived “inhumanity”. A cultural example of this is the character of Shylock, the main antagonist of Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice, who is depicted as being cruel and unrelenting in his demand for a pound of flesh of the Christian Antonio, his debtor.2 While Shylock is “only” punished by being forced to convert to Christianity, Jews in the real world were usually shunned into ghettos outside cities and various pogroms were not uncommon. Even in the beginning of the 19th century, James Mill comments about written credit obligations that “The use of this species of obligation, as a substitute for money, seems to have originated in the invention of bills of exchange, ascribed to the Jews, in the feudal and barbarous ages” (Mill, 1821: 146). As for the debtors, the accompanying stigma was even indented in the language: “Indeed, in the languages of early Western Europe, the word ‘debt’ was synonymous with ‘fault,’ ‘sin,’ and ‘guilt.’” (Sousa, 2018: 966). The punishment for the debtors who were not able to repay their debt usually

ranged from public shaming and loss of property to physical punishments and deportation to debtor prisons.

While the first oppositions to such view occurred during the early stages of capitalism, when incurring debt in order to acquire more wealth started to be seen as prudent, rather than wasteful (Sulivan, 2012: 49), the major changes in regards to this notion for individual uses only occurred during the last century: whereas earlier, people were far more reluctant to go into debt, nowadays there is a wide acceptance of going into debt, even for seemingly minuscule and transient “goods” (Ritzer, 2012: 66), such as a family vacation. This process of “de-shaming” indebtedness is apparent even at larger, national scope: Ritzer highlights the case of the UK, where, as he claims, going into debt was not easy a few decades ago and debts were generally seen as shameful, while now, after an aggressive expansion of American banks such as Citigroup that advertised low- and no-interest debts, the UK is the most indebted nation in the world per capita, even surpassing the US (Ritzer, 2012: 76).3 A stark contrast is drawn between the UK and countries like Germany, which, owing to the high amount of state-owned banks and the

2

constructed in regards to his occupation as a money-lender and creditor.

3 The total amount of absolute personal indebtedness is still higher in the US due to its sheer size and population numbers.

While Shylock is partly portrayed in a sympathetic light, such as in his Hath not a Jew eyes monologue, many literary critics agree upon the general sentiment of antisemitism seeping into the depiction of the character, which is largely

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 consequently reduced incentive for profit-making, do not experience similar amounts of indebtedness.

This large shift in debt mentality is parallel to the individual perceived relationship between debt and social status. As part of the social stratification, which can be defined as unequal access to both tangible (money, jobs, cars) and intangible (respect, prestige, power) resources amongst population (Sulivan, 2012: 37), debt blurs money and income as a signal for others when judging an individual’s social class.

The ready availability of credit, which has been perpetuated by banking and shadow-banking institutions in the Western world, allows to simulate a class to which one does not belong yet, or, on the contrary, from which one does not wish to fall from (Sulivan, 2012: 52). A prime example of the modern credit is the credit card: issuing a customer with a Gold or Platinum credit card not only tells us about their creditworthiness, it also makes a statement about their general worthiness in the eyes of the society. In other words, the implication that going into debt is somehow beneficial to one’s social standing is a suggestion that many credit providers want to reinforce (Sulivan, 2012: 52). Such is the case in the US subprime sector, for example, where the reckless banking institutions, driven by the profit-making incentives, completely underestimated people’s (in)ability to repay their mortgage debts, which in the years

2007-2008 caused the subprime mortgage failure and the subsequent crisis that hit the entire world. Still, homeownership, in particular in the US, is often viewed as an indicator of one’s financial status. However, such judgments fail to take into account any potential indebtedness the mortgage taker must have incurred, which presents an inaccurate portrayal of the actual financial and ergo social status: “Someone living in an exclusive neighbourhood but unable to pay the mortgage may be sending a signal about social class that is incongruous with that person’s financial statement, at least until the day that the foreclosure sign appears in the front yard” (Sulivan, 2012: 44).

Linked to the general inability to repay debts is a phenomenon Ritzer calls the hyperindebtedness, which is a symptom of the modern consumer society, characterized by high levels of consumption on the societal level. The focus is directed towards the consumer debts the society produces as whole, rather than to focus on a debtor as an individual. Ritzer places his example in the US, which, he claims, has experienced a “growth of consumption that is paralleled in decline of production”. The increased levels of consumption are directly linked to the need to control consumption as a “tangible good,” which then accordingly leads to the hyperdebt phenomenon, characterized as “acquiring more debt

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 than one needs” (Ritzer, 2012: 68). This trend, exacerbated by the subprime mortgage failure and coupled with the aforementioned acceptance of going into debt for trivial acquisitions spells a grim future for the US: Ritzer predicts a “further erosion of America’s comparative position in the global economy” (Ritzer, 2012: 78).

It can be said, then, that the way debt influences and blurs the traditional power relations across social stratification is often underestimated and not properly analysed. The traditional negative view on indebtedness has shifted in the last century, with many financial institutions subtly promoting the correlation between going into debt and the betterment of the social standing.

2.3 Debt as a consequence of the financialization The decline of production mentioned in the previous chapter is symptomatic for another recent economic phenomenon, the so-called financialization. Generally, the word financialization can be used to denote the various phenomena accompanying the evolving economic processes in the past decades. However, to understand the household debt arising from this process, it is necessary to briefly describe the financialisaton and how it affects the economy.

Probably the best-known definition of the financialization is the one provided

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by Krippner, who speaks of a “pattern of accumulation in which profits accrue primarily through financial channels rather than through trade and commodity production” (Krippner, 2005: 174). The changes connected with financialization, and to a certain degree with neoliberalism and globalization as well (Epstein, 2004: 6), affect the traditional relation between the “real” economy and the financial channels on the expense of the latter as part of the whole GDP. As seen in Figure 1, the gap between FIRE (Finance, Insurance and Real Estate) portion of the US economy and manufacturing (and to a similar degree services) has been widening in the last decades. Firms and non-financial companies are more likely to engage in the financial market rather than to rely on traditional bank loans; this has the adjoined detrimental effect of a reduction in production and consequent cut in employment places, even though the overall profit increases. As banks cannot rely on non-financial enterprises anymore, they increasingly turn their attention to individual (ergo household) consumption.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 financialization. Except for Germany, every presented country experienced a rise in household debt levels. In some cases, such as in the US, the crisis of 2008 curbed existing indebtedness, while in other countries the wage stagnation together with unsustainable consumption levels drove even many more households into debt (Stockhammer, 2012: 53), often coupled with home equity lines.

Figure 1, source: Bureau of Economic Analysis Lapavitsas then adopts a Marxist term “financial expropriation� to delineate the prime consequence of the financialization: traditional, commercial banks are becoming more distant from commercial and industrial capital and instead are more interested in advancing individual and investment banking, with individual income seen as the major source of profits (Lapavitsas, 2009: 115).

This, in turn, causes a rise in household indebtedness, out of which the mortgage debt constitutes the major part, up to 80% of household credit (Stockhammer, 2012: 53), with student debts, credit card debts, home equity debts and others occupying the rest.

While generally difficult to measure (different countries employ different practises for measuring), Table 2 provides an example of the steady growth of the household indebtedness since the year 2000 as part of the

Table 2, source: Stockhammer, 2012: 55.

2.4. Short-term debt, money-like claims and the shadow banking system A different relation between money and debt can be seen from the analysis of

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 how the shadow banking system4 treated securitization, the process of pooling certain types of assets (mortgages, consumer loans) together and consequently selling them as bonds to investors in order to reduce risk, in the years before and during the crisis. Before the US subprime crisis of 2007-2008, many mortgages5 were given on the basis that they would be rapidly securitized (Lapavitsas, 2009: 140).6 However, the provision of money-like claims (via securitization) by the shadow banking system, a key function of financial intermediaries, was a significant driver of the growth of shadow banking already in the pre-crisis period (Sunderam, 2015: 941). Shadow banks would use long-term securitized bonds to back the issuance of (money-like) short-term debts; these were typically not used in transactions, but still functioned as “imperfect substitutions for money” (Sunderam, 2015: 939).

Followingly, the growing demand for money-like claims from firms and investors caused the shadow banking system to produce more short-term debts that substituted money. Sunderam uses a high-frequency detailed model where the financial sector and the central bank (in this case the Fed)

respond to the demand for money-like claims (Sunderam, 2015: 940). His results suggest that not only was the demand for such claims a major driver of the shadow banking growth, but also that during the time, investors and firms did treat short-term debts, issued by the shadow banking and backed against highly-rated long term securitized bonds, as money-like claims, albeit imperfect ones.

It can be concluded, then, that the so-called process of financialization has been a significant and often detrimental phenomenon in the economics of the past decades. One of its most tangible and apparent manifestations is the rise of the household indebtedness, which, while difficult to measure per se, has undoubtedly seen an unprecedent rise in the last 15 years. Furthermore, the reduction in production, a quantitative rise of finance, increased profit and a cut in employment places are all from a certain degree also attributed to the growth of financialization. One solution in managing and controlling financialization would be the introduction of more stateowned banks, for the purpose of “definancialization”. Finally, results from theoretic models suggest that short-

4

6

A term used to describe several bank-like financial intermediaries that provide bank-like services (mainly lending) but are not regulated in the same way as traditional banks.

5 The most notorious example in the US is the NINA (No Income, No Asset) loan.

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The fact that credit-rating agencies that assessed the mortgage securities were paid by banks that later made the sale, making them interested in awarding good credit ratings, is noteworthy.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 term debt has been used extensively in the pre-crisis and crisis period as an imperfect, yet desired substitution for money by both investors and firms.

3. Conclusion Debt is a phenomenon that accompanies human society since the time first transactions ever occurred.

Historically, it has been usually neglected and seen as an afterthought to the mainstream economics. Part of the reason is the difficulty that comes with the preservation of debt records as opposed to coins and other physical forms of money. Likewise, its role as part of the barter myth has been usually misinterpreted; for millennia, informal credit systems have been of major importance to trade systems all around the world. The implications stemming from the relationship between money and debt are manifold. From a social point of view, both creditors and debtors have often been targets of social stigmatization. This partly changed with the arrival of early capitalism, where incurring debt for the purpose of further profit-making was seen as prudent.

In contemporary society, we are more likely to experience the opposite: with arrival of Gold and Platinum credit cards, many credit purveyors are happy to suggest that indebtedness amounts to social exclusivity. Likewise, people often use the credit system to convey a message about their social status that is not in accordance with their real financial

situation. It is also important to realise that social relations bound to money are very different from the ones bound to debt. Still, as a result of the so-called financialization, a slow but steady increase in household indebtedness can be observed. For many, this is a worrisome trend. Finally, an example of a different relationship between money and debt is presented: as part of the securitization, many shadow banking institutions issued short-term debts that were treated as money-like claims by many investors and firms. This occurrence accelerated the growth of the shadow banking system, while at the same time contributed to the US subprime crisis, which later turned to a global crisis.

References Epstein, G. (2005). Financialization and the World Economy. Retrieved 5 December 2019, from https://www.peri.umass.edu/publicatio n/item/download/573_9086dd3dee077 4a2e55034858cb1b224 Graeber, D. (2011). Debt (1st ed.).

Brooklyn, N.Y.: Melville House.

Hugh-Jones, S., & Humphrey, C. (1992).

Barter, exchange and value. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Krippner, G. (2005). The financialization of the American economy. Socio-Economic

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Review, 3(2), 173-208. doi: 10.1093/ser/mwi008 Lapavitsas, C. (2003). Money as Money and Money as Capital in a Capitalist Economy. In Saad-Filho A. (Ed.), AntiCapitalism: A Marxist Introduction (pp. 5972). LONDON; STERLING, VIRGINIA: Pluto Press. doi:10.2307/j.ctt18dzv2x.7 Lapavitsas, C. (2009). Financialised Capitalism: Crisis and Financial Expropriation. Retrieved 5 December 2019, from https://ayildiz.yasar.edu.tr/wpcontent/uploads/2011/01/Financialised -capitalism-Crisis-and-financialexpropriation.pdf

Ritzer, G. (2012-1023). “Hyperconsumption” and “Hyperdebt”: A “Hypercritical” Analysis. In A Debtor World: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Debt. : Oxford University Press. Retrieved 5 Dec. 2019, from https://www.oxfordscholarship.com/vie w/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199873722.0 01.0001/acprof-9780199873722chapter-3.

Schumpeter, J. (1994). History of economic analysis. London: Routledge.

Sloman, J., & Garratt, D. (2016). Essentials of economics (7th ed.). Pearson Education Limited.

Mackenzie, R., & Tullock, G. (1978).

Modern political economic. New York [u.a.]: McGraw-Hill.

Smith, A., & Dickey, L. (1993). An inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub. Co.

Mill, J. (1844). Elements Of Political Economy (3rd ed.). London: Henry G. Bohn, York Street, Covent Garden.

Sousa, M. (2018). Debt Stigma and Social Class. Seattle University Law Review, 41(3).

Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.law.seattleu.edu /sulr/vol41/iss3/5/

Muldrew, C. (2012-10-23). Debt, Credit, and Poverty in Early Modern England. In A Debtor World: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Debt. : Oxford University Press. Retrieved 5 Dec. 2019, from https://www.oxfordscholarship.com/vie w/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199873722.0 01.0001/acprof-9780199873722chapter-1.

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Stockhammer, E. (2012). Financialization, income distribution and the crisis.

Investigación Económica, 71(279), 39-70.

Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/42779220 Sullivan, T. (2012-10-23). Debt and the Simulation of Social Class. In A Debtor World: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Debt. : Oxford University Press. Retrieved

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 5 Dec. 2019, from https://www.oxfordscholarship.com/vie w/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199873722.0 01.0001/acprof-9780199873722chapter-2.

Sunderam, A. (2015). Money Creation and the Shadow Banking System. The Review of Financial Studies, 28(4), 939-977.

Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/24465712

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ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Re-thinking the influence of the Aqedah (Genesis 22:1-19) for Judaism and Christianity: an inevitable source of rupture, or a possible source of common ground?

Caroline Smith BA Theology, Religion and Ethics The Musée National Message Biblique Marc Chagall in Nice is the permanent home of a collection of seventeen of the artist’s works entitled ‘The Biblical Message’. Inspired by themes from the Hebrew Bible books of Genesis, Exodus, and the Song of Songs, they were completed between 1960 and 1966.

Among the collection is a painting entitled ‘The Sacrifice of Isaac’1 which depicts the story of the Aqedah, ‫ הָ עֲקֵ ידָ ה‬in the Masoretic text, from Genesis 22:1-19.

Dominating the painting is the figure of Abraham, knife held aloft, preparing to sacrifice his son, Isaac, who is laid out on the wood pile. From the centre an angel of the Lord reaches out to Abraham, urging him to desist. In the background is the figure of Sarah, Isaac’s mother, pleading for her son’s life, and the ram caught in a thicket which will be sacrificed in Isaac’s stead. These are all familiar motifs of the Hebrew Bible Aqedah narrative. Notable, however, are

the distinctly Christian allusions in the top right-hand corner of the painting.

They point to future events in history: the life and passion of Christ. Chagall’s painting of ‘The Sacrifice of Isaac’, then, validates the idea that the Aqedah has influenced both Judaism and Christianity.

Through an analysis of commentaries on Genesis and other secondary literature, and an exegesis of the Masoretic text itself, this article considers ways in which this came to be. Whilst it will show that Paul’s New Testament appropriation of the Aqedah ushered in a permanent rupture between Christianity and Judaism, it will also suggest that Chagall’s painting, ‘The Sacrifice of Isaac’, with its depiction of two beloved yet sacrificial sons, offers a means for thinking about the Aqedah as a possible source of common ground between the two faith traditions.

The term Aqedah is the transliteration of the Masoretic ‫הָ עֲקֵ ידָ ה‬ from Gen. 22:9, meaning ‘binding’. It refers to God’s command to Abraham to offer up in sacrifice his beloved son, Isaac, by binding him to an altar made of wood. God’s command is shocking on at least two fronts. First, this was the longed-for son which God had promised to Abraham and Sarah. The promise had been met with much ironical laughter from Abraham who believed that his and

1

Marc Chagall, The Sacrifice of Isaac, 1960-1966.

Oil on canvas. See appendix 1 for image and attribution details.

194

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Sarah’s advanced age rendered the prospect simply impossible. God had thus commanded that the child’s name would be Isaac, ‫יִ צְ ָחָ֑ק‬, meaning ‘he laughs’. Secondly, in Gen. 17:19 God had promised to establish ‘an everlasting covenant’ with the child, ‘and with his seed after him’. The future of the whole of the people of Israel was thus vested in the figure of Isaac. If Isaac were to perish, what would this mean for both the veracity of God’s word and for future of the people with whom God had promised an everlasting covenant?

Despite these pressing theological questions, Abraham willingly carries out God’s command, seemingly putting his own fear of God above love for his son.

The term Aqedah is unique to Genesis chapter 22. The Hebrew Bible leaves no trace of any internal exegesis. 2 This suggests that its influence was to emerge at a later point within history.

Indeed, so influential has it become within Judaism that the story is still retold in synagogues throughout Israel and the diaspora at the Jewish new year festival of Rosh Ha-Shanah.3 Recalling the ram caught in the thicket which took Isaac’s place on the altar, the festival

features the blowing of a ram’s horn, or shofar. According to Talmudic sources, new-year’s day marks both the day upon which Isaac was conceived and the day upon which the Aqedah took place.4 For Christianity, the Aqedah story also came to be highly influential. It has featured in Eucharistic prayers since the third century and is included in the liturgy for the period leading up to Easter.5 The Aqedah marks a dramatic and suspense-laden midpoint in the book of Genesis. The whole plot appears to turn on Abraham’s preparedness to obey God’s command to ‘Take now thy son, thine only son Isaac, whom thou lovest, and get thee into the land of Moriah; and offer him there for a burnt offering upon one of the mountains which I will tell thee of’ (Gen.22:2). The threefold repetition in the reference to Isaac serves to reinforce the father’s love for his son, rendering the test all the more severe.6 Despite this, Abraham willingly chooses to give up his beloved son to the God who gave him. 7 Father and son journey for three days to the land of Moriah, an important and influential allusion to the Temple Mount

2

5

Edward Kessler, Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 29.

3 Dan Cohn-Sherbok, ‘Worship,’ in Themes and Issues in Judaism, ed. Seth D Kunin (London & New York: Cassell, 2000), 264.

4 A.Z. Idelsohn, Jewish Liturgy and Its Development (New York: Dover Publications Inc, 1995), 209.

195

Edward Kessler, Jews, Christians and Muslims in Encounter (London: SCM Press, 2013), 111.

6 Ibid., 114.

7 Jon D. Levenson, The Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son: The Transformation of Child Sacrifice in Judaism and Christianity (New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1993), 126.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 in Jerusalem which was later to become a site of supreme importance for the Israelites.8 Once there, Abraham prepares Isaac for sacrifice. The entire future of the people of Israel hinges upon his decision. Indeed, it has profound and far-reaching theological consequences. From it emerges God’s covenantal promise to multiply the Hebrews as the sons of (the now patriarchal) Abraham so that they number the stars of the heaven and the grains of sand upon the seashore (Gen. 22:17). Abraham’s willingness to surrender Isaac to God results in a recapitulation of God’s earlier promise to Abraham, that ‘I will make thee exceeding fruitful, and I will make nations of thee, and kings shall come out of thee’ (Gen. 17:6). But now, however, Abraham’s action ‘converts the standing promise…..into a consequence of the near-sacrifice of Isaac’.”9 Notably, verses 17 and 18 are formulated in the language of the future: because of Abraham’s faith in the present, YHWH will bestow a blessing on all his future progeny.

Notable too in the Aqedah narrative are the writer’s lexical choices for naming the deity. Five times the nomenclature is ‘Elohim’, ‫ אלוהים‬in the Masoretic text, and five times it is YHWH, or ‫יהוה‬. Elohim is the generic designation

of the God of the Hebrews, whereas the tetragrammatical YHWH is a proper noun which signifies the deity’s personal name. It is Elohim who at the start of the Aqedah narrative commands Abraham to take his beloved son into the land of Moriah and offer him up. It is only in verse 10 when Abraham lifts the knife to slay his son that the personal, covenantal deity, YHWH, intercedes to revoke the command and the covenantal promise is made anew. The situating of the Aqedah story within the centre of the Genesis narrative provides a vantage point from which may be glimpsed the future of a people bound in covenant with YHWH. Its precise positioning within the wider narrative is unlikely to be accidental. The beginning, middle and end of a biblical story ‘are more than linear entities….They have been carefully attuned to each other’ as ‘deliberate products of selection’ so as to create a meaningful whole.10 Also unlikely to be accidental is the decision on the part of the writer to start all but four of the twenty-four verses in the Masoretic text with the conjunction ‘And’, denoted by the wāw, ‫ ו‬. In the case of the first verse, for example, which starts with ‘And it came to pass after these things….’, the conjunction infers a linking of the narrative with past events.11 In later

8

11

Ibid., 174.

Ibid., 173.

10 J.P. Fokkelman, Reading Biblical Narrative: An Introductory Guide (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1999), 77.

9

Oliver Leaman, Jewish Thought: An Introduction (New York & Abingdon: Routledge, 2006), 85.

196

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 verses, the parallel placement of the conjunction serves to conjure up a sense of that which is still to come, as in the case of verse 18: ‘And by thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed’.

The Genesis writer also employs temporal devices to accentuate and differentiate between different types of time, ‘discourse time and narrated time.’12 The final verse of Gen. 21, for example, sees a long period of narrated time compressed into a single line of discourse time: ‘And Abraham resided as an alien for many days in the land of the Philistines’ (Gen. 21:34). But, revealing something of its importance to the writer, the Aqedah narrative which immediately follows is marked out by the very opposite treatment: a large amount of text is devoted to events which take place over only a short period of time.13 Such grammatical, temporal and lexical devices as these firmly establish the Aqedah as a hugely significant event situated within an unfolding story.

It is clear, then, that clues as to the how the Aqedah came to influence Judaism exist even within the Gen. 22 narrative itself. Because of Abraham’s faith and obedience, the Hebrews will prosper and endure into the future, under the renewed, protective covenant

of YHWH. The reference to Moriah was also to become highly significant.

Abraham’s sacrificial intentions on the mountain top came to be understood as a prefiguring of the future sacrificial actions of the Israelites at the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. Scholars are unagreed as to whether the Moriah reference in the Genesis narrative is contemporaneous to the original or whether it was added later in order to associate Abraham’s sacrificial altar with the Temple Mount.14 In either event, the reference was to become hugely influential for Judaism. Its effect was to ‘endow Abraham’s great act of obedience and faith with ongoing significance: the slaughter that he showed himself prepared to carry out was the first of innumerable sacrifices to be performed on that site.’15 This helps explain the later emergence of the rabbinic association of the Aqedah with both the daily lamb offerings in the Temple and the Passover sacrifice.16 It was only in the second and first centuries BCE, in the post-biblical era, that the Aqedah’s influence for Judaism was to emerge fully. Although the biblical writers found no reason to make any further direct reference to the binding of Isaac, the rabbinic tradition, with its ‘intensely exegetical

12

15

13

16

Fokkelman, Reading Biblical Narrative, 41.

Ibid., 43.

14 Levenson, The Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son, 174.

197

Ibid.

Ibid.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 character….ensured that the relative obscurity of the aqedah within the Hebrew Bible would not be the last word of Jewish tradition on the question of the righteous father’s willingness to sacrifice his beloved son.’17 In the development of the Rosh Ha-Shanah liturgy, the reading of the Aqedah and the sounding of the shofar on the second day of the new year festival were intended to recall the Aqedah’s foundational significance for Judaism.18 Crucially, God hears both the Genesis reading and the sound of the shofar. In the process, according to the Babylonian Talmud, God recalls the meritorious actions of Abraham and Isaac and credits the accrued benefits to the faithful for the coming year, as if they too had bound themselves.19 Through texts such as the Book of Jubilees, which calculated that Abraham’s actions had taken place during a seven day festival, the Aqedah also came to be inextricably linked with another festival, that of Passover.20 Abraham was rendered the very originator of the festival and Isaac became identified with the paschal lamb. Rabbinic Judaism went even further. It made the binding of Isaac into ‘an archetype of redemption’. 21 For the

rabbis, God’s redeeming action, as exemplified in the Aqedah, would result in the future deliverance of the people of Israel.22 Importantly, redemption was to be construed as flowing from obedience to God. Central to this idea was a new rabbinic interpretation of the figure of Isaac. No longer the unquestioning youth of his Genesis depiction, he is recast as a man of some thirty-seven years old. This was the result of rabbinical calculations that Sarah had been 90 years old when she gave birth to Isaac and that she had died aged 123 immediately after his binding.23 This development allowed the rabbis to emphasise that Isaac was a man of maturity who could exercise free will and take moral responsibility.24 But this also created a problem with which the rabbis had to grapple: how could a very elderly father bind his adult son against his adult son’s will?25 Their answer was that Isaac was a model of willing obedience. He had agreed to being bound. This innovation meant that Isaac was to take on an increasingly purposeful role in the Aqedah story and an increasingly influential role in the

17

21

18

22

Ibid., 173.

Gary A. Anderson, ‘The Akedah in Canonical and Artistic Perspective,’ in Genesis and Christian Theology, eds. Nathan MacDonald, Mark W. Elliott, Grant Macaskill (Grand Rapids & Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2012), 61.

19 Ibid., 53.

20 Levenson, The Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son, 177-179.

Ibid., 183.

Kessler, Bound by the Bible, 151.

23 Dowling Long, Siobhán, The Sacrifice of Isaac: The Reception of a Biblical Story in Music (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2013), 117.

24 Ibid., 116.

25 Ibid., 120.

198

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 development of Jewish tradition. In midrashim on Gen.22:6-8, Isaac speaks directly to God: ‘I raised no objection to the carrying out of Your words and I willingly let myself be bound on top of the altar and stretched out my neck under the knife.’26 Emphasis was now placed on Isaac’s apparent awareness of what was to befall him and on his willingness to participate in God’s plan.27 Over time, this idea developed even further, taking a significant turn away from the biblical narrative in the process.

The story of an obedient father offering up his son came to be transformed by some Jewish teachers and writers into a story of the son’s self-sacrifice, in which his blood even came to be shed. 28 For the rabbis, this idea of voluntary selfoffering was paradigmatic. Through it, Isaac became a model for other Jews to follow.29 God’s action in redeeming Isaac, a result of the supreme obedience of father and son, and its foreshadowing of the redemption of an entire people, was proof for the rabbis that death was not a pre-requisite to spiritual advancement. In fact, through the Aqedah, God showed that God was the God of life, not death.30 This idea was to

become highly influential for Judaism and still endures.

An early glimpse of the influence of the Aqedah on Christianity appears in the gospel accounts of Jesus’ baptism when the heavenly spirit proclaims, ‘You are my Son, the Beloved; with you I am well pleased’ (Mark 1:11). The terminology is familiar. It ‘recalls the designation of Isaac in the aqedah, wherein the Hebrew term yahid ("favoured one") is consistently rendered in the Septuagint as agapetos, "beloved" (Gen 22:2, 12, 16)’.31 The same term is seen in Mark’s account of the Transfiguration: ‘This is my son, the Beloved; listen to him!’ (Mark 9: 7). Early Christianity came to associate Jesus’ belovedness with his passion and death.

His crucifixion was to be seen as a manifestation of God’s love rather than a negation of it; indeed it was ‘evidence that Jesus was the beloved son first prefigured in Isaac.’32 Early Christianity also found parallels between the crucified Christ and the suffering servant of the book of Isaiah. It is noteworthy that the servant is the personal servant of the covenantal YHWH rather than of Elohim. The possessive is invoked: he is

26

31

GenRab 56.8.

Kessler, Bound by the Bible, 117.

28 Levenson, The Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son, 187-189.

29 Kessler, Bound by the Bible, 117.

30 Jonathan Sacks, Essays on Ethics: A Weekly Reading of the Jewish Bible (New Milford & Jerusalem: Maggid Books, 2016), 26.

27

199

Levenson, The Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son, 200.

32 Ibid.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 ‘my servant ( ֙‫ ) עַבְ ִדי‬whom I uphold, my chosen, in whom my soul delights’ (Isa. 42:1). He is sinless and humble and yet vicariously suffers for the sins of the many. It is his righteousness which effects righteousness for the many; through his willing self-giving, in which he aligns himself with God’s will, the many are atoned for all time.33 The servant’s acceptance of his fate, ‘yet he did not open his mouth, like a lamb that is led to the slaughter’ (Isa. 53:7), has echoes of Isaac’s acceptance within the Aqedah narrative.

By the time of John’s gospel, the identification of the beloved son with the paschal lamb had taken on a new development: they were now equated with the figure of Jesus.34 The Baptist declares that Jesus is ‘the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world…..And I myself have testified that this is the Son of God’ (John 1:29-34).

Indeed, John’s account of Christ’s crucifixion, with its reference to YHWH’s command in Exod. 12:46 not to break the Passover lamb’s legs, ‘provides powerful additional evidence that the Lamb of God is paschal.’35 Paul makes extensive use of the same Passover imagery, but goes further. Unsurprisingly, as a Jew, and therefore heavily influenced by the

Hebrew Bible, he not only identifies Jesus with the paschal lamb but also with the Hebrews’ beloved son, Isaac.36 But in Gal. 3:13-16, events take a marked turn. Paul displaces Isaac in favour of Jesus in the cosmic order, reconfiguring YHWH’s promises to Abraham in Gen. 21:12 that His covenant would continue through Isaac’s offspring. Through Paul’s rendering, the promises now pass not to Isaac or to the Jews but to Christ and His followers in the Church: ‘Now the promises were made to Abraham and to his offspring; it does not say “And to offsprings”, as of many, but it says, “And to your offspring”, that is, to one person, who is Christ’ (Gal. 3: 16). Paul’s purpose in his letter to the Galatians is to appeal to Gentiles who were not counted among Abraham’s descendants.

Through conversion to Christianity, Paul claims, they too could inherit the blessing of Abraham. The parallels with the Aqedah narrative are clear, in particular Gen. 22:18 in which YHWH promises that ‘all the nations of the earth shall be blessed’. Paul seems to be asserting that ‘it is the father’s willingness to surrender his beloved and promised son unto death that extends the blessing of the Jews’ to non-Jews.37

33

34

Hermann Spieckermann, ‘The Conception and Prehistory of the Idea of Vicarious Suffering in the Old Testament,’ in The Suffering Servant: Isaiah 53 in Jewish and Christian Sources, eds. Peter Stuhlmacher, Bernd Janowski (Grand Rapids & Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans, 2004), 6.

Levenson, The Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son, 208.

35 Ibid.

36 Ibid., 210.

37 Ibid.

200

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Paul’s Galatian substitution of Christ for Isaac, with its reconstituting of YHWH’s covenantal promise and its appropriation of the covenantal language of the Aqedah narrative, is portentous for both Christianity and Judaism. In it looms ‘the future separation of Christianity from Judaism and their crystallization as mutually exclusive traditions’.38 By the end of the patristic period, the process of separation and crystallization was all but complete. By then, Isaac had taken on a symbolic, prefiguring role for Christianity.

The Aqedah too had taken on a new role in the early church. The conclusion of the church fathers was that ‘the Akedah foreshadows the sacrifice of Christ but is incomplete. Isaac represents Christ, and is a model of Christ, who was going to suffer. He looked forward to Christ…. the Akedah represented a sketch, which was required before the completion of the “final picture”’’.39 The Aqedah, in other words, was to be seen as a theological dress rehearsal of sorts. By this rendering, the important point was that Isaac, although a willing participant, was

not actually sacrificed. Christianity also chose to emphasise that Isaac was a child, whereas Christ was an adult. This emphasis enabled Isaac to be seen as merely ‘a model, waiting to be fulfilled

by Christ’.40 Early Christianity, therefore, formulated a highly influential, and still enduring, account of the Aqedah. In it, ‘the self-offering of Isaac merely foreshadowed the saving action of Christ.’41 Both Isaac and Christ feature in Marc Chagall’s painting, ‘The Sacrifice of Isaac’. Indeed, Chagall situated himself ‘on the permeable boundaries between Jewish and Christian spiritualities’ and his works were installed in both synagogues and churches.42 The painting depicts two beloved, yet sacrificial, sons: Isaac, the son gifted by the God of the Hebrews to the great patriarch, Abraham, and Jesus, the son of the Christian God and the issue of another miraculous birth. Both beloved sons are restored; Isaac through YHWH revoking his original command, and Christ through the resurrection. For Judaism, the painting emphasises the idea of

38

41

Ibid., 211.

Edward Kessler, ‘Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Binding of Isaac,’ in Two Faiths, One Covenant? Jewish and Christian Identity in the Presence of the Other, eds. Eugene B. Korn, John T. Pawlikowski (New York & Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005), 21.

40 Edward Kessler, An Introduction to JewishChristian Relations (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010), 89.

39

201

Kessler, Jews, Christians and Muslims in Encounter, 127.

42 Melissa Raphael, Judaism and the Visual Image: A Jewish Theology of Art (London & New York: Continuum, 2009), 144.

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 supreme obedience to God. For Christianity, it emphasises the prefiguring of a new and future cosmic order. The appropriation of the Aqedah

by Paul inaugurated a rupture between the two faith traditions. Yet undergirding the ways in which the binding of Isaac came to influence both Judaism and Christianity are the notions of ‘a father’s willingness to surrender his beloved son and the son’s unstinting acceptance of the sacrificial role he has been assigned in the great drama of redemption.’ 43 These are, therefore, notions which are common to both faith traditions. With this in mind, Chagall’s ‘The Sacrifice of Isaac’, with its inclusion of both Jewish and Christian references, offers a depiction of the Aqedah which is suggestive of new interpretive possibilities. These speak less of rupture and more of common ground.

References Anderson, Gary A., ‘The Akedah in Canonical and Artistic Perspective,’ in Genesis and Christian Theology, edited by Nathan MacDonald, Mark W. Elliott, Grant Macaskill, 43-61. Grand Rapids & Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2012.

Cohn-Sherbok, Dan, ‘Worship,’ in Themes and Issues in Judaism, edited by Seth D Kunin, 249-272. London & New York: Cassell, 2000.

Dowling Long, Siobhán, The Sacrifice of Isaac: The Reception of a Biblical Story in Music.

Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2013.

Fokkelman, J. P., Reading Biblical Narrative: An Introductory Guide.

Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1999.

Idelsohn, A.Z., Jewish Liturgy and Its Development. New York: Dover Publications Inc, 1995.

Kessler, Edward, Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Sacrifice of Isaac.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.

Kessler, Edward, ‘Bound by the Bible: Jews, Christians and the Binding of Isaac,’ in Two Faiths, One Covenant?

Jewish and Christian Identity in the Presence of the Other, edited By Eugene B. Korn, John T. Pawlikowski, 11-28. New York & Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005.

Kessler, Edward, An Introduction to Jewish-Christian Relations. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010.

43

Levenson, The Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son, 175.

202

ALFRED | EDITION 9| VOLUME 1| Summer 2020 Kessler, Edward, Jews, Christians and Muslims in Encounter. London: SCM Press, 2013.

Appendix

Leaman, Oliver, Jewish Thought: An Introduction. New York & Abingdon: Routledge, 2006.

Levenson, Jon D., The Death and Resurrection of the Beloved Son: The Transformation of Child Sacrifice in Judaism and Christianity. New Haven & London: Yale University Press, 1993.

Raphael, Melissa, Judaism and the Visual Image: A Jewish Theology of Art. London & New York: Continuum, 2009.

Sacks, Rabbi Jonathan, Essays on Ethics: A Weekly Reading of the Jewish Bible.

New Milford & Jerusalem: Maggid Books, 2016.

Spieckermann, Hermann, ‘The Conception and Prehistory of the Idea of Vicarious Suffering in the Old Testament,’ in The Suffering Servant: Isaiah 53 in Jewish and Christian Sources, edited by Peter Stuhlmacher, Bernd Janowski, 1-15. Grand Rapids & Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans, 2004.

203

Attribution: Chagall, Marc, 1887-1985.

Sacrifice of Isaac, from Art in the Christian Tradition, a project of the Vanderbilt Divinity Library, Nashville, TN. http://diglib.library.vanderbilt.edu/actimagelink.pl?RC=54647 [retrieved March 27, 2019]. Original source: http://www.flickr.com/photos/herry/43 71771581/.