EDITORIAL BOARD EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Bernardo Miguel Mitra II ASSOCIATE EDITOR - INTERNAL AFFAIRS Maria Consuelo Pacilan ASSOCIATE EDITOR - EXTERNAL AFFAIRS Dave Carl Bernasibo HEAD OF WRITING DEPARTMENT Brynch Bonachita SENIOR CORRESPONDENT Januar Junior Aguja NEWS EDITOR Louisa Concepcion Carredo FEATURE EDITOR Delbert Jon Michael Yu LITERARY EDITOR Lara Eviota EDITORIAL ASSISTANTS Cyrus Adrian Rom, Clint Daryll Suarez STAFF SECRETARY Blaise Pancho MANAGING EDITOR Bernardo Miguel Mitra II ASSISTANT MANAGING EDITOR Phoebe Ann Bulotano ONLINE MANAGING EDITOR Christine Diaz ASSISTANT ONLINE MANAGING EDITOR Vince Marc Padao HEAD PHOTOJOURNALIST Lance Matthew Pahang HEAD VIDEOGRAPHER Keandrei Adriel Andrade ASSISTANT HEAD ILLUSTRATOR Phoemela delos Santos LAYOUT SUPERVISOR Julia Jubac SENIOR GRAPHIC DESIGNER Francis Ian Palanca
The Progressive Student Publication of the University of San Carlos
UNIVERSITY OF SAN CARLOS Cebu City, Cebu Philippines 6000 VOLUME XXX No. 16 DECEMBER 2019
EDITORIAL STAFF OPERATIONS FINANCE OFFICERS Erme Jr. Legario, Renee Lopez ONLINE CORRESPONDENTS Paul Vincent Cabansag Jonnabelle Hilary Lara, Juvy Marie Magdadaro, Jeff Loreen Nacague, Nathaniel Niar, Zachels Nuñeza, Jeanne Sherlyn Tello WEBSITE DEVELOPERS Jericho Bargamento, Ryan Omongos, WRITING DEPARTMENT NEWS BUREAU WRITERS Daniel Alinsonorin, Kezea Andrada, Gabrielle Chan, Katrina Gabrielle Colibao, Vanessa Escobar, Danny Kim, Kim Libarnes, Helena Danika Montana, Abygale Velasquez CREATIVE DEPARTMENT LAYOUT ARTISTS Kobe Bryan Abellanosa, Jose Preben Layola, Ralph Roger Peñaranda, Patricia Denise Rafanan GRAPHIC DESIGNERS Stephen Bryan Esic, Seth Lucas Farre, Kyla Bernadette Mondejar, Francis Ian Palanca, Kim Margaret Regalado, Lorraine Mariz Veloso ILLUSTRATORS Christine Mae Alferan, Philip Luke Manghihilot, Christ Ian Palomares PHOTOJOURNALISTS Hannah Muriel Badillo, Vanneza Marie Baritugo, Joanne Marie Bolo, Dodds Marvin Campomanes, Christian Rey Caracena, Elijah Jacob Cuasito, Ralf Alexander Lopez, Easter Faith Macoto, Jamina Matulac, Shabak Nolasco, Steven Pascua, Elle Ubas, Neal Christianne D. Yap VIDEOGRAPHER Maureen Mantos VIDEO EDITORS Irie Aldana, Princess Caparida, Michael Manlosa, Michael Vince Paca, Rea Tulod
THE COVER Out with the old, and in with the bold. With the 20s in the offing, emerging along with it is the growing obscurity of the future of our world. And within that uncertainty forms a shadow of a new hope, formed by the glow beaming off the artifacts of the past. As we enter a new decade, only the hands burnished by the truths of history can be bold enough to reach into even stranger times and seize it—kindling an unprecedented rebirth of mankind. Words and Cover by Seth Lucas Farre
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with the writer’s name, e-mail address and contact number, should be e-mailed to todayscarolinianusc@gmail.com. Letters may be edited for reasons of space and clarity.
© 2020. TODAY’S CAROLINIAN All Rights Reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without permission is strictly prohibited. Today’s Carolinian publishes one to two issues per academic year. Today’s Carolinian may also publish occasional extra issues. An electronic version (PDF Format) of every publication is available in the Today’s Carolinian website.
“We can easily forgive a child who is afraid of the dark; the real tragedy of life is when men are afraid of the light.” — Plato
Photograph by Dodds Campomanes
CONTENTS
DEAR HEPHAESTION 8 IS “OK BOOMER” OK? 10 A BUDGE ON THE BUDGET 12 WHAT DEFINES A DECADE? 18 19-DAY ANTI-DRUG CZAR 22 SPECIAL DELIVERY 26 THE MYTH OF NEUTRALITY 28
30 BELIEFS BOMB THE FIGHT FOR GENDER EQUALITY
32 BIG BROTHER 34 COMPETING PERSPECTIVES:
THE CONFLICT IN HISTORICAL NARRATIVES
40 BEAUTY IS THE BEAST: ON PAGEANTRY
42 DOWN WITH THE SICKNESS:
THE VACCINATION PROBLEM
44 FRANCHISE FILM CULTURE:
MARTIN SCORSESE VS MARVEL CINEMATIC UNIVERSE
46 ‘STAGNATED’ AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH
EDITOR’S SECTION NOTE
HISTORY ON ON HISTORY HISTORY ON LOOP LOOP LOOP
Dave Bernasibo
Illustration by Kyla Bernadette Mondejar
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TODAY’S CAROLINIAN | DECEMBER 2019
EDITOR’S SECTION NOTE
“Dehumanization, although a concrete historical fact, is not a given destiny but the result of an unjust order that engenders violence in the oppressors, which in turn dehumanizes the oppressed.” — Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed Our colonial history has made us what we are today: a people too afraid to change the status quo yet longing for change. A public that, when presented with the change they need, turn a blind and instead look towards the direction of change promised by those who perpetuate the status quo. But our recent history sings of a different story. A story of bravery, of rage, of arousal. A story that tells that a Filipino people no longer afraid of authority is a force to be reckoned with. They say that history is bound to be repeated by those who know nothing of it, and indeed, the hands have begun spinning counter-clockwise as we are now back to what is seemingly an encore of a history of oppression. Repression of dissent cloaked as counterinsurgency measures, a war on the poor masked as policies for economic advancement, succumbing to foreign aggression seen as being benevolent and avoiding war. One needs not look far away in order to witness more examples of oppression,
with unjustifiable increases in tuition fee, continued non-listening to the plight of the students and the silencing of the student publication. When the Katipuneros revolted, most of the indios, especially the ilustrados, did not support their cause. When People Power was organized against the Marcos regime, not everyone agreed with the movement as some felt everything was safe under the martial rule. This is a trend that finds its way back into the present. The masses remain blind to the atrocities of the government, perhaps reluctant to the ensuing void that real change creates, and continue to defend the administration despite its blatant abuses, the violence perpetrated under and by it, and its feigned supremacy to the rule of law. Until we break away from this cycle, we are bound to repeat it, and face growing difficulty to change the minds of the bewitched. We cannot overcome the oppressors if we do not first acknowledge that we are oppressed. We cannot solve a problem if we do not recognize its existence. We cannot move further as a people if we do not choose to stand up. Under normal circumstances, we would have different choices: to either drown ourselves in the crowd or choose to emerge from it. But these are no normal circumstances. We must choose the latter, lest we find our history playing on repeat, trapped in a maze of our own making. Get up. Open your eyes. The hands that help might be the same hands that oppress. TC
DECEMBER DECEMBER2019 2019 | TODAY’S CAROLINIAN
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Kim Libarnes
Illustration by Matthew James Lazala
LITERARY SECTION
Dear Hephaestion I write this to you With a heavy heart In the light of my victories And my tears for your loss I regret that I couldn’t name more cities under your name To remind the world of your precious smile As we marched forward into the battlefield I’ve always adored your eyes gleaming with glory I am defeated only by the sounds of your breath My blade in your clutches Dancing in the eyes of death Only to triumph over the weak-willed men under our feet The world has forgotten about our days Blanketed our memories With a swift scratch of straight lines Erased with the odd pride of our descendants I was their shining star Carved to lift their illusions They denounced you, my love Cherry-picked my name and grew it in a patch I didn’t recognize Blindfolded and turned away Silenced by souls who didn’t know any better They called you my most loyal warrior Only to close our curtains with ease But I only wish for them to sing your songs Speak of the tales and the wonders I found between your arms So I dream of another second with you A path of two where we walk for one Don’t feel so blue my warrior I’ll be with you in another life Hopefully one where we could be understood
Only yours,
Alexander. TC
DECEMBER 2019 | TODAY’S CAROLINIAN MONTH YEAR
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OPINION
IS “OK BOOMER” OK? Berns Mitra
Illustration by Berns Mitra
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TODAY’S CAROLINIAN | DECEMBER 2019
OPINION
“OK Boomer” is a sigh. I recently got into a spat online with decorated and acclaimed journalist Inday Varona over her insistence that younger generations cease using the expression. I decried the double-standard in “OK Boomer” receiving more flak than using “millennial” as a dirty word and the apparent lack of empathy that disables older generations from understanding just what this expression means to and for us. There is a failure of empathy in misunderstanding how the youth uses the expression and the sentiment that underlies its utterance. Empathy would have informed her and her fans (I didn’t even know journalists had fans) that the expression is responsive to what has essentially been intergenerational bullying but that it carries with it no malice or condescension. Empathy would have completely struck out the idea that the expression is as destructive or historically charged as using the n-word, as it is accused of being by certain Boomer-controlled international media outlets. More importantly, empathy would’ve understood that — speaking in references familiar to older generations — we didn’t start the fire. It’s been burning since Boomers have churned out article after article chiding the youth for adapting (and often failing to) to an economy that our elders broke, deciding to be informed and vertebrate on social matters using the technology that became available to us, and generally being different from previous generations as if people and culture are supposed to remain static through time. But we are not afforded empathy. In classic Boomer manner, our effort to assert ourselves through “OK Boomer” was once again fed into their condescension machine and the same media outlets that presented our avocado toast and social media as global crises are treating the harmless expression as a nuclear-level threat. If anything, Boomers’ responded the way they respond to all things Millennial and Generation Z — dictating with entitlement, spite, and a searing sense of self-righteousness. We’ve heard this too often before, but this time the scolding comes with an accusation of outright malice. Let’s be real. Boomers lose nothing when we use the expression. Boomers lose nothing when we shrug off their aggressive insertion into everything that we say and do, including our attempts to fix this broken world and make a future possible for ourselves. Boomers lose nothing and they maintain their positions of power — warming seats we may never be able to fill. The expression does not cut them off from the world or discourse they ultimately have power over. It does not cultivate a concerted effort from the media to deride their entire generation, nor does it change the fact that media is an institution that they still control. It does not berate them into developing a sense of guilt for simply being a Boomer. “OK Boomer,” again, is a sigh. It’s a pretty loud one that, on the other hand, allows us to take back our identity as the youth after our self-determination was willfully snatched from us. We are shedding the generational self-loathing Boomers made every effort to drum into us as we realize that this world belongs not to them, not to us, but to everyone. “OK Boomer” is indicative of an emerging youth with our own agenda and ideas. As a sigh, we let it out almost meaninglessly, yet a sigh says plenty about the sigh-er. After years of insults and self-doubt, are we not afforded a sigh? This brings us back to the “debate.” While it was mostly ridden with Inday Varona sending me links to articles on for-pay news sites and pointless personal attacks from her fanatics, the sober moments of the broken discourse yielded some insights that we, as the youth, have to at least momentarily consider. Specifically, “OK Boomer” has the potential to alienate an entire generation of people who could otherwise be our allies against pressing matters like climate change and social equality. I also imagine the expression would significantly hamper any attempt to restore intergenerational relations, though I insist that that moral imperative should not fall on us as the hostility did not begin with us nor are we the ones in positions of advantage. We lastly can’t deny that our meme culture has the undeniable tendency to slippery slope what was otherwise harmless into something destructive, so their warning — although off in trajectory — still stands. So, is “OK Boomer” OK? No. No young generation should ever have to endure years of insults and self-hatred. Our hand should have never been forced. While it’s unfortunate that things have come to this, it is laudable that our only outlet of years of pent up contempt is an expression that will neither harm nor stand its ground — a sigh, a fleeting moment in our attention. Catharsis in progress. On to the next meme. TC
DECEMBER 2019 | TODAY’S CAROLINIAN
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FEATURE SECTION
A BUDGE ON THE BUDGET Katrina Gabrielle L. Colibao Illustration by Lance Pahang
A good budget for the year is key to obtain progress in the country. It serves as a steering wheel, directing where our resources go. This goes without saying that state funding therefore must be properly allocated and distributed in order to meet the needs and demands of the people. On October 1, the House of Representatives passed to the Senate the proposed P4.1 trillion 2020 national budget,
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House Bill No. 4228, also known as the 2020 General Appropriations Bill (GAB). The enormous national budget, rising to 11.8% higher than the 2019 budget and constituting 19.4% of the country’s domestic product, points to the government’s unorthodox priorities for the next year. The top three departments to share the biggest appropriations are the Department of
FEATURE SECTION
Education (DepEd) with P673 billion, the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) with P534.3 billion, and the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) with P238 billion.
barrel as long as congresspersons exercise discretion on its implementation like selecting beneficiaries and contractors. We believe this is still a violation of the Supreme Court decision,” Zarate remarked.
Aside from the aforementioned, the Duterte administration also prioritized infrastructure and several social ventures. The Build, Build, Build program will receive a whopping P972.5 billion while the Universal Health Care program will receive P166.5 billion, where P67.4 billion of which will go to the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation (PHIC). On the other hand, the Philippine National Police (PNP) will be given P184.8 billion in the proposed budget, P546 million of which will fund the implementation of the Philippine Anti-Illegal Drug Strategy of the Dangerous Drugs Board.
It is not only the House of Representatives that will be given a gigantic share of the budget. The Office of the President (OP) has an appropriation of P4.5 billion for confidential and intelligence funds, which is 80% higher than last year’s P2.5 billion budget. A total of 19 agencies will receive confidential funds, but the OP takes the biggest share, at 64%. The Palace has claimed that these funds will be used to “secure the nation.” However, the authenticity of this claim will be hard to measure as confidential funds by nature are hard to audit. Thus, the public will not know for certain whether these funds will be used as stated.
Despite the clarity of the stated priorities, the 2020 budget raised some speculations especially during its first announcement. In an analysis by JC Punongbayan, writer and professor of Economics, he stressed three perversities. These include the mis-funding of a number of major social services such as basic education, free college tuition and health care, the potential return of “pork” money and lastly, the questionable increase of confidential and intelligence funds. In the first version of the national budget, DepEd failed to obtain enough funds to supply schools with basic resources such as stocked classrooms and teachers. The department only acquired funding for 10,000 new classrooms and 10,000 teachers instead of the desired 65,000 more classrooms and 43,000 more teachers. Ironically, the Department of Health (DOH) also suffered a budget cut of at least P10 billion DOH initially acquired a total of P160.15 billion which was affront to the need for public immunization at a time when several epidemics such as measles, dengue, and polio are plaguing the country. However, because of how the budget is structured, it would be difficult to manage effectively. Aside from that, the budget cut is expected to cause unemployment to over 10,000 health personnel under the Human Resource for Health Deployment Program (HRHDP) and will worsen the conditions of poor, insufficient healthcare facilities and medical resources. Another heavy speculation regarding the 2020 national budget is the possibility of “pork” projects. Although Albay Rep. Joey Sarte Salceda, Vice Chairman of the House Committee on Appropriations, assured that the 2020 national budget is free from “pork” allocations, the budget still allots P100 million for each House representative in pork-like projects where P70 million will be for “hard” infrastructure such as roads and P30 million for “soft” infrastructure such as educational and medical assistance programs. In total, a whopping P29.9 billion will be distributed to the 299 members of the House. Furthermore, he assured that there will be no pork barrel since every allotment is enumerated in the 2020 budget. Contrary to the claims of Salceda, Deputy Minority Leader Carlos Zarate of Bayan Muna disclosed that not all house members will be given the mentioned amount. He then suggested that the report of Salceda appeared to be like pork. “Even itemized allotments can be considered pork
Due to the uproar of the public regarding the said perversities, the senate seeks to improve the 2020 GAB proposed by the House of Representatives. During the Senate plenary held on November 11, amendments were made for education, health and social programs. In its Senate version, education, culture and manpower development became the top most priority of the government having 17.3% of the total amount and was followed by expenses related to the improvement of communications, roads and other forms of transportation in our country with 15.4% of the budget. DepEd’s budget was added with at least P6.2 billion for government vouchers, the building of “last mile schools” and the preservation of Gabaldon school buildings built during the American period. Aside from that, the student financial assistance program and the implementation of the Free Tuition Law for higher education will each get an additional P8.5 billion. Although there has been no increase for DOH’s budget covering public immunization and the improvement of medical facilities and resources as of the moment, the finance panel granted P7 billion for the continued employment of healthcare professionals and personnel deployed in impoverished areas for 2020, as well as the 24-hour mental health hotline. As of writing, there are still a lot to be deliberated among the Senate to settle the perturbs of the public and achieve the optimal solution. The 2020 national budget reveals much about the government’s concerns and intentions for the nation. If the budget will serve as the steering wheel, then the government will serve as the captain of the ship. It is their primary responsibility to guide the Filipino people toward the destination of progress, which is why it is essential that the people we elect are trustworthy and of good values — something that cannot always be counted on in our elected officials when left unchecked. However, the citizenry is not powerless. Every citizen, as a collective, has the power to alter the course of the ship, if one would only watch the path taken. Thus, it is essential to be vigilant, to be aware of what is happening in the country. Start today, watch the budge of the budget. Our future depends on it. TC
DECEMBER 2019 | TODAY’S CAROLINIAN
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“Failure is simply the opportunity to begin again, this time more intelligently.” — Henry Ford
Photograph by Hannah Muriel Badillo
“Adopt the pace of nature: her secret is patience.” — Ralph Waldo Emerson
Photograph by Hannah Muriel Badillo
“But nothing is solid and permanent. Our lives are raised on the shakiest foundations. You don’t need to read history books to know that. You only have to know the history of your own life.” — Ron Rash
Photograph by Ralf Alexander Lopez
FEATURE
WHAT DEFINE Daniel Alinsonorin and Delbert Yu Illustsration by Kyla Mondejar
Recent human history is defined by the decade. The 1960s is recognized as a time of counterculture and experimentation. The 1970s is remembered as a spiritual successor of the 60s, continuing many of the liberal crusades that the “Flower Decade” birthed, such as the Stonewall riots and the civil and women’s rights’ movement. In the national consciousness, it is the decade that ushered in Marcos’ 20-year regime. The 1980s elicits the memory of diverse events: the EDSA revolution that toppled a dictator, the rise of personal computers and mobile phones, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the devastating AIDS epidemic. The 1990s greeted the end of the Cold War, the invention of the World Wide Web, the Asian Financial Crisis, and the dissolution of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Finally, the 00s calls to mind the War on Terror, the Obama presidency, the economic recession of 2008, the tumultuous Arroyo administration, and the Maguindanao Massacre. As this year approaches its finish line, today’s Carolinians find themselves in a world significantly changed from ten years prior. What are the events that defined this decade, and how did it shape the Filipino zeitgeist?
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TODAY’S CAROLINIAN | DECEMBER 2019
Crises in the Aquino Administration The Philippines began the decade with the presidency of Benigno Aquino III, whose term began with a hostage crisis taking place in the capital. Known as the Manila Hostage Crisis, the stand-off took the lives of Hong Kong nationals, earning the ire of the Hong Kong government. The poor handling of te crisis by the Philippine National Police (PNP) jeopardized diplomatic relations between the two countries and tarnished public expectations for the then-new administration. This event inadvertently set the tone of public perception toward the Aquino administration. The Pork Barrel scam, arguably the biggest political scandal of the Aquino presidency, involved the alleged misuse of the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) among the congressmen of the country. It is estimated that the government was defrauded at least P10 billion, having been diverted to businesswoman Janet Napoles, who was responsible for distributing the money. The widespread nature of the scandal, permeating almost all levels of the executive department, proved to be a disastrous blow to Aquino. His oft-repeated policy, “matuwid na daan” (straight road) a campaign-era slogan calling for better transparency and responsiveness from the government, is now widely seen as just that: a slogan. In the southern part of the country, insurgencies have been ongoing for decades as state-opposed organizations clamored
FEATURE
ES A DECADE? for autonomy. The Zamboanga Crisis, an armed conflict between Moro insurgents and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), sought to establish a Bangsamoro Republik in Zamboanga City. However, allegations that the insurgents were funded from the PDAF has led to widespread suspicion that the crisis was engineered to divert public attention from the pork barrel scandal. Another crisis, the Mamasapano Massacre, resulted in the loss of 44 SAF commandos. The tragedy captured the attention of the country, furthering public distrust and criticism toward the government. The incident served as the last blow for the downhill developments of the administration. With the majority of the public distrusting the government, political instability became rampant. Through the end of the Aquino’s term, the administration had no hope for regaining the public’s trust. Yolanda Worsened by the ever-increasing global temperature, typhoons continue to grow in intensity. For one, never had our country witnessed a typhoon as catastrophic as Yolanda. The deadliest typhoon on record destroyed the Visayas region, leaving thousands dead in its wake. The aftermath was mired with disappointing developments: Private entities were the first to provide relief to the victims due to bureaucracy, incoordination, and corruption crippling the government’s ability to fulfill its purpose. Worse, to this day, the affected areas still have no
decent housing. It took years for the local government to fully recover. Accompanied by scandals of misused funds intended for rehabilitation, the public was outraged, gaining more distrust and hatred. Though it was a “natural” calamity, and unavoidable, the same cannot be said of the actions that came after. Political Events as Catalysts of One Another The death of former President Corazon Aquino in 2009 had a profound effect on Filipino society, especially in the 2010 national elections. Her passing garnered momentous public support, almost definitely securing the presidency for her son Benigno Aquino III. However, at the end of his term, the subsequent lapses of his administration did much to deplete public goodwill, as citizens began to yearn for a more responsive government no matter the means. In 2016, Filipinos looked to the south to then-Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, who promised fast and extreme policies designed to captivate frustrated voters. The resulting administration has been very controversial, presiding over a brand of leadership that can only be described as a “reign of impunity”. On the global stage, China’s superpower status further solidified, and with it were several polarizing policies such as the 9-Dash Line and debt-trap diplomacy, that has put many states in increasingly tenuous circumstances, including the Philippines. The integrity of the borders of the West Philippine Sea, despite being ruled in favor of the Philippines by the Permanent Court
DECEMBER 2019 | TODAY’S CAROLINIAN
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FEATURE
of Arbitration, continues to be contested by the Chinese government. Conversely, China remains to be the most important international ally of the Duterte administration. The rise of ISIS, which at its height in 2015 controlled vast territories in Syria and Iraq, remains to be one of the biggest threats to international security, directly causing several attacks within the country, most notably the 2017 siege of Marawi and the 2019 bombings in Jolo. Reign of Impunity The Duterte administration is hailed by its supporters as decisive and unencumbered by the usual trappings of due process. Since his inauguration, President Duterte has helmed an administration presiding over an unprecedented number of extrajudicial killings in the country. In his war on drugs, the police are empowered by a presidential mandate to apprehend or terminate anyone suspected of drug-related activity, incentivized by a system that rewards them generously for each successful kill. The death toll in official anti-drug operations has reached 5,779, while the number of unexplained killings has soared to at least 12,000. The Martial Law in Mindanao, originally a month-long imposition that has now lasted for two years, has created a conflicting reality for its inhabitants. Supporters of the president, mostly composed of middle-class families that live near cities and towns, maintain that Martial Law has improved the security and stability of the island. However, communities in far-flung regions of Mindanao say otherwise. The situation of the Lumad, the collective identity of the indigenous peoples in Mindanao, is no less grave. For decades, they have withstood government and corporate aggression that has deprived them of their land, resources, security, and even their lives. Numerous killings of Lumad leaders and their people has happened repeatedly, with their community often pointing to elements of the AFP as responsible for the slaughter. The proclamation of martial law has only worsened their situation.
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TODAY’S CAROLINIAN | DECEMBER 2019
To educate their youth and help alleviate the plight of their people, many Lumad communities built schools in their territory. However, in 2017 the president accused these Lumad schools of teaching students “subversion and communism”, threatening to bomb their communities if they do not leave immediately. Since then, the increased military presence in their area has forced many Lumads to evacuate, both for safety and to increase public awareness of their predicament. Throughout this reign of impunity, many Filipinos have voiced out their objections against the heavy-handed measures of the government. These protests are often met with indifference from authorities or even outright persecution. Sen. Leila de Lima, a prominent critic of the administration, was imprisoned for drug charges. She is now considered a prisoner of conscience by many human rights organizations. Other dissenters have also faced harassment, such as the November 1 arrests of over 50 activists under questionable charges in Bacolod City. However, this has not lessened the call of various sectors of society for accountability. If anything, the impunity of the government has only caused protests to persist and intensify. The Liberalization of Private Information The past decade has seen the fastest developments in technology yet. This comes with consecutive threats to the security of the digital world. In 2013, Edward Snowden – a former CIA employee – leaked classified information from the National Security Agency (NSA) which exposed the global surveillance programs of the US government. The program was purportedly for counter-terrorism, collecting the phone records, online chats, and browsing history of over 300 million Americans and the citizens of over 30 other countries, including the Philippines. Criticism was cast over the fact that such a level of surveillance seemed to take advantage of a post-9/11 world, effectively ending the concept of privacy. The exposé caused paranoia throughout the globe, reigniting the controversial discussion on how states handle their citizens’ data.
FEATURE
Another compromise to the public’s privacy was the FacebookCambridge Analytica data scandal in 2018. Cambridge Analytica, a British political consulting firm, had harvested the personal data of millions of Facebook users without their consent, utilizing it for political advertising. Current investigations revealed that the breach had a significant impact on the elections that happened in the world, including the Philippines and the United States. The scandal has deeply affected the reputation of Facebook, as calls for tighter regulation of tech companies intensified. Protest and the Internet The 2010s witnessed numerous and diverse protests throughout the globe, but none were as important – or as influential – as the Arab Spring. It is an ongoing series of demonstrations in the Middle East, that has precipitated revolutions that toppled several regimes in the region. The movement’s inception was marked by a combination of state oppression and corruption, fueling public sentiment to end existing Arab regimes, accomplished through an unprecedented level of cooperation in social media. The Arab Spring is notable not just because it led to several revolutions, but also because it happened at all. Many observers have long regarded the authoritarian governments in the Middle East to be untouchable – few could have predicted that Libya’s Muammar Gadaffi, who had created a cult of personality as pervasive as that of Kim Jong-il, would meet his end with bullets in the outskirts of Misrata, small Libyan town. The Me Too movement is another example of a phenomenon that owes its success to the internet. Despite gaining worldwide prominence in 2017, the movement began in 2006 with its resurgence is attributed to the potential of social media platforms. Its crusade is focused against sexual harassment and assault and has identified numerous sexual predators in media and business, inciting greater calls for accountability. The movement’s success — and the almost universal resonance its
advocacy engenders — has inspired similar campaigns across the globe, particularly in India and South Korea. In Asia, the Hong Kong protests of 2019 dominated international news, gripping the attention of the world as an entire city struggles for democracy. Seen as the spiritual successor of Hong Kong’s Umbrella Revolution in 2014, the widespread condemnation of China’s interference in Hong Kong politics today has, as of writing, lasted for 36 weeks. The catalyst of the demonstrations — the now-dead extradition bill — has proven to be the initial spark of an entire phenomenon. Hong Kong’s citizens are now demanding unconditional accountability from its government and police, who have utilized questionable methods to suppress the movement. Their demands may yet be answered, as the result of the recent Hong Kong elections have changed the power dynamics in the city, catapulting pro-Hong Kong officials into power, while most pro-Beijing officials lost their positions. The decade has witnessed many tumultuous changes in the country, both within and without. Events that occurred beyond our borders have had a great impact on our imaginations, and on what it means to be a citizen in the information era. It has been a period when many evils, both old and new, have come back to the forefront of Filipino consciousness. It is important to recognize that these conditions do not exist in a vacuum. This decade is not simply a chronological order of years; it is an entire period of human existence, complete with its wonders, failings, achievements, and tragedies. Recognizing this means recognizing that apathy for events is simply not an option. A new decade approaches and the world teeters at the edge of change. Filipinos must greet it with open eyes, ready and responsive. TC
DECEMBER 2019 | TODAY’S CAROLINIAN
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19 -DAY
ANTI-DRUG CZAR Maria Consuelo Pacilan
Illustration by Stephen Esic
FEATURE
The promise of a drug-free nation within three to six months upon election was President Rodrigo Duterte’s main selling point in his presidential campaign. However, in the three and a half years since he won the presidency, the nation’s drug problem intermittently talked about prior to Duterte’s term has evolved into one of Filipino society’s most distinguishable issues. Depending on who you consult, drug-related deaths can go anywhere from 6,000 according to government reports and upwards of 20,000 according to human rights organizations. Drugrelated casualties have constantly been on the news during the three and a half years of Duterte’s term so far. To an extent, the same people who lead the war on drugs have visibly become desensitized to these alarming numbers. Whether or not the drug war’s “collateral damage” points to 6,000 deaths or 20,000, the reality of lost lives, broken families, and empty homes behind these figures remain. In response to the drug-related deaths, former Philippine National Police (PNP) Chief and now Senator Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa simply says, “Shit happens.” With no data to measure success or lack thereof, other than Duterte’s proclamations that even the PNP cannot verify, all that is left are the casualties among the poor, reports of police brutality, drug kingpins that roam free, a continually growing narcolist, and a laughable drug matrix — all of which point to the drug war’s apparent failure. Even Duterte himself has admitted defeat. On October 31, in a dare to disprove one of the drug war’s most outspoken critics, Duterte appointed Vice President Leni Robredo as the new co-chairperson of the Inter-Agency Committee on Anti-Illegal Drugs (ICAD), giving her six months to revamp the approach to the drug problem. When the position was first offered, Presidential Spokesperson Salvador Panelo explained that Robredo will be given the resources she needs to fulfill her responsibilities and that the new post will grant her powers equivalent to that of a Cabinet member. Even after being warned by her supporters that she was being set up for failure, Robredo still accepted the post a week later. Labeled by her
critics as out-of-touch, Robredo aimed to tackle the drug problem by addressing it as a public health concern, acquiring the help of not only the police force, but also local government units, barangay units, community and church groups, and health organizations. After accepting the position, Robredo almost instantly triggered agitation from the president and his allies when she consulted with officials from the United States and the United Nations on how to best approach the drug problem. She met with members of the private sector, religious groups, and national and local government agencies to enhance her multidisciplinary approach. Robredo also required police to wear body cameras to ensure the integrity of drug operations. Furthermore, Robredo had already looked into the Quezon City government’s anti-drug campaign after seeing the positive transformation of Salaam Compound in Barangay Culiat, which was once infamous for its illegal drug trade. Acknowledging the importance of a data-driven and evidence-based campaign, Robredo also asked for the narco-list to determine her starting point and ascertain where the drug supply was coming from. It was this move, in addition to meeting with foreign officials, that began the watering down of Robredo’s scope of authority. In response to the vice president’s request for access to classified documents, Duterte said, “To my mind, in my own estimation, it’s not good for the country.” He explained that he fears Robredo might reveal state secrets to foreign entities. Perhaps the president who previously admitted that his only sin was extrajudicial killings meant, “It’s not good for me.” Retracting his earlier statement, Panelo announced that Robredo effectively gave up her chance to attend Cabinet meetings when she talked to “enemies of the state” and asked for classified documents. However, pursuant to Executive Order No. 34, Series of 2001, the vice president is a member of the Executive Committee of the National Security Council (NSC). The Executive Committee is tasked to review national security issues and concerns and formulate positions or solutions for consideration by the NSC. Hence, Vice President Robredo should
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FEATURE
naturally have access to sensitive information regardless of whether or not she belongs to the Cabinet. This begs the question, if the vice president’s own rights are not acknowledged and often quickly dismissed, how much more are the average citizen’s? The president and his allies, it seems, were more committed to disproving Robredo’s capability and bullying her into resignation rather than actually aiding her mandate and assessing the credibility of her approach to the drug problem. Instead, Robredo was told multiple times to watch her mouth and be grateful that the president appointed her to such a position even if she belonged to the opposition. However, if they truly prioritized the welfare of the masses and wanted to resolve the drug problem, they shouldn’t have gone through such lengths just to prove a point — that is, if Duterte couldn’t do it with all his resources, Robredo shouldn’t be able to either. Only weeks into her appointment, we saw the beginnings of Robredo dismantling this point. In terms of strategy, so much hasn’t been explored in the government’s approach to the drug problem. Efforts to address the drug trade solely from the supply end have proven futile. Robredo’s dynamic, inter-agency approach could have spawned solutions aimed at the demand of the drug problem, something which current policies have failed to address. This constant banter between the vice president and the president’s camp is a testament to the massive divide, distrust, and partisanship in the government. You are either pro-people or pro-administration. You can seldom be both because both serve conflicting interests. Left with the responsibility of resolving the drug problem, but at the same time having no access to information, how much can Robredo actually accomplish? In these circumstances, Senator Panfilo Lacson’s words hold true, “’Pag tinanggalan ka ng authority at naiwan sa iyo ang responsibility (When you’ve been stripped of authority and yet left with the responsibility), that is a guaranteed formula for failure.”
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If the President couldn’t even resolve the drug problem, with the entire police and military force behind him, in addition to inflated intelligence funds, how much can Robredo actually do with limited resources, undefined powers, and no authority as the ICAD co-chair? Despite all her well-meaning intentions, there was little chance of success from the beginning. The president, the PNP, the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA), and the ICAD Chair and PDEA Director General, Aaron Aquino, all expressed doubt on Robredo’s capability to handle the drug war because of her zero experience on law enforcement. What is funny is, considering the thousands of human rights violations generated by the war on drugs, there seemed to be little law enforcement that actually took place. Almost unsurprisingly, less than three weeks into her appointment Duterte fired Robredo as a response to Liberal Party President, Senator Francis Pangilinan and Robredo’s dare to dismiss her upfront instead of giving off-handed remarks about her performance. This begs another question: What now? If the drug war, with its implementation heavily concentrated on the use of lethal force, turned out to be such a spectacular failure, do we just keep utilizing the same strategy? It would be the mark of desperation and insanity to do so. Perhaps Duterte couldn’t handle the prospect of a woman with a more dynamic approach to the Philippines’ drug problem. A remarkable thing that’s come out of all this chaos, however, is that it’s the president that comes out worse from Robredo’s termination. The president and his allies surrendered an opportunity to show the people a unified front against a common enemy, the drug trade. What could have been more important than the interests of the Filipino people? Even with the odds stacked against her, all it took Robredo was a little over two weeks to send the president and his allies scrambling to hide their secrets. A few hours after her dismissal, Robredo announced that she had only just begun and will continue her work against the drug menace even after being
FEATURE
discharged from her post. Regardless, all that was lost was an empty title. Since her election as vice president, Robredo always seemed an overlooked dissenting voice in the background, until she made the decision to accept the position as anti-drug czar. Amidst the lack of public officials who know better than to run their mouths, Robredo emerges as a tenacious figure that’s not only talk but is actually willing to substantiate her criticisms of the war on drugs, in addition to finding an alternative approach. For now, the blame for the drug war’s failure can rest where it truly belongs. TC
DECEMBER 2019 | TODAY’S CAROLINIAN
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LITERARY SECTION
Special Delivery
Dave Bernasibo
Illustration by Seth Farre
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You would easily lose me in a crowd — black-tinted sports shades, a plain pink shirt, a body bag, jeans, and sandals. It was easier to walk this way in the busy streets of Colon at night; no one would suspect you for anything other than a passerby or a buyer.
frequents the eatery right outside the Law Building of the University of San Carlos. Handling deliveries is not new to me, but this particular delivery seems so taxing, not only because it is strictly scheduled to be delivered at night, but also because the man seems like a pain in the neck.
I take a look at the paper in my hand while walking out of Colon Street. Today’s delivery is for someone named Carlos, a man in his early twenties, lean, usually sporting a five o’clock shave and
According to the client, this delivery has been passed around three deliverymen, with each of them failing to do so and mysteriously disappearing a few days after being relieved from the job.
TODAY’S CAROLINIAN | DECEMBER 2019
I arrive at the crossing, pocket the piece of paper and clutch my bag. The package must be secured, I whisper to myself as I see a group of men gathering behind me. I’d rather be safe than sorry. I don’t want my head served on a platter if I don’t complete this delivery. The cars stop and people on the opposite side of the road pour out from the sidewalk and onto the side where I just stood a few seconds ago.
SECTION LITERARY Taking a few more steps from the corner of Pelaez Street, the huge and lackluster facade of the Law Building greets me and right across it is the eatery they said where this Carlos would be. I take a step into the tiny entrance of the eatery, where I am greeted by the noise of students in their uniforms, IDs off of course, vape smoke and the smell of beer, brandy, and instant noodles. It will be quite hard to find Carlos in this dimly lit place. “Excuse me, sir, kakita mo ni Sir Carlos?” I ask a few men in formal clothes, all smoking at the far end of the eatery. “Wala raba bai, kinsa diay na?” quips one of them. “Wala sad ko kahibaw, sir. Gisugo raman ko’g padeliver gud,” I reply, clutching my bag. I ask them again, but this time describing him. “Ah, si Caloy? Mura’g kakita ko ato niya ganina. Nigawas man to, pero mubalik ra to unya,” says one of the other bystanders, puffing off cherry-scented smoke from his vape.
a university’s logo gleamed under the minimal light of the eatery, his shortsleeved barong stained with beer, but his beard catches my attention. It isn’t the five o’clock shave described in the paper. He is also far from lean, his belly big enough to last him five days without eating. “Panghilom na lagi mo ba,” Carlos once again snarls at the students. “Saba kaayo mo, maypa’g magtuon mo.” “Humana man mi’g tuon ya, bag-o ra gani nahuman among exams.” “Ay, mao na diay na ron? Magtubag-tubag na diay ning mga Carolinians karon? Sauna katong gas kwela pa kos USC, di man tawn ko ingun ana, naunsa—” I approach him and hand him a pen and paper, “Sir Carlos? Delivery for you, sir.” “Ah, ay sige sige. Wait sa. Kay kining mga bataa kusog na kayo magtubag-tubag ba, mura’g naa na’y naabtan sa kinabuhi ba.” I look at one of the students, she seems like she’s about to cry. Whether it’s because of the brandy or this man’s unsolicited scolding, I am not sure.
“Naa ra to’y gipalit, mubalik ra to. Pwede rasad ako nala’y hatag ana niya, sir,” he motions towards my bag. I smile and slowly tell him it is company protocol that only the receiver and the deliveryman should hold the package.
“Ay sir, kanang gadali raba ko sir, naa pako’y apason nga lain na delivery. Please lang ko sign here and here, sir—”
The background noise of students and patrons abruptly stops when a man’s voice booms from the entrance.
“Mr. Carlos Borromeo, sir.”
“Hoy mga bata, hilom na kuno mo!” The man shouting motions towards a table of students, passing around a styrofoam cup filled with brandy. It’s dark from where I’m standing, but I can see the students smiling fakely while some roll their eyes at the man. I completely understand though. If I were in their position, I would have done the same, maybe even talk back to him in the full accent of liquor.
“Aside from being my recipient for a delivery, nothing else sir.”
“Speak of the devil,” the man who offered to deliver in my stead nudges me, gesturing towards the man. “Carlos ‘Caloy’ Borromeo. Not to be confused with the university’s patron saint. Layo ra kayo na’s pagka santo.” And I agree. This man looks nothing like a saint. His leather-band watch sporting
I drop the sachet and cardboard inscribed with the words “Ayaw ko’g sunda, drug lord ko” on his lifeless, belly-protruding and head-punctured body. I also take the watch from his wrist, this looks like it could sell good on the market. By the time the guards made their way from their posts to the scene of the murder, I already disappeared into the crowd of running patrons. Worming my way back to Colon, a student collides with me hard enough to knock us both to the ground. He’s lean, looks to be around his early twenties and has a five o’clock beard. As I help him up, I glimpse his ID. Carlos D. Sampiton, BSA, 161999. He frantically picks up his books while I help pick up some of the papers he left on the ground. I place them on top of the books he’s now holding and say in the kindest manner I can muster, “Paghinay nya sunod dong. Lisod na raba ron, basig ma timingan ka nga naay pusil imong mabanggaan ba. Amping lang jud ta ba.” The student smiles and I make my way back to Colon. TC
“Taysa dong. Kaila ka kinsa ko?” scoffs Carlos.
“Does it not ring a bell to you?”
I hear ooohs from other people in the eatery. They probably think I’m being sassy, but actually, I just don’t care enough to know more about him, especially after the attitude he displayed. Whether or not I know him will not matter after the delivery is complete anyway. Dead bodies don’t matter. “Oh, asa naman ang delivery? I wasn’t expecting anything but any deli—” A loud bang silences everything in the eatery, except for the Bluetooth speakers on the students’ table. I blow the smoke off the barrel of my pistol, holster it and produce a tiny cardboard, a permanent marker and a sachet of cocaine.
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OPINION SECTION
Brynch Bonachita
Illustration by Kim Margaret Regalado Truth is subversive, and its pursuit radical. As a crucial check in democracy, it becomes imperative for the press to be critical and divest from a classical tenet in journalism that has long stifled its practice to incisively narrate, contextualize, and deconstruct current events and societal issues. Such conduct is media neutrality. At its core, neutrality presupposes impartiality and the lack of bias in reportage, even at the surface-level. However, such pursuit is practically unattainable and thus instead set a dangerous precedent in the struggle of narratives. For one, news production is inherently tied with subjectivities. As choice itself is partiality and a by-product of implicit and explicit biases, this follows that accounting and presenting an objective reality primarily lies on the subjectivism of journalists and their editors. After all, which quote to use, whom to interview, and what constitutes as news-worthy are products of human selection. On the other hand, demanding to coax overt partiality is a concession on the illusion of neutrality — an irresponsible practice that hijacks public discussions. Because narratives do not exist in a vacuum, reportorial balance as means to let facts “speak for themselves” betrays impartiality. This is because equal time for diametrically opposing views end up favoring those who hold sway over the flow of information and their interests. In a case study, academics Maxwell and Jules Boykoff underscored that despite the consensus shared by the international scientific community on the immediate need to combat global warming, media’s balanced coverage of different alternatives implied that the weight of these calls were relatively even. This cast uncertainty over the scientific agreement in the popular discourse, allowing US government officials and politicians to exploit the call for more research and thus afflicting inaction to the environmental crisis. Tied to this is that the attempts to discredit the scientific community over climate change is maneuvered by the elite. In the same study, the Boykoffs highlighted that from a leaked draft report in 1998, a formation of big oil companies, conservative policy research organizations and trade associations proposed to recruit scientists and fund media personnel to undermine the general consensus on global warming. Today, climate change denial still pervades in policy discussions, stunting urgent reformations.
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The Myth o
OPINION SECTION
of Neutrality In the country, the media often employ a “he-said, she-said” style of reportage, sidelining their responsibility to assess and critique. Driven by supposed pluralism, this practice suspends the pursuit of truth by simply relegating the public to decide what constitutes as credible and meaningful. Without contextualizing and deconstructing phenomenon in fear of being perceived as biased, the press does not fulfill its role in highlighting information that allows the public not just to govern themselves but defend democracy as well. This is especially dangerous in Duterte’s Philippines. For at a juncture where discourse is dominated by the elite, perceptions of social reality are distorted and reproduced to serve vested interests seeking to maintain their grip on power and capital. In sites of discussion, the flow of information is hijacked through the proliferation of fake news, revision of history, exclusion of the dispossessed, violence against dissent — all these are attempts to maintain hegemony. For speaking truth to power, the fourth estate is attacked relentlessly. For example, the president issued a grim warning to journalists in 2016: “Just because you’re a journalist, you are not exempted from assassination, if you’re a son of a bitch. Freedom of expression cannot help you if you have done something wrong.” Meanwhile, in 2017, Reporters Without Bordersidentified the Philippines as Asia’s deadliest country for journalists, citing that at least five media practitioners have been targeted by gunmen. In these crucial times, the need for the press to shift to advocacy journalism becomes more necessary. This could only be done by dispelling notions of neutrality, acknowledging its biases, and shifting to be critical in its reportage. As a caveat, this does not mean falsifying or skewing the truth for a goal. Reportage should be anchored on values and principles — primarily by being independent and accurate, yet nonetheless driven to protect and prioritize public interest and its shared values of democracy. Conversely, the public ought to be reminded that discrediting the legitimacy of the press for perceived biases is then useless and counter-productive. By foregoing neutrality as a normative concept could democratic stakeholders raise the discourse that propels us to actively take positions, uncover deceit, resist tyranny and retool our political economy to one that prioritizes the general welfare. After all, neutrality in the face of oppression is to side with the oppressor. All these make truth subversive, and its pursuit radical. TC
DECEMBER 2019 | TODAY’S CAROLINIAN
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Beliefs Bomb the Fight for
Gender Equality Gabrielle Chan
Photograph by Jamina Matulac
FEATURE SECTION Human rights, at face value, are quite simple. Defending human rights, however, is not as easy as defining them. Due to the fact that religion is very much embedded in the pillars of government and society, the Philippines experiences difficulty in keeping the rights of its citizens consistently just. The weaponization of religious freedom against gender equality initiatives demonstrates this pitfall. It manifests itself in the way government officials use their right to freedom of religion as a means to infringe on trans and non-binary genders’ freedom to expression, as well as the opposition of their acceptance in various sectors of society. Think of it like this: using freedom to stop freedom. The reason why this is quite complicated is that it involves individual rights, religion and gender — the latter part of which are nearly impossible to exactly quantify. Thus moral issues all bleed into one another. The concept of gender has evolved through time, taking on various forms dependent on the prevalent beliefs and worldviews of current contexts. Our current understanding of gender is one that was adapted from the Western colonial notion of the male-female binary based on perceived biological differences. After scientific discoveries and more careful analysis, society has largely shifted to a more inclusive understanding of gender to accommodate inconsistencies between biology and identity (gender identity) and even between identity and how one behaves and presents themselves (gender expression). In other words, we’re beginning to once again acknowledge transgender, on-binary, gender non-conforming, and other queer individuals, and affirm their validity. While fighting for their rights and protection, individuals have faced discrimination by religious cisgender people, particularly among Christians. In the workforce and academia, trans and non-binary folk have been subject to exclusions from employment, attending school, wrongful termination, and/or bullying due to rigid belief systems by held and perpetuated by some hyper-religious individuals, groups, and institutions. Filipinos have been pushing for greater legal protection and rights for the LGBTQ+ for decades. However, various prominent conservatives in government have halted the progress of anti-discrimination legislation being passed, citing the potential harm to the expression of their religious beliefs that such legislation poses. These public officials usually belong to a Christian denomination. Figures like Sen. Tito Sotto, known for his notorious antiLGBTQ+ sentiments, strongly oppose the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity Expression (SOGIE Bill, a proposed legislation that would establish greater protection by penalizing discrimination against people based on their sexual orientation, gender identity or expression. Sen. Sotto cited the impediment of religious freedoms as one of the reasons he would not support the bill.
Likewise, religious protesters at Pride Marches iterated the same sentiments as Sotto’s in their protests. This year’s Manila Pride March was met with Christian groups at the sidelines bearing signs covered in biblical verses, beckoning calls to “return to God.” They acted under the banner of religious freedom. Yet, there was a failure in recognizing the discrepancy in the outcomes of both sides’ contentions. Acting under the guise of exercising one’s freedom can be argued from the perspective of a well-meaning citizen. However, this concept has proved disastrous countless times in history, the most recent popular example being the gun crisis due to the Second Amendment in the United States, where the constitutional right to bear arms apparently takes supremacy over the lives of American youth who face regular school shootings. The counter-argument of Sen. Sotto and protesters against the LGBTQ+, as well as many others whose views persist similarly, rely on the prioritized privilege of a predominantly cisgender society. Their counter-arguments also call into question the extent of the exercise of religious freedom. The right to worship without interference is guaranteed under this human right, although expressing it to incapacitate the well-being and livelihood of queer individuals is at best contradictory. It is evident that these stances are detrimental to society, specifically the LGBTQ+ sector. By claiming that antidiscrimination legislation encroaches the expression of specifically Christian beliefs, these sentiments utterly disregard the historic oppression and discrimination of the LGBTQ+ community, since they are carried out by cisgender heterosexuals. However, there are some silver linings. The Philippines, despite being heavily rooted in Catholicism, is recognized by some countries as one of Southeast Asia’s most tolerant countries toward the LGBTQ+. The history of the fight for acceptance and rights of queer identities has proved fruitful in ways. This is seen in the country’s expanding acceptance of trans and non-binary individuals in various areas of industry. Geraldine Roman is the country’s first openly transgender member of Congress. As such, she spearheads efforts to pass protection legislation for this community in the country. Furthermore, Cebu Pacific Airline has recently opened its doors to transgender flight attendants. These are strides for the Filipino community of various gender identities. While the government may not grant legislation accordingly, private businesses and corporations have the ability to follow in the footsteps of Cebu Pacific and propel the country into a future of equality and progression. Human rights are inherently convoluted, but a code of nonobstruction remains paramount. TC
DECEMBER 2019 | TODAY’S CAROLINIAN
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FEATURE
BIG
BROTHER Kim Libarnes Illustration by Christine Mae Alferan
I remember when I took shelter behind the beloved love fats of my mother and used it to my defense—a human shield, capable of serving justice against the big neighborhood bully who wouldn’t return my basketball even after several minutes of screaming ambi ba! I, with swollen eyes ready to burst into an embarrassing scene of tears and whines, was saved with just seconds to spare as mother, with one hand on mine and the other squeezing the rosy ear of the now-pleading tormentor, drags the latter towards his home in another episode of David vs. Goliath guest featuring my superwoman who saved, yet again, my bum from a busted gut and possibly one or two black eyes. Two fingers were enough for her to silence Ramon, while I struggled using all ten of mine just to try and grasp his bat-like arms. Flash forward some 20 — maybe 21 years after and we come across bigger bullies, not just your typical wedgiegiving, locker-stuffing, wet-willie fingering jocks that take delight out of beating you around but the real deal; from teachers that harass, buy-and-sell scammers, and even down to underwearstealing ex-girlfriends. Unfortunately, not all bullies are scared of our mothers. This danger paves the way for a gap, a void that is yet to be filled by a shield, a pillar that provides safety and reassurance to the oppressed. With modern technological advancements upon us, millennials and Gen Z alike can now seek refuge behind substitute prosecutors, cutting through the hassle of filing complaints in the turtle-paced offices that shroud our justice system. This, with the likes of Facebook confession pages such
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FEATURE
as SumbongCarlos, and Batang Elitis, and even go-to complaint desk and internet-hit Raffy Tulfo in Action, have become the trend of the so-called ‘alternative justice,’ with quick-paced action as its biggest upside. That results in not only a calmed mind but an avenue for the path of righteousness to take its place. They are all over social media; confession-style accounts have become a part of students’ freedom of speech. They’re a hit for a reason—anonymity, erasing the fear of retribution. Anonymity provides a mask that conceals each person’s identity, crucial in defending oneself from the wouldbe consequences of standing up against Goliaths. The likes of SumbongCarlos and Batang Elitis have revealed more than just truths, but crucial revelations that shake up the minds of the student body. A simple Facebook message to the page and there you have it, behind you, an army of social media warriors backing you up, their personal experiences as weapons, charging their way and defending your case as if they were a union of attorneys ready to push a verdict against bullies. Leaving no trace, you become shrouded in mystery—the anonymity it leaves serves as a shield assuring safety and protection, and for those used to being pushed around in the dirt, these two are the bread and butter that keeps their head at ease.
also reflective of how speedy this alternative justice system is compared to a trip to the local police station’s help desk. Online scammers? Cheating housewives? Ipa-Tulfo yan! Idol Raffy’s method leans more on the sympathy for the oppressed, toward the emotional and subjective basis of justice, with Tulfo as the middleman in sorting out both sides, meeting them halfway in an attempt to fix the problem. With some cases a bit peculiar than normal, it’s no wonder my weekends are spent on some good Tulflix and chill. For now, it may be just a band-aid solution to a bigger problem. The inability of our justice system to truly embody its role casts a heavy note. No matter how entertaining, these alternatives must not be the future norm of how we deal with society’s villains and offenders who take no shame in their roles as the bullies, hindering our nation’s economy and progress, unafraid and undaunted by the law. For now, SumbongCarlos, Batang Elitis, and even Idol Raffy serve as our justice crusaders, heroes that are there for the oppressed Juan and Juana — a big brother that stands up for us. TC
For those with a little bit of boldness in them, Idol Raffy may just have the right drink for you. With over 8.7 million Youtube subscribers, Raffy Tulfo in Action’s reality-based frenzy of societal dilemmas reflecting the unfortunate circumstances of the humble Filipino is not only a viral delight to netizens but is
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FEATURE SECTION
COMPETING PERSPECTIVES: The Conflict in Historical Narratives Clint Suarez
Illustration by ZACH
Around early November of 2019, a Spanish-produced film drew heavyhanded criticism from Filipinos on social media. The animated film by Spainbased studio Dibulitoon, Elcano and Magellan: The First Voyage Around the World , fictionalizes the first circumnavigation around the world. However, even before the movie’s release, it drew criticism for its vilifying depictions of a Philippine national hero Lapu-Lapu, the portrayal of the natives as savages, and the narrative of colonizers as good. The film was slated for release in the Philippines in January 2020. However, Crystal Sky Media, the film’s local distributor in the Philippines, said in a statement that it will “reevaluate” the release of the movie due to the backlash it received online. The Historical Tradition Ferdinand Magellan, a Portuguese explorer, embarked on an expedition on behalf of the Kingdom of Spain in the years 1518 to 1521. His goal was to explore an exclusive spice route west of Europe to the fabled Moluccas Islands. Magellan’s expedition brought him to the islands that are today known as the Philippines in April 1521, followed by the events leading to the Battle of Mactan. Contemporary accounts noted that Lapu-Lapu was the Datu of Mactan Island during the explorer’s arrival. The Spaniard made arrangements with the Rajah of Cebu, Humabon, to subdue the “raider” ruler of Mactan. Magellan obliged and called for the Datu to submit to the Rajah, obey the king of Spain, and offer tribute. However, when Lapu-Lapu denied all of these conditions, a fierce battle ensued between the Spaniards and Mactan Natives, resulting to Magellan’s death. Philippine history textbooks would often consider the Battle of Mactan as the first resistance against foreign rule. Lapu-Lapu’s victory hailed him as the first Filipino native that fought against the colonizer and has since been highly commemorated — statues of the Mactan hero were erected at different places in the Philippines. Roads, places, and even a species of fish were named after him. That is why, when Filipinos saw promotional material of the film depicting Lapu-Lapu as a villain in contrast to Magellan and Elcano’s cheery faces, people did not take it lightly.
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FEATURE SECTION
“Adapting” a Historic Voyage Heavily biased to the Spanish perspective, the film retells the story of Magellan’s expedition. Based on the presentation of the teaser and posters, the movie presents a stereotypical hero versus villain story, portraying LapuLapu has been portrayed as the villain, with a menacing look. However, the National Historical Commission of the Philippines (NHCP) Chairperson Rene Escalante also acknowledges that we are also biased in our own national sentiment and perspective. We glorify Lapu-Lapu similar to how the Spanish glorify Magellan in the movie. Nevertheless, the producer’s bias present in the film still manifests themes that are subversively prejudiced to the other party as evident in the teasers and posters. It is unfortunate to see that the erroneous ideas of the past are still apparent in a modern film. The flak that the film received stems from the heavily ingrained antagonism of the colonization of the Philippines under Spain. The Philippine Education system has heavily ingrained the idea that the colonizers were oppressors and the Philippine National Heroes, such as Lapu-Lapu, fought against this oppression. The producers are likewise heavily skewed toward the actors of their side of the story — the European explorers. The Spanish view of the historical journey has been a celebration of the boldness and audacity of Magellan’s company to embark on such a dangerous expedition. Magellan’s death at the battle of Mactan is not usually discussed. The events during the journey such as the islands they visited, the seas they sailed on, and the lengthy duration of the voyage are what are usually presented. Filipino netizens accused the film of historical revisionism. The film portrayed the explorers positively but depicted the natives in a biased way. Lapu-Lapu was made as the villain and the colonizers the brave heroes of the story. One commenter even said,“[I’m] insulted. Lapu-Lapu is made to look like a villain when the Spaniards were the villains.” However, Ambeth R. Ocampo, a prominent Filipino historian, argues that the film is not a push against historical revisionism since it only presents the Spanish Perspective. He argued that this is a movie, and not a history documentary or doctoral thesis. However, the use of Computer-Generated Imagery (CGI) as the style of the film suggests that children may be the intended audience. Understanding the Role of History The biased perspective of the film is a perfect example of the nature, power and the consequence of historical perspectives. Its presentation of the events of the 1518-1521 expedition illustrates how history can be subjective. As Escalante notes in his statement, November 8, “One must understand the nature of history as biased, subjective, and selective.” The film then is a reminder that despite the harsh reality of the truth, history must be presented as objectively as possible. Because every event in history, often contains different perspectives and interpretations of the same experience. This difference in views often produce conflict that may have adverse consequences. The only way to prevent this conflict is by presenting both sides of the story. TC
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“All I know is just what I read in the papers, and that’s an alibi for my ignorance.” — Will Rogers
Photograph by Steven Pascua
“I’m lost. And it’s my own fault. It’s about time I figured out that I can’t ask people to keep me found.” — Anne Sexton
Photograph by Christian Rey Caracena
“There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen.” — Vladimir Ilyich Lenin
Photograph by Christian Rey Caracena
BEAUTY IS THE BEAST: ON PAGEANTRY Lara Eviota
Illustration by Christine Mae Alferan
FEATURE
Beauty pageants are all the rage in the Philippines. They are ever-so broadcasted in television, constantly trending in social media, always the talk-of-the-town. These supposedly serve as platforms to many confidently beautiful queens we look up to in awe and admiration and are believed to empower women and jumpstart advocacies for social change. All the while, it offers an avenue for designers and makeup artists to flourish, and generously contributes to the economy. The pageantry is renowned for being a picture-perfect industry and Filipinos are eating it all up— this is precisely where the problem lies. Our blinding fixation with beauty pageants is rooted in colonial history. During the Spanish era, the prettiest woman was awarded the title of “Reina Elena” in a traditional festival. In the 1900s, Americans introduced the concept of Carnival Queens through a beauty competition. Intrigue for pageantry further rose when Philippine bet Gloria Diaz nabbed the Miss Universe crown in 1969, the country’s first major win. Our beauty queens continued to gain international recognition from then on, emerging triumphant in the same pageant in 1973, 2015, and 2018, and in Miss International five times since 1970. According to Leny Ocasiones, a professor from the Department of Anthropology, Sociology and History, this fixation is furthered by Filipinos’ escapist tendencies, and the industry’s patriarchy and capitalism. In a sense, although surface, these gorgeous victories in a country gripped with internal turmoil became an avenue of respite for onlookers throughout the years. She added that the industry is inherently patriarchal considering numerous pageants are owned or sponsored by backward men like Joseph Estrada who had this to say on a pageant’s benefits, “Lagi akong dinadalaw ng mga magagandang Pilipina. Nawawala tuloy ang aking problema, (I am always visited by beautiful Filipinas. It causes my problems to go away)”. The patriarchy lays excessive attention on feminine beauty to serve the sexualizing, objectifying male gaze, and this, married to capitalism, commercializes and commodifies women. As a result, pageants spotlightnatural flaws and imperfections, urging for the attainment of an unrealistic brand of beauty eventually forced onto society. It is undeniable that beauty pageants have reaped some benefits for Filipinos. On top of the advocacies it’s birthed and supposed
women empowerment, it also provides a massive boost to Philippine economy. A multi-million-peso industry, pageant sponsorships accumulated a whopping P128,454,631 from 2010 to 2015 alone. Although the pageantry’s contributions are sizable, this does not compare to the detrimental effects it has brought upon contestants and audience alike. Psychological impacts are grave. A local beauty queen opened, “It has its good sides but on some parts I think that it somehow tells women to be insecure, to not be proud of themselves”. The strict criteria ordained in beauty pageants such as height and weight requirements is negatively impacting body image and concretizing toxic beauty standards in society. In a 2013 study by Thompson and Hammond on the self-esteem of pageant contestants, among the 130 pageant contestants studied, 57% admitted to striving for weight loss, 48.5% reported desire for thinness and 26% are believed to have eating disorders. Despite the pageantry’s claim of celebrating women, it has instead made a toll on self-worth and confidence. The presentation that beauty pageants are avenues for social change is not helping, either. “In terms of advocacies, I don’t think the physical look matters,” the same local beauty queen voiced. Filipinos have unconsciously embedded in culture the belief that women are only good when they are visually appealing, but the fact of the matter is one should not have to be a beauty queen to pursue an advocacy, to have a voice, to be heard. Time and time again, Filipinos applaud the concept of “beauty with brains” when in the first place, only a small percentage is lucky enough to fit the societal molds of beauty. This begs the questions: What are brains without beauty? What of the majority? What of the reality? In the picture-perfect industry of pageants, beauty has become the beast that divides and disempowers. Some argue that this can be remedied with inclusivity and representation, but in the end, a pageant is still a competition premised on a nasty foundation that has always and will always leave women with even more to strive for. TC
Note from the Editor-in-Chief: This article also explains why Today’s Carolinian does not make congratulatory posts for pageant wins.
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DOWN WITH THE SICKNESS: THE VACCINATION PROBLEM Blaise Pancho
Illustration by Berns Mitra
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TODAY’S CAROLINIAN | DECEMBER 2019
FEATURE Breakthroughs in medical technology have allowed human life to thrive and prosper at an unprecedented rate. When smallpox was eradicated in the 1760s by Edward Jenner, vaccinations became the most important tool in preventing infectious diseases such as influenza, measles, rubella, and mumps from proliferating. Louis Pasteur’s discovery of pasteurization helped create vaccines for cholera and anthrax, paving the way for compulsory vaccinations to reach the general populace. Jonas Salk’s creation of the polio vaccine started the biggest disease eradication campaign in the world. These achievements almost completely wiped out diseases that have killed up to 17 million people, a decisive victory in mankind’s history. Diseases that were once a death sentence, such as polio and smallpox, were eradicated at the turn of the millennium. However, during the 2010s, polio and measles began making a comeback, infecting millions of people worldwide despite vaccines being readily available coupled with ongoing eradication programs. Why is that?
The movement’s rise has been dramatic in the age of digital media where information, factual or otherwise, is easily available and shareable. Numerous conspiracy theories are flung left and right, not only affecting ethical stances but political leanings as well. A number of conservative and libertarian politicians have begun to question the long-standing mandatory vaccination laws and even the idea of vaccinations itself, due to parents having second thoughts on whether to forcefully give their children vaccines or not. Today, the World Health Organization has identified the growing anti-vaccine movement as a global health threat. Let’s key in the four major factors why this movement started in the first place and why it continues to flourish in an age of unparalleled access to information. Fear: Wakefield’s paper, which began the anti-vaccination movement, linked vaccines with the occurrence of autism. This has long been debunked and regarded as fraudulent, with countless studies proving the connection unequivocally false and with Wakefield’s own confession to having falsified data for the study.
The anti-vaccination movement. Vaccine hesitancy or anti-vaccination is a trend where someone willingly abstains from vaccinations due to a number of factors, which includes but is not limited to ignorance, fear of developmental disorders such as autism, and suspicion against the pharmaceutical industry. Religion and culture also significantly influence attitudes toward vaccination. The “movement” slowly gained momentum during the 1990s when Andrew Wakefield, a doctor now disbarred from practice, published a controversial study in the medical journal The Lancet, claiming that there is a link between the MMR vaccine (Mumps-Measles-Rubella) and autism. The study — debunked by numerous scientists and published peerreviewed studies — gained popularity in the 2000s after former actress Jenny McCarthy claimed that her child developed autism after vaccinating her son with the MMR vaccine and subsequently became a spokesperson for the trend.
Parents fear having children who will be viewed as different from everybody else. The fraudulent study fuels this fear. Specifically, it plays upon the misplaced apprehension many couples have toward children with autism. Conspiracy theories ranging from “Big Pharma” syndicates and chemical-induced autism also contribute to this climate of fear despite scientific research pointing no connections to both. Misinformation: Thimerosal is a mercurybased preservative used in vaccines to lengthen its shelf-life and prevent contamination due to exposure. The compound is added in small doses to retard fungal growth in vaccines. The main ingredient, ethylmercury, is claimed by anti-vaxxers and conspiracy theorists to be a neurotoxin, a key factor in causing autism in children. It is proven that thimerosal does not cause autism, nonetheless, companies are now offering thimerosal-free vaccine shots.
injections. In extreme cases, they might share potentially infected items with their children. Although much of alternative medicine may seem useful, it has not been conclusively proven to be effective against more serious diseases such as chickenpox, polio or mumps. At best, it only stops the symptoms rather than the disease itself. Nevertheless, there is a rising number of parents who still use alternative medicine. Herd Immunity: This effect happens when a larger vaccinated population indirectly protects a smaller unvaccinated population by disrupting the spread of infectious diseases. This is a crucial phenomenon to individuals who happen to be immunocompromised, such as cancer patients who have undergone remission or newborn babies who are not ready for vaccinations. Here, many anti-vaxxers mistakenly believe it is enough, opting to free-ride under the assumption that their children are not susceptible to any diseases. If this free-riding persists, an increase in the unvaccinated population will inevitably increase the risk of outbreaks. In the end, all these factors can be boiled down to ignorance. Nowadays, despite the ever-steady information accessible to society, everyone must be especially vigilant of falsifiable and unsubstantial information. Despite scientific evidence such as experiments and journals that detail and debunk these factors, some persist in clinging to these myths because they are driven by fear, leading them to be less critical. When one idea is repeated often enough on the internet, it can spread worldwide and adversely affect the mindset of many people. It seems harsh, but the only way to keep them grounded is to present the evidence from both sides rationally and let them decide whether these ideas ring true or not. Much like the diseases that we eradicate, these ideas are contagious and may give harm especially to children and to those who are compromised. This is where it matters most, would you rather have the idea of safety or your children’s safety? TC
Alternative medicine: Oils, scents, herbal drinks, concoctions, you name it. When push comes to shove, some parents resort to alternative medicine as opposed to
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SECTION
Franchise Film Culture: Martin Scorsese vs Marvel Cinematic Universe
Januar Junior Aguja
Illustration by Seth Farre
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TODAY’S CAROLINIAN | DECEMBER 2019
SECTION FEATURE Martin Scorsese, who has directed 24 feature films during his career spanning five decades, wrote an opinion piece titled “I Said Marvel Movies Aren’t Cinema. Let Me Explain.” for the New York Times. The “Let Me Explain” in the headline feels appropriate, as he wrote this to clarify his controversial stance on Marvel films. In an interview with Empire Magazine, Scorsese said that Marvel films are not for him and that they’re “not cinema”. This sentiment was echoed by veteran filmmakers Alejandro González Iñárritu and Francis Ford Coppola, with the latter calling these films “despicable”, while directors Joe Russo, Anthony Russo, and James Gunn have defended the Marvel franchise and their artistic merit. Since the release of Iron Man in 2008, the Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) franchise has transformed into a pop culture behemoth. It made billions of dollars in the box office and merchandise earnings. Every film released became a pop culture event as demonstrated by the amount of memes and reactions trending on social media, think pieces it generated within film circles, and mostly positive reviews from critics. For a franchise that has an average of 85% on Rotten Tomatoes, it must mean that these films have artistic merit, and that they aren’t just plainly about superheroes beating villains backdropped by explosions in their midst. So why is a legendary filmmaker like Martin Sorcese not convinced that Marvel films are cinema? It’s important to note that Scorese is aware that a lot of “people with considerable talent and artistry” are involved in many franchises — including the MCU. He is not criticizing the filmmakers and the actors involved. He is criticizing that modern franchise films, formulated by the success of Marvel films, have no “unifying vision of an individual artist” and that they’re “market-researched, audience-tested, vetted, modified, revetted and remodified until they’re ready for consumption.” In franchise films, producers usually have the final say if those films has met all of these requirements. Kevin Feige, the producer of the entire MCU franchise, oversees the whole process. While directors and actors might clash with producers, they tend to like Feige, and
fans trust him in overseeing the franchise given his background as a long-time comic book fan. However, while Feige has granted directors creative control of their films, he has the responsibility in maintaining the consistency of the franchise’s overall vision. One MCU film cannot completely stand alone from the others; they have to coexist with each other. That alone defeats the whole point of what essentially defines cinema as envisioned by Scorsese — the “unifying vision of an individual artist.” Scorsese also pointed out that these films lacked “revelation, mystery or genuine emotional danger.” This is essentially the problem with the MCU’s story structure as the films are designed to be episodic in nature. Certain risks involving certain characters cannot be executed yet and when those risks are placed, it’s mostly predictable and sometimes has no impact. When War Machine was severely injured in Captain America: Civil War, he miraculously recovered in Avengers: Infinity War and his major injury was never referenced again. For Scarlet Witch, the death of her brother Quicksilver in Avengers: Age of Ultron should have had a long-lasting impact on her as a character, but it wasn’t even touched on since his death. For risks that do make an impact, Avengers: Endgame was set as the “finale” of the MCU’s “Infinity Saga” arc. As such, it’s expected that some of the original Avengers had to die. Turns out, half of the original Avengers did die (the third Avenger died after the events of the film). Even with these deaths, we know that the MCU will still go on without them. This is where Scorsese had a point: “Nothing is at risk.” Scorsese isn’t entirely criticizing Marvel films as the films themselves. MCU films do have artistic merit. Some of them have it more than most people would give credit for. An example include Black Panther, which portrayed issues concerning black identity and the disparities of perspectives between Africans and African-Americans. In Avengers: Infinity War, Thanos’ quest to snap half of the population from existence in order to save the universe and justifications of his actions could be
mirrored in our own world in the context of extrajudicial killings and the mental gymnastics to justify it. Scorsese recognized that “elements that define cinema as I know it are there in [MCU] pictures”. While it’s not clear what elements were present, these elements might be close to Istiak Mahmood’s definition of cinema:
“[Cinema] can help us to better understand our own lives, the lives of those around us and even how our society and culture operate. They can shed light on political and spiritual matters too and can provide catharsis and perspective and may open our eyes to new ways of thinking, feeling and pursuing our lives.” A huge portion of people who watch the MCU don’t usually seek enlightenment in films. When they see portrayals of sociocultural and socio-political topics in these films, they might understand their world better. Scorsese’s critique is one directed at franchise films being the “primary choice if you want to see something on the big screen” when other films from brilliant filmmakers like Ari Aster, Wes Anderson, Spike Lee, to name a few, deserve the same opportunity. Scorsese hasn’t met one director who didn’t want their films to be projected on the big screen, even in the streaming age where their films can be seen easily seen on mobile phones. The fixation of movie studios adapting, rebooting, remaking or reviving films based on intellectual property has created a culture of franchise films, which brought down cinema to a level of mediocrity. It’s not that MCU films are the enemy. It’s the culture of franchise film created from Marvel’s success that makes it the enemy of cinema. TC
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FEATURE SECTION
Vanessa Escobar
Illustration by Seth Farre The emergence of modern day research is drawn by the necessity for sustainable development — which can either preserve existing practices or innovate sets of discoveries not just for the majority, but also the marginalized sectors of society. One such sector is agriculture. Agricultural research resides in the constant pursuit of refinement in face of settling stagnant conditions. As an agricultural country, the Philippines thrives to reach a consensus between successful agriculture related research and feasible output. Notwithstanding the hurdles faced by the sector, the relevance of research remains inarguable. However, the Chairman of the Committee on Agriculture and Food Sen. Cynthia Villar thinks otherwise. “Baliw na baliw kayo sa research (You are all crazy for research),” she said after hearing the proposed 2020 budget allocated for corn research. “[...] Gusto ba ng farmer yung research? Hindi ba gusto nila tulungan niyo sila? Bakit ba lahat ng budget niyo research? (Do farmers like research? Don’t they want you to help them? Why is the entire budget for research?).” Since then, the statement became controversial, drawing flak across social media. However, this also highlighted the relevance of research in agricultural practice. In an interview, the Department of Agriculture (DA) Secretary William Dar said, “I like what happened in the Senate because it’s a wakeup call for the whole Department of Agriculture to embrace utilization of technologies—very important to increasing, and as well, profitability of the farmers.”
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TODAY’S CAROLINIAN | DECEMBER 2019
SECTION FEATURE
There are also numerous research efforts and contributions helping the industry. Found in the Official Gazette of the Philippines is the Bureau of Agricultural Research (BAR), an agency attached to the DA established by then-President Corazon Aquino in 1987. BAR is commissioned to ensure the improvement and maximum utility of resources of agriculture through research, having an annual budget of P1.17 billion as of last year. This agency has continuously showcased agricultural seminars and TV shows, water resources assessment, agri-fisheries development, and the improvement of soil quality, among others. On the other hand, the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI), the leading organization for international agricultural research in the world based in Los Baños Laguna, Philippines, is recognized by other countries as an icon of agricultural developments where, instead of importation, the cultivation of local crops is prioritized. The agency also helps other countries like Vietnam and India to strengthen and realize the potential of their agricultural industry.
Another relevance of agricultural research is evident in the successful cultivation of an apple tree just this October, in Digos City, Davao Del Sur. After proudly showing the fruit of his research and hard work in social media, Benzone Sepe, a 3rd year agriculture student from Davao Del Sur State College, has received positive feedback from netizens. Despite these contributions to agriculture, research still lacks the much needed support for its development and implementation for the industry. Ironically, the Philippines has instead become the leading importer of rice as furthered by the legislation of the Rice Tariffication Law, making it difficult for local farmers to earn and compete in the current market. Now more than ever, those who toil food for the nation and our thinkers need to be supported by the public. This could only be done through a united clamor recognizing the need to prioritize local cultivation in order for the agricultural industry hold its ground in face of foreign markets brought about by globalization. TC
Moreover, Filipino researchers are also recognized outside the country. For example, there was a breakthrough in the corn crisis in the 1960s where a great amount of crops in the corn fields of UP Los Baños (UPLB) were affected by a disease called Southern Corn Leaf Blight. Featured in the science website FlipScience on Jan. 9, 2019, was Dr. Ricardo M. Lantican, a pioneer in plant breeding who extensively researched on the disease. According to FlipScience, their findings were only recognized by a few people. Not until the United States’ corn yields in 1970 was infected with the same disease did a great amount of support manifest for Dr. Latican and his team. Aside from this, he researched on improving peanut, soybean and mung beans’ longevity and resistance to diseases. Dr. Gay Jene Perez was also featured from the official page of a US mission to ASEAN for winning the Association of South East Asian Nations - US (ASEANUS) Science Prize for Women. Her research focused on improving crop yield through satellite data is utilized to observe and determine ideal areas for planting and even forecast drought.
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“There is a certain part of all of us that lives outside of time. Perhaps we become aware of our age only at exceptional moments and most of the time we are ageless.” — Milan Kundera
Photograph by Dodds Campomanes
SECTION
“There have been people who burned their lives out for our sakes—and we chuckled over it. So now we have to pay the reckoning.” — Jean-Paul Sartre
Photograph by Christian Rey Caracena
LIQUIDATION
TODAY’S CAROLINIAN Statement of Cash Flows For the Second Semester 2019-2020
Cash Balance, Beginning Cash Receipts: Cash, Accounts receivable from staff Interest Income Total Cash Available for Use Cash Disbursements: Facebook Boost Supplies Expense Water Pump Water Gallon Printing Fees: Identification cards Load Expense: Online Correspondents (USC days) Cash Balance, End
P
P
1,000.00
P
P
127341.35 1,020.00 128,361.35
P
3,629.00 124,732.35
1,000.00
249.00 400.00
649.00
P
980.00
980.00
P
1,000.00
1,000.00
Prepared By:
ERME LEGARIO Finance Officer Today's Carolinian
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The Progressive Student Publication of the University of San Carlos
O U R CO M MI TME N T. YOU R PAPE R .
