f the Yale Political Journal, The Politic’s predecessor. Green outlines the brewing Cold War tensions in sia three years before the outbreak of the Korean War. Before the 1949 communist victory in the Chines War, American policymakers primarily positioned South Korea as a buffer against Soviet expansion. Cog accelerating U.S.-Soviet competition, Green asserts the renewed importance of Korea as an area where tions’ spheres of influence abutted: “The people of the entire Far East are watching closely our actions i The success or failure of the U.S. economic policy, and the amount of cooperation between the United and the Soviet Union in that country, will have an important influence on the history of the Far Pacific ars to come.” By the mid-1970s, the Cold War superpowers had retreated from the brink of nuclear conf the ephemeral detente era. As relations worsened towards the end of the decade, American policymak nsidered new avenues for international cooperation and diplomatic coercion. In his 1979 article “The O ology Weapon in U.S.-Soviet Relations,” Noel Lateef YLS ’83 (now President of the Foreign Policy Associa uestioned efficacy of export controls to achieve foreign policy aims. Presciently, he highlights the Aprilthe 2022 of economic linkages to curtail the relationship’s rapid decline, writing that “there is inadequate recog Issue V at the development of The Yale Journaleconomic of Politicsrelations with the Soviet Union could add an important stabilizing to al relationship to the benefit of both sides.” Lateef emphasized Soviet pride and warned against demea and Culture e adversarial nation: “It is important not to underestimate the value of status bargaining chips that can for good behavior.” By the mid-1970s, the Cold War superpowers had retreated from the brink of nucle t during the ephemeral detente era. As relations worsened towards the end of the decade, American makers considered new avenues for international cooperation and diplomatic coercion. In his 1979 arti il Technology Weapon in U.S.-Soviet Relations,” Noel Lateef YLS ’83 (now President of the Foreign Polic ation) questioned the efficacy of export controls to achieve foreign policy aims. Presciently, he highlig ue of economic linkages to curtail the relationship’s rapid decline, writing that “there is inadequate ition that the development of economic relations with the Soviet Union could add an important stabil the total relationship to the benefit of both sides.” Lateef emphasized Soviet pride and warned against ning the adversarial nation: “It is important not to underestimate the value of status bargaining chips n be traded for good behavior.” Lieutenant General William Odom, who served as the Director of the al Security Agency under Reagan during a long career in military intelligence, mainly related to Russia terviewed in The Politic’s Spring 2008 issue on Putin’s Russia. At the time, Dmitry Medvedev, who woul ater to serve as president from 2008 to 2012 and prime minister from 2012 to 2020, was easily elected t ential office, succeeding Putin. Medvedev, immediately following his victory, announced that Russia reduce gas supplies to Ukraine, cutting in half all shipments to the country for several days. “Russia is to use its oil monopoly politically,” Odom said — a statement that rings as true today in 2022 as it did in Ultimately, Odom forecasts that the prospects of establishing a constitutionally liberal regime in Russi o zero” and reports that he “would be surprised” should it be achieved in the next 30 to 40 years. “As lo Ukrainians and Georgians and others continue to put up a fight against the Russians, I think Christina — a Ukrainian Yale student whose mother also served as Ukraine’s Minister of Finance — offers a person nt of Ukraine’s Euromaidan Movement for The Politic’s May 2018 issue. In the fall of 2013, then-Presiden Yanukvych was supposed to sign an agreement to put Ukraine on a path towards pursuing stronger ns with the E.U. His sudden policy reversal on November 21, 2013, led to spontaneous protests in Kyiv’s endence Square, which grew to be named the Euromaidan Movement. Figlus describes the ongoing vio of police and military forces against protestors, the administration’s passage of anti-protest laws, and t ued determination of the movement’s supporters. On February 22, 2014 — after 94 days of protest — Ya h fled to Russia with his associates and was promptly impeached by parliament. “What does it mean to ence collective trauma?” Figlus asks. “How can something be so personal and still be shared by million ple? Even now, at annual memorials, when the folk song played at the funerals comes on, it is hard to f inian who does not shed tears.” Christina Figlus — a Ukrainian Yale student whose mother also served a e’s Minister of Finance — offers a personal account of Ukraine’s Euromaidan Movement for The Politic 018 issue. In the fall of 2013, then-President Viktor Yanukvych was supposed to sign an agreement to pu e on a path towards pursuing stronger relations with the E.U. His sudden policy reversal on November ed to spontaneous protests in Kyiv’s Independence Square, which grew to be named the Euromaidan ment. Figlus describes the ongoing violence of police and military forces against protestors, the admini n’s passage of anti-protest laws, and the continued determination of the movement’s supporters. On ry 22, 2014 — after 94 days of protest — Yanukovych fled to Russia with his associates and was promptly ched by parliament. “What does it mean to experience collective trauma?” Figlus asks. “How can somebe so personal and still be shared by millions of people? Even now, at annual memorials, when the folk layed at the funerals comes on, it is hard to find a Ukrainian who does not shed tears.” the prospects fo change are much better,” he said. As the United States’ Global War on Terror expanded into Iraq in 200 tic instability continued to plague Iran. Pro-regime vigilantes and agents battled protestors. Security
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